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Order Number 1352535
The woman o f Revelation 12 in the history of New Testament
interpretation
Pauliah, Masilamony, Th.M.
The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1993
Copyright 1993 by Pauliah, Masilamony. All rights reserved.
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THE WOMAN OF REVELATION 12 IN THE HISTORY
OF NEW TESTAMENT INTERPRETATION
A Thesis
Presented to
the Faculty of
The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Theology
by
Masilamony Pauliah
May 1993
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Copyright by
Masilamony Pauliah
1993
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APPROVAL SHEET
THE WOMAN OF REVELATION 12 IN THE HISTORY
OF NEW TESTAMENT INTERPRETATION
Masilamony Pauliah
Read and Approved by:
(Faculty Supervisor)
9ftCj
THESES
T i n .
C m u)
Z Z ?'S34
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS V
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vi
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION............................................. 1
Statement of Purpose..................................2
Methodology............................................ 5
Conclusion............................................. 6
2. THE LITERARY SOURCES OF THE WOMAN OF
REVELATION12............................................. 7
In the Old Testament................................. 7
Genesis 3:15.........................................8
Hosea 1:2-9; 3:1-5................................ 11
In the New Testament
John 3:29........................................... 14
2 Corinthians 11:2-3.............................. 17
Apocryphal Literature............................... 18
2 Esdras 10: 38-44............................... 19
Conclusion..........................................21
3. A HISTORY OF INTERPRETATION OF
REVELATION 12: 1-6 in CHRISTIAN TRADITION..........23
Apostilic Times to Clement of Alesandria. . . . 25
The Shepherd of Hermes............................25
iii
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iv
Ignatius of Antioch............................... 27
Interpretations from Clement of Alesandria
to the Council of Nicea............................. 3 0
Victorian of Pettau............................... 30
Methodius of Olympus.............................. 32
Conclusion..........................................33
Interpretations from the Council of Nicea
to Augustine..........................................34
Epiphanius..........................................34
Augustine........................................... 35
Conclusion..........................................36
Interpretations from Augustine to Reformation- .36
Oecumenius..........................................36
Alcuin...............................................37
Conclusion..........................................38
Interpretation at the Time of Reformation- - . .39
Martin Luther...................................... 39
Conclusion..........................................40
4. MODERN REPRESENTATIVE INTERPRETATIONS.............. 42
Historicist View...................................42
Idealist or Spiritualist View .................... 44
The Preterist View................................ 47
Futurist View...................................... 49
Conclusion..........................................52
5. CONCLUSION AND MATTERS FOR FURTHER STUDY............ 53
BIBLIOGRAPHY......................................................57
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V
BJRL
IBD
FThst
Rev Se
JNES
TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS
Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible
Freiburger Theologische studien
Rel J. Riviere, Le demon dans leconomie
redemptrice dapres s. Ignace d antioche,
Journal of Near Eastern Studies
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wish to recognize the contributions of a number of
individuals whose assistance has made the preparation of this
thesis possible. I especially appreciate the efforts of my
supervisory professor, Dr. Molly T. Marshall, in reading my
many manyscripts, and for her constructive criticism. I thank
Drs. David E. Garland and Bryant W. Hicks for serving on my
supervisory committee and for their insights. I also thank Ms.
Martha C. Powell for her aid in achieving proper style.
Finally, appreciation must be expressed to my wife
Liwayway Pauliah, whose love and devotion have supported me
throughout my study.
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Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION
The book of Revelation is unique among the New
Testament writings. Readers have been challenged by its
stylef language, and symbolism. Much confusion about the
book can be attributed to the use of symbolic language.
Among biblical scholars in every age there has always been a
keen interest in interpretation of the woman imagery in
Revelation 12. The powerful imagery of the woman reflects a
combination of biblical and mythological imagery, which
naturally invites many interpretations.
The appearance of woman in heaven for the first time
raised a question in the minds of the reader whether this
scene should be understood literally or symbolically.
Numerous scholars agree that the woman in Revelation 12 is a
symbol.1 For the past few decades, scholars have
emphasized the fact that the Old Testament functions as the
exegetical key for the interpretation of Revelation. The
1See, e.g., David Chilton, The Days of Vengeance
(Ft. Worth, Texas: Dominion Press, 1987), p. 297; James
Blevins, Revelation as Drama (Nashville: Broadman Press,
1984), p. 59; Wilfrid Harrington, The Apocalypse of St. John
(London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1969), p. 165; T. F. Glasson,
The Revelation of John (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1965), p. 73.
1
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2
author of Revelation never quotes directly from
the the Old Testament Scriptures, but there are found
hundreds of allusions one way or another to the Old
Testament Scriptures.2 Guthrie comments that the language
of the Old Testament has "so molded the author's thought
that he cannot write without reflecting it.3 Scholars
have pointed out that the woman imagery of Revelation 12 not
only has the allusion to biblical literature but also to
non-biblical literature. Revelation was received into the
canon both because of its brilliant christological imagery
and its emphasis on the cosmic struggle between the powers
of light and darkness.
Statement of Purpose
The purpose of this thesis is to survey the history
of interpretation of the "Woman" in Revelation 12. This
study will not attempt to prove that one interpretation is
superior to another; rather it will provide a brief
evaluation of each interpretation. The image of the woman
is a complex symbol both because of its background and the
way it is utilized by the author. The cryptic nature of the
2Swete mentions that of the 4 04 verses of the
Apocalypse, 278 contain references to the Old Testament.
Henry Barclay Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John: The Greek
Text with Introduction. Notes and Indices. 3rd ed. (London:
Macmillan, 1911), p. cxl.
3Donald Guthrie, New Testament Introduction:
Hebrews to Revelation (Chicago: Inter-Varsity Press, 1966),
p. 285.
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woman imagery has yielded a variety of methods of
interpretation. The exegesis of Revelation 12 through the
centuries has been based on diverse presuppositions and
attitudes toward apocalyptic.
Chapter 12 begins with a great wonder in heaven.
Followed by this wonder John sees the woman mighty and
glorious, of so great importance that even the heavenly
bodies must serve to add to her beauty. This is the first
time John sees a "sign. Mulholland states that "the
realities that lie behind John/s vision are dynamics so
profound they can only be signed."4 This great sign in
heaven reminds the reader that the woman is a symbol of
great importance.5
Ford contends that the woman symbol is almost as
important as the Lamb symbol.6 One's perception of the
woman imagery can in fact shape one's theology. Thus far no
one has attempted a comprehensive survey of the varied
identifications of woman. B. J. Le Frois in his work: The
Woman Clothed with the Sun has provided an exegesis of the
pericope which describes the woman. In his introduction, he
gives a brief summary of various church fathers7
^Robert Mulholland, Revelation (Grand Rapids, Mich.:
Francis Asbury Press, 1990), p. 215.
5David Chilton, The Days of Vengeance, p. 297.
^assyngberde Ford, Revelation: Introduction.
Translation, and Commentary (Garden City: Doubleday and
Company, 1975), p. 188.
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4
interpretations of the pericope. However, his work lacks
the contemporary interpretation and examination of woman
imagery in other scriptural passages, which may have bearing
on Romans 12.
Roman Catholics and Protestants have varied in their
interpretation of the woman. There is no consensus among
the scholars of the interpretation of the woman. The
ongoing debate among Catholic scholars has been whether the
woman represents an individual, namely, the blessed virgin
Mary, or a collective figure. The woman has been variously
identified as wisdom,7 Israel,8 heavenly Jerusalem,9 and
the church.10 The imagery contains a multiplicity of
allusions. Some have suggested that John's imagery derives
from pagan combat myths, especially the myth of the pursuit
of Leto, the mother of Apollo, by the red dragon Set-
Typhon.11
7Proverb 8:22-31.
sGary Cohen, Revelation Visualized (Huntington
Valley, Pennsylvania: Salem Kirban Inc., 1971), p. 232. Tim
Lahaye, Revelation (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan
Publishing House, 1975), pp. 160-161. Tim Lahaye claims
that woman in Revelation 12 represents Israel and the
persecution of woman corresponds with the persecution of the
Jews through the ages.
9Galatians 4:26.
10David Van Daalen, A Guide to the Revelation
(London: SPCK, 1986), p. 110.
11Leon Morris, The Revelation of St. John (Grand
Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1969), p. 156.
The Greek or Egyptian mythology presents closely similar
ideas to that of Revelation 12.
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Methodology
5
This study will provide a descriptive overview of
the interpretation of the woman symbol throughout
ecclesiastical history. In order to understand the woman
imagery of Revelation 12, Chapter Two will focus on the
texts relating to the use of woman imagery in the Old and
New Testaments as well as related literature.
Chapter Three will explore the history of
interpretation of this passage, from the Apostolic period
until the time of Reformation. This chapter will be
comprised of four major parts: l. The interpretation of the
woman imagery at the time of the apostles to the time of
Clement of Alexandria? 2. Interpretations from Clement of
Alexandria to the Council of Nicea; 3. Interpretations from
the Council of Nicea to Augustine; 4. Interpretations from
Augustine to Reformation. Each of these epochs has
contributed distinctive interpretations to the exegesis of
the pericope. In the post-Reformaticn era, a major shift in
the perception of the role of Scripture and church has
occurred. This shift is reflected in the manner in which
the woman symbol has been understood during this period.
Chapter Four will examine the modern representative
interpretations of the woman symbol and how they differ from
each other. During the modern era, an interest in the
relationship between ecclesiology and the woman symbol has
been revived.
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6
The fifth chapter will present conclusions derived
from this study and set forth an interpretation which seems
best supported by exegesis. Finally, the significance of
this study will be assessed.
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Chapter 2
THE LITERARY SOURCES OF THE WOMAN OF REVELATION 12
The foundation for this thesis is grounded in the
exegesis of woman imagery in the Old and New Testament. The
contributions of the Old and the New Testament symbols are
so significant in Revelation that one can not possible
ignore the passages which reflect woman imagery in the Old
and New Testaments. The Old Testament prophets portrayed
apostate Israel as a harlot woman or an adulteress.1 The
New Testament writers used woman imagery to refer to a local
congregation, bride of Jesus Christ, and a harlot referring
to disobedient children of God. Besides these, the symbolic
referents for woman include capital cities, nations,
virgins, and mother.2
In the Old Testament
The early interpreters called Genesis 3:15 as "the
first gospel" and in this passage they have seen an allusion
to Revelation 12. The book of Hosea (1:2-9; 3:1-5) uses
various symbols to convey the message of Yahweh to the
See Isaiah 23:15-18, Revelation 17:4-5.
2See Amos 5:2, Isaiah 40:2, Jeremiah 31:21.
7
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people of Israel. An exegesis of the woman imagery in these
two passages will help clarify the woman imagery of
Revelation 12.
Genesis 3:15. The description of the struggle of the woman
and her seed against the seed of the serpent in Genesis 3:15
has been a source of major debate. The following questions
have been raised by scholars in regard to the exegesis of
this text: Does this text pronounce a curse on the serpent
and humankind, or does it promise a redeemer to the
descendants of Adam and Eve? Is the passage to be
interpreted literally or allegorically, and assuming some
sort of figurative interpretation, does the woman in this
passage refer to Eve alone or also to Mary, the mother of
Jesus? Does the expression "her seed" include all humanity,
or does it focus on Christ as the primary representative of
humanity?
Certain expositors have proposed that Genesis 3:15
serves as a background source for the imagery of the woman
and her child in Revelation 12:17.5 Philo, the Jewish
writer employs an allegorical interpretation of Genesis
3:15. He regards the serpent as a symbol of desire: "And
desire has a natural enmity toward sense, which Scripture
3See James Burton Coffman, Commentary on Genesis
(Abilene, Texas: A. U. C. Press, 1985), p. 68; Wilfrid
Harrington, The Apocalypse of St. John (London: Geoffrey
Chapman, 1969), p. 36.
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symbolically calls woman."* He does not give any special
attention to the description of the woman's seed. Justin is
the first known Christian writer to compare Eve to the
virgin Mary. However, he makes no claim that Eve was the
mother of all humanity. He proceeds to contrast that
through Eve came the word of darkness and through Mary came
the word of Life. Note Justin's remarks concerning the
seed: "He became man by the Virgin in order that the
disobedience which proceeded from the serpent might receive
its destruction in the same manner in which it derived its
origin."5 Irenaeus likewise provided a similar
interpretation of the woman symbol. He took the struggle
between the serpent and the woman to be moral in nature.
The "seed" refers to all humankind, including Christ.
However, he regards Christ as the head of all humanity.
Irenaeus, in arguing against Tatian, who denied that Adam is
a partaker of salvation, asserted that the seed of the woman
in Genesis 3:15 is " the predestined offspring" who is "the
child of Mary." Hence, the woman refers to Mary.6 Clement
of Alexandria, in speaking of the "Eternal Word incarnate,"
found messianic prophecy in Genesis 3:15. He interprets the
*Philo, Questions on Genesis. Supplement I, trans.
Ralph Marcus, The Loeb Classical Library (London: William
Heinemann Ltd., 1951), p. 27.
5D. J. Unger, The First-Gospel (New York: The
Franciscan Institute, 1954), p. 94.
6Ibid., p. 97.
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10
seed of the woman as the Lord, and the woman as the mother
of the Messiah.7 Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis asserted:
Now nowhere is to be found a seed of woman. Only
according to a figure, in the case of Eve, the
enmity is understood between her own progeny and of both
the serpent and the devil and envy existing in the
serpent. The whole thing, therefore, cannot be
fullfilled in a most perfect manner in her [Eve]. It
will, however, truly be fulfilled in the holy seed, the
elect, most singular seed, which was found [born] of
Mary without the marriage relation of a man.8
The early interpreters referred to this verse as
protoevangelium or first gospel. They discerned here a
prophecy of Christ's victory over the devil.9 Many modern
expositors, who approach the passage from the standpoint of
strict historical exegesis, deny that it contains
protoevangelium. Targum Jonathan and Targum Jerusalem refer
"the seed of the woman" to the Jews and "the crushing of the
serpent's head" to the victory of the Jews over the devil in
the days of the Messianic age. Luther rejected the medieval
view which claimed that the woman in Genesis 3:15 represents
Mary the mother of Jesus Christ. Luther asserted that the
verse announces the virgin birth of Christ. Many Protestant
7J. P. Migne, ed., Patroloqiae Cursus completus
Series Latina VIII (Paris, 1866), pp. 61C-64A.
8Dominic J. Unger, The First Gospel. p. 116.
9Coffman sees in this text an outline of the
doctrine of the Incarnation, the Virgin Birth, a prophecy of
the crucifixion, the final overthrow of Satan in hell,
announcement of the ultimate overthrow of evil, the long
agony of the human race, and a message of hope and salvation
for fallen humanity. James Burton Coffman, Commentary on
Genesis (Abilene, Texas: A. C. U. Press, 1985), p. 68.
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11
theologians adopted John Calvin's view that the verse
announces a continual enmity between humanity and the devil,
an enmity which will culminate in the ultimate victory of
humanity. Human beings will have the ultimate victory.
These commentators paid very little attention to the
interpretation of woman.10
Aldert van Der Ziel asserts that Genesis 3 belongs
to the "Jahwist" source, which means "one can expect a story
told in an imaginative manner full of symbolisms, hidden
meanings and aetiologies, stories that give a deep insight
into the human condition."11 Several interpretations of
the woman have been set forth; in fact, there are so many
that they can not be discussed and evaluated here. However,
this investigation demonstrates that most commentators
interpret the woman as a symbol. Yet a minority claim the
woman in this text refers only to Eve.
Hosea 1:2-9; 3:1-5. The book of Hosea is a masterpiece of
symbolic language which portrays God's deepest love for
Israel. The writer uses symbols, for example, a cultic
prostitute; name signs, for example, "No Pity;" metaphors,
for example, an unhappy marriage. Through the use of
symbols, signs, and metaphors, the author silently
10see J. Skinner, A Critical and Exegetical
Commentary on Genesis (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1930), pp.
80-82.
1 A ldert Van Der Ziel, Genesis and Scientific
Inquiry (Minneapolis: T. S. Denison & Company, 1965), p.
67.
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12
communicates his message to his readers. Many scholars
agree that the marriage of Hosea to an adulteress is a
symbolic demonstration of Yahweh's situation in relation to
faithless Israel.12 The book of Hosea employs various
metaphors to portray Israel.13 That Hosea married Gomer,
daughter of Diblaim, was not by chance; rather, it was by
the direct command of God. Hosea 1:2-9 records God's first
command for Hosea to marry an adulteress. Perhaps Gomer was
one of the sacred prostitutes who were connected with the
fertility cult. Hosea 3:1-5 gives the second command to
love this woman who practiced adultery. It was apparent to
Hosea that God intended his tragedy to serve as a means of
revelation to the people of Israel. Unfaithful Gomer became
to Hosea the personification and exemplification of the
adulterous "wife" of Yahweh.
12There are several varieties of interpretation of
Hosea's marriage. For an elaborate understanding of
different interpretation see H. Wheeler Robinson, Two Hebrew
Prophets: Studies in Hosea and Ezekiel (London:
Lutterworth Press. 1948), pp. I2ff.; H. H. Rowley, "The
Marriage of Hosea," EJRL. 39 (September, 1956), 200ff.;
James D. Smart, "Hosea" IDB, vol. 2, ed. G. A. Buttrick (New
York: Abingdon Press, 1962), pp. 648-653.; George A. Smith,
The Book of the Twelve Prophets (New York: Doubleday &
Doram, 1929), pp. 234-252.
13These include wife of harlotry (1:2), mother
(2:2), stubborn heifer (4:16), sick person (5:13), gray
haired man (7:9), treacherous bow (7:16), useless vessel
(8:8), wild ass (8:9), grapes in the wilderness (9:10),
luxuriant vine (10:1), a child, son (11:1), dishonest
merchant (12:7), morning cloud, early dew, chaff, smoke from
chimney (13:3), a lily (14:5), olive tree (14:6), the grain
(14:7) .
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13
The events that occurred to Hosea and the message of
Yahweh are intertwined. The book provides little direct
information concerning the prophet himself. His name,
Hosea, appears only in two places (l: l; 2a) and means
"salvation.14 Abraham Heschel states that Hosea's marital
experience provides an immediate spiritual datum.15 In
several pericopes the unfaithfulness of God's people is
described as adultery.16 Commentators find moral, textual,
and literary incongruities between chapters one and three.
The first chapter portrays Hosea's marriage to Gomer, while
the third chapter discusses the redemption of an adulteress.
Recent critics of the book of Hosea have been preoccupied
with the identity of the woman in chapters one and in three.
Some scholars take chapter 3 to be a parallel account of
Hosea's marriage to Gomer, while others argue that Hosea
married Gomer for a second time. Still others claim that a
different woman appears in chapter 3.17 Rather than
identifying the woman, it may be more constructive to
identify metaphorical language that points to Israel. The
u Clyde T. Francisco, Introducing the Old Testament
(Nashville: Broadman Press, 1950), p. 150.
15Abraham J. Heschel, The Prophets (New York:
Harper & Row Publishing, 1969), p. 56.
16See Jeremiah 3:9; Ezekiel 16:30-32; 23:37.
17For detailed information concerning the
relationship between chapter one and three see A. Douglas
Tushingham, "A Reconsideration of Hosea, Chapter 1-3," JNES.
12 (July 1953), pp. 150-159.
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14
visible imagery of Hosea's wife and her unfaithfulness to
her husband dramatizes the picture of Israel's
unfaithfulness to Yahweh. James D. Smart provides a concise
assessment of the situation:
The most that can be said is that Hosea seems to have
been tragically unfortunate in his marriage, to have
seen in it a human parable of God's relation with
Israel, and to have acted out in relation to his wife a
parable of God's redemptive love for Israel.18
Two potent metaphors stand out in the message of
Hosea: Yahweh as the husband of Israel, and Israel as the
bride of Yahweh. "These two symbols convey both the
intimacy and the social implications of faith, and they
provide a remarkably suitable vehicle for the dramatic
representation of Israel's history as the people of God."19
In the New Testament
The uses of Old Testament symbols and imageries by
the New Testament writers are distinguishable. The Old
Testament imageries as appropriated by the New Testament
writers may well have been understood, interpreted, and even
altered to convey the message.
John 3:29. Commentators take this verse to be a parable.
The text supplies a threefold picture: the bridegroom, the
bride, and the best man. The identity of the bride and
18James D. Smart, "Hosea" IDB. p. 32.
19James M. Ward, Hosea (New York: Harper & Row
Publishers, 1966), p. 8.
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15
bridegroom is the primary focus of this verse. According to
the evangelist, John the Baptist spoke these words while his
disciples and Jesus' disciples were performing the rite of
baptism. Certain of John's disciples were envious of the
fact that more people were now following Jesus than their
own beloved master. To these, John alludes to the marriage
customs of that day and clarifies his relationship to Jesus.
He understood himself to fill the role of a "best man" in a
wedding party, remaining in the background in order to give
the place of honor to the bridegroom.20
John refers to Jesus as the bridegroom. Jesus makes
use of similar imagery in Mark 2:19-20, implying that he, as
the bridegroom, has authority to feast with the bride.
Perhaps John made use of this wedding metaphor because its
meaning was wellknown to the Jews, as it was an important
part of their cultural heritage. Some commentators assert
that the author of John's gospel may have adopted the
wedding metaphor from the synoptic tradition in order to
foreshadow the marriage supper of the Lamb.21 In this
20John Calvin in his commentary The Gospel according
to. St. John draws out the implication for the Christian
teacher: "Those who win the church over to themselves rather
than to Christ faithlessly violate the marriage which they
ought to honor. And the greater the honor that Christ
confers on us when He puts His bride in our charge, the more
wicked is our faithlessness if we do not study to defend his
rights" John Calvin, The Gospel According to St. John, ed.
T. H. C. Parker (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1959), p.
81.
21C. K. Barrett, The Gospel according to John
(London: S. P. C. K . , 1958), p. 186.
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16
scenario, Christ functions as a royal bridegroom, and one
day he will be joined by his bride.
There is no general consensus among the commentators
as to the identity of the bride. Godet argues that the
bride is the messianic community which John was called to
establish in Israel.22 On the other hand, Gaebelein
asserts that the bride represents the church rather than
Israel. Israel symbolically held the position of the
married wife of Yahweh, but because of her disloyalty to the
covenant, she was subject to divorce. Although a divorced
wife could remarry, she could hardly be called a virgin.23
McPolin contends that the bride represents the people of
Israel.24 However, Kysar claims that there is no clear
emphasis in this text on Israel as the bride of Yahweh.25
The researcher proposes that the bridal imagery in this text
refers only to Israel and not the New Testament church.
When John uttered his words, the Testament church had not
yet come to existence. Thus, it is clear from this passage
that the term, "bride," is used symbolically for the people
of God.
22Frederick L. Godet, Commentary on the Gospel of
John (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing, 1893), p. 409.
23Clemens A. Gaebelein, The Gospel of John (New
York: Publication office "Our Hope," 1925), p. 79.
24James McPolin, John (Wilmington, Delaware:
Michael Glazier, 1979), p. 37.
25Robert Kysar, John (Minneapolis, Minnesota:
Augsburg Publishing House, 1986), p. 58.
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17
II Corinthians 11:2-3. I Corinthians is the earliest
extant Christian document to apply bridal imagery to the
Christian community. Perhaps Paul utilized this metaphor as
he was aware that the Corinthians were cognizant of Jewish
social practices. Perhaps he may have simply borrowed this
imagery from the Old Testament passages in which Yahweh is
described as the bridegroom of Israel.26
Two alternate interpretations of this passage are
found among commentators: l. Some hold that Paul regards
himself as the father of the Corinthian believers, and
desires to give his daughter in marriage; 2. As the founder
of the Corinthian church, he betroths it to Christ in the
same way that God betrothed Eve to Adam.
Three metaphors are explicit in this passage: Paul
is the father; the Corinthian believers are the bride and
daughter; and Christ is the bridegroom. The Old and New
Testaments make use of the marriage analogy in explicating
the intimate relationship between God and his people. The
book of Revelation uses similar imagery when describing the
forthcoming marriage supper of the Lamb (Rev. 19-7-9).
Perhaps this imagery is used because the relationship
between husband and wife is the closest relationships that
can exist among human beings. In addressing the Corinthians
in regard to spiritual purity, Paul, like an actor on the
26See Ezekiel, chapters 16 and 23; Isaiah 50:1 and
54:1-6; Psalm 45; Mark 2:18-20; Romans 7:4; Ephesians 5:22-
23 and Revelation 19:1-10.
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18
ancient stage, wears the mask of folly in order to act
before the Corinthians. He claims to consider himself a
fool, and laying aside all personal boasting, he makes his
one desire known to the Corinthians. As the founder of the
Corinthian church, he likens himself to a father who gives
his daughter in marriage. He uses the same imagery in
comparing the Corinthians with Eve, who was deceived by the
serpent.
The use of the subjunctive mood in verse 13
indicates that the Corinthians have not yet completely
disobeyed God, as Eve eventually did. But they are like Eve
in allowing themselves to be tempted. Paul sees himself as
the agent of God through whom his converts were betrothed to
Christ. As a father, he is under obligation to ensure that
they are presented as a pure virgin to her one husband,
namely Christ at the time of marriage. The virginity of the
bride is analogous to the spiritual purity of the believers.
Lenski states that the point and pivot of the whole imagery
lies in the term "pure virgin."27 The primary focus in
Paul's use of bridal imagery in this passage is on the
Corinthian church.
Apocryphal Literature
Certain apocryphal works shed light on the book of
27R. C. H. Lenski, The Interpretation of St. Paul's
First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians (Columbus, Ohio:
Lutheran Book Concern, 1935), p. 1074.
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Revelation. There are a number of similarities between
Apocryphal literature and Revelation. Although these
apocryphal apocalypses vary considerably in details, they
contain the same eschatological theme as Revelation, namely
the destruction of evil and the establishment of God's
eternal reign. Most of the pseudonymous apocalypses make
use of a language of symbols. II Esdras in particular is
quite helpful in clarifying the woman imagery in the book of
Revelation.
2 Esdras 10; 38-44. 2 Esdras also known as "the Apocalypse
of Ezra" or "4 Ezra" is believed to have been written after
the destruction of the temple by the Romans in 70 C.E.
Scholars conjecture that it was composed over a period of
two hundred years. For the past century and a half critics
have raised questions concerning the date of its
composition, literary unity, overall character, and purpose.
G. H. Box argues that 2 Esdras was composed of five sources:
a Salathiel Apocalypse, an Ezra apocalypse, the eagle
vision, the son of man vision, and the second Ezra. He
believes that a redactor was responsible for composing many
passages and numerous adjustments within the sources.28
Currently, however, most scholars agree that the book of
Esdras is the work of a single author. The major section in
the book of Ezra is apocalypse. It contains seven visions.
28G. H. Box, The Ezra-Apocalvpse {London: Sir Isaac
Pitman & Sons, 1912), p. XXXII.
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20
The first vision is a dialogue between the seer and the
angel Uriel, concerning God's justice over Zion (3:1-5:20).
The second is a complaint that God has been unfair to his
people (5:21-6:34). The third vision deals with a whole
series of questions by Ezra with answers by the angel, all
centered on God's creation, the messianic age, and the
judgment (6:35-9:25). In the fourth vision, Ezra sees a
woman who represents the heavenly Zion, mourning over the
death of her only son (9:26-10:59). The fifth gives the
vision of the eagle, who has twelve wings and three heads.
Ezra was startled by the vision and requests an immediate
interpretation (10:60-12:51). In the sixth vision, Ezra
sees a man from the sea, who is the pre-existent Messiah
(13:1-58). The final vision relates the revelation to Ezra
of the sacred Scriptures, as well as of 70 secret books
(14:1-48).
The most striking image in 2 Esdras is the woman
symbol in the fourth vision. The seer was in the field of
Ardat, where he spent seven days in meditation. In his
meditation, he contemplated on the law of God. The
conclusion to which his meditation led was that the law
could never be destroyed, since it was given by God. But
the people who received the law had disregarded it.
His meditation is interrupted by the vision of a
misfortunate woman. She was disheveled; her clothes were
torn; and she had dust on her head. The sorrowful woman
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21
recited to the seer the loss of her son. In order to
comfort the woman, the prophet presented the calamity of
Zion and the distress of Jerusalem. In the course of their
conversation, the woman was transformed; her countenance
became bright and shining. Disturbed by the vision, the
seer cried for help, and the angel came to his disposal to
give the interpretation of the woman. The seer was told
that the woman is a symbol of Zion. The identity of Zion is
the subject of debate among the commentators. G. H. Box
takes the position that the glorified woman is the symbol of
heavenly Jerusalem.29
Conclusion
A major breakthrough in the scholarly study of
Revelation 12 was the recognition of the source and
character of its images. Scholars are both in favor of and
opposed tc the idea that the source of Revelation 12 is
pagan myths.30 It is evident from these studies that the
imagery of woman occupied the thoughts of biblical writers.
29Ibid., p. 232.
30T. F. Glasson argues that, there is no difficulty
in supposing that John adapted parts of the pagan myth into
Christian use. T. F. Glasson, The Revelation of John: A
Commentary on the New English Bible: (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1965), p. 72. Hengstenberg affirms that
"the seer of the Apocalypse lives entirely in Holy
Scripture." E. Hengstenberg, The Revelation of St. John.
vol. 1 (Edinburgh, 1851), p. 52. See J. Massyngberde Ford,
"Revelation." The Anchor Bible (New York: Doubleday &
Company, 1975), p. 188.
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22
The Old Testament writers mostly interpreted the woman
imagery as referring to Israel, the chosen people. The New
Testament writers conscious of the Old Testament
interpretation, interpreted the woman imagery or the bridal
imagery either as the local church or as the collective body
of believers. It is possible that the author of Revelation
may have borrowed the woman imagery from the Old and New
Testaments. Beckwith says that "the author's mind was
stored to a marvelous degree with the ideas, the language,
and the imagery found in the Old Testament and in
apocalyptic writings."31 Beasly-Murray comments that the
book of Revelation "requires to be read in conjunction with
the work which preceded it; and they are incomplete without
it."32
31Isbon T. Beckwith, The Apocalypse of John (Grand
Rapids: Baker Book House, 1967), p. vii.
32G. R. Beasley-Murray, The Book of Revelation
(Greenwood: The Attic Press, 1974), p. 29.
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Chapter 3
A HISTORY OF INTERPRETATION OF REVELATION 12:1-6
IN CHRISTIAN TRADITION
Chapter 3 will review interpretations of the woman
imagery from Apostolic times up to the Reformation. This
period encompasses a relatively large time in which a broad
collection of literature came into existence. Because
number of developments in exegesis of Scripture arose, it is
difficult to arrange all the material that was written in
this period into logical categories. For the purpose of
this thesis, only the literature which deals with the
imagery of the woman or an allusion to Revelation 12 will be
taken into consideration.
In this time span interpreters used various
principles and methodologies to interpret Scripture. During
the time of the apostles, exegesis largely depended on the
method practiced by Judaism.1 In the Patristic period the
canon of the New Testament was established. Exegesis in the
second century depended on a writer's view of the old
Testament.2 Two methods used were cautious allegory and a
1See P. R. Ackroyd, ed., The Cambridge History of the
Bible, vol.l {Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970),
pp. 412-417.
2Ignatius alludes frequently to the Old and New
Testaments, but seldom quotes them directly.
23
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24
developed typology.3 In interpreting Scripture the Greek
and Latin church fathers employed philosophical categories
and used abstract nomenclature.4 Clement of Alexandria and
Origen are notable figures in the first half of the third
century. The school of Alexandria resorted to
allegorization of the Scripture,5 as did Origen. The
school of Antioch insisted on the historical interpretation
and emphasized that the literal meaning of the Scripture.6
At the time of Augustine the church began to play a
prominent role in controlling interpretation. During the
long medieval period, church tradition held a higher place
than Scripture. In order to support the tradition of the
church the writings of the fathers were used. There
developed a debate about four senses of Scripture: the
literal, allegorical, tropological or moral, and anagogical.
The time of the Reformation was a period of
innovative developments and it produced transitional aspects
of interpretation. During this period both Scripture and
the primacy of faith were retained, while allegorizing
3Walter M. Dunnett, The Interpretation of Holy
Scripture (NashvilDe: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 1984), p.
65.
4A. B. Mickelsen, Interpreting the Bible (Grand
Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1963), p. 30.
5Terence J. Keegan, Interpreting the Bible
(New York: Paulist Press, 1985), p. 15.
^Roy B. Zuck, Basic Bible Interpretation (Wheaton:
Victor Books, 1984), p. 37.
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25
became less prominent. Martin Luther rejected the fourfold
interpretation of the medieval period and emphasized one
fundamental meaning.
Apostolic Times to Clement of Alexandria
The rapid growth of Christianity began in the
apostolic period. It was the period of orthodoxy as the
apostles began to defend the message of the resurrection.
Perhaps most of the New Testament books were written during
this period. The formation of the New Testament canon was
not yet complete in this period.7 Perhaps the book, of
Revelation was not known to many churches during this
period.
The Shepherd of Hermas
The Shepherd of Hermas is an early Christian
document. Many early works mention "The shepherd" or "The
shepherd of Hermas." It was probably written at the
beginning of the second century in Rome.8 The authorship
of this document is questionable, but according to the
Muratorian canon, it was written by the brother of Pius,
7See Alexander Souter, Text and Canon. 2nd ed. C. S.
C. Williams, (London: Duckworth & Co., 1954), pp. 191ff.
8H. B. Swete, Patristic Study (New York: Longmans,
Green and Co., 1902), p. 23.
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26
Bishop of Rome, about 140-154.9 There is widespread
agreement among scholars that it was written over a long
period of time.
The Shepherd of Hermas consists of five visions,
twelve mandates, and ten similitudes or parables. Hermas is
both the narrator and the hero of this narrative and the
Shepherd is the revealer of truth. The visions were given
to Hermas in order to share the messages with the churches.
The fourth vision contains a reference, or at least an
allusion, to the woman in Revelation 12. This vision takes
the form of an apocalypse. Hermas sees in this vision
something supernatural, an appearance of a huge beast like a
sea-monster. The beast has a head of four colors; black,
red, gold, and white. While Hermas watches the beast, there
appears a woman as if from a bride-chamber. Hermas
recognizes from former visions that the woman symbolizes the
church.10 Terrified by the beast, Hermas requests of the
woman the meaning of the beast. She makes known to Hermas
that the beast is symbolic of the great tribulations to
come. The four colors of the head are symbolic: black
symbolizes the world in which Hermas lives; Red symbolizes
that the world will be purified by blood and fire; gold
9Jerald C. Brauer, ed. The Westminster Dictionary of
Church History (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1971),
p. 398.
10In vision 2:4 Hermas sees an aged woman who proves
to be the church.
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27
symbolizes the testing of believers; and white symbolizes
the coming age.11
There are a number of similarities and differences
between the vision of John and the vision of Hermas. Both
see the dragon and the woman, who appear in heaven in a
mysterious way. Both writers use symbolic language. In the
vision of John, the woman appears before the dragon. Hermas
sees the beast first, then meets the woman. He sees a beast
like a sea-monster, its head colored in four colors, whereas
John sees a red dragon with seven heads, ten horns and seven
crowns upon his heads. The description of the woman in the
vision of Hermas is different from John's description of the
woman. John perceives the woman clothed with the sun, the
moon under her feet and upon her head a crown of twelve
stars. The woman Hermas beholds is clothed in a white
garment like a bride. Hermas interprets the woman to be the
church.
Ignatius of Antioch
( c. 35 - c. 108^
Ignatius, who was also called Theophorus, was one of
the most important witnesses to the life of the early
church. He was close in thought to the New Testament
writers. It is believed that Ignatius and Polycarp were
11Kirsopp Lake, The Apostolic Fathers (London:
William Heinemann, 1913), p. 63.
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28
fellow-disciples under John the Revelator.12 Ignatius was
a bishop of Antioch and was martyred at Rome during the
reign of Trajan. Nothing certain is known about Ignatius'
death at Rome. According to Polycarp, he suffered martyrdom
in Rome.
Eusebius the historian was the first to indicate
that Ignatius wrote seven letters while on his way to
Rome.13 Probably these seven epistles were written in the
early years of the second century. His letters were similar
to those of the New Testament epistles. It has been claimed
that while contending with the Gnostics concerning Jesus
Christ, Ignatius either used oral traditions or the Synoptic
gospels.
Swete claims that the astounding imagery in the
epistle of Ignatius is similar to that in the Apocalypse of
John.14 Ignatius' Epistle to the Ephesians is believed to
have been written from Smyrna. Like the author of
Revelation, Ignatius speaks of himself as one who might hope
to receive direct revelations from the Lord.
I will show you concerning the dispensation of the new
man Jesus Christ, which I have begun to discuss, dealing
12Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson, trans.. The
Anti-Nicene Fathers, vol. 1 (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans
Publishing, 1956), p. 45.
13J. D. Douglas and Philip Comfort, eds., Who's Who
in Christian History (Wheaton: Tyndale House Publishers,
1992), p. 339.
14H. B. Swete, Patristic Study (London: Longmans
Green, 1902), p. 15.
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29
with his faith and his love, his suffering and his
resurrection; especially if the Lord reveal to me.15
Some scholars claim that Ignatius' Ephesians 19 has
possible reference to Revelation 12.16
Now the virginity of Mary was hidden from the prince of
this world, as was also her offspring, and the death of
the Lord; three mysteries of renown, which were wrought
in silence by God.17
Ignatius speaks of three mysteries: the virginity
of Mary, her child-bearing, and the death of the Lord.
Revelation 12 speaks of three mysteries: The woman, her
seed, and the dragon. Besides Genesis 3:15, Revelation 12
is the only passage in Scripture where the three mysteries
are found together. In contrast with Revelation, Ignatius
uses no symbolic language. In the message to the Ephesians,
Ignatius insists on the reality of the virgin birth, the
crucifixion, and the resurrection. Unlike Revelation, the
dragon or the prince of the world makes no attempt to
destroy the woman or her seed. But the truth concerning the
plan of salvation is hidden from the prince of this world by
God. It is very probable that Ignatius may have known
John's apocalypse; but to contend that his interpretation of
the woman image in Revelation 12 is Mary, the Mother of
15Ephesians 20:1-2.
16See M. Rackl, "Die Christologie des hi. Ignatius von
Antiochien," FThSt. 14 (1914), p.. 356; J. Riviere, "Le demon
dans leconomie redemptrice dapres S. Ignace d'' Antioche,"
RevScRel. 2 (1922), p. 19-
17 Ephesians 19:1.
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30
Jesus, is not feasible.
Conclusion
In this early period from the Apostolic Fathers to
Clement of Alexandria, there are no direct references to the
woman image of Revelation 12. In some cases the writers may
or may not have known the woman image of the Apocalypse.
During this period the apostles sounded the message of
resurrection and condemned every form of idolatry. Possibly
no writer in this period gave or claimed a definite
interpretation to the imagery of the woman. A possible
interpretation at this period may have been the woman as the
Christian church.
Interpretations from Clement of Alexandria
to the Council of Nicea
The church fathers and their contemporaries were
very much concerned about defending the message against
outside heresies. With Victorinus, a new phase begins the
defense of Christianity against heresy from within. The
allegorical method of interpreting the Scripture took
stronger root at this time. In understanding the Scripture,
Greek philosophy was used. Commentaries on the Scripture
began to be written, for example, Victorinus wrote a
commentary in Latin on the Apocalypse.
Victorinus of Pettau
Victorinus of Pettau was the first known bishop of
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31
Pettau. According to Jerome he was martyred, probably under
Diocletian. He was the earliest known exegete of the Latin
church. He relied on Irenaeus, Hippolytus, Papias, and
especially Origen.18 He was among the proponents of
Millenarianism. Victorinus exposed the Latin church to the
Greek exegetical method. He commented on many books of the
Bible, but only the commentary on Revelation has survived.
His commentary on the Apocalypse is the oldest Latin
commentary.
Victorinus commenting on chapter 12, gives a
distinctive interpretation of the woman. The woman is the
church of both the Old and New Testaments:
The woman clothed with the sun, and having the moon
under her feet, and wearing a crown of twelve stars upon
her head, and travailing in her pains, is the ancient
Church of fathers, and prophets, and saints, and
apostles.19
Victorinus insinuates the seed of woman to be Christ
in person and the dragon to be the Devil, who murdered
Christ and oppressed the whole human race. Speaking of the
Devil he asserts that the dragon became purple in color
because of its evil works. The description of the woman
clothed with the sun suggests the hope of resurrection and
the glory of the promise. The moon intimates the fall of
1SF. L. Cross, ed. , The Oxford Dictionary of the
Christian Church (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p.
1438.
19Alexander Roberts, ed., The Writings of Quintus
Sept. Flor. Tertullianus. vol. 3 (Edinburgh: T & T Clark,
1870), p. 421.
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32
the bodies of the saints under unavoidable certainty of
death. The crown of twelve stars signifies the choir of
fathers.
Methodius of Olympus
Methodius was a bishop in Lycia, one of the earliest
opponents of Origen. He died under the persecution of
Diocletian. His work remains largely in Slavonic
translation. His writings were extensively quoted by
Jerome, Epiphanius, Gregory of Nyssa, Theodoret and Photius.
Methodius wrote extensively. Among all his works only
symposium or Banquet of the Ten Virgins' remains entire.20
In this work, he praises the Christian ideal of virginity
and ends with a famous hymn to Christ the bridegroom and his
bride the Church.21
The interpretation of Revelation 12 is found in the
symposium. He asserts that the woman image of Revelation
12, is what the prophets called Jerusalem, a bride, Mount
Zion, the temple and the tabernacle of God. Methodius
admits that he is powerless to give his own interpretation
of the woman. Nevertheless, he proposes that the woman
20F. L. Cross, The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian
Church, p. 910.
21 Karl Baus, From the Apostolic Community to
Constantine (New York: A Crossroad Book, 1980), p. 242.
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33
represents the church.22 The moon, which is under the feet
of the woman, represents the faith of the saints. The seed
of the woman are the children of the church, not Christ.
Methodius gives three reasons for not interpreting Christ'
as a seed: (1) Before the apocalypse were written, the
incarnation of the Christ took place (2) The message of
revelation does not speak about the past but only about the
present and the future (3) As soon as Christ was born he was
not taken to heaven because of the fear of being attacked by
the dragon. The reason Christ left the throne in heaven and
to the earth was to crush the head of the serpent.
Conclusion
The interpretation of the woman imagery took
different shapes. Mostly the woman was interpreted as the
church of both Testaments.23 Much of the writing of this
period was polemical, Yet it may have been that the
interpretation of the woman was not contested. By the
fourth century Revelation was widely known and quoted by
many writers.
22Alexander Roberts, ed., The Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol.
4; (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1986), p. 336.
23The Israel, the chosen people of God were called out
from the world like the Church of the New Testament. Thus, it
is fitting to identify them as church of the Old Testament.
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Interpretations front the council
of Nicea to Augustine
34
The interpretation of Scripture in this period was
sometimes literal and historical, and sometimes allegorical.
A major contribution of this period was an emphasis on
canonical Scripture and every theological work was measured
in the light of canonical Scripture.
Eoiphanius
tea. 315403 ^
Epiphanius was a bishop of Salamis and a founder of
a monastery near Eleutheropolis in Judaea. He was a strong
defender of the Nicene faith. His life was dedicated to the
fighting of heresy. He opposed both the Arians and
Origenists. He began writing the "panarion" or "Refutation
of all the Heresies" in 374 and completed it in 376. It
draws heavily from Hippolytus and Irenaeus.z<* In this
work, Epiphanius discusses the death of the virgin Mary. In
connection with the death of Mary, he acknowledges that he
is unable to say whether Mary was immortal or if she died.
But on the other hand, he quotes Revelation 12:14 in support
of the immortality of Mary:
Some indeed understand the prophecy of Simeon (Luke
2:35) as meaning that she was to be slain with the
sword. On the other hand, she may have been exempt from
death, for that which John tells us in the Apocalypse
may have been fulfilled in her: "The dragon hastened to
the woman who had brought forth the man-child, and there
24New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 5, (New York:
McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1967), p. 479.
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35
were given to her the wings of an eagle, and she was
borne into the desert lest the dragon seize her.25
In the preface one can see that Epiphanius tries to
make a link between the woman of Revelation 12 with Mary but
it is very uncertain. If he had intended to give an
interpretation of Revelation 12, he may have commented on
the seed of the woman and the dragon.
Augustine
f3544301
Augustine was a bishop of Hippo Regius, born at
Tagaste in North Africa. He was the greatest of the Latin
church fathers. His broad spectrum of writing indicates
Augustine's interest in Scripture. He wrote comments on
many of the books of the Bible. A large proportion of
Augustine's writings take a polemical form. More is known
about Augustine than any other figure in the early church
because of his "Confessions" and "Retractions." Augustine's
theology molded the whole theology of the Middle ages down
to the 13th century. As far as is known, Augustine did not
give any interpretation of the Apocalypse. Merely in
passing, while treating of Christ's virgin birth, he refers
to Revelation 12. Commenting on "the woman fled into the
wilderness" (Relation 12:6), Augustine interprets the
25Bernard Le Frois, The woman Clothed with the Sun
(Roma: Orbis Catholicus, 1954), p. 42.
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36
wilderness as a symbol of Christ's virgin birth.26 The
seed of the woman is Jesus Christ. The woman imagery refers
to the city of God.27 In speaking of the woman imagery
Augustine quotes Psalm 87:3 "glorious things are said of
you, O city of God."
Conclusion
At the end of the third century several systematic
commentaries on Revelation came into existence. The
interpretation of the woman image took new directions. The
attempts at interpreting the woman imagery to be the Virgin
Mary began to be more popular than in the earlier period.
Interpretation from Augustine
to Reformation
Prior to the Reformation the interpretation of
Scripture was dominated by the church. The identification
of the woman image was centered around the Virgin Mary or
the Roman church, following Augustine. Mary received status
comparable to a divine being.
Oecumenius
(6 th century^
Oecumenius is the author of the oldest extant Greek
commentary of Revelation. His commentary is one of but
26Migne, J. P., Patrologiae cursus completus: Series
Latina vol. 221 (Paris: 1844-1855), p. 1845.
27Ibid. , p. 1846.
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three on the Apocalypse in Greek from the first millennium.
It was rediscovered by F. Diekamp and published by H. C.
Hoskier in 1928.28
The woman represents Mary. The apocalyptic writer
pictures the woman coming from heaven because she is divine.
She is pure in soul and body. She is like angels in heaven.
Although she is like any human being she has nothing in
common with the earth or its evil. The birth pain of the
woman represents the spiritual sufferings of Mary when
Christ was conceived. When the angel announced to her that
she will be overshadowed by the Holy Spirit, Mary was in
distress and wondered if her husband would suspect her of
having had a secret marriage with some one.
The seed of the woman is Christ the Savior. The
water that comes from the mouth of the dragon (Rev. 12:15),
represents the tragedy of Mary at the time of the
crucifixion.29
Alcuin
fca. 735804^
He was a counselor of Charlemagne for educational
and spiritual matters. Alcuin was known for the dialogue
method of instruction. He was inspirer of the Carolingian
28F. L. Cross, The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian
Church. p. 993.
W C. H. Hoskier, The Complete Commentary of Oecumenius
on the Apocalypse (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1928),
pp. 135-149.
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38
renaissance. Alcuin's work consists of educational manuals,
poetry in the style of Fortunatus, an attack on the
adoptionist heresy of Felix of Urgel, and letters which give
a valuable insight into Carolingian society. He wrote a
commentary on the Apocalypse. His comments on the 12th
chapter of Revelation reflect Tyconius' fourth rule for
interpreting the Scripture.30
Alcuin takes the position that the woman represents
both Mary and the Church. Taking Galatians 3:27 as a
support for the interpretation, Alcuin claims that it is
through Mary that the nations were regenerated and out of
which the world-wide body of Christ was formed. The birth
pain of the woman represents the believers' struggle in
attaining perfection and be like Christ. The seed of the
woman represents both Christ and his followers.31
Conclusion
Most commentators of this period basically
interpreted the woman imagery to be Mary. The question that
confronted the commentator was whether Mary was an
30Tyconius' fourth rule: For while it is talking
about the species, it passes over into the genus so that the
transition may not immediately appear clear, but passing
over it adds words which may apply to both, until it may
gradually withdraw a measure of the species and the
translation be elucidated, since those things which begin
from the species would not agree unless in the genus. And
in the same way it leaves the genus, returning to the
species. Pamela Bright, The Book of Rules of Tyconius
(Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1988), p. ill.
31Migne, Patrolocyia Latina, vol. 221, pp. 1152-1153.
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39
individual or a symbol of the collective Roman church.
Interpretation at the time of Reformation
The great gain of the Reformation was the break away
from Roman tradition. Many Protestant theologians tended to
identify the Roman church with the woman and the beast of
Revelation 17:2. It was a period of anti-papal exegesis.
Martin Luther is a classical example of the reforming
tradition.
Martin Luther
Luther the founder of the German Reformation, never
did deliver a series of sermons or lectures on the book of
Revelation. His attitude was negative to the book of
Revelation and considered it an obscure book, offering
nothing solid on which to build. In 1528 Luther published a
commentary on the book of Revelation.52 In fact, when he
first translated the book he rejected it as non-canonical.
He took a similar position with Dionysius and Eusebius
declaring that Revelation was not written by John the
Apostle.53 He was a historicist in terms of
32Jaroslav Pelikan, ed. . Luther's Work, vol. 30 (Saint
Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1967) , p. ix.
33Martin Luther, "Vorrede zur Offenbarung des
Johannes," in von D. H. Strathmann, in Was soli die
"Of fenbaruncr" des Johannes im Neuen Testament? by D. H.
Strathmann (Gutersloh: C. Bertelsmann Verlag, 1948), p. 33.
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40
interpretation, claiming that the Pope was Antichrist.34
Whether or not he liked Revelation, Luther made many
comments on the imagery of the woman and her seed. The
woman in a collective sense represents the church. The seed
is Christ. The warfare against the woman's seed is the
symbolic picture of Satan's attack cn the church.35
Conclusion
This chapter has reviewed the interpretations of the
woman imagery from Apostolic times to the time of the
Reformation. The Apostles interpreted the woman to be
Israel. At times they interpreted the woman imagery to the
local congregation. The early church fathers interpreted
the woman imagery to be the people of God of both the
Testaments. The allegorical interpretation of Scriptures
was not prevalent at this time. Mariological interpretation
of the woman imagery came in the fourth century. This was
the popular interpretation during the Middle Ages. The main
argument for this interpretation was that the narrative
refers to the woman as the mother of a male child (Messiah).
with Luther there was a new awakening, yet the
^Martin Luther, "Vorrede zu Commentarius in
Apocalypsim ante centum annos aeditus," D. Martin Luthers
Werke, vol. 26, (1526; rpt. Weimar: Hermann Bohlaus
Nachfolger, 1909), p. 121.
35Lectures on Genesis 1-5. Luther's Works, ed.
Jaroslav Pelikan (Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House,
1961), p. 189.
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41
interpretation of the woman was not something new other than
the early church fathers' interpretation.
Chapter 4 will examine the modern representative
interpretations of the woman imagery. This examination
demands a different approach than that of the Middle Ages.
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Chapter 4
MODERN REPRESENTATIVE INTERPRETATIONS
The interpretation of woman imagery had never been
given over to one method. Each expositor has interpreted
the woman imagery with a given set of presuppositions. As
demonstrated in the previous chapter, the manner in which
the imagery was interpreted reflects the changing course of
church history. Traditionally, there were four schools of
interpretation: the historicist approach,the preterist
approach, the futurist approach, and the idealist approach.
These schools resulted from differing viewpoints in regard
to how the visions of Revelation applied to history.
Historicist View
Joachim of Floris (d.1202) was an exponent of the
Historicist view.1 Later, the reformers also adopted it.
This method treats the book of Revelation as an outline of
world history in symbolic form, which commences with
Christ's first advent and concludes with the parousia.
Historicists believe that the symbols in the book portray in
1Frank E. Gaebelein, e d., The Expositor's Bible
Commentary, vol. 12 (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing
House, 1981), p. 409.
42
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43
sequence the great events that have taken place or will take
place in the future. The historicist view is more literal
than the Idealist view.
There are several objections to historicism:
1. Events that occur in each generation are not the same;
thus they call for new interpretation. 2. If historicism is
the correct approach, it would result in much
misunderstanding, since those living before the events
occurred would not have had the necessary information to
draw valid conclusions. 3. The advocates of historicism
agree among themselves about the method, but there is no
consensus concerning the interpretation of symbols.
E. B. Elliott is a representative of the historicist
view. He affirms that chapter 12 of Revelation is a history
of the conflict of the church with the evil powers. The
primary symbol in this chapter is the travailing woman and
the dragon. Elliott finds in the woman imagery a symbol of
Christ's true, visible church, which includes only those
that are alive at any particular time on earth.2 The
description of the woman recalls Song of Solomon 6:10.
Elliott contended with the theologians of his time who
claimed that the sun which clothed the woman represents
2Elliott claims that the imagery of woman in
Galatians 4:26 represents all the Lord's saints of the
successive generations of the world. The image of travailing
woman in Isaiah's vision (Isaiah 66:7-8) represents Zion. E.
B. Elliott, Horae Apocalypticae (London: Leonard Seeley,
1851), p. 7.
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44
Jesus Christ. Elliott concurred that Christ's countenance
is described as resembling the sun, but nowhere in
apocalyptic literature is the sun described as Christ. The
heaven where the woman appeared signifies the political
heaven. The sun and the moon represent the chief rulers of
the Roman world, who supported the church at the particular
time of the vision. The stars represent the ecclesiastical
ruler, who possess lesser power than the Roman rulers. They
were well respected authorities in the world at the time to
which the vision pointed.
The seed of the woman represents the children of the
church united into a body politic and raised to dominant
power. The dragon symbolizes Maximim, who ruled in the
Asiatic third of the Roman world and who severely persecuted
the Church. The dragon symbolizes the heathen persecutor of
the Church.3
Idealist or Spiritualist View
The idealists claim that the book of Revelation
represents the eternal conflict between good and evil which
persists in every age. They regard Revelation as
essentially poetical, symbolic, and spiritual in nature.
The message of Revelation is given to the suffering saints,
to assure them of God's final triumph. The Apocalypse is
portrayed as containing the principles and ideas which
3Ibid., pp. 5-15.
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45
govern the course of history, without limiting it to the
past or the future. William Milligan, an outstanding
exponent of this view, asserts that Revelation teaches "an
action of great principles and not special incidents."4 The
idealists do not interpret any images in light of specific
future events, whether in the history of the church or with
regard to the end of all things.5
The difficulty with this view is that the genre of
apocalyptic literature uses apocalyptic symbolism to
describe certain events in history. Yet idealism denies all
predictive prophecy, except the ultimate triumph of
righteousness. It ignores the events that occurred in the
first century.
William Hendriksen, a representative of this view,
claims that Revelation 12 is based on Genesis 3:15. He
argues that both texts share the same characters and
message. Genesis 3:15 announces the conflict between Christ
and Satan, and Revelation 12 announces the victory of Christ
over Satan. The serpent of Genesis 3:15 is the dragon of
Revelation 12, and the seed of Genesis is the male child of
4William Milligan, The Revelation of St. John. 2nd
ed. (London: Macmillan, 1887), p. 153.
sRecent interpreters who favor this view: Raymond
Calkins, The Social Message of the Book of Revelation (New
York: Woman's Press, 1920); Philip Carrington, The Meaning
of the Revelation (New York: Macmillan, 1931); Paul Minear,
An Introduction to the Visions of the Apocalypse (Cleveland:
Corpus Books, 1968); Mathias Rissi, Time and History
(Richmond: John Knox Press, 19 66).
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46
Revelation 12. "In unmistakable symbolism the seer carries
us back to the moment of Christ's birth and ascension, 12:1-
5.1,6 Hendrksen divides Revelation into two parts.
Chapters 1-11 record the outward conflict between church and
the world, while chapters 12-22 convey the deeper background
of the struggle (12-22). Chapter 12 marks the beginning of
the second major division. Hendriksen identifies three
characters in Revelation 12:1-6: the woman, the child, the
seed of the woman, and the dragon. The woman symbolizes the
church (Isaiah 50:1; 54:1; Hosea 2:1; Ephesians 5:32). The
seed of the woman is Christ (Genesis 3:15; Galatians 4:4);
the author of Revelation borrows this imagery form Psalm
2:9. The dragon symbolizes Satan (Revelation 20:2;
Ephesians 2:2; 6:12). Scripture makes use of several
symbols to denote the church: the bride of Christ, olive
tree, one elect race, royal priesthood, holy nation, and a
people for God's own possession.
The victory of Christ and his church over the dragon
is an ever-recurring theme in Revelation. It may appear at
first that the church is defeated but in reality, it reigns.
The dragon, who seems to be the conqueror, receives a great
defeat. Hendricksen insists that the book of Revelation
must be interpreted in the specific historical setting in
6William Hendriksen, More Than Conquerors (Grand
Rapids: Baker Book House, 1947), p. 162.
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47
which it was produced. Hence, the woman imagery is
interpreted as the Church.
The Preterist View
The word praeter comes from Latin, meaning past or
beyond.7 The preterist asserts that in reading the book of
Revelation, one must pay close attention to the historical
settings of the book. The period in which John lived is the
key to understanding the symbolism of the Apocalypse. The
primary concern of the book was to comfort the early
Christians who were living under intense persecution.8
The first systematic presentation of this view was
presented by Alcazar, a Roman Catholic priest, at the
beginning of the Seventeenth century. He proposed that the
message of Revelation had no application to the future.
This method encourages the reader to consider the historical
settings of the book. It connects the living Church with
the message, thereby establishing the continuity of
Scripture. In applying the message to the time of the
author, it avoids further interpretation of the book. In
contending that chapters 4-22 describe events wholly limited
7Ray Summers, Worthy Is the Lamb (Nashville:
Broadman, 1951), p. 43.
R o b e r t H. Mounce, advocator of the Preterist view,
believes that the prophecy, which is outlined in the book,
pointed either to the fail of Jerusalem (A .D . 70) or the
fall of Rome (A.D. 476). Robert H. Mounce, The Book of
Revelation (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing,
1977), p. 41.
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48
to the time of John, Preterism treats the book of Revelation
as a historical document. Many contemporary scholars
support this view.9
The limitations of the preterist view are that it
creates difficulty in asserting any ongoing meaning for the
later interpreters. The book itself declares "come up
hither, and I will show thee the things which must come to
pass hereafter." The phrase "hereafter" refers to the
future.
Massyngberde Ford, an advocate of the Preterist
view, identifies three symbolic figures in chapter 12: the
woman, the male child and the dragon. She applies the term,
"the book of signs" to chapter 12. The word, "sign" occurs
seven times in chapters 12-19. Six of these references are
associated with evil events. God's intervention
distinguishes the woman symbol from the other six. The sign
of the woman is similar to that of Isaiah 7:10-17, where a
sign was given to king Ahaz, which the New Testament
understands as a prediction of the birth of the Messiah.
Ford contends that the woman imagery of Revelation
is derived from the Old Testament. The fact that the woman
imagery suggests an individual figure has influenced some
commentators to interpret it as Mary, the Mother of Jesus.
9See G. B. Caird, The Revelation of St. John the
Divir.c (New York: Karper, 1366) ; T. F. Glasson, The
Revelation of John (New York: Cambridge at the University,
1965); Wilfred Harrington, The Apocalypse of St. John: A
Commentary (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1969).
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However, there is sufficient evidence in the Old Testament
to demonstrate that the woman of Revelation 12 is a
collective figure and not an individual.10 The woman
represents the whole community of faithful Jerusalem.11
The description of the woman as being clothed with the sun
and with the moon under her feet parallels the bride in the
Song of Solomon (6:19). "The woman with the child" does not
always refer to physical motherhood, a similar usage being
found in Numbers 11:12, where Moses complains to God
concerning his responsibility for the people of Israel. The
fact that the woman cried out in her birth pain need not be
associated with ordinary childbirth. Rather, it refers to
the fact that the woman's cries were directed to Yahweh. The
image of a woman in childbirth suggests that the author may
have been influenced by Isaiah 26:17. The image of a woman
in childbirth is frequently used in Old Testament
literature.12
Futurist View
This view proposes that with the exception of
chapters 1-3, all the visions in Revelation are reserved for
the period immediately preceding and following the second
10In Isaiah 54:5-6 Zion is referred as a wife of
Yahweh and in Hosea 4:5 Israel is called a mother.
11J. Massyngberde Ford, "Revelation.:: The Anchor
Bible (New York: Doubleday & Company, 1975), p. 192.
12Isaiah 21:3; Jeremiah 4:31; 30:6; 49:24.
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50
advent of Christ.13 The messages in chapter 1-3 apply to
the day in which the book was written. The historicists7
claim that the seven churches of Asia symbolize seven eras
of church history also appeals to many futurists. A major
argument for this view is found by comparing Revelation 1:19
("write, therefore, what you have seen, what is now and what
will take place later") with 4:1 ("after this I looked, and
there before me was a door standing open in heaven.") The
seer was given visions concerning the future. Hence the
futurists have a good basis for asserting the validity of
their method. The early expositors, such as Justin Martyr,
Irenaeus, Hippolytus, and Victorinus, held this view.
The chief problem with this futurism is that it
limits the Revelation7s message to the future; thus it has
very little to say to the contemporary church. The phrase,
"after these things" (4:1), does not specify after what the
predicted events will take place, nor does it say how long
afterward. "After these things" could be indefinite.
Although futurists assign most of Revelation to the future,
they do not specify the beginning of the future.
Leon Morris combines preterist and Futuristic
view.14 He asserts that Revelation 12 contains visions
concerning the troubles of the church. The whole book of
13Hal Lindsey, There7s a New World Coming (Santa
Ana, Calif.: Vision House Publishers, 1S73), p. 43.
14Canon L. Morris, The Revelation of St. John (Grand
Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1969), pp. 155-164.
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51
Revelation is written for believers who faced persecution.
The major focus of the book concerns the fact that God has
decisively defeated the devil who stood against Christ and
his church. The sources of the symbolism in Revelation 12
may appear to stem from pagan myths, but a close examination
of the chapter demonstrates that the Old Testament is its
source. The imagery of Revelation is to be explained from
its use and not from pagan myths.
The image of the woman functions as a sign. The
woman represents Israel, the chosen people. The twelve
stars on her head represent the twelve patriarchs of the Old
Testament. The image of the woman may be borrowed from
Isaiah 26:17. John uses the present tense "cries" and the
participles "travailing" and "being in pain" to indicate
that the time of birth is near. Thus Israel is about to
give birth to the Messiah. In this way, a continuity
between old and new Israel is demonstrated. The dragon who
went out to make war with those who keep the commandments of
God, the people of the New Testament Church.
The dragon symbolizes the devil. The ten horns on
the head of the dragon symbolize his power. The seed of the
woman is Christ. Thus, Morris finds in the woman imagery a
symbol of both Israel and the New Testament church.15
15Ibid. , p. 156.
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Conclusion
52
This chapter has reviewed the views of a number of
modern commentators regarding the interpretation of the
woman imagery. After the Reformation, there have been a
number of new developments in interpreting Scripture. The
interpretation of the woman imagery from the time of the
apostles until the fourth century was Israel or the
Christian church. Medieval scholars attributed the woman
imagery to be Mary. The Reformers rejected the Catholic
interpretation of the woman and came up with the historicist
view of interpretation. The Reformers identified the Pope
as Antichrist and interpreted the woman imagery as the
Christian Church. The Catholic Church responded with the
Preterist and the Futurist views to divert the attack from
the Pope. Later these views were developed and modified by
the Protestants. The interpretation of the woman imagery
among the scholars have not come to general consensus. E.
B. Elliott interprets the woman imagery as Christ's true
church at a particular time on earth. William Hendriksen
argues that the woman represents the church. Massyngberde
Ford interprets it as the whole community of faithful
Jerusalem. Leon Morris interprets it as Israel and the New
Testament Church.
Chapter 5 will summarize the findings of this
research and suggest a relevant contemporary interpretation.
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Chapter 5
CONCLUSION AND MATTERS
FOR FURTHER STUDY
Chapter 12 opens a major division in the book of
Revelation. There are three symbolic figures in this
chapter: the woman, the male child and the dragon. Most
commentators interpret the male child as Christ. The dragon
is identified as the ancient serpent or the devil (12:9).
The word sign" (12:1) determines that the woman should be
interpreted in a symbolic way. The woman imagery in this
chapter received great attention during most of the history
of its interpretation. The sources behind the imagery have
been a subject of debate. Some commentators claim that the
author of Revelation borrowed the images from the thought-
world of his day and constructed a scenario distinctly his
own. Others claim that the images are from the Old and New
Testament Scriptures.
The exegesis of Old and New Testament passages in
chapter 2 of this thesis suggests that the imageries of
Revelation 12 are probably from Scripture. The message of
Revelation displays a definite antagonism towards paganism
and it is unlikely that the author of Revelation borrows the
imageries from pagan myths.
53
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54
The prophets of the Old Testament used the image of
the woman to refer to Israel. The New Testament writers
likewise used the woman imagery to refer to Israel and also
to the New Testament church. The patristic writers equated
the woman with the people of God of the Old Testament, the
New Testament, or both. The first known writer to interpret
the woman imagery as Mary was Oecumenius. The outbreak of
the Reformation opposed the Mariological interpretation of
the woman imagery. Modern commentators on Revelation
interpret the woman imagery as the people of Israel, the
messianic community, or the New Testament church. Some
perceive the woman as a corporate or collective figure but
allow for a secondary application to Mary.1
Interpreting the woman imagery exclusively as Mary
creates some difficulties. The author of Revelation does
not explicitly identify the woman as Mary. The account of
Christ's birth in the gospels does not fit with Revelation
12. Mary was not persecuted and driven into the wilderness
(12:6;17). The fact that the woman appears in heaven
suggests that the woman is not an earthly figure.
It is considered by some that the persecution of the
woman by the dragon suggests that the woman is the Christian
church.2 The objection to this interpretation is that it
1See David Chilton, The Davs of Vengeance (Ft. Worth,
Texas: Dominion Press, 1987), p. 299.
2See Wilfrid J. Harrington, The Appealvose of St John
(London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1969), pp. 172-175.
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55
excludes the role of Israel in salvation history. The woman
imagery could not be interpreted as every human being on
earth because the woman in chapter 12 is the antithesis of
the "great prostitute" in Revelation 17:3, who departed from
the truth. Scripture applies bridal imagery to both Israel
and to the New Testament church. Perhaps it is best to
understand the woman as symbolizing the faithful people of
God in every age.
The woman imagery teaches that God communicates also
through symbols, and the symbols are not something
incomprehensible. Interpreting the woman as the people of
God in every age embraces all God's children into one body
despite the fact that they are different in color, culture,
language, and race.
(1) Many commentators agree that with chapter 12
begins a second major section. If chapter 12 is seen as the
opening of the second part, how does it relate and what
impact does it have with the preceding chapters?
(2) Some consider3 that chapters 4-5 serve as a
preface to Revelation (4-11) and chapter 12 as the preface
to 13-22. If that is so, what parallelisms are possible
between chapters 4-5 with chapter 12 ?
(3) Chapter 12 presents an image of a glorious woman
and chapter 19 portrays an image of a harlot. It would be
3See Raymond E. Brown, ed., Mary in the New Testament
(New York: Paulist Press, 1978), p. 224.
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56
helpful to contrast the woman of chapter 12 with the harlot
of chapter 19 and trace the history of interpretation of the
harlot imagery.
(4) Revelation 12:10-12 and 5:9-10 share the kingdom
motif. Why is this significant?
(5) There seems to be a parallel between the events
of Revelation 12:7-12 and the sounding of the fifth trumpet
in Revelation 9:1. More work would be helpful here.
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ABSTRACT
THE WOMAN OF REVELATION 12 IN THE HISTORY OF
NEW TESTAMENT INTERPRETATION
Masilamony Pauliah, Th.M.
The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1993
Chairperson: Dr. Molly T. Marshall
This thesis provides a descriptive overview of the
interpretation of woman in Revelation 12.
Chapter two, examines the text relating to the use of
woman imagery in the Old and New Testament as well as related
literature.
Chapter three explores the history of interpretation
of the woman, from the Apostolic period until the time of
Reformation.
Chapter four examines the modern representative
interpretations of the woman imagery.
Chapter five summarizes the conclusions reached in the
thesis and argues for an interpretation which seems best
supported by exegesis.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
VITA
Masilamony Pauliah
PERSONAL
Born: February 10, 1962, Thazhakudy, S. India
Parents: P. Pauliah and Annamal Pauliah
Married: Liwayway Pauliah, May 22, 1991
Children: Michelle Bojannie Pauliah, born July 9, 1992
Educational
Public School, Poothappandy, Tamilnadu, India, 1968-1979
B.A., Bihar University, India, 1987
M.Div., Adventist Theological Seminary, Philippines, 1987-
1990
Th.M., Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, Louisville,
Kentucky, 1992-1993
MINISTERIAL
Associate Pastor, Hukai Adventist Church, Manila,
Philippines, 1987-1990
Student Missionary, Adventist Church, Stockholm, Sweden,
1982-1991
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

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