RIDING WAVES ON THE PLANE OF IMMANENCE

___________________________________

A Thesis

Presented to the

Faculty of

California State University, Fullerton
___________________________________

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Arts

in

Speech Communication
___________________________________

By

Orion Steele

Approved by:



Jon Bruschke, Committee Chair Date
Department of Human Communication Studies



Robert Emry, Member Date
Department of Human Communication Studies



Jeanine Congalton, Member Date
Department of Human Communication Studies



ii




ABSTRACT


Since it was first popularized in America in the 1950s, surfing has exploded into a
youth counterculture, a professional sport and a multi-billion dollar industry.
Communication within surf culture revolves around a myriad of unique cultural symbols
and rituals that give its participants a shared sense of meaning. Individual members of
surf culture, as well as surf-related media, frequently represent the surfing lifestyle as one
that includes a liberating frame of mind and a spiritually significant experience.
This study uses ethnographic research methods to examine the specific meanings
of a particular group of surfers in southern California in order to evaluate their
revolutionary potential. First, this study finds that the experience of surfing can provoke
meditative thinking, which can challenge modes of enframing and colonization of the
mind. Second, this study finds that the rhetoric of spiritual fulfillment within surf culture
aligns with Deleuze and Guattaris concept of immanence, which may provide a method
for challenging global capitalism.





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TABLE OF CONTENTS


ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................... ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .............................................................................................. xx

Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................ 1

A Struggling Family Adopts the Surfer Ethic ....................................................... 1
Purpose and Significance ...................................................................................... 6

2. A REVIEW OF THE RELEVANT LITERATURE ............................................. 9

Surf History ........................................................................................................... 9
Colonization of the Mind ...................................................................................... 13
Immanence ............................................................................................................ 16

3. METHODS ........................................................................................................... 21

An Interpretive Framework for Understanding Surf Culture ................................ 21
Ethnographic Assumptions and Methodology ...................................................... 23

4. FINDINGS ............................................................................................................ 27

Surfing as Context ................................................................................................. 27
Surfing and Decolonization of the Mind ............................................................... 30
Soul Surfing and Immanence ................................................................................ 37

5. DISCUSSION ....................................................................................................... 45
Colonization of the Mind ...................................................................................... 46
Immanence ............................................................................................................ 49
Implications and Future Research ......................................................................... 53

6. CONCLUSION ..................................................................................................... 55


REFERENCES ............................................................................................................. 57

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS



First, I would like to thank my family for taking me to the beach so much as a child,
and for emphasizing the values that determine my relationship to the world. This project
was only possible because of them.
Second, I would like to thank my committee chair, Jon Bruschke, whose guidance
and support is authentic and unwavering. I would also like to thank Jeanine Congalton
and Bob Emry, whose support was indispensible to the success of this project.

1
CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Surfing is magic, riding liquid echoes of cosmic energy at the wild fringes of
continents. ~Drew Kampion

A Struggling Family Adopts the Surfer Ethic

In the early 1960s, plagued by drug abuse and the stress of a blue collar existence,
a young boy named Robby struggled to cope with a deteriorating home life. His family
lived near the beach in southern California, which was quickly becoming a hotbed for
new lifestyles and countercultures. Indeed, the youth cultures frustration with the
traditional values of the 1950s and the Vietnam War created the conditions for a variety
of new life perspectives to emerge. As the hippies negotiated their vision of the future
with the beatniks in San Francisco, the popularization of surfing developed a uniquely
different lifestyle in the southern beach cities. Robby was mesmerized by the youths
mass migration to the sea and inspired by the feel good attitude expressed in surf-related
media. One day, Robbys friend Tom arrived at his house before school with a crudely
shaped plank of pine wood. Excited, the two boys ditched their seventh grade classes,
headed to Huntington State Beach and paddled out for the first time.
At first, Robby was drawn to surfing because of the shared thrill of riding the face
of a wave with his friends. He also fully appreciated the emerging surf culture, and
proudly performed various acts of rebelliousness associated with surfers, including



2

habitual pranks and alcohol use. However, as he became more committed to the activity
as a teenager, he began to experience a different frame of mind whenever he was in the
water. Robby discovered that surfing focused his attention on the rhythm of the waves
and a sense of connectedness with the environment. He believed that this frame of mind
promoted peacefulness and provided an escape from the pain of his everyday experience.
It was not long before Robby was hooked, surfing four to five times a week all along the
California coast. Robbys experiences in the water gave him a new perspective that
helped him manage his frustrations at home. Over the course of decades in the water,
Robby developed an ocean-minded spirituality that he believes shapes his closest
relationships with friends and family.
Once he returned from his service in the Marine Corps, Robby held several
contract jobs as a professional deep sea diver. From New Orleans to a variety of
locations along the western coast, he would descend to the sea floor with a high pressure
water cannon to spray barnacles off large underwater oil rigs. This satiated his appetite
for an ocean-based lifestyle, but it was ultimately too dangerous a profession to support
his new family. After switching careers to work for a major national railroad, Robby
seized every opportunity to take his wife and three children to the beach. With his own
dark passenger of alcoholism constantly eating away at his home life, these regular
journeys to the beach became a setting for truly significant family communication.
On a warm summer day in 1992, Robby took his nine-year-old son into the
water to surf for the first time. He pushed me in the white water for about an hour,
making sure I caught the waves and kept balanced on the board. Those first few rides



3

were exhilarating, but they also symbolize the first meaningful bond between us. As I
grew up, some of Robbys own childhood family problems were mirrored in our
household. Our relationship survived despite the addiction and painful interactions that
layered over each other. Our commitment to resolve our family disasters was
strengthened and enhanced by our experiences together at the beach. In other words, my
family developed an ethic of love in the rhythm of the sea. It deeply shapes our
relationships to each other, the cultural meanings we share and our understanding of the
cosmos.
It seems that our family is not alone in our special relationship to surfing and the
sea. Surf documentaries and surf magazines often reflect upon the feelings that the
activity provokes. It has always seemed to me that the experience is slightly different for
each person, yet thematically connected. After all, for decades, both casual and
professional surfers have used the term stoked to describe their experience surfing
(Warshaw, 2005, p. 702). The predominant affect of surfing is a form of coenaesthesis
that aficionados call stoke, a fully embodied feeling of satisfaction, joy and pride
(Booth, 2008, p. 22) (citing Evers, 2006, 230231; see also Grissim, 1982; Cralle, 2001).
Although derived from the phrase stoking the fire, the meaning of stoke is different for
individual surfers. Some describe stoke as never about winning or losing or ripping or
shredding, large or small, wind or glass, but rather about rhythm and flow and
surrender and balance and bliss (Lane, 2008, p. 54). Being stoked to surf is like being
stoked to be alive (Lane, 2008, p. 55).



4

The thrill of surfing cannot be reduced to the physical rush of being caught in the
interplay between gravity and saltwater. The ride itself is certainly thrilling, but the
experience seems to mean something much deeper to many surfers. Indeed, a shared
sense of spiritual fulfillment has come to characterize the sport and color the personalities
of its players. There are many different types of surfers, and it would not be fair to say
that they all share the same ideological values. Nevertheless, for better or worse, surfing
is stereotyped as a culture that holds a laid-back environmentally friendly attitude and a
meaningful connection to the forces of nature. At first glance, this does not seem
particularly surprising. Deleuze and Guattari once commented that waves are vibrations,
shifting borderlines inscribed on the plane of consistency as so many abstractions
(Deleuze & Guattari, 1987). Navigating these vibrations successfully requires a mental
and physical release, which can come to influence ones other perspectives on the world.
However, Taylor notes that surfing is not easily categorized. It can drift into art,
vocation and avocation, even religion (Taylor, 2007). The fluid nature of the activity, as
well as the multiplicity of meanings attributed to it, raise unique questions about the
nature of human communication within surf culture.
Professional surfers often refer to surfing as a lifestyle rather than an as an
activity. Some even call it a life. In other words, surfing exists in a web of broader
social relationships that shape our symbolic interactions, similar to the way that Robbys
surfing experiences cultivated an ocean-minded spirituality that informed his personal
relationships with friends and family. For me, surfing requires a mode of being that is
dynamic and creative. Each wave is different, and every moment in the water requires



5

spontaneous reflection and action. That frame of mind influences my interactions with
other surfers in the water, as well as my communication with people on land. However,
my personal experience is simply one coordinate in the vast history of the sport. After all,
the true story of surf culture includes all surfers of all eras . . . the complete history of
surfing includes every wave ridden by every surfer throughout time (Kampion, 2003, p.
25). My story is a small part of a much greater social phenomenon that folds into
mainstream culture and communication.
Whether it is through the spread of rhetorical practices like valspeak (dude,
bro, gnarly, radical, etc.) or the establishment of environmental preservation
organizations, surf culture tends to be one of the louder counterculture voices in the
mainstream stir of echoes. As such, the shared meanings and communication practices
within surf culture can hold the potential to influence greater social forces and
mainstream epistemological frameworks. Kampion (2003) claims that
The surf culture that has formed concentric rings around the elemental act of
riding a wave is a unique and strangely powerful phenomenon. It is a subculture
that feeds on the experiences and truths gained in the ocean and on the waves, and
it is a subculture that has enormous effects on the larger cultures of which it is a
part. (p. 27)

The present study offers an ethnographic account of one group of southern California
surfers in order to examine the ways that their participation in surf culture provides
opportunities for resistance to the larger cultures of which they are a part. More
specifically, this paper formulates an understanding of the performances and practices of
a group of surfers in southern California and evaluates the potential for those
performances and practices to challenge global capitalism and colonization of the mind.



6

Purpose and Significance
The communications discipline is a vast and diverse field of research that
encompasses a variety of quantitative and qualitative research methods. These various
methods are united by a commitment to study human symbolic action in the various
contexts of its performance (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, p. 6). According to Lindlof and
Taylor, symbolic performances and practices constitute the textures of our everyday
experience and shape the meanings of our relationships in various contexts, which
makes the social construction of meaning virtually indistinguishable from
communication (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, p. 7). In this sense, a unique understanding
of the shared meanings and rituals within a counterculture like surfing is valuable to the
field of communication research because it reveals the novel ways that surfing
experiences shape collective identity and communication in personal relationships. The
purpose of this paper is to examine the shared meanings and rituals of one group of
surfers in order to evaluate the potential for their surfer lifestyle to achieve spiritual
fulfillment and resist colonization of the mind.
Surf culture is like all other group communication in the sense that it employs
specific styles of communication and modes of behavior familiar to those participating in
it. Specifically, surf culture has a rich history and a unique system of rituals, distinctive
language elements, symbolic elements, a loose tribal hierarchy, and unique lifestyle
characteristics that have been broadly imitated and emulated around the world (Taylor,
2007, p. 929). These shared rituals and meanings are independently fascinating as
cultural artifacts, but they also hold the potential for creativity and change. For example,



7

Robert Conneeley described surfing as the ultimate liberating factor on the planet and
Nat Young declared that by the simple act of riding waves, surfers were supporting the
revolution (Booth, 2008, p. 20). More specifically, Taylor agrees with Turners theory
that rituals not only maintain the social order but also sometimes create new social
possibilities, which is equally apropos to the current analysis of surfing subcultures
(Taylor, 2007, p. 932).
One major concern that drives this study is the relentless reign of efficiency in the
everyday. A related concern is the extent to which institutions and forces of
mechanization come to dominate and distort cognitive processes in dangerous ways.
Heidegger expressed such concerns in A Question Concerning Technology (1977),
arguing that the logic of modern technology and Western metaphysics suffered from an
instrumental enframing of the natural world. Enframing involves a stance toward the
world that challenges, regulates, and secures its elements to create a standing reserve
of usable resources (Kinsella, 2007, p. 195). If institutions and forces of mechanization
effectively dominate human modes of being, then all communication could be enframed
in a way that prevents authentic being-in-the-world. The effect is that one-sided
constitutive models of communication are widely understood in ways that legitimate
destructive and dangerous attitudes toward the natural world (Kinsella, 2007, p. 197). As
a result, if it is true that the communicative assemblage attached to surfing supports a
revolution against technological enframing and colonization of the mind, then identifying
the operative components of such communication is important for developing strategies
for collective freedom and happiness.



8

This study deploys ethnographic methods to evaluate the following research
questions related to the potential for surfing to be a revolutionary act:
1. Can surfing provoke a frame of mind that resists colonization of the mind?
2. Is surfing characterized by a pre-discursive spiritual experience of
immanence?
Both of these research questions are directed at understanding surfers
communicative behaviors in order to understand the shared meanings that make up their
world view.

9
CHAPTER 2

A REVIEW OF THE RELEVANT LITERATURE


This project touches upon several different concepts within surf history,
communication theory and philosophy. For this reason, reviews of the relevant literature
will be organized based on the following conceptual constellations; Surf History,
Colonization of the Mind, and Immanence.
Surf History
It is widely believed that surfing originated thousands of years ago in Peru and
Polynesian culture in the Pacific islands. Although no one knows who first thought of the
idea of using a wood plank to ride a board, by the 1700s European explorers were
witnessing Polynesians surf (Houston & Finney, 2006, p. 21). Hawaiian and Polynesian
surf culture was temporarily silenced by European missionaries in 1820 because the
water sport was associated with nakedness and sexuality, but it experienced a revival in
Hawaii, California and Australia, at the hands of famous adventurers, such as Jack
London and Duke Kahanamoku (Taylor, 2007, p. 928).
The sport exploded in the United States around the end of World War II, gaining
influence in the 1950s and 1960s via a major development of three major historical
narratives. Ford and Brown (2006) argue
The history of surfing is here distilled in terms of the three (sub) narratives of
surfings technological, cultural and performance histories. The core of surfing is,
obviously, the performance of the embodied experience of the ride, slide or dance



10

along the wave, the cultural dimension pertains to the significations, images and
motivations which comprise the epiphenomena surrounding surfing and also
influence and style of performance, while the technology of surfboard design
facilitates the possibilities of the dance. (p. 27)

In other words, surfing is a fluid activity that is constantly shaped and re-shaped by
evolutions in performance (changes in style), culture (movies and music) and technology
(board shape and building material). The history of surfing re-writes itself as all three of
these narratives evolve together. With the development of the foam Malibu board in the
late 1950s, technological changes allowed more people to access surfboards. This
coincided with a cultural shift that shoved surfing into the mainstream. Since surfing
was also associated with California, the golden state, the attractions of surfing seemed
overwhelming to the advertising and mass media industries (Ormrod, 2005, p. 40).
Musicians like Dick Dale and the Beach Boys jumped on board and Hollywood
producers sank their teeth into the lifestyle, releasing a string of surf exploitation films
like Frankie and Annettes Beach Blanket Bingo (1965). The most famous of these films
is Gidget (1959), a story about a young girl in Malibu who challenges misogyny and
proves that girls can surf too. The conjunction of technological breakthroughs and
cultural mainstreaming turned surfing into a major social phenomenon in the blink of an
eye. As curiosity in surfing has proliferated around the world, the meaning and
significance of the activity has splintered. People surf for many different reasons, which
lead them to different conclusions about the meaning of the activity, as well as different
types of communication while engaged in the activity. As surfing has simultaneously



11

become a religion, a sport and a multi-billion dollar industry, it has become susceptible to
a variety of theoretical examinations.
Booth (2008) claims that surf culture is separate from the experience of surfing in
a concrete way, such that one can participate in one without participating in the other. For
example, he argues that he enjoys surfing for its physical and psychological benefits,
yet he does not feel a sense of deeply shared cultural bonds with other surfers (Booth,
2008, p. 17). Booth frames his examination of the popular surf magazine, Tracks, against
arguments made by Leanne Stedman and Margaret Henderson that surf magazines
frame the cultural precepts of young surfers (i.e., telling them how to think and act, or
limiting the range of options or alternatives as to how they might think or might act) in
the interests of masculine hegemony (Booth, 2008, p. 17). For Stedman and Henderson,
surf magazines, such as Tracks, create affective experiences for young men that
encourage behavior that is consistent with dominant male power.
Although Booth does not seem to fully defend Tracks, he offers two substantive
rebuttals to the feminist critique. First, Booth argues that the magazines visual
representations of surfing emphasize symmetry in surf style rather than masculine
identity. This is necessary to be appealing to readers, since asymmetry can reveal a lack
of connection with the ocean and the surf and earn the rider the appellation kooka
blithering beginner (Booth, 2008, p. 25). Second, Booth cites Evers, who believes that
surfing disturbs traditional gendered tropes for understanding bodies both in terms of
wipeouts and embodiment in the water (Booth, 2008, p. 31). For Booth and Evers, there



12

is no underlying masculinity, no masculinities to define and no definitive male body in
surfing, only sets of embodied relations felt and becoming (Booth, 2008, p. 32).
On the other hand, Ormrod (2005) argues that media representations of surf
culture commodify the activity and encourage a sort of romantic tourism among the
upper class. She claims
Once Europeans began to colonize America, European clerics and academics
began to position the indigenous population as children. The continent was
positioned as the New World as opposed to Europe, the Old World. These
associations informed representations of America from the 16th century to the
present and continue to influence contemporary culture to represent of America as
a youthful society. (p. 42)

As America internalized these ideas, it came to promote an ideology of youthfulness and
freedom. For Ormrod, surfing has been converted into a product that sustains this
ideology, making consumers feel young, tanned, and free. Even worse, Ormrod claims
that surfing promulgates a tourist ethic that maintains ideological concepts of holiday
and leisure, which maintain structures of capitalism. While Ormrod may be correct that
surfing has become commodified and deployed to support capitalist structures, it remains
an experience that surfers, themselves, characterize in a more meaningful way. The real
question posed by Ormrods critique is whether the commercialization of surf culture and
appropriation of a tourist ideology is so overwhelming and powerful that it forecloses the
potential that surfing holds to resist capitalism. This study answers Ormrods question in
the negative by demonstrating that surfers interpret their experiences in the water as a
challenge to the capitalist ordering of time.



13

The shared spiritual experience of surfing has maintained its integrity in the face
of such criticisms. Indeed, Taylor (2007) hypothesizes that the global surfing movement
is giving way to a new and unique aquatic nature religion.
A significant part of the evolving global, surfing world can be understood as a
new religious movement in which sensual experiences constitute its sacred center.
These experiences, and the subcultures in which people reflect upon them, foster
understandings of nature as powerful, transformative, healing and even sacred.
Such perceptions, in turn, often lead to environmental ethics. (p. 925)

Taylor admits that surf cultures are wide and diverse, even that some are misogynistic.
This does not stop him from asserting that soul surfing uses sacred texts, myths,
symbols, beliefs and practices to sustain its ideology. Indeed, Taylor identifies a
distinctive rhetoric attending surfing that indicates its association with spiritual
experience. Aside from overtly religious rhetoric, such as referring to surfing as going to
church, Taylor indicates that a massive amount of surf writing repeatedly returns to the
experience of wave riding as the sensual center of the practice; and this practice does
what many religions purport to do: transform consciousness and facilitate the
development of an authentic, awakened self (Taylor, 2007, p. 940).
Colonization of the Mind
Marin Heidegger sketched out his basic concern with the logic of technological
enframing in his essay, A Question Concerning Technology (1977). Kinsella (2007)
shows that Heidegger builds on the phenomenological apparatus constructed by Edmund
Husserl to claim that
human beingunderstood by Heidegger as both actor and activityis always
being-in-the world, involving ongoing engagement with other phenomena of that
world. To be authentically, this engagement requires meeting the world not only



14

on our terms, but also on its own terms; only through such meeting can we realize
true being. (p. 196)

In contrast, technological enframing encourages a way of thinking that first
reduces all non-human beings to a pool of usable resources, and then translates into an
interpretation of human beings themselves as usable resources. Specifically, enframing is
a historical mode of revealing that sums up the possibilities of the technical age
according to the imperatives of ordering, control and efficiency (Belu & Feenberg,
2010, p. 2). Within this ontological mode of enframing, individuality is effectively
suppressed by a system of mind control (Belu & Feenberg, 2010, p. 3). In other words,
enframing ontologically orders our world to confine the possibilities of being to the limits
of efficiency and productivity.
This interpretation of enframing is consistent with postmodern critiques that seek
to understand the operations of colonialism. Scholars such as Molefi Asanti, bell hooks,
Albert Memmi and Uhuru Hotep have developed sophisticated theories of colonization
of the mind that explain how processes of enframing reappropriate the cognitive
resources of black bodies (Asanti, 1999; hooks, 1994). In a more general context, Dascal
(2009) examines the epistemic violence attached to colonization of the mind, as a
situation where an external source with asymmetrical power intervenes into the mental
sphere of a group of subjects and affects central aspects of the minds structure, mode of
operation, and contents (Dascal, 2009, p. 2). This form of control takes place through
the transmission of mental habits and contents by means of social systems other than the
colonial structure (Dascal, 2009, p. 2).



15

In other words, social systems like family, traditions, cultural practices, religion,
science, language, fashion, ideology, political regimentation, the media, and education
hold the potential to order our ontological understanding of being (Dascal, 2009, p. 2).
According to Heidegger, these various social systems are informed by the logic of
technology, and encourage modes of being that emphasize control, efficiency and
productivity (Heidegger, 1977). In this sense, social systems can colonize the mind to
direct a beings cognitive resources toward an emphasis on efficiency. This comes to
inform our experience of the everyday and prioritizes dangerous ways of thinking.
Zimmerman (1997) summarized Heideggers concern that a world of human beings over-
determined by technological enframing would be worse than a nuclear apocalypse,
because it would permanently prevent authentic engagement with others and the world.
Giorgio Agamben later used this concept to develop his idea of bare life and sustain a
meaningful critique against biopolitics (Agamben, 1998).
In a similar vein, Kinsella (2007) reflects on the relationship between enframing
and environmental ethics. He argues that Heideggers theory indicates that humans and
the natural environment share a mutually constitutive relationship, consistent with the
feeling expressed by surfers reflecting on the activity (Kinsella, 2007, p. 196).
Unfortunately, for Kinsella, prevailing models of communication fail to recognize the
full complexity of that interdependence (Kinsella, 2007, p. 196). Surfing provides an
alternative model for appreciating the complexity of interdependence. Indeed, Taylor
claims that surfing produces a holistic axiology that environmental ethicists label
biocentrism or ecocentrism. Surfers deep feelings of communion and kinship with the



16

non-human animals they encounter . . . can also lead surfers to discrete political action on
behalf of particular species (Taylor, 2007, p. 925).
Immanence
It does not take long analyzing material surf culture or its associated rhetoric to
see its spiritualityinfused nature (Taylor, 2007, p. 924). Surfers tend to describe the
spiritual nature of their experiences in different ways, but those various interpretations
seem to be thematically connected. For example, surf-related writing characterizes the
sport as an opportunity to connect to the environment and become one with the rhythm of
the forces of nature. Taylor (2007) claims that many surfers
talk in mystical terms about being one with the wave and feeling as if . . . they
were no longer spectators in the ocean but part of it. This comes . . . from the total
focus of energy and attention on the one task of surfing. Its absolutely meditative
. . . surfing makes all the noise of life melt away until it is just a surfer . . . and the
wave in a perfect synchronous dance of life. (p. 937)

As opposed to transcending the physical world, these representations of the surfing
experience signify a feeling of symbiosis and synchronicity. In other words, one major
theme in surf writing is a sense of spirituality derived from an immanent relationship
between all beings.
The concept of immanence, that of remaining within, stands in opposition to the
metaphysical concept of transcendence, which implies subjectivity outside of material
reality. This concept was constructed and elaborated in the philosophical work of Gilles
Deleuze, both as a young thinker and during his partnership with Felix Guattari
(Sinnerbrink, 2006). For Deleuze, consciousness is an event that results from the violent
confrontation of bodies on a plane of immanence (Deleuze, 2001). This stands in



17

opposition to a (Kantian) theological concept of consciousness, which is distributed
between a past, i.e., the given order . . . and a future, i.e., the gift of the creator. In
immanence, the product is the creation, a creation distributing the future itself, and this
product is mediated with further creations. Instead of a mediation between two commons,
those belonging to an immanent order of creation and to a transcendent ordering of the
creator, the common is produced and mediated through an immanent act (Barber, 2009,
p. 136). In other words, there is no transcendent creator and no established order to the
universe, only creation itself. Creativity produces difference and this difference is not
merely the relative distinction of one thing from another . . . but is instead a positive
power of pure production. What is constant in the universe is only this continual
production of novelty (Sherman, 2009, p. 3). Absolute immanence holds revolutionary
potential because it exceeds the limits imposed by global capitalism. An experience of
pure immanence is characterized by a sense of lightness and being at one with the here
and now (Nash, 2006, p. 311). Accessing the univocity of desire in this way
deterritorializes desire from the matrix of consumption, so it instead becomes a lived
reality of relational connectivity, of continuous nomadic and rhizomatic becomings
(Nash, 2006, p. 316). It is complete power, complete bliss (Deleuze, 2001).
Based on this understanding of immanence, Deleuze argues for a transcendental
empiricism, which attempts to understand human experience as a collision, or
disruption, upon a larger field of indiscernibility. Deleuze warns against attributing
immanence to a universal subject or act, for then it simply redoubles the empirical, and
immanence is distorted, for it then finds itself enclosed in the transcendent (Deleuze,



18

2001). Elevating concepts or experiences to the transcendent field converts them into a
mediating force, a door through which all other meaning must travel. This, in turn, allows
limits to be placed on our thinking and creativity.
Most of the theoretical literature about immanence is restricted to religious
journals, manifested by heated discussions about the implications that immanence poses
for theological thought. For example, Daniel Barber (2009) claims that contemporary
critiques of Deleuze concept of immanence overlook his accompanying re-definition of
time, or chronos, as well as his distinction between virtual and actual, which accounts for
a material explanation of creation rather than a mystical one. Barber argues that accepting
Deleuze interpretations reveals an ontological dimension of production that would be
prior to capital (Kerr, 2009, p. 145). In the same periodical, Nathan Kerr (2009) offers a
rebuttal to Barbers hypothesis, claiming that theological theory and practice is not
necessarily transcendent, but in themselves hold the possibility of immanence. Kerr
prefers to claim that the Christian ethic can be immanent, rather than defending the merits
of transcendence.
Deleuze concept of immanence is a theory that drives this study for two main
spiritual reasons. First, communicative practices surrounding surfing frequently
characterize the experience as spiritually fulfilling, yet distinguishable from traditional
religious experiences. Indeed, increasing numbers of surfers are skeptical or agnostic
about most, if not all particular religious beliefs, and find sufficient resources in surfing,
and within surfing communities, to construct meaningful spiritual lives (Taylor, 2007, p.
945). While reflecting on the activity of surfing in a recent surf documentary, Step into



19

Liquid, one professional surfer says, Its like falling in love. You dont know what the
feeling is until youve felt it. Thats what being able to face a challenge, and to live a
dream and to feel the energy and to experience the beauty and to get spat out in glory,
while another recites Timothy Learys hypothesis that the highest destiny of man on
earth was to live an aesthetic life based on the dance, and that surfers had discovered
this. One surf writer explains that surfing is not about achievement. It is about balance,
blend and unity. It is about being a part of, not about dictating or ruling it. The Zen of
surfing is about being mindful of the energy you are joining forces with, not conquering
it (Taylor, 2007, p. 936).
Second, immanence is important because Deleuze and Guattari position
immanence outside of global capitalism. It is not a matter of whether immanence can
provide something unconditioned by or exterior to given determinations. The
fundamental terrain is not exteriority itself; rather, it is the viability of respective
articulations of exteriority (Barber, 2009, p. 133). In other words, capitalism uses the
logic of transcendence to constantly displace its own limits. In contrast, immanence is
no longer dependent on a Being or submitted to an Act . . . it is an absolute immediate
consciousness (Deleuze, 1995, p. 28). For Deleuze and Guattari, capitalism continues by
controlling the production of desire within the social field. Here, immanence as
immediate consciousness deterritorializes desire so that it cannot be used by capitalism.
This study aims to evaluate the potential for surfing to articulate a position of exteriority
to capitalism.



20

Finally, it must be noted that the metaphysics of immanence is independently
relevant to human communication research because it calls into question the transcendent
character of communication within the field of communication studies. Deleuze and
Guattari openly criticize communication studies throughout their work, claiming that
communication has nothing to do with becomings (Barber, 2009, p. 137). As a result,
major concerns have been raised regarding the nature of communication studies, with
relation to transcendence and immanence (Barber, 2009; Bost, 2009). The question of
communication studies and its relationship to immanence and transcendence involves a
complex set of philosophical considerations that fall outside the scope of this project. As
such, immanence in communication studies is a desirable area for an entirely separate
thesis topic. For the purpose of this study, I adopt a Deleuzian model of communication
developed by Bost (2009) and Barber (2009) to better understand a particular group of
southern California surfers. In short, Bost and Barber claim that a Deleuzian model for
communication research views communication as the consequence of becoming, sort of
like the ripples that appear on a smooth surface of water when a stone disrupts it.
Language is thus a symbolic, incorporeal transformation of bodies, individual statements
serving as relays for the group subject or abstract machine that determines the sayable
within a given situation (Bost, 2009, p. 14).

21
CHAPTER 3
METHODS

An Interpretive Framework for Understanding Surf Culture
This study represents an ethnographic analysis of a particular group of surfers
within southern California surf culture and is grounded in the traditions of interpretive
research and the social construction of meanings (cf. Berger & Luckmann, 1966;
Bochner, 1985; Della-Piana & Anderson, 1995; Eisenberg, 1986; Grossberg, 1979;
Trujillo, 1992), as cited by Ruud (2000, p. 118). Contemporary human communication
research is grounded by a variety of mutually exclusive theoretical traditions, each of
which is based on a set of assumptions related to ontology, epistemology, human nature
and methodology. It is difficult, if not impossible, to compare conclusions from different
approaches because they rest on fundamentally different assumptions. While quantitative
research methods are concerned with measuring a directly observable world, qualitative
research methods are primarily concerned with revealing the different ways that meaning
is assigned within our subjective understandings. As such, analysis of surfers
understanding of their own positioning within broader surf culture allows communication
researchers to understand the coherency, purpose, and particular pattern of symbolic
action that functions to bond . . . members in some meaningful and lasting way (Ruud,
2000, p. 119).



22

The interpretive paradigm assumes that reality is socially constructed rather than
made up of tangible and immutable structures (Burrell & Morgan, 1979, p. 4). This
paradigm accepts that critical social science is a normative, practical, ethical and
political endeavor. It aims to develop theory and practice that reveals distortions in
individual and public discourse and action that serve to maintain systems of oppression
(Reyes Cruz, 2010, p. 203). In other words, social science research is situated in a web of
relationships, cultures and flows. Recognizing that position is important for valuable
research because it forces reflection about how subjective interpretations come together
to form shared meaning. For example, by reflecting upon the researchers presence at a
site of investigation, ethnographers can begin to construct theories and concepts that take
their intersubjective interpretation of meaning into account (Anderson, 2006, p. 384).
When taken together, these elements justify this studys examination of shared meanings
and the liberating potential underlying surfing experiences.
A fundamental premise guiding this study is a concern with understanding surf
culture and its relation to colonization of the mind. Specifically, culture is understood as
a product and process, an ongoing social construction that speaks of the ways in which
we learn to live and make sense of life (Reyes Cruz, 2010, p. 205). The methods and
assumptions of the interpretive framework provide for an understanding of culture that is
always shifting and partial. The interpretive paradigm is essential to the success of this
study because it allows a situated approach that extracts potent revolutionary potential out
of specific experiences of nine individuals within surf culture.




23

Ethnographic Assumptions and Methodology
This study relies upon general principles of ethnographic research as a
methodology for interpretation because it involves an investigation of how one group of
surfers come to shared ideological meaning. Indeed, ethnography of communication is
intended to understand cultural codes, which Lindlof and Taylor describe as rules that
inform cultural members how to use and interpret particular categories of signs (Lindlof
& Taylor, 2002). Ethnography is concerned with the relationship between social practices
and social structure. The research questions at issue in this study fall squarely within the
purview of ethnography because they ask whether spiritual codes influence social
practices and social structure among surfers both inside and outside of the water. My goal
as a researcher in this study is to inscribe social discourse to understand the various
meanings associated with the experience of surfing and examine their potential for
resistance (Geertz, 1973, p. 19). However, it must be noted that this studys findings are
not universal. After all, ethnographic findings are not privileged, just particular: another
country heard from. To regard them as anything more (or anything less) than that distorts
both them and their implications (Geertz, 1973, p. 23).
The success of ethnography involves describing and interpreting observed
relationships between social practices and the systems of meaning in a particular cultural
milieu (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, p. 16). This is because it is through the flow of
behavior . . . that cultural forms find articulation (Geertz, 1973, p. 17). By observing
behavior and participating in the scene, ethnographers obtain specific insights that have
relevance in the larger social field. Only by living an experience . . . can a qualitative



24

researcher make that experience useful to a reader (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, p. 4). This
is important for understanding communication practices and performances. However, the
value of ethnographic research stands next to a common critique of ethnographic
methods, in that researchers are not mindful of their own position in the field and
represent their findings with an objectivity that does not pay fidelity to their partial
subjective experience (Anderson, 2006, p. 376). Indeed, Anderson claims that responsible
analytic ethnographies include (1) complete member researcher status, (2) analytic
reflexivity, (3) narrative visibility of the researchers self, (4) dialogue with informants
beyond the self, and (5) commitment to theoretical analysis (Anderson, 2006, p. 378).
As an active member of southern California surf culture, I admit that my
understanding of the activity is deeply informed by my personal history. I frequently
experience a different frame of mind and a sense of spiritual fulfillment when I surf. The
activity is very meaningful for me because it has preserved and enhanced my closest
relationships with friends and family. These personal experiences might explain why I
find the surf scene to be a fascinating area of study. I have a personal interest in
understanding how my surfing experiences relate to those of other surfers because they
constitute a significant dimension of my relationships with them. However, I also
understand that my status as a member of the culture means that I ran the risk of
approaching this study with preconceptions of what social meanings I would find
(Ruud, 2000, p. 120). My most difficult challenge in this study was approaching the
research with openness to the text. In order to be honest in my expression of the findings
of this research, I provide a personal reflection on the context of my relationship with



25

surfing before conducting this study, as well as a reflection on how the research process
changed my understanding of the meanings that surfers attribute to the activity.
Elements of surf culture are manifested in a variety of different contexts, but my
attention was directed at the spiritual and mental conditions associated with the
experience of surfing. In particular, I paid special attention to the ways that individual
surfers described the spiritual and mental contours of their surfing experience. The
project took place between January and May, 2011. Data related to both theoretical
questions were gathered through audio-recorded ethnographic interviews at a location
that was amenable to surfing. I conducted a total of nine ethnographic interviews with
surfers in and around southern California, yielding approximately twelve hours of total
recorded interview time. Some of the interviews were recorded in the water while
participants were surfing. Other interviews were conducted on or around the beach at a
variety of southern California locations.
The ethnographic interviews were free-form, allowing novel responses to shape
the conversation. Each interview lasted between 30 and 90 minutes, and interview
participants were chosen based on their willingness to speak with me. Once the data was
collected, the interviews were transcribed and coded according to the themes that relate to
this studys research questions. To identify any thematic similarities, interview data was
juxtaposed with recorded interviews of professional surfers in surf documentaries (Riding
Giants and Step into Liquid), as well as theoretical research. Procedurally, there was a
searching out of significant symbols, clusters of significant symbols, and clusters of
clusters of significant symbols which, in their formation, serve to define and distinguish



26

different forms of human experience (Geertz, 1973, p. 303) (Ruud, 2000, p. 121). These
methods provided a unique opportunity to analyze a variety of different interpretations in
order to extract any shared spiritual meaning and/or potential for resisting colonization of
the mind that surfing holds.

27
CHAPTER 4
FINDINGS

Surfing as Context
American surf culture emerged as a counterculture to the mainstream values and
traditions of the 1950s. Around this time, a small group of soul surfers eschewed their
material possessions and place in mainstream culture, opting instead for an ocean-based
nomadic lifestyle. With a devotion to riding waves came the creation of a new lifestyle,
centered around all things beach. This emerging lifestyle went in direct opposition to
mainstream values. Surfers were regarded as nothing more than beach bums (Brown,
2003). Because of the perception that they did not contribute to the mainstream
productive and efficient lifestyle, surfers were originally outcast by society. Bruce
Brown, director of the worlds most famous surf movie, The Endless Summer, indicates
that, in the 1950s, surfers were characterized as uncultured BOZOS. He claims that
the main comment from parents and non-surfing peers was: when you grow up, youll
realize you were wasting your time when you could have been doing something useful
(Kampion, 2003, p. 23). This also came to shape surfers own self identification. In
Riding Giants, Steve Pezman comments that getting radical was part of the culture at
that time. After a while it was expected of us and we fulfilled those expectations
(Peralta, 2004). In this way, mainstream culture represented surfers as unconcerned
pleasure seekers, but this representation could not capture the sophistication of their



28

lifestyle. Getting rich wasnt important. What was important was having the freedom to
do what we wanted. It didnt mean we didnt take our jobs or professions seriously . . . it
meant keeping things in perspective (Kampion, 2003, p. 23). Taylor (2007) further
explains
It was during the 1960s that surfings spiritual revival intensified as it fused with
new religious and political currents, blending anti-establishment and anti-
hierarchal attitudes with holistic metaphysics that were connected to psychedelics,
religions originating in Asia or found in indigenous societies, Americas own
metaphysical traditions, and neo-Paganism. (p. 931)

Terms like soul surfer and moondoggie continue to be used within
contemporary surf culture to describe those that seem to faithfully live the surfer lifestyle.
In fact, the term moondoggie originates from the name of a laid-back surfer in the
movie Gidget. Moondoggie has no job and no social obligations. He lives in a palm frond
lean-to on the beach in Malibu and spends his life surfing and commiserating with others
in the water. The Moondoggie character is a symbol for the idea that surfing wasnt just
something you did, but something you became. Not just a sport, but a statement (Peralta,
2004).
Moondoggies still exist, but surfing has changed dramatically since the birth of
the counterculture in the 1950s. Ford and Brown are right that remarkable changes in
style, culture and technology mutated surfing from a form of local nomadic hedonism
into a professional sport and multi-billion dollar industry by the late 1980s (Ford &
Brown, 2006, p. 30). The sport has grown to such an extent that the incentives to
participate have expanded and multiplied. In other words, the reasons why people surf
change as surf culture itself changes. Surfers approach the activity for the first time for



29

different reasons, ranging from simple opportunity to competitiveness and fun.
Participant interviews support this finding, notably because each participant vocalized
different reasons for surfing for the first time. Their personal stories provide context for
understanding their experiences as southern California surfers.
Robby is now 58 years old, and regularly surfs with his family in southern
California. Although he has fully developed an ocean-minded spirituality, he was
originally drawn to the activity as an escape from a violent home life and an opportunity
for fun with friends. Mike, 26, shared Robbys initial attraction to the sport over a decade
ago. He says that he was originally enticed to surf by the good stories of good times, and
it didnt seem like something he could pass up. In contrast, Andrew, 27, lives in the San
Francisco bay area and has been surfing for seven years. He says he originally started
surfing in southern California simply because he was provided the opportunity by his
friends. This is similar to Teddy, 24, who started surfing because of the social aspects of
the sport. Teddy generally feels that he needs other people to be rejuvenated and that the
social experience is a big part of his desire to surf.
Teddy also claims that he was drawn to surfing because it seemed like it was a
lifestyle, like chillness, mellow. Teddy originally desired the laid-back attitude
associated with surfing, but his brother, Gary, came to the activity for very different
reasons. Gary, 22, has been surfing since he was 9 years old. In contrast to his brother,
Gary was originally drawn to surfing because he has a lot of friends who are really
good and he wants to be really good like they are. Many surfers share Garys
competitive motivations and believe that they achieve a sense of personal victory from a



30

successful surf session. Charlie, 27, says that the most fun part about it is the success
and failure part of it. Whether you have a great day or not, you get out there and youre
doing something that you can accomplish and it feels great. After getting out of the
water, Charlie is proud of his ability to put forth the physical effort that it takes to surf.
A lot of people arent willing to do it. A lot of people arent even willing to paddle out
or sit in that break . . . a lot of people dont have the coordination to get there . . . its a
million different things where, if you can accomplish them, its a great day.
Robby, Mike, Andrew, Teddy, Gary and Charlie have all surfed long enough to
develop their own unique perspectives on surfing. As informants on surfing and surf
culture, these six individuals represent a range of attitudes and ideologies that construct
social meaning among surfers. They do not represent the beliefs of all surfers, but their
stories, taken together, provide a foundation for understanding how different experiences
in the ocean can be thematically connected. Studying those thematic connections is
critical to evaluating their revolutionary potential.
Surfing and Decolonization of the Mind
Surfers are quick to point out that the frame of mind they inhabit while surfing is
different from the frame of mind they inhabit in their everyday lives. More specifically,
each and every informant for this study has a job and personal relationships that must be
maintained for them to actively participate in mainstream capitalist society. Surfers are
not completely outside of mainstream culture, which means that their everyday
experiences are steeped in the logic of technological enframing. Enframing is not
simply a widespread problem we could solve with appropriate remedies, but the



31

underlying structure of being in our time. It is ontological rather than ontic (Belu &
Feenberg, 2010, p. 2). Surfers are pressured by forces of mechanization and the
domination of efficiency as an ordering principle in their lives. However, surfers feel that
they extract a variety of meaningful forms of resistance to enframing from their surfing
mindset. Specifically, the data suggests that the mindset that surfers inhabit while surfing
holds the potential to (1) cause one to forget about the everyday, (2) ignore productivity
and efficiency, (3) enhance ones relationship to nature, (4) mutate ones sense of time,
and (5) create a sense of potentiality or feeling right.
The first meaning associated with the frame of mind of surfing is that of
forgetting about the everyday. As noted in the literature review, by combining
Heideggers theory of enframing with Dascals interpretation of colonization of the
mind, a persuasive argument could be made that our minds are colonized by an
emphasis on productivity and efficiency. Examples 1a, 1b and 1c demonstrate ways in
which participants feel that they are ordered by forces of mechanization:
Example 1a: I feel a need to be productive. Like, I need to get things done. When
Im surfing, I am done. I dont feel like I have to accomplish anything out there.

Example 1b: Especially in California. Its constantly trying to move faster, do
things more efficiently. Hurry, hurry, hurry up and get this thing done so we can
move on to this next thing, and then this thing. It drives me crazy. I cant stand the
rat race.

Example 1c: Being on land as a mental state is just like the daily grind.
Everything you do in your life happens on land and if you have a stressful busy
life, like I do, thats being on land. Going to work, going to school, having to deal
with all this crap.



32

It is notable that participants characterize mechanization, efficiency and
colonization of the mind as the mental state of being on land. This symbolic
maneuver positions efficiency as a characteristic that only applies to modes of being out
of the water and supports the position that surfing can reveal new ways of thinking. In the
following example, Gary connects the concept of colonization of the mind to
enframing, and explains why surfing provides an escape:
In the definition of colonization or imperialism, where theres a group of people
that comes in and takes a bunch of resources and allocates them to themselves,
they take them from other people and other people that need them or have grown
up with them. So, if my mind has resources, like it has energy, or has the capacity
to think or to spend time on problems, theyre colonized by blocks of time and by
work, school, job, you know, just like all of these different compartments, each
compartment steals one piece of my cognitive resources. So when I go into the
water, and everything is right, then, I guess, thats what is melting away, all of
those different methods of control over my cognitive resources.

Garys poetic description is simply one way of characterizing ones ability to
forget about the every day. Other surfers attribute this frame of mind to a struggle for
survival or a return to animal instincts. Andrew explains that surfing takes his mind off of
work and relationships and family stress because hes more worried about getting past
the break and not drowning. Teddy is more explicit, claiming that the disconnect frame
of mind is the main reason why he surfs. He says, To sum up the feeling, that rush [of
paddling through a wave] sort of strips everything away, getting back to that animal
instinct, strips everything but that, right now. This is thematically similar to Charlies
perspective that, while surfing may not be a specific challenge to systems of domination,
it is an escape, because when youre out there, you can focus on what youre doing and



33

you can, theres so much going on that you can unplug in a sense . . . you can feel elated,
for however brief a moment.
In addition to forgetting about the every day, participants also explain how their
frame of mind in the water allows them to actively ignore the values of productivity and
efficiency. The following exchange illustrates how surfing promotes a contemplative
mindset:
SURFER: Right. And I think surfing is as much a concept of the sport as it is the
performance of the sport. I know that when I can conceptualize surfing, and my
mantra when I get out and Im having a shit day and I cant catch anything, is
like, Picture it, and get there. Picture being on the wave and seeing the open
spaces and seeing the opportunities to gain speed and to make turns and then get
there and do it because if you dont do that then you are just going to spend the
rest of the day paddling through set after set being pissed.

ME: Thats actually really fascinating to me, the whole idea of making your
reality with your mind, especially in the context of surfing. Is there something
unique about surfing that allows you to do that? Is that harder to do for you
personally in other parts of your life?

SURFER: Absolutely, because with other sports, even other extreme sports or
board sports. In snowboarding, you have the opportunity to practice things ad
nauseum. You could go and hit a jump a thousand times as fast as you can climb
the hill and hit it again, so you dont have as much of an opportunity to sit and
think about it. Whereas the intervals of waves and your dependency on the whims
of nature kind of make it necessary for you to sit and think about it. Its more of a
contemplative sport than other sports.

Mikes position agrees with this explanation. He believes that surfing serves as a
reminder to slow down in this fast paced world that we live in. A lot of times you really
do need to stop and smell the roses per se, and be reminded of the little good things and
the little fun you can have . . . just to really calm down and reflect. The demand to



34

ignore the values of efficiency provoked by surfing may also be related to the
unpredictability of swells:
I know when I have a really good workout at the gym, I still dont really escape
things. You know, Im still staying within the hour and a half I planned, Im still
regimented. When Im out in the water, it usually happens on a day, and I think
this is a benefit of not living at the beach. In that mindset, you have to set aside a
lot of time to do it. You know when you get down there, even if the conditions are
bad you have to sit out in the water and take it in, spend hours doing it, and its
not all productive. When youre at the gym, its all productive. Youre doing
dumbbell curls and its all productive. Youre doing reps, you might take a minute
to rest, but when youre in the water, there is no guarantee of any productivity.

Indeed, surfers are not guaranteed good rides on any given day in the water.
Waves are shifting and elusive, which makes them difficult to incorporate into a system
of mechanization and control. In other words, it is difficult for the logic of technology to
enframe waves as a pool of usable resources because they only partially exist in a
dynamic cosmic flow. Riding waves is not like doing reps at a gym. More importantly, it
is difficult to technologize waves as a standing reserve for human use.
Just to use the example of snowboarding again, when you go up on a mountain
and youre getting ready to board, its not really like you are on a mountain. Its
been groomed and laid out. What makes it interesting is the man made jumps, the
resort owners modifications of that nature. But when you get out to surf, the only
really man made modifications are, say youre at the wedge or something, but
thats not the aim. Youre not going to Bells beach because someone dredged it
and dumped a bunch of sand at the bottom of the ocean to make a good wave,
because, in reality, that wave only lasts a few cycles. You go out to experience a
moment of chaos. You go out to experience dissidence. Its not like you know
what you expect. You hope for something good, you hope for good waves, you
always do. But most often, the response from surfers is, when theyre asked the
question, how were the waves? they respond, it was fun, and thats the
greatest praise you can give a session.

National land locked water parks like Water World and the Schlitterbahn feature
man made wave pools that may undercut Garys analysis here, but it is also questionable



35

whether those wave pools can replicate the sense of chaos and dissidence Gary
associates with natural ocean waves.
A relationship to the rhythm of the waves is only one component of the
environmental ethic that the surfing mindset provokes. Connecting with nature is perhaps
the most common praise that surfers express when reflecting on the activity. A sense of
belonging to nature in general and the sea in particular represents an important affective
dimension to the surfing experience. When such feeling incubated in the environmental
age, it inspired environmentalist values and action among some surfers (Taylor, 2007, p.
937). This emphasis is consistent with the perspectives of participants in this study.
Andrew clearly states that, for me, its a nature thing. If Im on a hike, or out camping,
or surfing, all of those things allow me to get lost in the moment. Gary agrees:
I am in an eco-criticism class right now, and we are talking about the different
waves of eco-criticism. We started with this idea of mans dominion over nature,
and thats how all the literature about nature started. Then we moved to a
symbiotic relationship with nature where we were with nature. And then, in the
post-humanist stage, in post-humanism, we moved to this point where there really
is no divide. Why cant I speak for nature? Why cant I be part of it? Surfing is a
return or a movement towards that post-humanist kind of idea. I feel like I am an
otter when I am out there, Im not hitting man made jumps. Im not waiting in line
with a bunch of other guys to get up on a mountain. Im out surfing. I may be
surfing on a man-made board, but you sense less of a divide between yourself and
the ecosystem.

This approach to it encourages one to encounter the world on its own terms, rather
than viewing nature as manageable resources. After all, following Heidegger, the
reduction of nature to a standing reserve alienates us not only from the elements of our
environment, but also, in a fundamental existential sense, from our very being (Kinsella,
2007, p. 196).



36

In addition to ignoring efficiency and promoting environmental ethics, some
surfers believe that surfing provokes a frame of mind that mutates their sense of time
from a rigid, ordered reality, into a rhythm with the sea. Teddy says that surfing mutates
his sense of time because he is frequently out there without a watch. Mike believes
surfing is a good counter to technology because instead of being connected to everyone
all the time with the cell phone and email, you are completely disconnected from
everything in the water. Aside from the absence of clocks and cell phones, surfers
frequently describe their surfing experience temporally. In an interview for Surfer
magazine, professional surfer Gerry Lopez claimed that to be truly successful at riding
a wave were approaching a Zen state of mind . . . and youre in the pure moment
(Taylor, 2007, p. 941). Taylors own research on surf culture showed that there are
certain patterns reflected in the reports of surfers about their experience. This is certainly
true when surfers recall dangerous surfing, especially inside the hollow part of a breaking
wave, an experience that can relativize ones sense of time (Taylor, 2007, p. 942). As
such, a shift in ones perspective of time challenges the speed of technological enframing,
even if only for a moment.
Finally, surfers appreciate the frame of mind that they inhabit while surfing
because it represents a state of potentiality, or feeling right. This potentiality promotes
a state of being that is ontologically different from technological enframing. The
following example demonstrates how the modes of being associated with surfing create
an access point for this potentiality, a poetic and artistic dance with other beings:



37

Once you get into a rhythm with something you sink into that state of pure being,
you know? When you get into that sense, its one thing. But then, theres another
step to surfing, because you are still considering things, unlike running. If youre
running on a treadmill or out in space, all youre considering is survival, maybe
rounding the next corner. But when youre surfing, you are in that state of near
exhaustion, paddling and getting all your energy out, but youre also concerned
with, where do I go, how do I turn my performance into an art, how do I get
better at doing what Im doing? You are going from the everyday mindset to that
state of survival, pure being, and then you go above that to kind of, to a state of
unconcerned artistry. Like, youre unconcerned with whats outside and whats
going on.

For Gary, surfing encourages an attunement to artistic and poetic being that he
describes as a state of pure being. This artistic mode is certainly a possibility of surfing,
but it depends on several different contingencies to work out favorably. After all,
enjoyable surfing is dependent on the movement of the waves and the skill to navigate
them successfully. If all of these contingencies succeed for Gary, then he can access a
moment of pure being that escapes his everyday concerns.
Soul Surfing and Immanence
As noted in the introduction, a shared sense of spiritual fulfillment has come to
characterize surfing and color the personalities of its players. This explains why many
popular surf myths and rituals emphasize spiritual significance. Although the experience
is always deeply personal, surf-related media like Surfer Magazine and The Endless
Summer consistently reflect upon the ocean-based spiritual meaning that is shared among
surfers. Surfing spirituality is, moreover, expressed through a variety of ritualized
behaviors, including the construction of aesthetic embellishment of the materials needed
for the practice (Taylor, 2007, p. 938). Here, Taylor is referring to the process of
meditating before a surf session or adorning surfboards with spiritual symbols. Although



38

rituals are heavily used throughout surf culture, it is important to note that not all surfers
share the same spiritual and/or religious ideologies, despite the fact that their spiritual
experiences may be thematically connected through surfing. Overlapping similarities and
differences give rise to a unique blend of values and assumptions. The result of such
diversity and hybridity within surfing subcultures is an evolving and transmogrifying
form of an aquatic nature religion (Taylor, 2007, p. 945).
Robby has been surfing for almost 50 years. He says that his spiritual experiences
surfing have influenced his relationships and attuned him to the rhythm of the cosmos.
He frequently refers to the beach as church and constantly reminds his family to
cremate him and spread his ashes at Percos State Beach after he dies. When asked to
elaborate on what he means by the phrase, surfing is church, his only response is that
it is religion. By living the life of surfing, Robby embodies a subset of the surfing
community that experiences the practice in spiritual terms, deriving meaning and
important life lessons from it, even understanding it as a religion in and of itself. These
people sometimes call themselves soul surfers (Taylor, 2007, p. 926).
The term soul surfer, on its own, is dynamic. It was originally used stylistically,
to describe the type of riding practiced by noncommercial, noncompetitive surfers
(Warshaw, 2005, p. 552). By the end of the 1970s, the term evolved as the catchall
opposition philosophy to professional surfing, which encompassed not only prize-money
competition, but much of the surf industry and surf media (Warshaw, 2005, p. 552). The
Ultimate Guide to Surfing offers a different interpretation, answering that it is a
powerful, elemental activity that surfers indulge in for the pure act of riding on a pulse



39

of natures energy, and the contentment this instills in the heart. In this account, surfing
brings magic that only comes from spending time on the moving canvas (Moriarty &
Gallagher, 2001, p. 73, 75) . . . the key is how the experience connects the surfer to
nature, its energies, and its wild creatures (Taylor, 2007, p. 926). The instability of the
term soul surfer can make it a confusing descriptor for shared spiritual meaning within
surf culture. This does not mean that such shared meaning does not exist, but rather that it
is symbolically represented in different ways.
The participants in this study expressed a number of different interpretations of
the meaning of soul surfing, while at the same time sharing some of the assumptions of
spiritual immanence. For example, Charlie believes that soul surfing describes that
group of people that really take it to the next level . . . they use [surfing] for a way of life
and they use it to dictate every single thing that goes into their life. In other words, it
seems that Charlie associates soul surfing with the attitude that surfers carry out of the
water, into their daily lives. This is qualitatively different from Mikes interpretation that
soul surfing is about gaining, or existing in these moments while you are surfing and . . .
gaining moments of introspection. For Mike, soul surfing is better characterized by the
philosophical insights that sometimes come to surfers while they are in the water. Like
Warshaw, Gary tends to interpret soul surfing stylistically, as a thoughtful and mellow
way of riding waves. For Gary, soul surfing carries negative connotations because the
style that it represents seems to conflict with his own competitive, short-board style.
Despite the fact that surfers interpret soul surfing in a variety of ways, some symbolic



40

patterns emerged when they were asked to reflect on the spiritual significance of their
own surfing experiences.
Specifically, participants identified at least three distinct areas of spiritual
significance related to their surfing experience: (1) a connection to a higher power, (2) a
blissful experience of chaos, or supreme fiction, and (3) a sense of connectedness with
all beings, human and non-human. Although shaded differently in various subcultures,
each of these three meanings is frequently communicated by surfers around the world as
part of the spiritual significance of their craft.
For some surfers, the immense power of the ocean presents an opportunity to
experience intensity and a connection to a higher power. Teddy says, You gotta realize
you cant just fight the higher power, you can swim and battle it but its stronger than
you. Theres a power that you cant fight, so you have to go with it, you have to learn
how to just go with the flow. For Teddy, a lack of control is one of the defining parts of
any spiritual experience. The following example expands Teddys comments:
Its part of a higher power because the ocean is a representation of a higher
power, because its such a force to be reckoned with, it does so many things, its
such a powerful force . . . its enough to make you realize, wow that is so
powerful. Also, what comes with the spirituality, I think is a moral code, and the
surfer ethic is that moral code, so it is definitely spiritual. Spiritual experiences
. . . should guide you in how you interact with other people and how you respond
to the world and your thoughts. Its knowing humbling things too, with the whole
higher power. Were at the top of the food chain but were not at the top of the
food chain.

Teddys interpretation is sophisticated because it demands a respect for a higher
power while still allowing one to interact with it. Teddy believes that the higher power of
the ocean is something that he cant necessarily control, and yet he interacts with that



41

power. After all, there would be no surfing without the embodiment of a higher power in
the waves. Charlies expression of his own spiritual experiences is similar to Teddys, in
that he believes the ocean is the most powerful force on the planet. However, as Teddy
alluded to a moral code derived from surfing spirituality, Charlie deploys his relationship
to the higher ocean power as an analogy for life:
In life, thats just the way things go. You know, there are a lot of things that go
without your control and if you can just hold on and ride it and work it to your
advantage, like working a wave, youll have the most jubilant experience youve
ever had in your life, and that probably means a lot for why surfing is so
appealing to a lot of people. When you have that kind of triumph, whether it be in
life or in the water, it is very freeing . . . the soul surfers that do it on a daily basis
feel it constantly.

Although both Teddy and Charlies spiritual experiences derive from their
relationship to a higher power, the meaning of that relationship is slightly different
between them. Teddy posits that his relationship to a higher power instills a moral code
for his interactions with other people, both in and out of the water. In contrast, Charlies
relationship to a higher power allows him to navigate the intensities of life more
creatively on an individual level.
Aside from the interpretation of the ocean as a higher power, some surfers
approach the meaning of the intensity and rhythm of the sea in a slightly more abstract
fashion. Specifically, some surfers extract spiritual meaning from a blissful confrontation
with chaos. In the following example, Gary uses the work of Wallace Stevens to describe
this confrontation:
Wallace Stevens is a poet. He had this whole theory about supreme fiction. He
was an atheist who believed that God was replaced by poetry because poetry
represented this supreme fiction, the state of potentiality, the idea that if you could



42

exist in a mindset, then thats all you need. If you can exist in the moment of
chaos that is created by a poem, or thinking about surfing, if you can think about
being between spaces, then you can learn to experience the supernatural.

Gary likens the state of supreme fiction with the beauty of living in a state of
uncertainty. He comments that, when I think about the vastness of uncertainty . . . all of
this contention excites me. This characterization aligns very well with Deleuze and
Guattaris move to celebrate the irrationality and radical uncertainty of the universe as a
source of creativity as desiring production, whether it be expressed in science, poetry,
music or love (Nash, 2006, p. 325). In fact, for Gary, the potentiality of pure being
associated with surfing is also mirrored in his non-surfing religious pursuits. This may
explain why Gary feels just as bad not surfing as he does not going to church.
One of the most common spiritual meanings associated with surfing involves a
sense of connectedness with all beings, human and non-human. Indeed, Taylor notes that
much of the spiritual experience of surfing is also related to a feeling of belonging and
communion with other living things, the earth, and even the universe itself, as well as a
perception that such connections are transformative and healing (Taylor, 2007, p. 943).
As noted above, Taylor believes that this connectedness promotes an environmental ethic
and respect for nature.
Sometimes, this sense of connectedness comes from ones relationship to the
waves themselves. A surfer feels waves and rides with them, not simply on them; it is
an exchange in which waves wash over me until I do not know where I begin and the
wave ends. My body extends to being part of the complexity of the wave (Booth, 2008,
p. 24). This interpretation is consistent with Deleuze and Guattaris concept of



43

becoming-imperceptible, grounded in their theory of immanence. In becoming-
imperceptible, one unites with the cosmos itself. This is the plane of consistency, the
intersection of all concrete forms, where all becomings are written like sorcerers
drawings on this plane of consistency, which is the ultimate Door providing a way out for
them (Sherman, 2009, p. 8). Surfers frequently express a sense of immanence when
they have such experiences. Everything is waves. The universe of space and matter is
charged with waves of energy. Like echoes of the heartbeat of the absolute being . . .
waves give form to the universe . . . Waves are the imprint, the signature, not only of life,
but of existence itself (Taylor, 2007, p. 943).
The theme of ocean-inspired connectedness is written all over surf documentaries
and photo-books, but it was also emphasized by several participants in this study. During
a group interview at Huntington State Beach, three surfers discussed their experiences
related to immanence:
SURFER 1: [Surfing] is definitely spiritually charged. When you get out, just
catching one wave lets you connect with the ocean, with the water and it charges
your spiritual chi Surfing ties together your relationship to everything. Saltwater
and the ocean is life giving. Whenever you get out of it you feel better. Youre
always happy. Its natures buzz.
SURFER 2: I think its the plug in point.
SURFER 1: People try to catch the wave, harness the energy when the wave is
caught.
SURFER 3: So share the energy that you and the wave have together?
SURFER 2: Its a plug in point. If you want to get down to the basic forces that
effect your life, this is a good place to plug into that.

Although Charlie interprets his own experiences along a similar trajectory to Teddy, he
believes that the spirituality associated with surf culture is an attunement to the ebb and
flow of life. There is a flow to everything in life. Its sort of like a Zen philosophy, all



44

things flow together. The conversation at Huntington State beach, as well as Charlies
comments about Zen, both align with Taylors argument that for many surfers, the heart
of the spirituality is in their felt connection to Mother Ocean and the energies of the
universe (Taylor, 2007, p. 944).
A relationship to a higher power, a blissful confrontation with chaos and a sense
of connectedness to the universe are only three constellations of spiritual meaning that
surfers attribute to their experience riding waves. This does not mean that there are not a
multitude of additional interpretations within surf culture. Rather, it means that these
three themes are important for understanding how one particular group of surfers came to
interpret the significance of their experiences. The poetic language, passion and reverent
care displayed by participants when discussing this issue indicate that spiritual meaning
plays a major role in their active participation in surf culture. Finally, each of these
interpretations is consistent with the qualities of immanence, in the sense that they derive
spiritual significance from a mode of being within.

45
CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION

A central principle guiding this study is a desire to understand the mental and
spiritual contours of surfing, as experienced by a particular group of southern California
surfers. Lindlof and Taylors claim that symbolic performances and practices constitute
the textures of our everyday experience and shape the meanings of our relationships in
various contexts, (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, p. 7) underscores the importance of
understanding how actors attribute meaning to their experiences and discursively share
those meanings with others in the social field. In other words, surfing is a deeply personal
experience that simultaneously operates as the ideological center of an aquatic nature
religion and a counterculture lifestyle. As such, it holds a number of shared meanings
that could be deployed as a form of resistance against colonization of the mind. This
decolonizing standpoint is a transdisciplinary and political stance grounded in critical
social theories and methodologies, intended to understand and expose the continuing
legacy of coloniality (Reyes-Cruz, 2011, p. 211). An examination of the literature
indicates that technological enframing and global capitalism are operative components in
the continuing legacy of colonization (Kinsella, 2007; Belu & Feenberg, 2010; Dascal,
2009; Kerr, 2009; Barber, 2009, p. 137). Therefore, this study examines the social
construction of meanings within surf culture to determine whether the mindset associated



46

with surfing challenges colonization of the mind, and whether surfing is characterized by
a pre-discursive spiritual experience of immanence.
Colonization of the Mind
One major concern that drives this study is the relentless reign of efficiency in the
every day. Following Heideggers Question Concerning Technology (1977), the
development and evolution of technological enframing ontologically orders our being at a
fundamental level. As a result, our minds are colonized by the epistemic authority of a
capitalist metanarrative (Dascal, 2009, p. 3). This narrative frames human existence
within the modes of efficiency and productivity, determines our relationship with other
beings in the world, and alienates us from the radical otherness of the phenomena that
surround us (Kinsella, 2007, p. 196). Ethnographic data from this study supports these
claims. Indeed, participants in this study frequently characterized their everyday
experience as a rat race or a daily grind. Interviews with participants revealed a
general frustration with the speed of technological enframing. However, every participant
believed that their experiences surfing provided an escape, if not an outright challenge, to
this colonization. One participant even described enframing as the mental state of being
on land. Surprisingly, participants identified a variety of active components of surfing
that provided them an escape from technological enframing and colonization of the mind.
In the specific context of a particular group of southern California surfers, the
experience of surfing places one in a frame of mind that has the potential to (1) cause one
to forget about the everyday, (2) ignore productivity and efficiency, (3) enhance ones
relationship to nature, (4) mutate ones sense of time, and (5) create a sense of



47

potentiality or feeling right. As a result, this study answers the first research question in
the affirmative. For some, surfing can provoke a frame of mind that resists colonization
of the mind, even if only temporarily. Surfing is not a panacea, but the research indicates
that it yields a number of opportunities for resisting the violence of the rat race. However,
there are two specific theoretical concerns that relate to this potential.
First, one possible rebuttal to this finding is that Heideggers critique of
enframing warns against viewing the natural world as a standing reserve at humans
disposal (Kinsella, 2007, p. 198). One could make a plausible argument that surfers treat
waves as a standing reserve, a set of resources to be conquered, organized, and
manipulated. However, participants in this study tended to understand their relationship
with waves in a more symbiotic fashion. Participants frequently described their
ontological position in relation to waves as a dance, a movement-with rather than a
movement-on. The following exchange between Gary and I illustrates the complexity
of the relationship between surfers and waves:
G: Yeah. For me, the wave, I think about it as I did when I was a kid, you know
12 or 13 or 14. Even trying to draw a wave is such a different thing. You always
have that kind of essence vs. reality thing with all objects, but waves are
something, waves can be a metaphor for the sport itself. Its something that, more
than usual, defies definition, you know? Its something that, when you have it in
dreams, when you experience a wave in dreams, it is more formless than anything
else. It is something that, but still elicits one of the most strong emotional feelings
for me in dreams.
O: So, is your goal to, if it is fluid and indefinable, is your goal to define it, to
name it, or to give it purpose by surfing it?
G: I dont know. Maybe my whole idea behind surfing is to understand what a
wave is. Maybe Im just trying to figure that out, because I see people that think
they understand surfing, and then I watch them surf, and it looks terrible
(laughing).




48

Garys reflection shows that surfers are capable of meditative thinking about the
ontological position of the natural world. However, this does not mean that all surfers
share this interpretation. While this study does not reveal an interpretation of waves as a
standing reserve, it does not foreclose the possibility that some surfers may hold such an
interpretation. Ultimately, the participants in this study identified methods for resistance
to colonization of the mind and demonstrated a relationship to waves that could not
accurately be characterized as a standing reserve.
Second, it is questionable whether the frame of mind that surfers experience poses
a form of resistance to colonization of the mind, or whether it reinforces structures of
mechanization. Specifically, Ormrod (2003) argues that surf culture thrives on the
holiday ethic, which intentionally characterizes the activity as a retreat or escape from
the routine of everyday life (Ormrod, 2003, p. 44). Rather than challenging
technological enframing, these ideas, at their root, coalesce around notions of time and
the ways in which time is segmented in modern Western cultures (Ormrod, 2003, p. 44).
This critique is striking, simply because participants in this study frequently
characterized their experience as a moment of escape from their daily routines. Ormrods
argument can also demonstrate the limits of Heideggers ontology because it highlights
how partial ideology can be in the context of surfing. However, for this particular group
of surfers, the experience of surfing eschews productivity and efficiency in a number of
ways. Even if Ormrod is correct that the mental state provoked by surfing allows people
to recharge their batteries so that they are more efficient in the every day, each surfing
event is itself a challenge to enframing because the moments in the water cannot be



49

colonized. As Gary says, When youre in the water, there is no guarantee of any
productivity.
Immanence
Surf culture has been characterized by a shared sense of spiritual fulfillment in
media representations of the sport. That is, surf-related books and films frequently extol
the virtues of spiritual fulfillment that accompanies the activity. However, this does not
mean that all surfers actually share such ideological meaning. Not all surfers are soul
surfers. This study is driven by a concern with the specific meanings embodied by any
(partially) shared spiritual experience within surf culture and their relationship to global
capitalism. It is true that surfers have different interpretations of the spiritual meaning of
their experiences, but it seems fairly well documented by this study that those varying
interpretations are informed by common themes of connectedness and chaos. The
research identified a common theme of spiritual fulfillment, framed by a variety of
ideologically distinct areas of spiritual significance. Specifically, participants in this study
identified at least three distinct areas of spiritual significance related to their surfing
experience: (1) a connection to a higher power, (2) a blissful experience of chaos, or
supreme fiction, and (3) a sense of connectedness with all beings, human and non-
human. The common vector through these areas of spiritual significance is a focus on the
present moment and a sense of place in the cosmos. The research reflects Taylors
argument that the confluence of different religious views, combined with the shared
tranquil experience of surfing, gives rise to a constantly shifting aquatic nature religion,
which will thrive and evolve as long as people continue surfing (Taylor, 2007, p. 935).



50

Therefore, the second research question for this study can only partially be answered in
the affirmative.
As noted in the literature review, Deleuze and Guattaris concept of immanence
drives this study for two main reasons. First, Deleuze and Guattaris interpretation of
spiritual immanence includes many of the characteristics identified by participants
interpretations of their own spiritual experiences in the water. Second, Deleuze and
Guattari offer a sophisticated analysis of global capitalism and position immanence as a
micro-political strategy for undermining its power. Indeed, participants described the
spiritual significance of surfing as a plug-in point for connecting with cosmic flows and
intensities, as well as a frame of mind that attunes one to the present moment. These
characterizations are consistent with immanence. The bliss of pure immanence is a
consequence of a commitment to the present moment, which can only be lived by
embracing continuous change from a place of paradoxical stillness, the opening at the
core of subjectivity comprised of a transversal desire (Buchanan, 2000) that can sustain
the connective flow of . . . nomadic intensities, confluences and plateaus (1972, 1983)
(Nash, 2006, p. 315).
This articulation of immanence is important because, according to Deleuze and
Guattari, pure immanence challenges the systemic violence of capitalism (Deleuze, 2001,
p. 27). If people were able to attune to another, more ecological view of reality, to
connect with their radical relationality with the entire environment, then the political
economy and cultural ethic of competitive consumption upon which capitalism thrives
would fall. I call this facility for connectedness a spiritual modality of being as pure



51

immanence (Nash, 2006, p. 316). Taken together, surfing promotes a shared spiritual
experience of immanence, which challenges capitalism by reordering desire away from
the limits of desiring-production and towards flows and intensities of indiscernibility. It
must be noted, however, that surfing does not always produce this result, nor is it the only
activity that holds the potential of pure immanence.
Garys perspective on the relationship between the spiritual meaning of surfing
and the spiritual meaning derived from traditional religious sources illustrates why
surfing is not unique in its ability to provoke experiences of immanence. Gary
specifically says that he experiences potentiality both in the water and in his religious
moments. That potentiality exists for you to get to supreme fiction both in the water and
also in your religious endeavors, however you interpret those to be, that are not in the
water. After all, the idea that immanence is unique to an activity like surfing itself
destroys the meaning of immanence because it elevates surfing to the position of the
transcendent. If surfing is uniquely special at provoking this feeling, then surfing
transcends other symbolic acts and becomes the new mediator to creativity and meaning.
Garys ability to access immanence at the beach, or church, or home, or even within
capitalism, provides evidence that surfing is indeed not unique at provoking the
experience. This does not mean that immanence cannot leverage a structural challenge to
global capitalism. Rather, it means that this study can only map out the flows, intensities
and trajectory of immanence in the specific context of surfing with a specific group of
southern California surfers. This is consistent with Geertz claim that ethnographic
findings are not privileged (Geertz, 1973, p. 23).



52

Finally, some scholars express concerns that surf culture is heavily
commercialized and commodified (Booth, 2008; Ormrod, 2005). One could plausibly
argue that this commercialization undercuts the possibilities for surf culture to resist
global capitalism through pure immanence. For example, surfing is a multi-billion dollar
industry that directly and indirectly supports industries related to clothing, tourism, travel,
maritime commerce and extreme sports. Surfing can provoke a sense of immanence,
which can challenge the ideological coordinates of capitalism, but that experience can
trade off in supporting the material coordinates of capitalism. In other words, surfers may
have to materially support capitalism in order to get access to experiences that
deconstruct the epistemological violence of capitalism.
This study provides two specific answers to this critique. First, as noted above,
immanence is immanent to everything, which means that moments of pure immanence
can be created anywhere, including capitalism. In other words, resistance to capitalism
can arise even from within capitalism itself. According to Deleuze and Guattari, one only
moves beyond capitalism by moving through it (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987). We must
inevitably exist in capitalism, so the fundamental question is how to navigate the intensity
of life within the flows of capitalism and desiring-production. From this perspective, any
experiences that provoke immanence and creativity are independently valuable. This
study shows that surfing is one of those experiences for a particular group of southern
California surfers.
Second, many surfers agree that the sport is bloated and commercialized, but even
such threats cannot obviate its spiritual power (Taylor, 2007, p. 925). Teddy and Gary



53

both indicate that the commercialized nature of surfing does not affect their ability to
have meaningful experiences. Gary specifically says, Commercialize it. If you want to
make a buck doing it, fine. How is that going to affect my experience in the water? For
Teddy and Gary, the commercialization may affect the perceptions that non-surfers hold
of the activity, but it does not materially alter their own experiences surfing. Therefore, it
does not seem like commodification undercuts the revolutionary potential of immanence.
After all, commercialization of the sport specifically created the opportunity for Charlie
and Mike to begin surfing. In an interview for the movie Riding Giants, Greg Knoll
argues that surfing is so pure and intense, we hang all of this tripe and bullshit on it and
surfing survives because the ride is so bitchin (Peralta, 2004)!
Implications and Future Research
This ethnographic study provided insight into a specific group of southern
California surfers in order to better understand their shared spiritual meanings and the
mindsets that inform their personal relationships. This study used thick description of a
particular culture to examine the revolutionary potential of the shared meanings
embedded within that culture. However, the findings were limited to questions related to
colonization of the mind and global capitalism.
This study examines theoretically significant questions within communication
studies to identify performances and practices that can resist enframing and capitalism.
Specifically, this study concludes that there are five operative components of surf culture
communication that challenge enframing and three operative components that promote an
experience of immanence. Communication researchers should look for these components



54

in their research of other activities to see whether they are universally accessible. These
findings also have several implications for future communication research. First, this
study finds that capitalism is a social phenomenon, but resistance to capitalism is
personal. The field of communication research is concerned with human relationships,
but frequently characterizes relationships through an economic lens. For example, social
exchange theory applies an economic logic to human communication. This study
provides a starting point for analyzing communication without privileging economic
logic. As a result, it represents a form of communication research that challenges the
psychological apparatus of capitalism. Second, Teddy indicates that the surfer ethic is a
moral code . . . that guides your behavior with other people both in an out of the water.
In other words, experiences of immanence and meditative thinking associated with
surfing influence the broader communication practices of surfers. As a result,
understanding communication within surf culture requires an examination of the
philosophical ideas of immanence and colonization of the mind.
Surfing is a major cultural movement with a multiplicity of actors, settings and
stories that are under-researched in the status quo. Future research in this area could focus
the same research questions at a different sub-group of surfers, or it could examine the
specific relationship between immanence and colonization. Unfortunately, I did not have
the opportunity to work with any women or people of color while researching this
project. Future research can, and should, investigate the shared meanings of different
identity categories within surf culture and the symbolic practices those meanings evoke.

55
CHAPTER 6
CONCLUSION

Surfing can be a radical force in a persons life. It certainly has been that way for
me. This study provided an opportunity for me to approach a part of my own culture with
reverence and curiosity. This is very important because my experiences surfing are
frequently both beautiful and baffling. More than anything, my position as researcher in
the surf scene forced me to learn to listen. I entered this project with my own
preconceptions about the significance of surfing, but the research process provided me a
glimpse of the infinite shades of meaning within the surf culture that I frequently
navigate. My experiences with participants enhanced my understanding of
communication practices within the surfing community and forced me to reflect on what
truly binds beach-minded people. I am grateful for the opportunity, and did my best to
accurately reflect the position of this studys participants.
I have been surfing for 20 years, and although I find every single surf session
immensely valuable for my mental and physical development, there have been a handful
of occasions where my understanding of the activity and its spiritual significance have
radically changed. The first time, I was 13 years old. My father, Robby, brought me to
the beach on an overcast day with small waves, and we paddled out beyond the breaking
waves together. Once we got past the break, we sat balanced on our boards as the swells



56

undulated underneath us. After a few minutes of waiting, I became impatient for the next
set. Dad, I asked, what do we do now?
Philosophize.
He didnt say anything else, merely sat on his board and contemplated the glassy
surface in front of him. I had no idea what he meant. Robby was stoked, but I was still
mentally on land. That one comment planted the seed, but my own development as a
surfer did not progress until I discovered it all over again in college.
My understanding of surfing radically changed for the second time when I taught
a friend to surf. She struggled for a few hours to balance on the board and get the hang of
paddling, but then something clicked and she picked it up quite quickly. The next time
that we were in the water, we made it past the break and sat up on the boards. After a few
minutes she asked, What do we do now?


57
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