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THDDOCTORAL-The Woman of Revelation 12 in the History of New Testament Interpretation
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films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand corner and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6 x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. University Microfilms International A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Order Number 1352535 The woman o f Revelation 12 in the history of New Testament interpretation Pauliah, Masilamony, Th.M. The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1993 Copyright 1993 by Pauliah, Masilamony. All rights reserved. UMI 300 N. Zeeb RA Ann Aibor, MI 48106 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE WOMAN OF REVELATION 12 IN THE HISTORY OF NEW TESTAMENT INTERPRETATION A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Theology by Masilamony Pauliah May 1993 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Copyright by Masilamony Pauliah 1993 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPROVAL SHEET THE WOMAN OF REVELATION 12 IN THE HISTORY OF NEW TESTAMENT INTERPRETATION Masilamony Pauliah Read and Approved by: (Faculty Supervisor) 9ftCj THESES T i n . C m u) Z Z ?'S34 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS V ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vi Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION............................................. 1 Statement of Purpose..................................2 Methodology............................................ 5 Conclusion............................................. 6 2. THE LITERARY SOURCES OF THE WOMAN OF REVELATION12............................................. 7 In the Old Testament................................. 7 Genesis 3:15.........................................8 Hosea 1:2-9; 3:1-5................................ 11 In the New Testament John 3:29........................................... 14 2 Corinthians 11:2-3.............................. 17 Apocryphal Literature............................... 18 2 Esdras 10: 38-44............................... 19 Conclusion..........................................21 3. A HISTORY OF INTERPRETATION OF REVELATION 12: 1-6 in CHRISTIAN TRADITION..........23 Apostilic Times to Clement of Alesandria. . . . 25 The Shepherd of Hermes............................25 iii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. iv Ignatius of Antioch............................... 27 Interpretations from Clement of Alesandria to the Council of Nicea............................. 3 0 Victorian of Pettau............................... 30 Methodius of Olympus.............................. 32 Conclusion..........................................33 Interpretations from the Council of Nicea to Augustine..........................................34 Epiphanius..........................................34 Augustine........................................... 35 Conclusion..........................................36 Interpretations from Augustine to Reformation- .36 Oecumenius..........................................36 Alcuin...............................................37 Conclusion..........................................38 Interpretation at the Time of Reformation- - . .39 Martin Luther...................................... 39 Conclusion..........................................40 4. MODERN REPRESENTATIVE INTERPRETATIONS.............. 42 Historicist View...................................42 Idealist or Spiritualist View .................... 44 The Preterist View................................ 47 Futurist View...................................... 49 Conclusion..........................................52 5. CONCLUSION AND MATTERS FOR FURTHER STUDY............ 53 BIBLIOGRAPHY......................................................57 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. V BJRL IBD FThst Rev Se JNES TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS Bulletin of the John Rylands Library The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible Freiburger Theologische studien Rel J. Riviere, Le demon dans leconomie redemptrice dapres s. Ignace d antioche, Journal of Near Eastern Studies Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to recognize the contributions of a number of individuals whose assistance has made the preparation of this thesis possible. I especially appreciate the efforts of my supervisory professor, Dr. Molly T. Marshall, in reading my many manyscripts, and for her constructive criticism. I thank Drs. David E. Garland and Bryant W. Hicks for serving on my supervisory committee and for their insights. I also thank Ms. Martha C. Powell for her aid in achieving proper style. Finally, appreciation must be expressed to my wife Liwayway Pauliah, whose love and devotion have supported me throughout my study. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION The book of Revelation is unique among the New Testament writings. Readers have been challenged by its stylef language, and symbolism. Much confusion about the book can be attributed to the use of symbolic language. Among biblical scholars in every age there has always been a keen interest in interpretation of the woman imagery in Revelation 12. The powerful imagery of the woman reflects a combination of biblical and mythological imagery, which naturally invites many interpretations. The appearance of woman in heaven for the first time raised a question in the minds of the reader whether this scene should be understood literally or symbolically. Numerous scholars agree that the woman in Revelation 12 is a symbol.1 For the past few decades, scholars have emphasized the fact that the Old Testament functions as the exegetical key for the interpretation of Revelation. The 1See, e.g., David Chilton, The Days of Vengeance (Ft. Worth, Texas: Dominion Press, 1987), p. 297; James Blevins, Revelation as Drama (Nashville: Broadman Press, 1984), p. 59; Wilfrid Harrington, The Apocalypse of St. John (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1969), p. 165; T. F. Glasson, The Revelation of John (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), p. 73. 1 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 author of Revelation never quotes directly from the the Old Testament Scriptures, but there are found hundreds of allusions one way or another to the Old Testament Scriptures.2 Guthrie comments that the language of the Old Testament has "so molded the author's thought that he cannot write without reflecting it.3 Scholars have pointed out that the woman imagery of Revelation 12 not only has the allusion to biblical literature but also to non-biblical literature. Revelation was received into the canon both because of its brilliant christological imagery and its emphasis on the cosmic struggle between the powers of light and darkness. Statement of Purpose The purpose of this thesis is to survey the history of interpretation of the "Woman" in Revelation 12. This study will not attempt to prove that one interpretation is superior to another; rather it will provide a brief evaluation of each interpretation. The image of the woman is a complex symbol both because of its background and the way it is utilized by the author. The cryptic nature of the 2Swete mentions that of the 4 04 verses of the Apocalypse, 278 contain references to the Old Testament. Henry Barclay Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John: The Greek Text with Introduction. Notes and Indices. 3rd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1911), p. cxl. 3Donald Guthrie, New Testament Introduction: Hebrews to Revelation (Chicago: Inter-Varsity Press, 1966), p. 285. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. woman imagery has yielded a variety of methods of interpretation. The exegesis of Revelation 12 through the centuries has been based on diverse presuppositions and attitudes toward apocalyptic. Chapter 12 begins with a great wonder in heaven. Followed by this wonder John sees the woman mighty and glorious, of so great importance that even the heavenly bodies must serve to add to her beauty. This is the first time John sees a "sign. Mulholland states that "the realities that lie behind John/s vision are dynamics so profound they can only be signed."4 This great sign in heaven reminds the reader that the woman is a symbol of great importance.5 Ford contends that the woman symbol is almost as important as the Lamb symbol.6 One's perception of the woman imagery can in fact shape one's theology. Thus far no one has attempted a comprehensive survey of the varied identifications of woman. B. J. Le Frois in his work: The Woman Clothed with the Sun has provided an exegesis of the pericope which describes the woman. In his introduction, he gives a brief summary of various church fathers7 ^Robert Mulholland, Revelation (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Francis Asbury Press, 1990), p. 215. 5David Chilton, The Days of Vengeance, p. 297. ^assyngberde Ford, Revelation: Introduction. Translation, and Commentary (Garden City: Doubleday and Company, 1975), p. 188. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 interpretations of the pericope. However, his work lacks the contemporary interpretation and examination of woman imagery in other scriptural passages, which may have bearing on Romans 12. Roman Catholics and Protestants have varied in their interpretation of the woman. There is no consensus among the scholars of the interpretation of the woman. The ongoing debate among Catholic scholars has been whether the woman represents an individual, namely, the blessed virgin Mary, or a collective figure. The woman has been variously identified as wisdom,7 Israel,8 heavenly Jerusalem,9 and the church.10 The imagery contains a multiplicity of allusions. Some have suggested that John's imagery derives from pagan combat myths, especially the myth of the pursuit of Leto, the mother of Apollo, by the red dragon Set- Typhon.11 7Proverb 8:22-31. sGary Cohen, Revelation Visualized (Huntington Valley, Pennsylvania: Salem Kirban Inc., 1971), p. 232. Tim Lahaye, Revelation (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, 1975), pp. 160-161. Tim Lahaye claims that woman in Revelation 12 represents Israel and the persecution of woman corresponds with the persecution of the Jews through the ages. 9Galatians 4:26. 10David Van Daalen, A Guide to the Revelation (London: SPCK, 1986), p. 110. 11Leon Morris, The Revelation of St. John (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1969), p. 156. The Greek or Egyptian mythology presents closely similar ideas to that of Revelation 12. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Methodology 5 This study will provide a descriptive overview of the interpretation of the woman symbol throughout ecclesiastical history. In order to understand the woman imagery of Revelation 12, Chapter Two will focus on the texts relating to the use of woman imagery in the Old and New Testaments as well as related literature. Chapter Three will explore the history of interpretation of this passage, from the Apostolic period until the time of Reformation. This chapter will be comprised of four major parts: l. The interpretation of the woman imagery at the time of the apostles to the time of Clement of Alexandria? 2. Interpretations from Clement of Alexandria to the Council of Nicea; 3. Interpretations from the Council of Nicea to Augustine; 4. Interpretations from Augustine to Reformation. Each of these epochs has contributed distinctive interpretations to the exegesis of the pericope. In the post-Reformaticn era, a major shift in the perception of the role of Scripture and church has occurred. This shift is reflected in the manner in which the woman symbol has been understood during this period. Chapter Four will examine the modern representative interpretations of the woman symbol and how they differ from each other. During the modern era, an interest in the relationship between ecclesiology and the woman symbol has been revived. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6 The fifth chapter will present conclusions derived from this study and set forth an interpretation which seems best supported by exegesis. Finally, the significance of this study will be assessed. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter 2 THE LITERARY SOURCES OF THE WOMAN OF REVELATION 12 The foundation for this thesis is grounded in the exegesis of woman imagery in the Old and New Testament. The contributions of the Old and the New Testament symbols are so significant in Revelation that one can not possible ignore the passages which reflect woman imagery in the Old and New Testaments. The Old Testament prophets portrayed apostate Israel as a harlot woman or an adulteress.1 The New Testament writers used woman imagery to refer to a local congregation, bride of Jesus Christ, and a harlot referring to disobedient children of God. Besides these, the symbolic referents for woman include capital cities, nations, virgins, and mother.2 In the Old Testament The early interpreters called Genesis 3:15 as "the first gospel" and in this passage they have seen an allusion to Revelation 12. The book of Hosea (1:2-9; 3:1-5) uses various symbols to convey the message of Yahweh to the See Isaiah 23:15-18, Revelation 17:4-5. 2See Amos 5:2, Isaiah 40:2, Jeremiah 31:21. 7 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. people of Israel. An exegesis of the woman imagery in these two passages will help clarify the woman imagery of Revelation 12. Genesis 3:15. The description of the struggle of the woman and her seed against the seed of the serpent in Genesis 3:15 has been a source of major debate. The following questions have been raised by scholars in regard to the exegesis of this text: Does this text pronounce a curse on the serpent and humankind, or does it promise a redeemer to the descendants of Adam and Eve? Is the passage to be interpreted literally or allegorically, and assuming some sort of figurative interpretation, does the woman in this passage refer to Eve alone or also to Mary, the mother of Jesus? Does the expression "her seed" include all humanity, or does it focus on Christ as the primary representative of humanity? Certain expositors have proposed that Genesis 3:15 serves as a background source for the imagery of the woman and her child in Revelation 12:17.5 Philo, the Jewish writer employs an allegorical interpretation of Genesis 3:15. He regards the serpent as a symbol of desire: "And desire has a natural enmity toward sense, which Scripture 3See James Burton Coffman, Commentary on Genesis (Abilene, Texas: A. U. C. Press, 1985), p. 68; Wilfrid Harrington, The Apocalypse of St. John (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1969), p. 36. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. symbolically calls woman."* He does not give any special attention to the description of the woman's seed. Justin is the first known Christian writer to compare Eve to the virgin Mary. However, he makes no claim that Eve was the mother of all humanity. He proceeds to contrast that through Eve came the word of darkness and through Mary came the word of Life. Note Justin's remarks concerning the seed: "He became man by the Virgin in order that the disobedience which proceeded from the serpent might receive its destruction in the same manner in which it derived its origin."5 Irenaeus likewise provided a similar interpretation of the woman symbol. He took the struggle between the serpent and the woman to be moral in nature. The "seed" refers to all humankind, including Christ. However, he regards Christ as the head of all humanity. Irenaeus, in arguing against Tatian, who denied that Adam is a partaker of salvation, asserted that the seed of the woman in Genesis 3:15 is " the predestined offspring" who is "the child of Mary." Hence, the woman refers to Mary.6 Clement of Alexandria, in speaking of the "Eternal Word incarnate," found messianic prophecy in Genesis 3:15. He interprets the *Philo, Questions on Genesis. Supplement I, trans. Ralph Marcus, The Loeb Classical Library (London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1951), p. 27. 5D. J. Unger, The First-Gospel (New York: The Franciscan Institute, 1954), p. 94. 6Ibid., p. 97. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 10 seed of the woman as the Lord, and the woman as the mother of the Messiah.7 Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis asserted: Now nowhere is to be found a seed of woman. Only according to a figure, in the case of Eve, the enmity is understood between her own progeny and of both the serpent and the devil and envy existing in the serpent. The whole thing, therefore, cannot be fullfilled in a most perfect manner in her [Eve]. It will, however, truly be fulfilled in the holy seed, the elect, most singular seed, which was found [born] of Mary without the marriage relation of a man.8 The early interpreters referred to this verse as protoevangelium or first gospel. They discerned here a prophecy of Christ's victory over the devil.9 Many modern expositors, who approach the passage from the standpoint of strict historical exegesis, deny that it contains protoevangelium. Targum Jonathan and Targum Jerusalem refer "the seed of the woman" to the Jews and "the crushing of the serpent's head" to the victory of the Jews over the devil in the days of the Messianic age. Luther rejected the medieval view which claimed that the woman in Genesis 3:15 represents Mary the mother of Jesus Christ. Luther asserted that the verse announces the virgin birth of Christ. Many Protestant 7J. P. Migne, ed., Patroloqiae Cursus completus Series Latina VIII (Paris, 1866), pp. 61C-64A. 8Dominic J. Unger, The First Gospel. p. 116. 9Coffman sees in this text an outline of the doctrine of the Incarnation, the Virgin Birth, a prophecy of the crucifixion, the final overthrow of Satan in hell, announcement of the ultimate overthrow of evil, the long agony of the human race, and a message of hope and salvation for fallen humanity. James Burton Coffman, Commentary on Genesis (Abilene, Texas: A. C. U. Press, 1985), p. 68. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 11 theologians adopted John Calvin's view that the verse announces a continual enmity between humanity and the devil, an enmity which will culminate in the ultimate victory of humanity. Human beings will have the ultimate victory. These commentators paid very little attention to the interpretation of woman.10 Aldert van Der Ziel asserts that Genesis 3 belongs to the "Jahwist" source, which means "one can expect a story told in an imaginative manner full of symbolisms, hidden meanings and aetiologies, stories that give a deep insight into the human condition."11 Several interpretations of the woman have been set forth; in fact, there are so many that they can not be discussed and evaluated here. However, this investigation demonstrates that most commentators interpret the woman as a symbol. Yet a minority claim the woman in this text refers only to Eve. Hosea 1:2-9; 3:1-5. The book of Hosea is a masterpiece of symbolic language which portrays God's deepest love for Israel. The writer uses symbols, for example, a cultic prostitute; name signs, for example, "No Pity;" metaphors, for example, an unhappy marriage. Through the use of symbols, signs, and metaphors, the author silently 10see J. Skinner, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1930), pp. 80-82. 1 A ldert Van Der Ziel, Genesis and Scientific Inquiry (Minneapolis: T. S. Denison & Company, 1965), p. 67. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 12 communicates his message to his readers. Many scholars agree that the marriage of Hosea to an adulteress is a symbolic demonstration of Yahweh's situation in relation to faithless Israel.12 The book of Hosea employs various metaphors to portray Israel.13 That Hosea married Gomer, daughter of Diblaim, was not by chance; rather, it was by the direct command of God. Hosea 1:2-9 records God's first command for Hosea to marry an adulteress. Perhaps Gomer was one of the sacred prostitutes who were connected with the fertility cult. Hosea 3:1-5 gives the second command to love this woman who practiced adultery. It was apparent to Hosea that God intended his tragedy to serve as a means of revelation to the people of Israel. Unfaithful Gomer became to Hosea the personification and exemplification of the adulterous "wife" of Yahweh. 12There are several varieties of interpretation of Hosea's marriage. For an elaborate understanding of different interpretation see H. Wheeler Robinson, Two Hebrew Prophets: Studies in Hosea and Ezekiel (London: Lutterworth Press. 1948), pp. I2ff.; H. H. Rowley, "The Marriage of Hosea," EJRL. 39 (September, 1956), 200ff.; James D. Smart, "Hosea" IDB, vol. 2, ed. G. A. Buttrick (New York: Abingdon Press, 1962), pp. 648-653.; George A. Smith, The Book of the Twelve Prophets (New York: Doubleday & Doram, 1929), pp. 234-252. 13These include wife of harlotry (1:2), mother (2:2), stubborn heifer (4:16), sick person (5:13), gray haired man (7:9), treacherous bow (7:16), useless vessel (8:8), wild ass (8:9), grapes in the wilderness (9:10), luxuriant vine (10:1), a child, son (11:1), dishonest merchant (12:7), morning cloud, early dew, chaff, smoke from chimney (13:3), a lily (14:5), olive tree (14:6), the grain (14:7) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 13 The events that occurred to Hosea and the message of Yahweh are intertwined. The book provides little direct information concerning the prophet himself. His name, Hosea, appears only in two places (l: l; 2a) and means "salvation.14 Abraham Heschel states that Hosea's marital experience provides an immediate spiritual datum.15 In several pericopes the unfaithfulness of God's people is described as adultery.16 Commentators find moral, textual, and literary incongruities between chapters one and three. The first chapter portrays Hosea's marriage to Gomer, while the third chapter discusses the redemption of an adulteress. Recent critics of the book of Hosea have been preoccupied with the identity of the woman in chapters one and in three. Some scholars take chapter 3 to be a parallel account of Hosea's marriage to Gomer, while others argue that Hosea married Gomer for a second time. Still others claim that a different woman appears in chapter 3.17 Rather than identifying the woman, it may be more constructive to identify metaphorical language that points to Israel. The u Clyde T. Francisco, Introducing the Old Testament (Nashville: Broadman Press, 1950), p. 150. 15Abraham J. Heschel, The Prophets (New York: Harper & Row Publishing, 1969), p. 56. 16See Jeremiah 3:9; Ezekiel 16:30-32; 23:37. 17For detailed information concerning the relationship between chapter one and three see A. Douglas Tushingham, "A Reconsideration of Hosea, Chapter 1-3," JNES. 12 (July 1953), pp. 150-159. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 14 visible imagery of Hosea's wife and her unfaithfulness to her husband dramatizes the picture of Israel's unfaithfulness to Yahweh. James D. Smart provides a concise assessment of the situation: The most that can be said is that Hosea seems to have been tragically unfortunate in his marriage, to have seen in it a human parable of God's relation with Israel, and to have acted out in relation to his wife a parable of God's redemptive love for Israel.18 Two potent metaphors stand out in the message of Hosea: Yahweh as the husband of Israel, and Israel as the bride of Yahweh. "These two symbols convey both the intimacy and the social implications of faith, and they provide a remarkably suitable vehicle for the dramatic representation of Israel's history as the people of God."19 In the New Testament The uses of Old Testament symbols and imageries by the New Testament writers are distinguishable. The Old Testament imageries as appropriated by the New Testament writers may well have been understood, interpreted, and even altered to convey the message. John 3:29. Commentators take this verse to be a parable. The text supplies a threefold picture: the bridegroom, the bride, and the best man. The identity of the bride and 18James D. Smart, "Hosea" IDB. p. 32. 19James M. Ward, Hosea (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1966), p. 8. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 15 bridegroom is the primary focus of this verse. According to the evangelist, John the Baptist spoke these words while his disciples and Jesus' disciples were performing the rite of baptism. Certain of John's disciples were envious of the fact that more people were now following Jesus than their own beloved master. To these, John alludes to the marriage customs of that day and clarifies his relationship to Jesus. He understood himself to fill the role of a "best man" in a wedding party, remaining in the background in order to give the place of honor to the bridegroom.20 John refers to Jesus as the bridegroom. Jesus makes use of similar imagery in Mark 2:19-20, implying that he, as the bridegroom, has authority to feast with the bride. Perhaps John made use of this wedding metaphor because its meaning was wellknown to the Jews, as it was an important part of their cultural heritage. Some commentators assert that the author of John's gospel may have adopted the wedding metaphor from the synoptic tradition in order to foreshadow the marriage supper of the Lamb.21 In this 20John Calvin in his commentary The Gospel according to. St. John draws out the implication for the Christian teacher: "Those who win the church over to themselves rather than to Christ faithlessly violate the marriage which they ought to honor. And the greater the honor that Christ confers on us when He puts His bride in our charge, the more wicked is our faithlessness if we do not study to defend his rights" John Calvin, The Gospel According to St. John, ed. T. H. C. Parker (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1959), p. 81. 21C. K. Barrett, The Gospel according to John (London: S. P. C. K . , 1958), p. 186. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 16 scenario, Christ functions as a royal bridegroom, and one day he will be joined by his bride. There is no general consensus among the commentators as to the identity of the bride. Godet argues that the bride is the messianic community which John was called to establish in Israel.22 On the other hand, Gaebelein asserts that the bride represents the church rather than Israel. Israel symbolically held the position of the married wife of Yahweh, but because of her disloyalty to the covenant, she was subject to divorce. Although a divorced wife could remarry, she could hardly be called a virgin.23 McPolin contends that the bride represents the people of Israel.24 However, Kysar claims that there is no clear emphasis in this text on Israel as the bride of Yahweh.25 The researcher proposes that the bridal imagery in this text refers only to Israel and not the New Testament church. When John uttered his words, the Testament church had not yet come to existence. Thus, it is clear from this passage that the term, "bride," is used symbolically for the people of God. 22Frederick L. Godet, Commentary on the Gospel of John (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing, 1893), p. 409. 23Clemens A. Gaebelein, The Gospel of John (New York: Publication office "Our Hope," 1925), p. 79. 24James McPolin, John (Wilmington, Delaware: Michael Glazier, 1979), p. 37. 25Robert Kysar, John (Minneapolis, Minnesota: Augsburg Publishing House, 1986), p. 58. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 17 II Corinthians 11:2-3. I Corinthians is the earliest extant Christian document to apply bridal imagery to the Christian community. Perhaps Paul utilized this metaphor as he was aware that the Corinthians were cognizant of Jewish social practices. Perhaps he may have simply borrowed this imagery from the Old Testament passages in which Yahweh is described as the bridegroom of Israel.26 Two alternate interpretations of this passage are found among commentators: l. Some hold that Paul regards himself as the father of the Corinthian believers, and desires to give his daughter in marriage; 2. As the founder of the Corinthian church, he betroths it to Christ in the same way that God betrothed Eve to Adam. Three metaphors are explicit in this passage: Paul is the father; the Corinthian believers are the bride and daughter; and Christ is the bridegroom. The Old and New Testaments make use of the marriage analogy in explicating the intimate relationship between God and his people. The book of Revelation uses similar imagery when describing the forthcoming marriage supper of the Lamb (Rev. 19-7-9). Perhaps this imagery is used because the relationship between husband and wife is the closest relationships that can exist among human beings. In addressing the Corinthians in regard to spiritual purity, Paul, like an actor on the 26See Ezekiel, chapters 16 and 23; Isaiah 50:1 and 54:1-6; Psalm 45; Mark 2:18-20; Romans 7:4; Ephesians 5:22- 23 and Revelation 19:1-10. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 18 ancient stage, wears the mask of folly in order to act before the Corinthians. He claims to consider himself a fool, and laying aside all personal boasting, he makes his one desire known to the Corinthians. As the founder of the Corinthian church, he likens himself to a father who gives his daughter in marriage. He uses the same imagery in comparing the Corinthians with Eve, who was deceived by the serpent. The use of the subjunctive mood in verse 13 indicates that the Corinthians have not yet completely disobeyed God, as Eve eventually did. But they are like Eve in allowing themselves to be tempted. Paul sees himself as the agent of God through whom his converts were betrothed to Christ. As a father, he is under obligation to ensure that they are presented as a pure virgin to her one husband, namely Christ at the time of marriage. The virginity of the bride is analogous to the spiritual purity of the believers. Lenski states that the point and pivot of the whole imagery lies in the term "pure virgin."27 The primary focus in Paul's use of bridal imagery in this passage is on the Corinthian church. Apocryphal Literature Certain apocryphal works shed light on the book of 27R. C. H. Lenski, The Interpretation of St. Paul's First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians (Columbus, Ohio: Lutheran Book Concern, 1935), p. 1074. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Revelation. There are a number of similarities between Apocryphal literature and Revelation. Although these apocryphal apocalypses vary considerably in details, they contain the same eschatological theme as Revelation, namely the destruction of evil and the establishment of God's eternal reign. Most of the pseudonymous apocalypses make use of a language of symbols. II Esdras in particular is quite helpful in clarifying the woman imagery in the book of Revelation. 2 Esdras 10; 38-44. 2 Esdras also known as "the Apocalypse of Ezra" or "4 Ezra" is believed to have been written after the destruction of the temple by the Romans in 70 C.E. Scholars conjecture that it was composed over a period of two hundred years. For the past century and a half critics have raised questions concerning the date of its composition, literary unity, overall character, and purpose. G. H. Box argues that 2 Esdras was composed of five sources: a Salathiel Apocalypse, an Ezra apocalypse, the eagle vision, the son of man vision, and the second Ezra. He believes that a redactor was responsible for composing many passages and numerous adjustments within the sources.28 Currently, however, most scholars agree that the book of Esdras is the work of a single author. The major section in the book of Ezra is apocalypse. It contains seven visions. 28G. H. Box, The Ezra-Apocalvpse {London: Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1912), p. XXXII. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 20 The first vision is a dialogue between the seer and the angel Uriel, concerning God's justice over Zion (3:1-5:20). The second is a complaint that God has been unfair to his people (5:21-6:34). The third vision deals with a whole series of questions by Ezra with answers by the angel, all centered on God's creation, the messianic age, and the judgment (6:35-9:25). In the fourth vision, Ezra sees a woman who represents the heavenly Zion, mourning over the death of her only son (9:26-10:59). The fifth gives the vision of the eagle, who has twelve wings and three heads. Ezra was startled by the vision and requests an immediate interpretation (10:60-12:51). In the sixth vision, Ezra sees a man from the sea, who is the pre-existent Messiah (13:1-58). The final vision relates the revelation to Ezra of the sacred Scriptures, as well as of 70 secret books (14:1-48). The most striking image in 2 Esdras is the woman symbol in the fourth vision. The seer was in the field of Ardat, where he spent seven days in meditation. In his meditation, he contemplated on the law of God. The conclusion to which his meditation led was that the law could never be destroyed, since it was given by God. But the people who received the law had disregarded it. His meditation is interrupted by the vision of a misfortunate woman. She was disheveled; her clothes were torn; and she had dust on her head. The sorrowful woman Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 21 recited to the seer the loss of her son. In order to comfort the woman, the prophet presented the calamity of Zion and the distress of Jerusalem. In the course of their conversation, the woman was transformed; her countenance became bright and shining. Disturbed by the vision, the seer cried for help, and the angel came to his disposal to give the interpretation of the woman. The seer was told that the woman is a symbol of Zion. The identity of Zion is the subject of debate among the commentators. G. H. Box takes the position that the glorified woman is the symbol of heavenly Jerusalem.29 Conclusion A major breakthrough in the scholarly study of Revelation 12 was the recognition of the source and character of its images. Scholars are both in favor of and opposed tc the idea that the source of Revelation 12 is pagan myths.30 It is evident from these studies that the imagery of woman occupied the thoughts of biblical writers. 29Ibid., p. 232. 30T. F. Glasson argues that, there is no difficulty in supposing that John adapted parts of the pagan myth into Christian use. T. F. Glasson, The Revelation of John: A Commentary on the New English Bible: (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), p. 72. Hengstenberg affirms that "the seer of the Apocalypse lives entirely in Holy Scripture." E. Hengstenberg, The Revelation of St. John. vol. 1 (Edinburgh, 1851), p. 52. See J. Massyngberde Ford, "Revelation." The Anchor Bible (New York: Doubleday & Company, 1975), p. 188. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 22 The Old Testament writers mostly interpreted the woman imagery as referring to Israel, the chosen people. The New Testament writers conscious of the Old Testament interpretation, interpreted the woman imagery or the bridal imagery either as the local church or as the collective body of believers. It is possible that the author of Revelation may have borrowed the woman imagery from the Old and New Testaments. Beckwith says that "the author's mind was stored to a marvelous degree with the ideas, the language, and the imagery found in the Old Testament and in apocalyptic writings."31 Beasly-Murray comments that the book of Revelation "requires to be read in conjunction with the work which preceded it; and they are incomplete without it."32 31Isbon T. Beckwith, The Apocalypse of John (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1967), p. vii. 32G. R. Beasley-Murray, The Book of Revelation (Greenwood: The Attic Press, 1974), p. 29. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter 3 A HISTORY OF INTERPRETATION OF REVELATION 12:1-6 IN CHRISTIAN TRADITION Chapter 3 will review interpretations of the woman imagery from Apostolic times up to the Reformation. This period encompasses a relatively large time in which a broad collection of literature came into existence. Because number of developments in exegesis of Scripture arose, it is difficult to arrange all the material that was written in this period into logical categories. For the purpose of this thesis, only the literature which deals with the imagery of the woman or an allusion to Revelation 12 will be taken into consideration. In this time span interpreters used various principles and methodologies to interpret Scripture. During the time of the apostles, exegesis largely depended on the method practiced by Judaism.1 In the Patristic period the canon of the New Testament was established. Exegesis in the second century depended on a writer's view of the old Testament.2 Two methods used were cautious allegory and a 1See P. R. Ackroyd, ed., The Cambridge History of the Bible, vol.l {Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 412-417. 2Ignatius alludes frequently to the Old and New Testaments, but seldom quotes them directly. 23 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 24 developed typology.3 In interpreting Scripture the Greek and Latin church fathers employed philosophical categories and used abstract nomenclature.4 Clement of Alexandria and Origen are notable figures in the first half of the third century. The school of Alexandria resorted to allegorization of the Scripture,5 as did Origen. The school of Antioch insisted on the historical interpretation and emphasized that the literal meaning of the Scripture.6 At the time of Augustine the church began to play a prominent role in controlling interpretation. During the long medieval period, church tradition held a higher place than Scripture. In order to support the tradition of the church the writings of the fathers were used. There developed a debate about four senses of Scripture: the literal, allegorical, tropological or moral, and anagogical. The time of the Reformation was a period of innovative developments and it produced transitional aspects of interpretation. During this period both Scripture and the primacy of faith were retained, while allegorizing 3Walter M. Dunnett, The Interpretation of Holy Scripture (NashvilDe: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 1984), p. 65. 4A. B. Mickelsen, Interpreting the Bible (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1963), p. 30. 5Terence J. Keegan, Interpreting the Bible (New York: Paulist Press, 1985), p. 15. ^Roy B. Zuck, Basic Bible Interpretation (Wheaton: Victor Books, 1984), p. 37. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 25 became less prominent. Martin Luther rejected the fourfold interpretation of the medieval period and emphasized one fundamental meaning. Apostolic Times to Clement of Alexandria The rapid growth of Christianity began in the apostolic period. It was the period of orthodoxy as the apostles began to defend the message of the resurrection. Perhaps most of the New Testament books were written during this period. The formation of the New Testament canon was not yet complete in this period.7 Perhaps the book, of Revelation was not known to many churches during this period. The Shepherd of Hermas The Shepherd of Hermas is an early Christian document. Many early works mention "The shepherd" or "The shepherd of Hermas." It was probably written at the beginning of the second century in Rome.8 The authorship of this document is questionable, but according to the Muratorian canon, it was written by the brother of Pius, 7See Alexander Souter, Text and Canon. 2nd ed. C. S. C. Williams, (London: Duckworth & Co., 1954), pp. 191ff. 8H. B. Swete, Patristic Study (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1902), p. 23. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 26 Bishop of Rome, about 140-154.9 There is widespread agreement among scholars that it was written over a long period of time. The Shepherd of Hermas consists of five visions, twelve mandates, and ten similitudes or parables. Hermas is both the narrator and the hero of this narrative and the Shepherd is the revealer of truth. The visions were given to Hermas in order to share the messages with the churches. The fourth vision contains a reference, or at least an allusion, to the woman in Revelation 12. This vision takes the form of an apocalypse. Hermas sees in this vision something supernatural, an appearance of a huge beast like a sea-monster. The beast has a head of four colors; black, red, gold, and white. While Hermas watches the beast, there appears a woman as if from a bride-chamber. Hermas recognizes from former visions that the woman symbolizes the church.10 Terrified by the beast, Hermas requests of the woman the meaning of the beast. She makes known to Hermas that the beast is symbolic of the great tribulations to come. The four colors of the head are symbolic: black symbolizes the world in which Hermas lives; Red symbolizes that the world will be purified by blood and fire; gold 9Jerald C. Brauer, ed. The Westminster Dictionary of Church History (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1971), p. 398. 10In vision 2:4 Hermas sees an aged woman who proves to be the church. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 27 symbolizes the testing of believers; and white symbolizes the coming age.11 There are a number of similarities and differences between the vision of John and the vision of Hermas. Both see the dragon and the woman, who appear in heaven in a mysterious way. Both writers use symbolic language. In the vision of John, the woman appears before the dragon. Hermas sees the beast first, then meets the woman. He sees a beast like a sea-monster, its head colored in four colors, whereas John sees a red dragon with seven heads, ten horns and seven crowns upon his heads. The description of the woman in the vision of Hermas is different from John's description of the woman. John perceives the woman clothed with the sun, the moon under her feet and upon her head a crown of twelve stars. The woman Hermas beholds is clothed in a white garment like a bride. Hermas interprets the woman to be the church. Ignatius of Antioch ( c. 35 - c. 108^ Ignatius, who was also called Theophorus, was one of the most important witnesses to the life of the early church. He was close in thought to the New Testament writers. It is believed that Ignatius and Polycarp were 11Kirsopp Lake, The Apostolic Fathers (London: William Heinemann, 1913), p. 63. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 28 fellow-disciples under John the Revelator.12 Ignatius was a bishop of Antioch and was martyred at Rome during the reign of Trajan. Nothing certain is known about Ignatius' death at Rome. According to Polycarp, he suffered martyrdom in Rome. Eusebius the historian was the first to indicate that Ignatius wrote seven letters while on his way to Rome.13 Probably these seven epistles were written in the early years of the second century. His letters were similar to those of the New Testament epistles. It has been claimed that while contending with the Gnostics concerning Jesus Christ, Ignatius either used oral traditions or the Synoptic gospels. Swete claims that the astounding imagery in the epistle of Ignatius is similar to that in the Apocalypse of John.14 Ignatius' Epistle to the Ephesians is believed to have been written from Smyrna. Like the author of Revelation, Ignatius speaks of himself as one who might hope to receive direct revelations from the Lord. I will show you concerning the dispensation of the new man Jesus Christ, which I have begun to discuss, dealing 12Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson, trans.. The Anti-Nicene Fathers, vol. 1 (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1956), p. 45. 13J. D. Douglas and Philip Comfort, eds., Who's Who in Christian History (Wheaton: Tyndale House Publishers, 1992), p. 339. 14H. B. Swete, Patristic Study (London: Longmans Green, 1902), p. 15. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 29 with his faith and his love, his suffering and his resurrection; especially if the Lord reveal to me.15 Some scholars claim that Ignatius' Ephesians 19 has possible reference to Revelation 12.16 Now the virginity of Mary was hidden from the prince of this world, as was also her offspring, and the death of the Lord; three mysteries of renown, which were wrought in silence by God.17 Ignatius speaks of three mysteries: the virginity of Mary, her child-bearing, and the death of the Lord. Revelation 12 speaks of three mysteries: The woman, her seed, and the dragon. Besides Genesis 3:15, Revelation 12 is the only passage in Scripture where the three mysteries are found together. In contrast with Revelation, Ignatius uses no symbolic language. In the message to the Ephesians, Ignatius insists on the reality of the virgin birth, the crucifixion, and the resurrection. Unlike Revelation, the dragon or the prince of the world makes no attempt to destroy the woman or her seed. But the truth concerning the plan of salvation is hidden from the prince of this world by God. It is very probable that Ignatius may have known John's apocalypse; but to contend that his interpretation of the woman image in Revelation 12 is Mary, the Mother of 15Ephesians 20:1-2. 16See M. Rackl, "Die Christologie des hi. Ignatius von Antiochien," FThSt. 14 (1914), p.. 356; J. Riviere, "Le demon dans leconomie redemptrice dapres S. Ignace d'' Antioche," RevScRel. 2 (1922), p. 19- 17 Ephesians 19:1. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 30 Jesus, is not feasible. Conclusion In this early period from the Apostolic Fathers to Clement of Alexandria, there are no direct references to the woman image of Revelation 12. In some cases the writers may or may not have known the woman image of the Apocalypse. During this period the apostles sounded the message of resurrection and condemned every form of idolatry. Possibly no writer in this period gave or claimed a definite interpretation to the imagery of the woman. A possible interpretation at this period may have been the woman as the Christian church. Interpretations from Clement of Alexandria to the Council of Nicea The church fathers and their contemporaries were very much concerned about defending the message against outside heresies. With Victorinus, a new phase begins the defense of Christianity against heresy from within. The allegorical method of interpreting the Scripture took stronger root at this time. In understanding the Scripture, Greek philosophy was used. Commentaries on the Scripture began to be written, for example, Victorinus wrote a commentary in Latin on the Apocalypse. Victorinus of Pettau Victorinus of Pettau was the first known bishop of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 31 Pettau. According to Jerome he was martyred, probably under Diocletian. He was the earliest known exegete of the Latin church. He relied on Irenaeus, Hippolytus, Papias, and especially Origen.18 He was among the proponents of Millenarianism. Victorinus exposed the Latin church to the Greek exegetical method. He commented on many books of the Bible, but only the commentary on Revelation has survived. His commentary on the Apocalypse is the oldest Latin commentary. Victorinus commenting on chapter 12, gives a distinctive interpretation of the woman. The woman is the church of both the Old and New Testaments: The woman clothed with the sun, and having the moon under her feet, and wearing a crown of twelve stars upon her head, and travailing in her pains, is the ancient Church of fathers, and prophets, and saints, and apostles.19 Victorinus insinuates the seed of woman to be Christ in person and the dragon to be the Devil, who murdered Christ and oppressed the whole human race. Speaking of the Devil he asserts that the dragon became purple in color because of its evil works. The description of the woman clothed with the sun suggests the hope of resurrection and the glory of the promise. The moon intimates the fall of 1SF. L. Cross, ed. , The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 1438. 19Alexander Roberts, ed., The Writings of Quintus Sept. Flor. Tertullianus. vol. 3 (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1870), p. 421. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 32 the bodies of the saints under unavoidable certainty of death. The crown of twelve stars signifies the choir of fathers. Methodius of Olympus Methodius was a bishop in Lycia, one of the earliest opponents of Origen. He died under the persecution of Diocletian. His work remains largely in Slavonic translation. His writings were extensively quoted by Jerome, Epiphanius, Gregory of Nyssa, Theodoret and Photius. Methodius wrote extensively. Among all his works only symposium or Banquet of the Ten Virgins' remains entire.20 In this work, he praises the Christian ideal of virginity and ends with a famous hymn to Christ the bridegroom and his bride the Church.21 The interpretation of Revelation 12 is found in the symposium. He asserts that the woman image of Revelation 12, is what the prophets called Jerusalem, a bride, Mount Zion, the temple and the tabernacle of God. Methodius admits that he is powerless to give his own interpretation of the woman. Nevertheless, he proposes that the woman 20F. L. Cross, The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, p. 910. 21 Karl Baus, From the Apostolic Community to Constantine (New York: A Crossroad Book, 1980), p. 242. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 33 represents the church.22 The moon, which is under the feet of the woman, represents the faith of the saints. The seed of the woman are the children of the church, not Christ. Methodius gives three reasons for not interpreting Christ' as a seed: (1) Before the apocalypse were written, the incarnation of the Christ took place (2) The message of revelation does not speak about the past but only about the present and the future (3) As soon as Christ was born he was not taken to heaven because of the fear of being attacked by the dragon. The reason Christ left the throne in heaven and to the earth was to crush the head of the serpent. Conclusion The interpretation of the woman imagery took different shapes. Mostly the woman was interpreted as the church of both Testaments.23 Much of the writing of this period was polemical, Yet it may have been that the interpretation of the woman was not contested. By the fourth century Revelation was widely known and quoted by many writers. 22Alexander Roberts, ed., The Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. 4; (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1986), p. 336. 23The Israel, the chosen people of God were called out from the world like the Church of the New Testament. Thus, it is fitting to identify them as church of the Old Testament. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Interpretations front the council of Nicea to Augustine 34 The interpretation of Scripture in this period was sometimes literal and historical, and sometimes allegorical. A major contribution of this period was an emphasis on canonical Scripture and every theological work was measured in the light of canonical Scripture. Eoiphanius tea. 315403 ^ Epiphanius was a bishop of Salamis and a founder of a monastery near Eleutheropolis in Judaea. He was a strong defender of the Nicene faith. His life was dedicated to the fighting of heresy. He opposed both the Arians and Origenists. He began writing the "panarion" or "Refutation of all the Heresies" in 374 and completed it in 376. It draws heavily from Hippolytus and Irenaeus.z<* In this work, Epiphanius discusses the death of the virgin Mary. In connection with the death of Mary, he acknowledges that he is unable to say whether Mary was immortal or if she died. But on the other hand, he quotes Revelation 12:14 in support of the immortality of Mary: Some indeed understand the prophecy of Simeon (Luke 2:35) as meaning that she was to be slain with the sword. On the other hand, she may have been exempt from death, for that which John tells us in the Apocalypse may have been fulfilled in her: "The dragon hastened to the woman who had brought forth the man-child, and there 24New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 5, (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1967), p. 479. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 35 were given to her the wings of an eagle, and she was borne into the desert lest the dragon seize her.25 In the preface one can see that Epiphanius tries to make a link between the woman of Revelation 12 with Mary but it is very uncertain. If he had intended to give an interpretation of Revelation 12, he may have commented on the seed of the woman and the dragon. Augustine f3544301 Augustine was a bishop of Hippo Regius, born at Tagaste in North Africa. He was the greatest of the Latin church fathers. His broad spectrum of writing indicates Augustine's interest in Scripture. He wrote comments on many of the books of the Bible. A large proportion of Augustine's writings take a polemical form. More is known about Augustine than any other figure in the early church because of his "Confessions" and "Retractions." Augustine's theology molded the whole theology of the Middle ages down to the 13th century. As far as is known, Augustine did not give any interpretation of the Apocalypse. Merely in passing, while treating of Christ's virgin birth, he refers to Revelation 12. Commenting on "the woman fled into the wilderness" (Relation 12:6), Augustine interprets the 25Bernard Le Frois, The woman Clothed with the Sun (Roma: Orbis Catholicus, 1954), p. 42. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 36 wilderness as a symbol of Christ's virgin birth.26 The seed of the woman is Jesus Christ. The woman imagery refers to the city of God.27 In speaking of the woman imagery Augustine quotes Psalm 87:3 "glorious things are said of you, O city of God." Conclusion At the end of the third century several systematic commentaries on Revelation came into existence. The interpretation of the woman image took new directions. The attempts at interpreting the woman imagery to be the Virgin Mary began to be more popular than in the earlier period. Interpretation from Augustine to Reformation Prior to the Reformation the interpretation of Scripture was dominated by the church. The identification of the woman image was centered around the Virgin Mary or the Roman church, following Augustine. Mary received status comparable to a divine being. Oecumenius (6 th century^ Oecumenius is the author of the oldest extant Greek commentary of Revelation. His commentary is one of but 26Migne, J. P., Patrologiae cursus completus: Series Latina vol. 221 (Paris: 1844-1855), p. 1845. 27Ibid. , p. 1846. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. three on the Apocalypse in Greek from the first millennium. It was rediscovered by F. Diekamp and published by H. C. Hoskier in 1928.28 The woman represents Mary. The apocalyptic writer pictures the woman coming from heaven because she is divine. She is pure in soul and body. She is like angels in heaven. Although she is like any human being she has nothing in common with the earth or its evil. The birth pain of the woman represents the spiritual sufferings of Mary when Christ was conceived. When the angel announced to her that she will be overshadowed by the Holy Spirit, Mary was in distress and wondered if her husband would suspect her of having had a secret marriage with some one. The seed of the woman is Christ the Savior. The water that comes from the mouth of the dragon (Rev. 12:15), represents the tragedy of Mary at the time of the crucifixion.29 Alcuin fca. 735804^ He was a counselor of Charlemagne for educational and spiritual matters. Alcuin was known for the dialogue method of instruction. He was inspirer of the Carolingian 28F. L. Cross, The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church. p. 993. W C. H. Hoskier, The Complete Commentary of Oecumenius on the Apocalypse (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1928), pp. 135-149. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 38 renaissance. Alcuin's work consists of educational manuals, poetry in the style of Fortunatus, an attack on the adoptionist heresy of Felix of Urgel, and letters which give a valuable insight into Carolingian society. He wrote a commentary on the Apocalypse. His comments on the 12th chapter of Revelation reflect Tyconius' fourth rule for interpreting the Scripture.30 Alcuin takes the position that the woman represents both Mary and the Church. Taking Galatians 3:27 as a support for the interpretation, Alcuin claims that it is through Mary that the nations were regenerated and out of which the world-wide body of Christ was formed. The birth pain of the woman represents the believers' struggle in attaining perfection and be like Christ. The seed of the woman represents both Christ and his followers.31 Conclusion Most commentators of this period basically interpreted the woman imagery to be Mary. The question that confronted the commentator was whether Mary was an 30Tyconius' fourth rule: For while it is talking about the species, it passes over into the genus so that the transition may not immediately appear clear, but passing over it adds words which may apply to both, until it may gradually withdraw a measure of the species and the translation be elucidated, since those things which begin from the species would not agree unless in the genus. And in the same way it leaves the genus, returning to the species. Pamela Bright, The Book of Rules of Tyconius (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1988), p. ill. 31Migne, Patrolocyia Latina, vol. 221, pp. 1152-1153. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 39 individual or a symbol of the collective Roman church. Interpretation at the time of Reformation The great gain of the Reformation was the break away from Roman tradition. Many Protestant theologians tended to identify the Roman church with the woman and the beast of Revelation 17:2. It was a period of anti-papal exegesis. Martin Luther is a classical example of the reforming tradition. Martin Luther Luther the founder of the German Reformation, never did deliver a series of sermons or lectures on the book of Revelation. His attitude was negative to the book of Revelation and considered it an obscure book, offering nothing solid on which to build. In 1528 Luther published a commentary on the book of Revelation.52 In fact, when he first translated the book he rejected it as non-canonical. He took a similar position with Dionysius and Eusebius declaring that Revelation was not written by John the Apostle.53 He was a historicist in terms of 32Jaroslav Pelikan, ed. . Luther's Work, vol. 30 (Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1967) , p. ix. 33Martin Luther, "Vorrede zur Offenbarung des Johannes," in von D. H. Strathmann, in Was soli die "Of fenbaruncr" des Johannes im Neuen Testament? by D. H. Strathmann (Gutersloh: C. Bertelsmann Verlag, 1948), p. 33. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 40 interpretation, claiming that the Pope was Antichrist.34 Whether or not he liked Revelation, Luther made many comments on the imagery of the woman and her seed. The woman in a collective sense represents the church. The seed is Christ. The warfare against the woman's seed is the symbolic picture of Satan's attack cn the church.35 Conclusion This chapter has reviewed the interpretations of the woman imagery from Apostolic times to the time of the Reformation. The Apostles interpreted the woman to be Israel. At times they interpreted the woman imagery to the local congregation. The early church fathers interpreted the woman imagery to be the people of God of both the Testaments. The allegorical interpretation of Scriptures was not prevalent at this time. Mariological interpretation of the woman imagery came in the fourth century. This was the popular interpretation during the Middle Ages. The main argument for this interpretation was that the narrative refers to the woman as the mother of a male child (Messiah). with Luther there was a new awakening, yet the ^Martin Luther, "Vorrede zu Commentarius in Apocalypsim ante centum annos aeditus," D. Martin Luthers Werke, vol. 26, (1526; rpt. Weimar: Hermann Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1909), p. 121. 35Lectures on Genesis 1-5. Luther's Works, ed. Jaroslav Pelikan (Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1961), p. 189. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 41 interpretation of the woman was not something new other than the early church fathers' interpretation. Chapter 4 will examine the modern representative interpretations of the woman imagery. This examination demands a different approach than that of the Middle Ages. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter 4 MODERN REPRESENTATIVE INTERPRETATIONS The interpretation of woman imagery had never been given over to one method. Each expositor has interpreted the woman imagery with a given set of presuppositions. As demonstrated in the previous chapter, the manner in which the imagery was interpreted reflects the changing course of church history. Traditionally, there were four schools of interpretation: the historicist approach,the preterist approach, the futurist approach, and the idealist approach. These schools resulted from differing viewpoints in regard to how the visions of Revelation applied to history. Historicist View Joachim of Floris (d.1202) was an exponent of the Historicist view.1 Later, the reformers also adopted it. This method treats the book of Revelation as an outline of world history in symbolic form, which commences with Christ's first advent and concludes with the parousia. Historicists believe that the symbols in the book portray in 1Frank E. Gaebelein, e d., The Expositor's Bible Commentary, vol. 12 (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1981), p. 409. 42 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 43 sequence the great events that have taken place or will take place in the future. The historicist view is more literal than the Idealist view. There are several objections to historicism: 1. Events that occur in each generation are not the same; thus they call for new interpretation. 2. If historicism is the correct approach, it would result in much misunderstanding, since those living before the events occurred would not have had the necessary information to draw valid conclusions. 3. The advocates of historicism agree among themselves about the method, but there is no consensus concerning the interpretation of symbols. E. B. Elliott is a representative of the historicist view. He affirms that chapter 12 of Revelation is a history of the conflict of the church with the evil powers. The primary symbol in this chapter is the travailing woman and the dragon. Elliott finds in the woman imagery a symbol of Christ's true, visible church, which includes only those that are alive at any particular time on earth.2 The description of the woman recalls Song of Solomon 6:10. Elliott contended with the theologians of his time who claimed that the sun which clothed the woman represents 2Elliott claims that the imagery of woman in Galatians 4:26 represents all the Lord's saints of the successive generations of the world. The image of travailing woman in Isaiah's vision (Isaiah 66:7-8) represents Zion. E. B. Elliott, Horae Apocalypticae (London: Leonard Seeley, 1851), p. 7. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 44 Jesus Christ. Elliott concurred that Christ's countenance is described as resembling the sun, but nowhere in apocalyptic literature is the sun described as Christ. The heaven where the woman appeared signifies the political heaven. The sun and the moon represent the chief rulers of the Roman world, who supported the church at the particular time of the vision. The stars represent the ecclesiastical ruler, who possess lesser power than the Roman rulers. They were well respected authorities in the world at the time to which the vision pointed. The seed of the woman represents the children of the church united into a body politic and raised to dominant power. The dragon symbolizes Maximim, who ruled in the Asiatic third of the Roman world and who severely persecuted the Church. The dragon symbolizes the heathen persecutor of the Church.3 Idealist or Spiritualist View The idealists claim that the book of Revelation represents the eternal conflict between good and evil which persists in every age. They regard Revelation as essentially poetical, symbolic, and spiritual in nature. The message of Revelation is given to the suffering saints, to assure them of God's final triumph. The Apocalypse is portrayed as containing the principles and ideas which 3Ibid., pp. 5-15. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 45 govern the course of history, without limiting it to the past or the future. William Milligan, an outstanding exponent of this view, asserts that Revelation teaches "an action of great principles and not special incidents."4 The idealists do not interpret any images in light of specific future events, whether in the history of the church or with regard to the end of all things.5 The difficulty with this view is that the genre of apocalyptic literature uses apocalyptic symbolism to describe certain events in history. Yet idealism denies all predictive prophecy, except the ultimate triumph of righteousness. It ignores the events that occurred in the first century. William Hendriksen, a representative of this view, claims that Revelation 12 is based on Genesis 3:15. He argues that both texts share the same characters and message. Genesis 3:15 announces the conflict between Christ and Satan, and Revelation 12 announces the victory of Christ over Satan. The serpent of Genesis 3:15 is the dragon of Revelation 12, and the seed of Genesis is the male child of 4William Milligan, The Revelation of St. John. 2nd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1887), p. 153. sRecent interpreters who favor this view: Raymond Calkins, The Social Message of the Book of Revelation (New York: Woman's Press, 1920); Philip Carrington, The Meaning of the Revelation (New York: Macmillan, 1931); Paul Minear, An Introduction to the Visions of the Apocalypse (Cleveland: Corpus Books, 1968); Mathias Rissi, Time and History (Richmond: John Knox Press, 19 66). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 46 Revelation 12. "In unmistakable symbolism the seer carries us back to the moment of Christ's birth and ascension, 12:1- 5.1,6 Hendrksen divides Revelation into two parts. Chapters 1-11 record the outward conflict between church and the world, while chapters 12-22 convey the deeper background of the struggle (12-22). Chapter 12 marks the beginning of the second major division. Hendriksen identifies three characters in Revelation 12:1-6: the woman, the child, the seed of the woman, and the dragon. The woman symbolizes the church (Isaiah 50:1; 54:1; Hosea 2:1; Ephesians 5:32). The seed of the woman is Christ (Genesis 3:15; Galatians 4:4); the author of Revelation borrows this imagery form Psalm 2:9. The dragon symbolizes Satan (Revelation 20:2; Ephesians 2:2; 6:12). Scripture makes use of several symbols to denote the church: the bride of Christ, olive tree, one elect race, royal priesthood, holy nation, and a people for God's own possession. The victory of Christ and his church over the dragon is an ever-recurring theme in Revelation. It may appear at first that the church is defeated but in reality, it reigns. The dragon, who seems to be the conqueror, receives a great defeat. Hendricksen insists that the book of Revelation must be interpreted in the specific historical setting in 6William Hendriksen, More Than Conquerors (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1947), p. 162. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 47 which it was produced. Hence, the woman imagery is interpreted as the Church. The Preterist View The word praeter comes from Latin, meaning past or beyond.7 The preterist asserts that in reading the book of Revelation, one must pay close attention to the historical settings of the book. The period in which John lived is the key to understanding the symbolism of the Apocalypse. The primary concern of the book was to comfort the early Christians who were living under intense persecution.8 The first systematic presentation of this view was presented by Alcazar, a Roman Catholic priest, at the beginning of the Seventeenth century. He proposed that the message of Revelation had no application to the future. This method encourages the reader to consider the historical settings of the book. It connects the living Church with the message, thereby establishing the continuity of Scripture. In applying the message to the time of the author, it avoids further interpretation of the book. In contending that chapters 4-22 describe events wholly limited 7Ray Summers, Worthy Is the Lamb (Nashville: Broadman, 1951), p. 43. R o b e r t H. Mounce, advocator of the Preterist view, believes that the prophecy, which is outlined in the book, pointed either to the fail of Jerusalem (A .D . 70) or the fall of Rome (A.D. 476). Robert H. Mounce, The Book of Revelation (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1977), p. 41. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 48 to the time of John, Preterism treats the book of Revelation as a historical document. Many contemporary scholars support this view.9 The limitations of the preterist view are that it creates difficulty in asserting any ongoing meaning for the later interpreters. The book itself declares "come up hither, and I will show thee the things which must come to pass hereafter." The phrase "hereafter" refers to the future. Massyngberde Ford, an advocate of the Preterist view, identifies three symbolic figures in chapter 12: the woman, the male child and the dragon. She applies the term, "the book of signs" to chapter 12. The word, "sign" occurs seven times in chapters 12-19. Six of these references are associated with evil events. God's intervention distinguishes the woman symbol from the other six. The sign of the woman is similar to that of Isaiah 7:10-17, where a sign was given to king Ahaz, which the New Testament understands as a prediction of the birth of the Messiah. Ford contends that the woman imagery of Revelation is derived from the Old Testament. The fact that the woman imagery suggests an individual figure has influenced some commentators to interpret it as Mary, the Mother of Jesus. 9See G. B. Caird, The Revelation of St. John the Divir.c (New York: Karper, 1366) ; T. F. Glasson, The Revelation of John (New York: Cambridge at the University, 1965); Wilfred Harrington, The Apocalypse of St. John: A Commentary (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1969). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. However, there is sufficient evidence in the Old Testament to demonstrate that the woman of Revelation 12 is a collective figure and not an individual.10 The woman represents the whole community of faithful Jerusalem.11 The description of the woman as being clothed with the sun and with the moon under her feet parallels the bride in the Song of Solomon (6:19). "The woman with the child" does not always refer to physical motherhood, a similar usage being found in Numbers 11:12, where Moses complains to God concerning his responsibility for the people of Israel. The fact that the woman cried out in her birth pain need not be associated with ordinary childbirth. Rather, it refers to the fact that the woman's cries were directed to Yahweh. The image of a woman in childbirth suggests that the author may have been influenced by Isaiah 26:17. The image of a woman in childbirth is frequently used in Old Testament literature.12 Futurist View This view proposes that with the exception of chapters 1-3, all the visions in Revelation are reserved for the period immediately preceding and following the second 10In Isaiah 54:5-6 Zion is referred as a wife of Yahweh and in Hosea 4:5 Israel is called a mother. 11J. Massyngberde Ford, "Revelation.:: The Anchor Bible (New York: Doubleday & Company, 1975), p. 192. 12Isaiah 21:3; Jeremiah 4:31; 30:6; 49:24. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 50 advent of Christ.13 The messages in chapter 1-3 apply to the day in which the book was written. The historicists7 claim that the seven churches of Asia symbolize seven eras of church history also appeals to many futurists. A major argument for this view is found by comparing Revelation 1:19 ("write, therefore, what you have seen, what is now and what will take place later") with 4:1 ("after this I looked, and there before me was a door standing open in heaven.") The seer was given visions concerning the future. Hence the futurists have a good basis for asserting the validity of their method. The early expositors, such as Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Hippolytus, and Victorinus, held this view. The chief problem with this futurism is that it limits the Revelation7s message to the future; thus it has very little to say to the contemporary church. The phrase, "after these things" (4:1), does not specify after what the predicted events will take place, nor does it say how long afterward. "After these things" could be indefinite. Although futurists assign most of Revelation to the future, they do not specify the beginning of the future. Leon Morris combines preterist and Futuristic view.14 He asserts that Revelation 12 contains visions concerning the troubles of the church. The whole book of 13Hal Lindsey, There7s a New World Coming (Santa Ana, Calif.: Vision House Publishers, 1S73), p. 43. 14Canon L. Morris, The Revelation of St. John (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1969), pp. 155-164. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 51 Revelation is written for believers who faced persecution. The major focus of the book concerns the fact that God has decisively defeated the devil who stood against Christ and his church. The sources of the symbolism in Revelation 12 may appear to stem from pagan myths, but a close examination of the chapter demonstrates that the Old Testament is its source. The imagery of Revelation is to be explained from its use and not from pagan myths. The image of the woman functions as a sign. The woman represents Israel, the chosen people. The twelve stars on her head represent the twelve patriarchs of the Old Testament. The image of the woman may be borrowed from Isaiah 26:17. John uses the present tense "cries" and the participles "travailing" and "being in pain" to indicate that the time of birth is near. Thus Israel is about to give birth to the Messiah. In this way, a continuity between old and new Israel is demonstrated. The dragon who went out to make war with those who keep the commandments of God, the people of the New Testament Church. The dragon symbolizes the devil. The ten horns on the head of the dragon symbolize his power. The seed of the woman is Christ. Thus, Morris finds in the woman imagery a symbol of both Israel and the New Testament church.15 15Ibid. , p. 156. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Conclusion 52 This chapter has reviewed the views of a number of modern commentators regarding the interpretation of the woman imagery. After the Reformation, there have been a number of new developments in interpreting Scripture. The interpretation of the woman imagery from the time of the apostles until the fourth century was Israel or the Christian church. Medieval scholars attributed the woman imagery to be Mary. The Reformers rejected the Catholic interpretation of the woman and came up with the historicist view of interpretation. The Reformers identified the Pope as Antichrist and interpreted the woman imagery as the Christian Church. The Catholic Church responded with the Preterist and the Futurist views to divert the attack from the Pope. Later these views were developed and modified by the Protestants. The interpretation of the woman imagery among the scholars have not come to general consensus. E. B. Elliott interprets the woman imagery as Christ's true church at a particular time on earth. William Hendriksen argues that the woman represents the church. Massyngberde Ford interprets it as the whole community of faithful Jerusalem. Leon Morris interprets it as Israel and the New Testament Church. Chapter 5 will summarize the findings of this research and suggest a relevant contemporary interpretation. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter 5 CONCLUSION AND MATTERS FOR FURTHER STUDY Chapter 12 opens a major division in the book of Revelation. There are three symbolic figures in this chapter: the woman, the male child and the dragon. Most commentators interpret the male child as Christ. The dragon is identified as the ancient serpent or the devil (12:9). The word sign" (12:1) determines that the woman should be interpreted in a symbolic way. The woman imagery in this chapter received great attention during most of the history of its interpretation. The sources behind the imagery have been a subject of debate. Some commentators claim that the author of Revelation borrowed the images from the thought- world of his day and constructed a scenario distinctly his own. Others claim that the images are from the Old and New Testament Scriptures. The exegesis of Old and New Testament passages in chapter 2 of this thesis suggests that the imageries of Revelation 12 are probably from Scripture. The message of Revelation displays a definite antagonism towards paganism and it is unlikely that the author of Revelation borrows the imageries from pagan myths. 53 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 54 The prophets of the Old Testament used the image of the woman to refer to Israel. The New Testament writers likewise used the woman imagery to refer to Israel and also to the New Testament church. The patristic writers equated the woman with the people of God of the Old Testament, the New Testament, or both. The first known writer to interpret the woman imagery as Mary was Oecumenius. The outbreak of the Reformation opposed the Mariological interpretation of the woman imagery. Modern commentators on Revelation interpret the woman imagery as the people of Israel, the messianic community, or the New Testament church. Some perceive the woman as a corporate or collective figure but allow for a secondary application to Mary.1 Interpreting the woman imagery exclusively as Mary creates some difficulties. The author of Revelation does not explicitly identify the woman as Mary. The account of Christ's birth in the gospels does not fit with Revelation 12. Mary was not persecuted and driven into the wilderness (12:6;17). The fact that the woman appears in heaven suggests that the woman is not an earthly figure. It is considered by some that the persecution of the woman by the dragon suggests that the woman is the Christian church.2 The objection to this interpretation is that it 1See David Chilton, The Davs of Vengeance (Ft. Worth, Texas: Dominion Press, 1987), p. 299. 2See Wilfrid J. Harrington, The Appealvose of St John (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1969), pp. 172-175. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 55 excludes the role of Israel in salvation history. The woman imagery could not be interpreted as every human being on earth because the woman in chapter 12 is the antithesis of the "great prostitute" in Revelation 17:3, who departed from the truth. Scripture applies bridal imagery to both Israel and to the New Testament church. Perhaps it is best to understand the woman as symbolizing the faithful people of God in every age. The woman imagery teaches that God communicates also through symbols, and the symbols are not something incomprehensible. Interpreting the woman as the people of God in every age embraces all God's children into one body despite the fact that they are different in color, culture, language, and race. (1) Many commentators agree that with chapter 12 begins a second major section. If chapter 12 is seen as the opening of the second part, how does it relate and what impact does it have with the preceding chapters? (2) Some consider3 that chapters 4-5 serve as a preface to Revelation (4-11) and chapter 12 as the preface to 13-22. If that is so, what parallelisms are possible between chapters 4-5 with chapter 12 ? (3) Chapter 12 presents an image of a glorious woman and chapter 19 portrays an image of a harlot. It would be 3See Raymond E. Brown, ed., Mary in the New Testament (New York: Paulist Press, 1978), p. 224. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 56 helpful to contrast the woman of chapter 12 with the harlot of chapter 19 and trace the history of interpretation of the harlot imagery. (4) Revelation 12:10-12 and 5:9-10 share the kingdom motif. Why is this significant? (5) There seems to be a parallel between the events of Revelation 12:7-12 and the sounding of the fifth trumpet in Revelation 9:1. More work would be helpful here. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. BIBLIOGRAPHY A. Books Ackroyed, P. R. The Cambridge History of the Bible. vol. 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970. Alcuinus. Commentarius. Ed. J. P. Migne. Patrologiae Latinae C. Paris, 1866. Alulfus. Expositions in Apocalypsim. Ed. J. P. Migne. Patrologiae Latinae LXXXIX. Paris, 1851. Andreas. Commentary on the Apocalypse of the Holy Apostle and Evangelist John the Theologian. Ed. J. P. Migne. Patrologiae Graecae CVI. Paris, 1857. Arethas. Commentary on the Apocalypse of the Beloved and the Evangelist. Ed. J. P. Migne. Patrologiae Graecae CVI. Paris, 1857. Ashcraft, Morris. "Revelation.11 The Broadman Bible Commentary. Ed. J. Clifton Allen. Nashville: Broadman, 1972. Athanasius. Syntagma. Ed. J. P. Migne. Patrologie Graecae XXLVIII. Paris, 1857. Augustine. Treatises on Marriage and Other Subjects. Ed. Roy J. Deferrari. The Fathers of the Church, 27. New York: Fathers of the Church, 1955. Augustine. City of God. A Select Library of Nicene and Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, vol. 2. New York: Christian Literature Society, 1889. _________ Christian Doctrine. A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, vol.2. New York: The Christian Literature Society, 1889. Barrett, C. K. The Gospel according to John. London: S. P. C. K. 1958. Bede. Explanatio Apocalvpsis. Ed. J. P. Migne. Patrologiae Latinae XCIII. Paris, 1866. Brauer, J. C, ed. The Westminster Dictionary of Church 57 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 58 History. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1971. Baus, Karl. From the Apostolic Community to Constantine. New York: A Crossroad Book, 1980. Beasley-Murray, G. R. Revelation: Three Viewpoints. Nashville: Broadman Press, 1977. ____________. The Book of Revelation. New Century Bible. Greenwood: Attic Press, 1974. Becker, Siegbert. Revelation. Milwaukee: Northwestern Publishing, 1985. Beckwith, Isbon. The Apocalypse of John. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1967. Blevins, James. Revelation as Drama. Nashville: Broadman Press, 1984. Bright, Pamela. The Book of Rules of Tvconius. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1988. Boussett, Wilhelm. Offenbarung Johannis. Gottingen: Vandenhoek und Ruprecht, 1906. Box, G. H. The Ezra-Apocalypse. London: Sir Isaac Pitman, 1912. Bright, John. A History of Israel. 2nd ed. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1976. Brauer, J. C. The Westminster Dictionary of Church History. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1971. Brown E. R. Mary in the New Testament. New York: Paulist Press, 1978. Brunonis. Expositio in Apocalvpsim. Ed. J. P. Migne. Patrologiae Latinae CLXV. Paris, 1854. _________ . Tracts and Treatises on the Reformation of the Church. vol.3. Trans. Henry Beveridge. Grand Rapids: Em. B. Eerdmans, 1958. Caird, G. B. The Revelation of St. John the Divine. 2nd ed. London: A & B Black, 1984. Calkins, Raymond. The Social Message of the Book of Revelation. New York: Woman7s Press, 1920. Calvin, John. Institutes of the Christian Religion. Trans. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 59 Henry Beveridge. 2vols. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1957. Calvin John. The Gospel According to John. Ed. T. H. C. Parker. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1959. Carrington, Philip. The Meaning of the Revelation. New York: Macmillan, 1931. Charles, R. H. A Critical and Exeqetical Commentary on the Revelation of St. John. 2 vols. The International Critical Commentary. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1920. _________ Eschatology. New York: Schoken Press, 1963. _________ - The Greek Versions of the Testaments of theTwelve Patriarchs. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1908. Chilton, David. The Days of Vengeance. Ft. Worth: Dominion Press, 1987. Coffman, J. B. Commentary on Genesis. Abilene: A. U. C. Press, 1985. Cohen, Gary. Revelation Visualized. Pennsylvania: Salem Kirban, 1971. Collins, Adela. The Apocalypse. Delaware: Michael Glazier, 1979. Cross, Frank Moore. Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic: Essavs in the History of the Reliaio of Israel. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973. Cross, F. L. The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990. Daalen, D. A. A Guide to the Revelation. London: SPCK, 1986. Douglas, J. D, and Philip Comfort, eds. Who's Who in Christian History. Wheaton: Tyndale House Publishers, 1992. Dunnett, Walter. The Interpretation of Holy Scripture. Nashville: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 1984. Elliott, E. B. Horae Apocalypticas; or. A Commentary on the Apocalypse. Critical And Historical; Including also an Examination of the Chief Prophecies of Daniel. 4 vols. 4th ed. London: Seeleys, 1851. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 60 Ellul, Jacques. Apocalypse. Trans. George Schreiner. New York: The Seabury Press, 1977. Feuillet Andre. The Apocalypse. New York: Alba House, 1965. Fiortnza, Elisabeth. Proclamation commentaries: Revelation. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991. Ford, J. Massyngberde. Revelation. The Anchor Bible. Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Co., 1975. Francisco, Clyde. Introducing the Old Testament. Nashville: Broadman Press, 1950. Frois, B. L. The Woman Clothed with the Sun. Roma: Orbis Catholicus, 1954. Gaebelein, C. A. The Gospel of John. New York: Publication Office, 1925. Gaebelein F. E. The Expositor/s Bible Commentary, vol. 12. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1981. Glasson, T. F. The Revelation of John. The Cambridge Bible Commentary. Cambridge: The University Press, 1893. Gcdet, F. L. Commentary on the Gospel of John. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing, 1965. Guthrie, Donald. New Testament Introduction: Hebrews to Revelation. Chicago: Inter-Varsity Press, 1966. Harrington, Wilfrid. The Apocalypse of St. John. London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1969. Hendriksen, W. More Than Conquerors. 4th ed. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1947. Hengstenberg, F. W. The Revelation of St. John. Expounded for Those Who Search the Scripture. 2 vols. Trans. Patrick Fairbairn. New York: Robert Carter & Brothers, 1852. Hengstenberg, E. The Revelation of St. John, vol. 1. Edinburgh: 1851. Heschel, Abraham. The Prophets. New York: Harper & Row Publishing, 1969. Hoeksema, Herman- Behold He Cometh1 An Exposition of the Book of Revelation. Ed. and rev. Homer C. Hoeksema. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 61 Grand Rapids: Reformed Free Publishing Assn., 1969. Hoskier, H. C. The Complete Commentary of Oecumenius on the Apocalypse. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1928. Jeremiah, David and Carson. Escape the Coming Night. Dallas: Word Publishing, 1990. Kealy, Sean. The Apocalypse. Delaware: Michael Glazier, 1987. Keegan, J. Terence. Interpreting the Bible. New York: Paulist Press, 1985. Kelly, J. N. D. Early Christian Doctrines. 5th ed. London: Adam & Charles Black, 1977. Kerr, Hugh, ed. Luther: A Compendium of Luther7s Theology. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1943. Kiddle, Martin. The Revelation of St. John. The Moffatt New Testament Commentary. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1940. Kittel, Gerhard, ed. Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. 10 vols. Trans, and ed. Geoffrey W. Bromiley. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eermans, 1964. Kysar, Robert. John. Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1986. Lake Kirsopp. The Apostolic Fathers. London: William Heinemann, 1913. Lenski, R. C. H. The Interpretation of St. Paul's First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians. Columbus, Ohio: Lutheran Book Concern, 1935. Lenski, R. C. H. The Interpretation of St. John's Revelation. Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1943. Lightfoot, J. B. The Apostolic Fathers. Ed. J. R. Harmer. London: Macmillan and Co., 1891. Lindblom, J. Prophecy in Ancient Israel. Philadelphia: Muhlenburg Press, 1962. Lindsey, Hal. There/s a New World Coming. Santa Ana, Calif: Vision House Publishers, 1973. Lohmeyer, E. Die Offenbarung des Johannes. Ed. G. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 62 Bomkamm. Handbuch zum Neuen Testament. Tubingen: J.c. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1953. Lohse, Eduard. Die Offenbaruna des Johannes. Das Neue Testament Deutsch. 8th ed. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1960. Longenecker, Richard. Biblical Exegesis in the Apostolic Period. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1975. Lord, David N. An Expositon of the Apocalypse. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1847. Luther, Martin. A Commentary on St. Paul7s Epistle to the Galatians. Trans. Theodore Graebner. London: John Lewis, 1741. __________ . Lectures on Genesis Chapters 15-20. Luther7s Works. Ed. Jaroslav Pelikan. Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1961. __________ . Table Talk, vol.54 of Luther's Works. Ed. and trans. Theodore C. Tappert. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1967. __________ "Vorrede zur Offenbarung des Johannes." Was soli die "Offenbaruna" des Johannes im Neuen Testament? Gutersloh: C. Bertelsmann Verlag, 1948. __________ . "Vorrede zu Commentarius in Apocalypsim ante Centum annos aeditus." D. Martin Luthers Werke 26. 1528; rpt. Weimar: Hemann Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1909. McPolin, James. John. Wilmington: Michael Glazier, 1979. Metzger, Bruce. A Textual Commentary on the New Testament. New York: United Bible Societies, 1971. Mickelsen, A. B. Interpreting the Bible. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing, 1963. Migne. J. P. Patrologiae Latinae VIII. Paris, 1866. ___________ - Patrologiae cursus completus: Series Latina. vol. 221. Paris, 1844-1855. Milligan, William. The Revelation of St. John. 2nd ed. London: Macmillan, 1887. Minear, Paul. An Introduction to the Visions of the Apocalypse. Cleveland: Corpus Books, 1968. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 63 Morris, Leon. The Revelation of St. John. The Tyndale New Testament Commentaries. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1969. Moulholland, Robert. Revelation. Grand Rapids: Francis Asbury Press, 1990. Mounce, Robert H. The Book of Revelation. The New International Commentary on the New Testament. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1977. _______________ . New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 5. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1967. Pelikan, Jaroslav. Luther/s Work, vol. 30. Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1967. Pieters, Albertus. The Lamb, the Woman, and the Dragon. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 1937. Philo. Questions on Genesis. Supplement I. The Loeb Classical Library. Trans. Ralph Marcus. London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1951, Porter, F. C. The Messages of the Apocalyptical Writers. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1905. Preston, Ronald H . , and Anthony T. Hanson. The Revelation of Saint John the Divine. Torch Bible Commentaries. London: SCM Press Ltd., 1949. Quasten, Johannes. Patroloav. 3 vols. Westminster, MD: The Newman Press, 1950. Ralston, Samuel S. The Revelation of John the Divine: or A New Theory of the Apocalypse. Corroborated bv Daniel and Other Prophets. Philadelphia: Smith Englsih & Co., 1958. Ramsay, W. M. The Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia. New York: A. C. Armstrong and Son, 1905. Richardson, Donald. The Revelation of Jesus Christ. Virginia: John Knox Press, 1939. Roberts, Alexander and James Donaldson, trans. The Anti- Nicene Fathers. vol. 1. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing, 1956. Roberts, Alexander. The Writings of Quintus Sept. Flor. Tertullianus. vol. 3. Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1870. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 64 Robinson, Wheeler. Two Hebrew Prophets: Studies in Hosea and Ezekiel. Lutterworth Press, 1948. Rossi, Mathias. Time and History. Richmond: John Knox Press, 1966. Rowley, H. H. The Relevance of the Apocalyptic. A Study of Jewish and Christian Apocalypses from Daniel to Revelation. London: Lutterworth Press, 1944. Scott, C. Anderson. The Book of Revelation. New york: Charles Scribner7s Sons, 1940. Skinner, J. A Critical and Exeaetical Commentary on Genesis. Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1930. Smart, D. J. "Hosea." In The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, vol. 3, New York: Abingdon Press, 1962. Smart, D. S. The Book of the Twelve Prophets. Doubleday & Doram, 1929. Souter, Alexander. Text and Canon. Duckworth: 1954. Summers, Ray. Worthy is the Lamb. Nashville: Broadman, 1951. r Swete, Henry Barclay. The Apocalypse of St. John. 3rd ed. London: The Macmillan Co., 1911. Swete, H. B. Patristic Study. New York: Longmans Green: 1902. Unger, J. Dominic. The First Gospel. New York: The Franciscan Institute, 1957. Wall, Robert. Revelation. New International Biblical Commentary. Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers, 1991. Walvoord, John F. The Revelation of Jesus Christ. Chicago: Moody Press, 1966. __________ . The Blessed Hope and the Tribulation. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1976. __________ . The Church in Prophecy. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1964. Ward, J. M. Hosea. New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1966. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 65 Wardie, W. Lansdell. Israel and Babvlon. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1925. Ziel, A. V. Genesis and Scientific Incruirv. Minneapolis: T. S. Denison, 1965. Zuck, Roy. Basic Bible Interpretation. Wheaton: Victor Books, 1984. Periodicals Aune, D. E. "St. John's Portrait of the Church in the Apocalypse." Evangelical Quarterly. 38 (March 1966), 133-149. Bammel, E. "Christian Origins in Jewish Tradition." New Testament Studies 13 (1967), 317-335. Bandstra, A. J. "History and Eschatology in Apocalypse." Calvin Theological Journal. 5 (1970), 180-183. Barr, James. "Jewish Apocalyptic in Recent Scholarly Study." Bulletin of the John Rvlands Library of Manchester. 58 (1975), 9-35. Beasley-Murray, G. R. "Biblical Eschatology: Apocalyptic Literature and the Book of Revelation." The Evangelical Quarterly. 20 (1948), 272-282. ____________- "The Contribution of the Book of Revelation to the Christian Belief in Immortality." Scottish Journal of Theology. 27 (1974), 76-93. "New Testament Apocalyptic A Christological Eschatology." Review and Expositor. 72 (1975), 317 330. Bernardin, Joseph Buchanan. "The Church in the New Testament." Anglican Theological Review. 21 (1939) 153- 170. Boismard, M. E. "L'Apocalypse ou les Apocalypses de St. Jean." Revue Bibligue. 56 (1949), 507-541. Bornkamm, Gunther. "Die Komposition der apokalyptischen Visionen in der Offenbarung Johannis." Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft. 36 (1937), 132-149. Bousset, Wilhelm. "Die Religiongeschichte und das Neue Testament." Theologische Rundschau. 7 (1904), 265-277, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 66 311-318, 353-365. Bowman, John W. "The Revelation to John: Its Dramatic Structure and Message." Interpretation. 9 (1955), 43 6- 453. Brown, S. "'The Hour of Trial' (Rev. 3:10). "Journal of Biblical Literature. 85 (1966), 308-314. Caird, G. B. "On Deciphering the Book of Revelation: I Heaven and Earth. "The Expository Times. 74 (1962), 13-15. Collins, Ardela Yarbro. "The History-of-Religions Approach to Apocalypticism and The 'Angel of the Waters' (Rev. 16:47). "The Catholic Biblical Quarterly. 39 (1977), 367-381. Considine, J. s. "The Two Witnesses: Apocalypse 11:3-13." The Catholic Biblical Quarterly. 8 (1946), 377-392. Cross, Frank Moore. "New Directions in the Study of Apocalyptic." Journal for Theology and the Church. 6 (1969), 157-165. David, D. R. "The Relationship between the Seals, Trumpets, and Bowls in the Book of Revelation." Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society. 16 (1973) 149-158. Devine, R. "The Virgin Followers of the Lamb." Scripture 16 (1964), 1-5. Feuillet, A. "Essai d' interpretation du chapitre 11 de 1 'Apocalypse." New Testament Studies. 4 (1958), 183- 200. Fiorenza, E. S. "Apocalyptic and Gnosis in the Book of Revelation and Paul." Journal of Biblicasl Literature. 92 (1973), 565- 581. _ "Composition and Structure of the Revelation of John." The Catholic Biblical Quarterly. 39 (1977), 344-366. _ "The Eschatology and Composition of the Apocalypse." The Catholic Biblical Quarterly. 30 (1968), 537-569. Ford, J. Massyngberde. "The Meaning of 'Virgin'." New Testament Studies 12 (1966), 293-299. Hanson, Paul. "The Original Sequence of Apocalypse 20-22." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 67 Theological Studies. 10 (1949), 485-521. Hillyer, Norman. "'The Lamb' in the Apocalypse." The Evangelical Quarterly. 39 (1967), 228-236. Hopkins, Martin- "The Historical Perspective of Apocalypse 1-11." The Catholic Biblical Quarterly. 27 (1965), 42- 47. Jacobsen, Thorkild. "The Battle between Marduk and Tiamat." Journal of the American Oriental Society. 88 (1968), 104-108. Jart, Una. "The Precious Stones in the Revelation of St. John XXI. 18-21." Studia Theologica. 24 (1970), 150- 181. Johnson, Sherman E. "Asia Minor and Early Christianity." Christianity. Judaism, and Other Greco-Roman Cults, vol. 2. Ed. by Jacob Neusner. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1975. Jones, B. W. "More about the Apocalypse as Apocalyptic." Journal of Bibliocal Literature. 87 (1968), 325- 327. Ladd, G. E. "The Revelation and Jewish Apopcalyptic." The Evangelical Quarterly. 29 (1957), 94-100. Lepsius, Johann. "The Symbolic Language of the Apocalypse." Trans, by Helena Ramsay. The Expositor. 8 (1941), 160- 180, 210-230, 461-474, 504-519. Rackl, M. "Die Christologie des hi. Ignatius von Antiochien," FthSt. 14 (1914), 356. Riviere, J. > "Le demon dans leconomie redemptrice dapres S. Ignace d Antioche," RevScRel. 2 (1922), 19. Rowley, H. H. "The Marriage of Hosea." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library. 39 (1985), 200-203. Stagg, Frank. "Interpreting the Book of Revelation." Review and Expositor. LXXII (1975), 321-343. Stendahl, Krister. "Biblical Theology, Contemporary." The Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible, vol. 1. New York: Abingdon Press, 1962. Tushingham, A. D. "A Reconsideration of Hosea." Journal of Near Eastern Studies. 12 (1983), 150-159. Trudinger, L. Paul. "Some Observations concerning the Text Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 68 of the Old Testament in the Book of Revelation." The Journal of Theological Studies. New Series, 17 (1966), 82-88. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT THE WOMAN OF REVELATION 12 IN THE HISTORY OF NEW TESTAMENT INTERPRETATION Masilamony Pauliah, Th.M. The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1993 Chairperson: Dr. Molly T. Marshall This thesis provides a descriptive overview of the interpretation of woman in Revelation 12. Chapter two, examines the text relating to the use of woman imagery in the Old and New Testament as well as related literature. Chapter three explores the history of interpretation of the woman, from the Apostolic period until the time of Reformation. Chapter four examines the modern representative interpretations of the woman imagery. Chapter five summarizes the conclusions reached in the thesis and argues for an interpretation which seems best supported by exegesis. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. VITA Masilamony Pauliah PERSONAL Born: February 10, 1962, Thazhakudy, S. India Parents: P. Pauliah and Annamal Pauliah Married: Liwayway Pauliah, May 22, 1991 Children: Michelle Bojannie Pauliah, born July 9, 1992 Educational Public School, Poothappandy, Tamilnadu, India, 1968-1979 B.A., Bihar University, India, 1987 M.Div., Adventist Theological Seminary, Philippines, 1987- 1990 Th.M., Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, Louisville, Kentucky, 1992-1993 MINISTERIAL Associate Pastor, Hukai Adventist Church, Manila, Philippines, 1987-1990 Student Missionary, Adventist Church, Stockholm, Sweden, 1982-1991 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
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