Taboo An Underexplored Concept in Marketing

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Ouidade Sabri, Delphine Manceau and Bernard Pras
Taboo: An Underexplored Concept in Marketing
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Taboos have a strong presence today in society
and public debate. Mass demonstrations against the
12 caricatures of the Prophet Muhammad published
by a Danish newspaper, the withdrawal of two
Eastpack advertisements showing zombies, or the
decision to cancel a performance of Mozarts opera
Idomeneo in which the hero pulls the decapitated
heads of Jesus, Buddha and Muhammad out of a bag
provide three examples of strong and sometimes vio-
lent reactions to representations of topics relating to
Recherche et Applications en Marketing, vol. 25, n 1/2010
Taboo: An Underexplored Concept in Marketing
Ouidade Sabri
Assistant Professor
IAE de Paris
Delphine Manceau
Professor
ESCP Europe
Bernard Pras
Professor
Universit Paris-Dauphine (DRM, UMR-CNRS 7088)
ESSEC Business School
The authors gratefully acknowledge the helpful comments and suggestions of four anonymous RAMreviewers.
The authors can be contacted at the following e-mail addresses: ouidade.sabri@yahoo.fr; manceau@escpeurope.eu; bernard.pras@dau-
phine.fr
SYNTHESI S
ABSTRACT
Despite the importance of taboos in contemporary societies and their impact on consumption, little research has been
conducted in marketing on the concept of taboo. Building upon the literature in anthropology, sociology and psychoanalysis, this
paper puts forward five defining characteristics of taboos which shed light on previous research related to taboos in marketing.
This article suggests topics for future research based on taboo characteristics that influence consumer behavior and taboo per-
ception, with emphasis on the methodological difficulties and opportunities related to this field of research.
Key words: Taboo, prohibition, contagion, sacredness, ambivalence, transgression.
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 59
religion or death. These themes appear to be taboo
and the general feeling is that they should not be
represented publicly. Similarly, debates surrounding
the commercialization of pregnancy (expressed in
arguments about payments made to surrogate
mothers) demonstrate that commercial exchanges
can also be considered taboo in certain circum-
stances. Furthermore, for quite a few years now,
taboo scenes in advertisements for famous brands
like Dior and Benetton have caused enormous
controversy in the press and online (Pope, Voges and
Brown, 2004), even if topics such as sex, death and
body transformation have often been covered in hit
TV shows broadcast worldwide (Sex and the City,
Six Feet Under or Nip and Tuck).
However, research into the concept of taboo
appears limited in the marketing field (Michelson,
2005). Although advertisers have staged scenes of
death and sex for many years now as exemplified
by the porno-chic campaigns for luxury goods
researchers have tended to study these topics mostly in
terms of provocation, and not with respect to the
concept of taboo. Similarly, very few studies have
focused on the marketing or communication of taboo
products (ranging from condoms to funeral homes),
with entire fields of study remaining as yet unexplored.
This lack of research in marketing into the concept of
taboo seems paradoxical given that research in
consumer behavior has traditionally drawn inspira-
tion from fields such as psychology and sociology,
disciplines that have long been interested in taboo
(Tetlock et al., 2000). In addition, marketing uses
ethnographic approaches (Arnould and Wallendorf,
1994), whereas anthropology itself based on ethno-
graphic approaches is what engendered the very
concept of taboo in the early 20
th
century.
This article is aimed at filling this gap by analyzing
to what extent the concept of taboo helps understand
and clarify certain marketing issues. We first identify
the different facets of this concept as developed in
social sciences as well as their relevance in marke-
ting. We then analyze former research in marketing
into taboo topics, taboo products and taboo practices,
and we point out the facets of taboo which have not yet
been explored in these studies. Finally, we propose
research perspectives rooted in these themes and in
taboo facets, and address the main methodological
questions raised in analyses of taboos.
THE CONCEPT OF TABOO
The term taboo associated with the concept
of tapu (Maori language) or tabu (Tongan) is
Polynesian in origin and was imported to the West by
Captain Cook during his 1769 expedition to the
Pacific (Encyclopaedia Universalis, 2002). Many
definitions have been formulated since then, largely
built on anthropological research. In 1911, for ins-
tance, a British government anthropologist,
Northcote Thomas, gave the following definition to
the Encyclopaedia Britannica, that Freud adopted
later (1912, p. 19): Properly speaking, taboo
includes only (a) the sacred (or unclean) character of
persons or things, (b) the kind of prohibition which
results from this character, and (c) the sanctity (or
uncleanness) which results from a violation of the
prohibition. The converse of taboo in Polynesia is
noa and allied forms, which mean general or
common. Today, the word taboo corresponds in
anthropology to a ritual of religious prohibition
found in many cultures and more generally, to a
moral or social prohibition (Encyclopaedia
Universalis).
These definitions emphasized several facets of
taboo: (1) prohibition, (2) sacredness and religion,
even if mentioning rituals and moral/social prohibi-
tions leaves open the possibility of profane taboos
(also called magical taboos), and (3) impurity.
Analyses of studies carried out on taboo in the fields of
anthropology, sociology and psychoanalysis show
that these definitions have to be supplemented to
include all the different facets of taboo. In particular,
cultural production, contagion and emotional ambi-
valence constitute important dimensions of the
concept and should be among the defining characte-
ristics of taboo (Table 1). Based on this analysis, we
suggest the following definition, to be explained and
discussed below: A taboo is: (a) a cultural production,
(b) that is sacred (religious) or magical (profane) in
nature, (c) which dictates behavioral and/or conversa-
tional prohibitions, (d) whose transgression is likely to
provoke sanctions due to the contagious nature of the
taboo, and (e) which are associated with individuals
emotional ambivalence.
We now justify these five defining characteristics
and will successively examine the cultural produc-
Ouidade Sabri, Delphine Manceau, Bernard Pras 60
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 60
tion aspect, the prohibition dimension, the sacred or
magical nature of taboo, the contagiosity and the
ambivalence. We then specify the elements differen-
tiating a taboo from related concepts.
The defining characteristics of taboo
A cultural production
Freud (1912) showed that taboos are productions
insofar as they are established by a groups recognized
authorities to regulate the group. Universal taboos
based on fundamental prohibitions do exist but there
are only three incest, cannibalism and murder and
their purpose is to ensure the group survival and per-
petuity (Freud, 1927). More specifically, the universal
taboo of incest marks the transition from a state of
nature, where the relationships between men and
women are not determined by rules, to a state where
culture is the source of social rules: the prohibition of
incest is the fundamental step because of which, by
which, and above all in which, the transition from
nature to culture is accomplished (Lvi-Strauss,
Taboo: An Underexplored Concept in Marketing 61
Table 1. Taboo defining characteristics and anthropological, sociological and psychoanalytical approaches
Defining characteristics
of the taboo
Anthropological
approach
Sociological approach
Psychoanalytical
approach
Cultural production Recognized Recognized
Recognized even if
universal taboos do exist
Prohibited
nature of
the taboo
No distinction between
behavioral and conver-
sational dimensions of
the taboo prohibition
The first sociological
writings on taboo did not
distinguish between its
behavioral and conversa-
tional dimensions
No distinction between
behavioral and conversatio-
nal dimensions of the taboo
prohibition
Behavioral
Conversational
Contemporary analysis of
taboo (writings dating
from the 20
th
century)
introduced the conversatio-
nal dimension
Sacred/
profane
nature of
the taboo
Opposition between
two stances:
(1) The distinction
between sacred/pro-
fane is not an issue
since primitive peoples
did not discriminate
between the two
concepts
(2) Taboos are neces-
sarily associated with a
sacred dimension
Distinction between
religious and magical
taboos (Durkheim, 1915;
Cazeneuve, 1971)
Not raised
Sacred
Profane
Magical taboos erect
prohibitions involving
profane objects
Contagious nature of the
taboo
Recognized Recognized Recognized
Ambivalent nature of the
taboo
Not raised Not raised
Characteristic highlighted
by Freud (1912)
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 61
1969: xxviii-xxiv, 12, 24). However, as noted by
Freud, most taboos vary culturally and locally. A
similar analysis was made by Reinach (1906) when
he pointed out that priests in Hawaii had the right to
decide the general or specific nature of a taboo, as
well as the amount of time that a given location,
object, activity or individual should be considered
taboo. In general, something, someone or a practice
would be declared taboo when the leading figures in
the clan or tribe were afraid of the dangers associated
with it.
Taboos are cultural productions that are embed-
ded socially and historically.
First, with regard to their social anchor, it should be
noted that early explorers like Captain Cook were
impressed by the diversity and power of the taboo
prohibitions they observed. Taboos continue to vary
from one society to another, despite current intense
cultural exchanges between the worlds different
regions. Homosexuality, for instance, is taboo in
Muslim societies like Saudi Arabia but tolerated and
even accepted in France and the United States.
Second, some taboos are entrenched at certain
historical junctures (Belk, 2003) but may one day no
longer be taboos. Certain processes lead to the des-
truction and to the creation of taboos. Wilson and
West (1981, 1992, 1995) underlined taboo destruc-
tion phenomena showing that certain topics and
products that had been unmentionable in 1980
were mentionable by 1992 such as condoms and
feminine hygiene products. The secularization of
society associated with the revolution in social mores
has led to the destruction of certain taboos (Wilson
and West, 1995; Tetlock, 2003). Conversely, there is
the tabooization of some behaviors that were once
considered ordinary. Tobacco and alcohol, which
used to be ordinary products, are less and less tolerated
by Western societies due to their negative health
effects. They are sometimes even viewed as not
depictable, as illustrated by the 2005 decision of the
French National Library to erase a cigarette from a
photo of Jean-Paul Sartre used in an advertising poster
to promote an exhibition devoted to the philosopher.
This decision reflects a process of de-normalization
of smoking (Libration, 15 March 2005). Given
taboos historical embeddedness, such evolutions
might be analyzed in conjunction with the seculariza-
tion of some religious principles and the sanctifica-
tion of new symbols like good health (Robert-
Demontrond, 2007). To profane these new symbols
appears as new sacrileges (Belk, Wallendorf and
Sherry, 1989).
Behavioral and/or conversational prohibitions
All definitions of taboo refer to the concept of
prohibition, underpinning the predominance of this
aspect (Van Gennep, 1904; Frazer, 1911; Webster,
1942). Yet, a taboo is a particular form of prohibition:
it is imposed upon individuals without any apparent
reason and usually without any explanation
(Reinach, 1906). Its violation, even when done invo-
luntarily, usually provokes a profound terror that is
not caused by the intervention of a third party or by a
social sanction but by something akin to a divine or
spiritual sanction (Van Gennep, 1904; Frazer, 1911;
Bergson, 1932; OReilly, 1948).
For anthropologists, taboo-related prohibitions
are largely behavioral in nature (Van Gennep, 1904;
Webster, 1942). The taboos role is to prevent certain
behaviors from happening, such as the killing of tote-
mic animals (Frazer, 1911). Prohibitions, however,
can also be conversational. Tony Walter (1991), a
British sociologist, has emphasized the conversatio-
nal nature of taboos when restricting peoples free-
dom to talk about certain topics due to social, moral or
religious conventions. The example of death-related
taboos illustrates this point. Many researchers see
death as the paragon of a conversational taboo
(Gorer, 1965; Walter, 1991) because it is a painful
subject that people have problems discussing. Yet,
death-related taboos are founded on a general prohibi-
tion of killing. Murdering someone or oneself
(through suicide or assisted suicide) is a behavioral
taboo in many modern societies (Durkheim, 1897;
Aurenche, 1999; Hans-Balz and Pascal, 2003;
Martindale, 2005).
The distinction between behavioral and/or
conversational taboos helps to highlight the absolute
nature of taboos. This aspect incarnates taboos very
essence, which is both behavioral and conversational;
associated with sacredness; and apt to generate a fear
of sanctions in case of transgression. A more relative
form does exist (taboos that are solely conversational
and which generate lesser sanctions in case of trans-
gression), even if some taboo themes or words are
banished and people use euphemisms as substitute
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 62
signifiers to avoid causing offense (Ullmann, 1970;
Tournier, 1975).
The sacred or magical nature of taboo
Anthropologists and sociologists have often won-
dered about the sacred or magical (i.e., profane) cha-
racter of taboo. Reinach (1906), for instance, stressed
that the ordinary meaning of the word taboo is
sacred and that taboos mainly constitute a reli-
gious observance. This view was shared by Bergson
(1932), for whom the sacred nature of a prohibited
object was a precondition for the genesis of a taboo.
However, not all anthropologists shared this vision.
Frazer (1911), for instance, noted that primitive
peoples make no moral distinction between the
sacred and the profane, i.e., between the concepts of
holiness and impurity.
Among sociologists, the sacred nature of taboo
has long been a topic of intense discussion. As far
back as 1889, Smith considered that taboos are not
always rules of conduct regulating mans contact
with deities (p. 152). He showed that taboos pertai-
ning to women after child birth, or to men who have
touched a dead person, have little to do with the
notion of sacredness. They involve the simple expec-
tation that contact with people supposed to be car-
rying (or sensitive to) terrible diseases should be
avoided. For sociologists like Gurvitch (1939), all
taboos were religious and sacred in nature. Durkheim
(1915) had mixed views on this topic. Even if all reli-
gions, systems of belief, and rituals involving sacred
things are sources of taboos, religious taboos are not
the only kinds to structure social life. Durkheim dis-
tinguished between religious and magical taboos.
Religious taboos are legitimized by peoples respect
for sacred objects and their transgression leads to
sanctions which are both social (punishments inflicted
by humans) and extra-social (punishments inflicted
by divine power). Violating or lacking respect for
something considered sacred is then considered
sacrilegious. Conversely, magical taboos are not
based on sacred objects but constitute useful
maxims and the first form of hygienic and medical
interdictions (Durkheim, 1915, p. 301). The
assumption is that their transgression will provoke no
divine sanction. More precisely, their observance
enables people to protect themselves against misfor-
tunes such as illness, accidents and death.
Contagiosity
For anthropologists, taboos are contagious and
can be transmitted by touching (Frazer, 1911; Van
Gennep, 1904). In other words, any ordinary object
entering into contact with a taboo object becomes
taboo. Similarly, any person transgressing a taboo
can be made taboo and suffer the same prohibition.
The transgressor is contaminated by the impure and
evil emanations of his or her act. Once the taboo has
been transgressed, only ceremonies of purification
can stop the contagion process and avoid the punish-
ment.
Sociological and psychoanalytical analyses of
taboos highlighted their contagious nature (Freud,
1912; Durkheim, 1915; Caillois, 1950; Douglas,
1966) by focusing on the social function associated
with this characteristic. Cazeneuve (1971) explained
that deviants who transgress a taboo, voluntarily or
not, become a threat for the group since they
become numinous symbols, impure beings that are
dangerous to contact (p. 53). Social cohesion might
be damaged by the contagion of taboos transmitted
from an object made taboo to the deviant person and
ultimately to the whole group. All group members
feel threatened when an individual commits this
fault. The deviant must be ostracized and face public
disapproval. The author also noted that the risk of
destroying group cohesion depends on the taboos
relevance to the maintenance of social order. Certain
taboos like homicide or incest are particularly impure
and their transgression constitutes real social sui-
cide (Caillois, 1950; Cazeneuve, 1971).
Ambivalence
Freud (1912) added that another aspect of the
concept of taboo is emotional ambivalence toward
the prohibition: The basis of taboo is a prohibited
action, the performing of which a strong inclination
exists in the unconscious... There is no need to prohibit
what no one desires to do (See Totem and Taboo, in
the chapter Taboo and emotional ambivalence, p.
32). A strong desire to accomplish an act is present in a
group of individuals but prohibited by an authority
whose legitimacy is recognized. The desire to satisfy
this prohibited desire is then transformed, uncons-
ciously, into a repressed impulse. This state engen-
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 63
ders an ambivalent feeling toward the prohibition,
creating a confrontation between peoples desire to
satisfy their impulses and their fear of the conse-
quences of this transgression. Freud (1912) showed,
for instance, that taboos relating to the treatment of
enemies mix feelings of hostility and admiration.
Similarly, taboos toward the dead come from the
confrontation between feelings of mourning and suf-
fering, on the one hand, and the subconscious desire of
possibly wishing this death, on the other hand.
According to Freud (1915), an individual facing a
taboo might awake two types of urges: sexual
impulses related to life instinct (Eros); and aggres-
sive impulses related to death instinct (Thanatos). In
this way, psychoanalytical theory has highlighted the
existence of unconscious impulses that are transmitted
from one individual to another, from one generation to
another, and from one era to the next. This bolsters
belief in the existence of a few universal and a-tempo-
ral taboos.
In psychoanalytical approach, two responses
might derive from emotional ambivalence: refuge in
norms through adherence to subconscious rules dicta-
ted by the superego; and fulfillment of ones urges
through revolt against such norms.
Taboo and ancillary concepts
These defining characteristics of the concept of
taboo help analyze former research in marketing and
help to determine potential research directions.
However, it is important to note that in linguistics, a
distinction is made between strong and weak forms
of words or expressions. A strong form is based on
the terms first meaning and widely accepted denota-
tion.
1
A weak form (or weak formation) corresponds to
instances where the word or expression presents a
lesser degree of its theme (Dictionnaire de
lAcadmie franaise, 9
th
edition) in which case the
term is understood not in its first meaning but in a
weakened form. This distinction between strong and
weak forms is universal in all languages and categories
and relates, among other factors, to semantic defi-
ciency (Cardinaletti and Starke, 1999). The term
taboo has not escaped this semantic weakening:
The meaning of this term, which was primarily reli-
gious at first, has notably broadened in Western
usage, where people apply the meaning of more or
less imperative social prohibitions, so that the terms
semantic broadening has been accompanied by its
weakening (Tournier, 1975, p. 151).
2
In this case,
the concept of taboo is not considered through its
first meaning and some of its facets are not taken into
account. This might be exemplified, for instance, by
the behavior of individuals whose practices are labeled
abnormal, strange or unacceptable by a social group
after they have transgressed the rules dictated by this
group, which therefore considers them deviant
(Berger, 1963; Berger and Luckmann, 1966).
The concept of taboo (i.e., the strong form of the
term) is completely distinct from ancillary concepts
such as prohibition, illegality, indecency, scandal,
shock or inacceptability. These terms might be close to
the weak form of the term taboo when they corres-
pond to a social prohibition, insofar as something
that is indecent, shocking, scandalous and unaccep-
table is contrary to social conventions. Examples
include scandalous or shocking words or an inde-
cent outfit. But such expressions are distant from
the concept of taboo (i.e., the strong form of the
term) and do not cover its other dimensions (e.g.,
contagion). As for prohibitions and cases of illega-
lity, they are usually regulatory or legislative in
nature. They do not necessarily correspond to social
prohibitions, and even less to taboos. One example in
France is the consumption of cannabis, which is illegal
and prohibited but yet does not constitute a behavioral
or conversational taboo.
Having specified these elements of definition, we
now analyze the different marketing issues that can
be nurtured and enriched by this conceptualization of
taboo.
1. Source: TLFI (Computer Repertory of French Language) is a
portal of the CNRTL (National Center for Text and Lexicon
Resources), created by Frances CNRS (National Center for
Scientific Research) in 2005.
2. A number of authors have regretted the way that the term
taboo has been weakened. Im not very happy to see this word
used so frequently as an adjective, often in the feminine and/or
plural form (which is common in French), as if it were a word just
like all the others! As if taboo is not by its very essence intan-
gible, thus invariable! (Michel Volkovitch, La Quinzaine litt-
raire, 15/9/2000).
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 64
THE CONCEPT OF TABOO IN TABOO-RELATED
MARKETING STUDIES
The present section examines the use of the
concept of taboo in taboo-related marketing studies.
Which typology should be adopted to classify exis-
ting research on taboo-related topics? Beyond
taboos defining characteristics, anthropology and
sociology both addressed the issue of taboo systems
and analyzed taboos from a functionalist perspective as
classification systems enabling a separation between
things and people (Durkheim, 1915; Radcliffe-
Brown, 1952; Douglas, 1966; Leach, 1976; Lvi-
Strauss, 1958; 1962; 1990). These authors showed
how taboos make it possible to classify and give
meaning to reality. For Mary Douglas (1966), societies
considered things as taboo when they appeared
abnormal, existed outside established categories and
were not accepted morally and socially. The risk in
this case was pollution and danger. For Claude Lvi-
Strauss (1967), objects that have been made taboo
contribute to systems that help to organize relation-
ships between individuals and more broadly, orga-
nize the world itself (relationships with fauna, flora,
etc.) in a coherent way through a series of prohibi-
tions and condemnations applied in case of transgres-
sion.
This logic for classifying relationships between
humans, and between humans and the world, can be
applied in a marketing context to the activities
associated with taboos, i.e., exchanges and trade-
offs, products, behaviors, communications and
advertising. Here, we are in agreement with Frazer
(1911), who differentiated between taboo elements
based on their nature: taboo acts, taboo things, taboos
affecting people, and taboo words. We therefore clas-
sify taboo-related studies into four main categories:
taboo exchanges and trade-offs; purchase, consump-
tion and marketing of taboo products; taboo beha-
viors; taboo communications and advertising.
Furthermore, we will analyze these studies with res-
pect to the defining characteristics of taboo.
Based on our conceptual analysis, we assume that
the same processes are engaged whenever indivi-
duals are exposed to taboos, irrespective of the parti-
cular object in question (exchanges, products, beha-
viors or advertising) insofar as all taboos are based
on the same defining characteristics. However, most
former taboo-related research in marketing did not
use taboo as a central concept and thus did not
include all the defining characteristics of taboo (See
Table 2 depicting the main concept and taboo charac-
teristics used in marketing research). For the diffe-
rent taboo-related research categories, we will try
each time to analyze how the concept of taboo and its
defining characteristics, inspired by social science
research, might enrich the vision conveyed in these
studies.
Taboo exchanges and trade-offs
The topic of taboo exchanges and trade-offs is the
only area of research in marketing that has come up
with a definition of taboo taken from Northcote
Thomas (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1911) and Freud
(1912) and a theoretical framework (inspired from
social sciences) so as to better understand the implica-
tions of a violation of taboos.
This research field has studied reactions to taboo
exchanges and trade-offs that consumers are forced
to make. Belk (2005) has defined taboo exchanges as
the transfer of something deemed valuable from one
person or institution to another. Despite societys
growing secularization, he noted that many things
remain sacred for individuals and priceless.
Examples include love, family, friends and life itself.
In particular, he invoked romantic love, which can be
neither bought nor sold. Similarly, McGraw and
Tetlock (2005, p. 3) defined a taboo trade-off as an
explicit mental comparison or social transaction that
violates deeply held intuitions about the integrity,
even sanctity, of individual-to-individual or indivi-
dual-to-society relationships and the values that ani-
mate those relationships. They refer, for instance, to
the paying for orphan adoption rights, human organ
sales, purchasing womens favors or buying pollution
rights (in line with the polluter pays principle). The
comparison of sacred values with secular values
generates intense reactions that can be cognitive
(including punitive trait attributions to violators of
taboos), emotional (including anger, disgust, and
contempt) or related to norm-enforcement reactions
(including intentions to censure violators but also to
censure those who fail to censure violators).
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 65
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03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 66
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03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 68
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03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 69
These studies are consistent with the anthropologi-
cal, sociological and psychoanalytical conceptualiza-
tion of taboos. Authors in these fields focused on the
cultural, prohibited and sacred dimensions of the
concept and also integrated contagion, dirtiness and
impurity, i.e., facets resulting from the violation of a
taboo. However, these studies could be enriched in
certain areas by the aforementioned conceptualiza-
tion of taboos. For instance, the distinction between
conversational taboos (behavior that is tolerated but
which people do not talk about, like visits to prosti-
tutes) and behavioral taboos (a proscribed activity
like the sale of human organs) makes it possible to
distinguish between different taboo exchanges and
different ways of dealing with such situations. The
notion of emotional ambivalence could help better
understand why people resort to certain taboo
exchanges without limiting their motivation to finan-
cial reasons only. As far as we know, no studies have
determined the profile of those consumers who are
most likely to accept a taboo exchange, even though
such characteristics could help to establish a concep-
tual framework with societal implications. The
concept of ambivalence could be used to develop a
typology of consumers, ranging from the identifica-
tion of positive univalents who are likely to accept a
taboo exchange, to negative univalents who would
reject it, and ambivalents who are prone to doubt.
Public authorities and, probably, practitioners who
work on taboo exchanges or trade-offs could develop
different marketing actions to target these three types
of individuals and persuade them to adopt one or the
other kind of behavior.
Marketing and the purchase of taboo products
A second area of research deals with the marketing
of taboo products and services. Many of the papers in
this area have highlighted the dirtiness as well as the
social and moral danger (in Douglass sense, 1966)
associated with these taboo products, even if they did
not mobilize the concept of taboo itself (See Table 2).
These studies did not define the word taboo. They
used it as an adjective synonymous with sensitive
(Shao and Hill, 1994; Fahy et al., 1995), offensive
(Barnes and Doston, 1990; Waller, 1999; Fam and
Waller, 2003; Prendergast and Chia Hwa, 2003),
controversial (Rehman and Brooks, 1987; Fam,
Waller and Yang, 2009) and unmentionable
(Wilson and West, 1981; Katsanis, 1994). They focu-
sed on the marketing of unmentionable, controversial
or offensive products, ranging from goods whose
consumption is thought to be potentially dangerous
(socially, morally and even physically) like alcohol,
3
tobacco and drugs, to products and services that are
related directly to life and death matters, such as
funeral services, life insurance,
4
contraceptives, pre-
gnancy tests, vasectomies and abortion (Schwartz,
Johnson and Lee, 1986; Crosby and Stephens, 1987;
Trompette and Boissin, 2000; Brown, 2002), or as
products which may be associated with murder, like
food products that people find disgusting (Merdji,
2002). Given the disparity of the products and ser-
vices in question, some studies have tried to classify
them on the basis of their controversial nature and
peoples difficulty in mentioning them or admitting
to use them (Katsanis, 1994).
In their first analysis of unmentionable products,
Wilson and West (1981) showed that these products
were suffering from the stigma of unmentionability
and that powerful communication tools could be
completely ineffective, whereas many of these pro-
ducts needed to be actively marketed and promoted
for social reasons. As a result, most research on
unmentionable products then focused on advertising
(See Table 3) and analyzed whether ads for sensitive
products shocked or offended consumers.
Researchers tried to identify which components of
advertising were likely to increase the perceived
offense and which individual factors affected consu-
mer perceptions (gender, age, cultural values, religio-
sity, etc.). Other marketing-mix variables received
little attention.
There was one exception, however, that treated
taboos as a central concept, that is Merdjis analysis
(2002) of peoples disgust with certain kinds of food.
Mobilizing an anthropological approach, Merdji
established a structural equivalence between taboos
like incest or murder and food-related taboos. He
3. For instance, this dangerous aspect has led to religious prohibi-
tions in Islam (cf. Koran verses 4:43, 2:219, 5:90-91) where alcohol
is forbidden because it is considered intoxicating and because
its consumption is dangerous for the drinker and for others (causing
violence, family tragedies, suicides, etc.). In short, alcohol turns
good Muslims away from Good.
4. Things considered taboo in the funeral and life insurance business
necessarily depend on the highly ritualized way in which societies
treat death.
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 70
Table 3. Overview of the main studies on taboo products
Authors
Approach
and methodology
Examples of taboo
products being
studied
Main findings
Wilson
and West
(1981)
Conceptual article
Examples derived from
American cultural
context
Contraceptives,
feminine hygiene
products, hard and
soft drugs, venereal
disease treatments,
sex AIDS, vasec-
tomy, etc.
Proposed definition and classification of unmentionable
products
Development of marketing strategies deployed depending on
how unmentionable the products are. For instance, products
judged acceptable by the purchaser and rejected by society
(e.g., hard drugs) are subject to a demarketing strategy.
Rehman and
Brooks (1987)
Self-administered
survey, n = 372
students, United States
Contraceptives,
feminine hygiene
products, womens
lingerie, etc.
For more than 50% of all interviewees, the only TV ads
considered acceptable are those for contraceptives.
Most respondents are happy to accept advertising for
womens lingerie, laxatives and pregnancy tests.
Pitt and Abrat
(1988)
Laboratory
experiment,
n = 172, Australia
Condoms
Use of pleasant music vs. unpleasant music shows no signi-
ficant effect on preferences for a sensitive product (condoms
in the present case).
Barnes and
Doston (1990)
Self-administered
survey, n = 4,168
individuals,
United States
Condoms, tampons,
hemorrhoid cream,
underwear, etc.
Perceptions of offensive nature of advertising stem either
from product being promoted through advertisement or from
the advertising execution.
Age and religious practice affect perceptions of
advertisements offensiveness.
Katsanis
(1994)
Descriptive study
based on factorial
analysis, n = 248
students, United States
Cigarettes,
condoms, laxatives,
pregnancy tests,
adult diapers, etc.
Identify classification of unmentionable products along two
axes (level of communication public versus private and
products controversial and harmful nature).
Fahy et al.
(1995)
Two national surveys,
n = 2,113 and
n = 2,055,
United States
Alcohol, condoms,
feminine hygiene
products, vasectomy
and sterilization
services, abortion
services, etc.
Advertisements for alcoholic beverages (wine, beer, spirits)
are very acceptable to most respondents.
The same applies to products for children (e.g., cereals),
personal hygiene products and anti-AIDS products.
Only advertising for practices or services associated with
life and death matters (abortion, sterilization, etc.) is consi-
dered unacceptable.
Waller (1999)
Self-administered
survey, n = 125,
Australia
Alcohol, cigarettes,
condoms, feminine
hygiene products,
womens underwear,
funeral services,
gambling, political
parties, etc.
Advertisements for 15 different products or services classi-
fied according to their degree of offensiveness. The ads see-
king to promote extremist racist groups or featuring reli-
gious denominations are considered the most offensive.
Identified reasons for perceptions of offensive nature of
advertisements: racist aspects, nudity, representation of anti-
social behavior, etc.
Fam and
Waller (2003)
Cross-cultural survey
carried out in four
countries (Malaysia,
Taiwan, China, New
Zealand), n = 1,014
students
Underwear,
condoms, contra-
ceptives, weapons,
political parties,
funeral services,
alcohol, gambling,
etc.
Due to collectivist and Confucian tradition, respondents
from Asian cultures (China, Taiwan, Malaysia) are tend to
accept advertising for controversial products less than New
Zealanders.
Religious beliefs affect perceptions of advertisements for
controversial products.
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 71
showed that disgust applies to the consumption of
animals with whom people feel a strong identifica-
tion (pets or working animals), or, conversely, to ani-
mals that dilute a groups identity (i.e., that are wild or
repugnant). Only beef and venison are considered
good meat, with the latter being in fact borderline
given its proximity with wild beasts. Also on the sub-
ject of disgust, Morales and Fitzsimons (2007) analy-
zed contagion by showing that peoples disgust for
certain products can be transferred to other products
with which they are perceived to be in contact, for
instance because of their closeness on a store shelf.
This can negatively affect the purchasing process and
customer choice. The authors found that the manipu-
lation of visual conditions could reduce or enhance
the perceived risk of contagion, by displaying pro-
ducts in opaque or translucent packages.
This analysis showed that the marketing of taboo
products has been scarcely explored (with a few
exceptions like Merdji), given the diversity and
extent of the concept of taboo and the economic chal-
lenges raised by these kinds of activities. Different
categories of unmentionable or offensive products
have been studied, but virtually no research so far has
distinguished to what extent the discomfort or dis-
gust caused by the consumption or sight of such pro-
ducts might involve sacred or profane prohibitions
and/or emotional ambivalence. Distinguishing bet-
ween products constituting conversational taboos
(feminine hygiene products, funeral services) and
behavioral ones (gambling, plastic surgery, taboo
food) would help to identify potential and desirable
marketing practices in areas like communication, pri-
cing or distribution.
Taboo behaviors and marketing
This issue has been mainly studied from the pers-
pective of the Theory of Reasoned Action (Fishbein
and Ajzen, 1975). Once again, most research on
taboo behaviors has not used the concept of taboo,
but has focused on behaviors such as the consump-
tion of alcohol and drugs (Schlegel et al., 1992;
Lafflin et al., 1994), the use of condoms (Kashima,
Gallois and McCamish, 1993; Trafimow, 1994;
Morrison, Gillmore and Baker, 1995; Sheeran and
Taylor, 1999; Sutton, McVey and Glanz, 1999;
Albarracin et al., 2001), AIDS prevention (Fisher,
Fisher and Rye, 1995) and unethical conduct
(Randall, 1989; Kurdland, 1995; Chang, 1998). All
these behaviors were considered by society at least at
the time of these studies as transgressions of taboos
since they broke the group norms and generated
disapproval (Douglas, 1966; Leach, 1976).
The Theory of Reasoned Action stipulates that
attitudes and subjective norms, i.e., the perceived
social pressure in ones environment to engage or not
to engage in a behavior, form ones behavioral inten-
tion and explain volitional (voluntary) behaviors
(Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975). This theory has shown
that subjective norms, as well as a persons attitude
toward taboo behavior, can explain taboo behavioral
intentions and behaviors, even though individual atti-
Table 3. Overview of the main studies on taboo products (continued)
Authors
Approach and
methodology
Examples of taboo
products being
studied
Main findings
Prendergast
and Chia Hwa
(2003)
Face-to-face survey,
n = 240 individuals,
China
Dating agencies,
mens underwear,
gambling, funeral
services, weight loss
products, alcoholic
beverages
Gambling and dating sites that advertise online are
considered the most offensive products.
Nudity and sexist attitudes are viewed as highly offensive
advertising stimuli.
Respondents gender, age and level of education affect
perceptions of offensive nature of products being promoted,
along with their purchase intentions.
Respondents are less tolerant of offensive advertising on the
Internet as opposed to other media.
n = sample size
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 72
tudes possess greater explanatory power than subjec-
tive norms. The emphasis on the impact of subjective
norms reflects the normative pressure wielded by a
group that condemns behavior breaking with the
norms that the group recognizes and values. Such
normative and culturally embedded pressures can
also result from changing economic conditions, as
shown by Lai (2000) with regard to the consumption
of beef in Taiwan: something that is taboo and res-
tricted when the country experiences shortages can
become normal behavior in times of abundance, with
meat then being imported from the United States or
Australia.
Other research on taboo behavior has focused on
illegal consumption practices. Goulding, Shankar
and Eliott (2002) showed that during rave wee-
kends, which are often characterized by an exces-
sive consumption of alcohol and drugs, illegal beha-
vior is tolerated due to the fragmentation and
compartmentalization of consumers time. Mondays
to Fridays are devoted to working and a total respect
for the norms and codes imposed by society regar-
ding clothes, make-up, etc. During the weekend, the
responsible worker role, complete with the pressures
of everyday life, is abandoned in favor of the self
expressive hedonist (p. 279). The groups subjective
norm exerts less influence in such situations even
though these authors argument is not based on the
Theory of Reasoned Action.
These works do not use the concept of taboo,
although they highlight how processes of normative
social influence affect the decision whether or not to
infringe a taboo. To our knowledge, no study has
tried to understand either the factors moderating the
strength of the relationship between subjective norms
and behavioral intentions, or the actual behavior sha-
ped through the normative influence of taboos for
instance given the situational context of acceptance
or transgression of taboos (e.g., being alone, with
ones family, with friends, in an anonymous crowd,
etc.). The conceptualization of taboo we have sug-
gested could help understand the attitudinal antece-
dents to taboo behaviors, thus answering several per-
sistent questions, including whether ambivalent
consumers develop a more favorable attitude toward
taboo behaviors, and whether the profane vs. sacred
nature of a taboo influences the valence and intensity
of an attitude.
Taboo themes featured in advertising
communications
A last field of research has focused on the fre-
quent use of provocative appeals and taboo themes in
advertising campaigns, irrespective of the nature of
the product being promoted. This consists of using a
visual representing a societal taboo (suicide, murder,
sex, etc.) to promote a product that has no real
connection to the taboo itself. The visuals are mostly
related to Eros or Thanathos-based taboos (Vzina
and Paul, 1997; Pope, Voges and Brown, 2004). Such
managerial practices include for instance the ad
visuals for Eastpak which systematically evoke
death; for Dolce Gabbana showing crime scenes
replete with guns and other weapons; or for Sisley,
depicting sexual practices such as sado-masochism.
Apart from Manceau and Tissier-Desbordes
(2006), who base their research on the concept of
taboo, other researchers on this topic mention the
word taboo without really analyzing or using the
concept (See Table 2). They often use the concept of
provocation, defined as a deliberate appeal, within
the content of an advertisement, to stimuli that are
expected to shock at least a proportion of the
audience, both because they are associated with
values, norms or taboos that are not challenged or
transgressed in advertising, and because of their dis-
tinctiveness and ambiguity (Vzina and Paul, 1997,
p. 179). Taboo and provocation are conceptually
connected, although several characteristics distin-
guish them. First, provocation constitutes an adverti-
sing intent whereas taboo themes are stimuli that can
be treated in different ways, for instance with intended
provocation or with humor (Manceau and Tissier-
Desbordes, 2005, 2006). Second, provocation is a
deliberate advertising strategy that has actually been
exclusively developed in Western countries, whereas
the use of taboos in advertising is not always delibe-
rate. For example, advertisings standardization
throughout the world sometimes leads to the dissemi-
nation of advertisements considered taboo in certain
countries (e.g., Muslim countries, for ads showing
nudity) even though these images were not conceived
with such intent when originally designed for a
Western audience (Al-Makaty et al., 1996;
Boddewyn, 1991). As a consequence, taboo in adver-
tising covers a broader range of situations than provo-
cation does.
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 73
Various authors show that provocation increases
the attention to an ad, but has a negative impact on
the attitude toward the ad (De Pelsmacker and Van
Den Bergh, 1996; Vzina and Paul, 1997; Dahl,
Frankenberger and Manchanda, 2003). However, the
findings do not support a contagion effects theory, in
which negative attitudes toward provocative advertise-
ments would negatively affect attitudes toward
brands or purchase intentions. At the same time, pro-
vocative advertisements from Benetton in the late
1990s evoking AIDS by showing a person with the
HIV acronym tattooed on his or her skin, for ins-
tance, or the mistreatment of prisoners created
negative emotional associations that probably had a
negative impact on peoples intention to purchase a
brand that was causing consternation and fear
(Kirchler and De Rosa, 1998, p. 48). These contra-
dictions probably mean that provocation attracts
attention but that its potentially negative effects on
attitudes toward a brand (and on purchase intentions)
may depend on the degree of provocation, Benettons
ad being far more provocative than those previously
studied by researchers. More generally, taboos
contagiousness should be analyzed in the taboo
advertising context to understand the processes by
which the taboo nature of an advertisement is trans-
ferred to the advertised products, and to their consu-
mers.
Advertising communications, which is among the
better explored taboo-related research themes, failed,
like the others, to incorporate the concept of taboo
and its defining facets. Research has ignored the
emotional ambivalence characteristic although this
variable can potentially explain the nature and com-
plexity of peoples reactions to taboo advertisements
while helping to develop a typology of consumers
categorized by their emotional reactions (ambivalent
vs. univalent). Such analysis could have relevant
Table 4. Characteristics studied and shortcomings of earlier research on taboo in marketing
Characteristic of taboo
Taboo exchanges
and trade-offs
Marketing and
purchasing of taboo
products
Taboo behaviors
Taboo themes featured
in advertising
Cultural production
Dimension integrated
into analysis
This characteristic is
mentioned via inter-
cultural approaches
Not mentioned Rarely mentioned
Prohibited nature
of taboo
integrated but no
distinction is made
between
conversational and
behavioral taboos
Concept of
prohibition is not
much explored, focus
on notion of offensive
or unmentionable
product
This dimension is sket-
chily outlined during
analysis of processes of
normative social
influence affecting
decisions to engage in
taboo behavior
Viewed from a
provocation perspective
Sacred or profane
nature of taboo
integrated
Not mentioned
(except religious dimen-
sion, occasionally)
Not mentioned
Religious dimension is
sometimes mentioned
Contagious nature
of taboo
Partially mentioned
No analysis of
contagion for brand or
consumer (contagion
between products
mentioned)
Not mentioned
Not explained
Analysis of attitude
toward brand and
purchase intention,
but not of contagion
between individuals
Ambivalent nature
of taboo
Not mentioned
Implicitly mentioned
in some studies
through positive
emotions surrounding
sex-related products
Not mentioned Not mentioned
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 74
managerial implications in terms of market segmenta-
tion and targeting. Lastly, it says nothing about the
impact of the taboos sacred or profane nature on the
valence and intensity of peoples reactions to the
advertisement.
In conclusion, former taboo-related research in
marketing has made little use of the concept of taboo
in its various dimensions (See Table 4), which has
limited the conceptualization of the topics under
study. The next section suggests areas for future
research based on taboo characteristics that influence
consumer behavior and taboo perception. We then
pinpoint the methodological issues that need priority
attention.
EXPLORING PROMISING RESEARCH DIRECTIONS
REGARDING TABOOS
Besides the areas for future research in marketing
that were already mentioned on taboo exchanges and
trade-offs, taboo products, taboo behaviors, and
advertising including taboo depiction, we identify
several themes yet to be uncovered or further studied
which encompass the four aforementioned areas of
research. These themes relate to a general understan-
ding of the influence of the five characteristics of
taboo on consumer behavior; on the individual fac-
tors influencing perceptions of the taboo nature of
the objects being studied; and on the societal and
ethical consequences of the transgression of taboos.
Introducing a dynamic and intercultural perspective
into the study of taboos
Taboos are cultural productions that are histori-
cally and geographically embedded. Taboo creation
and destruction processes operate over time.
Introducing a dynamic perspective into the study of
taboos is a promising research direction, due to the
advent and development of new taboos such as those
relating to the natural environment. Ecological aware-
ness grew and intensified from the 1970s onwards, to
the point where ecology became the leading collec-
tive value of the twentieth century (Rochefort, 1995;
Zaiem, 2005). This consciousness started to exert
normative pressures on society in favor of the imple-
mentation of ecological behavior (Minton and
Randall, 1997). More specifically, alarming reports
about global warming imposed new consumption
norms (Pederson, 2000) and encouraged the emer-
gence of new taboos based on green consumption
practices and behaviors aimed at preserving the natural
environment (waste recycling, water saving, green
means of transport such as bicycles, etc.). It would be
useful to study the evolution of these new taboos
from their emergence through innovators to diffusion
among the early and late majority. Pursuing the com-
parison with the innovation diffusion process model
among various categories of population (Rogers,
1962), it may turn out that there is a progressive diffu-
sion process of new taboos and an imitation factor
such as in the Bass diffusion model (1969). It would
also be interesting to understand how ordinary pro-
ducts can become and be made taboo, and how this
tabooization affects their subsequent consumption
and related communications.
Furthermore, we should improve our understan-
ding of the taboo destruction processes. In order to
do this, a longitudinal study of one or several disap-
pearing taboos could help to identify the explanatory
variables and the underlying mechanisms. For
example, it could be hypothesized that public trans-
gression of a taboo (potentially by celebrities) and
media debate would provoke or accelerate the taboo
destruction process. Is transgression contagious and
does it lead rapidly to taboo destruction? Do we have
taboo destruction diffusion models just as we have
new taboo diffusion models; in the same way as there
are new product adoption and diffusion models
(Rogers, 1962; Bass, 1969)? If so, which factors
accelerate (or slow down) this diffusion of transgres-
sion, and what are the profiles of the innovators-
transgressors?
Taboos not only evolve over time but also in
space. Despite the universality and a-temporality of a
few taboos, such as incest and murder (Freud, 1912),
most taboos differ from one culture to another. The
studies analyzing the advertising strategies for contro-
versial products and the impact of offensive adverti-
sing have been conducted in different cultural
contexts (Prendergast and Chia Hwa, 2003; Fam and
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 75
Waller, 2003; Sabri-Zaaraoui, 2007; Fam, Waller and
Yang, 2009), but to our knowledge, only one paper
adopted a truly intercultural approach comparing the
perceptions of Norwegians and Thais toward the same
provocative ads (Prugsamatz, Ofstad and Allen,
2006). Further research should be conducted to com-
pare perceptions of taboos in different cultural
contexts and identify the impact of cultural values and
lifestyles during the formation of such perceptions.
Studying the impact of prohibition on consumer
behavior and marketing practices
Making taboo trade-offs, promoting taboo pro-
ducts or portraying a taboo in an advertisement are
violations of relational, social or normative boundaries
(Dahl, Frankenberger and Manchanda, 2003; Belk,
2005; McGraw and Tetlock, 2005), which makes
other ingroup or outgroup members respond to the
transgressor with varying degrees of indignation,
rejection or normative pressures, depending on the
seriousness of the offense. The role of normative
social influence is fundamental here
The role of normative social influence has been
studied for a long time in socio-psychology (Deutsch
and Gerard, 1955; Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975), and
consumer behavior (Stafford, 1966; Witt, 1969), but
not analyzed in taboo-related marketing research. It
would be interesting to use these theories to unders-
tand taboo behaviors and taboo advertising. First,
normative social influence can be examined at three
levels: 1) consumer reactions when confronted with a
taboo object; 2) the influence of subjective norms on
peoples acceptance of a taboo exchange or purchase,
3) the influence of subjective norms on post-purchase
consumption behavior in different situational
contexts. Second, subjective norms could: 1) impact
the purchase intention in advertising persuasion
models with advertisements using taboo themes; 2)
potentially explain contradictory findings from ear-
lier research into provocative advertisements featu-
ring taboos. However, the influence of subjective
norms will vary according to the strength of the prohi-
bition, depending on whether the taboo is conversatio-
nal and/or behavioral in nature, and on whether pur-
chase or consumption is involved.
Whilst individuals and groups might be viewed as
two distinct entities, the sociological approach to
taboo has shown that individuals are integral parts of
groups. In this context, any transgression of a taboo by
an individual might question the whole group.
Psychosocial theories of identity derive from the fun-
damental hypothesis that individuals express their
social selves by affirming membership of a social
group by means of a categorization process. Group
members are expected to conform to the groups
norms (Abrams et al., 1990), and any deviance, nota-
bly involving the violation of taboos, can fragilize
the social identity of the group and the norms that it
values. In this context, it would be interesting to
extend analysis to include potential, real or perceived
sanctions in the case of transgression. For instance,
should the person consuming a product that is taboo
fear being ostracized from the group? If so, how
might this be done? Do perceived sanctions vary
depending on the nature of the taboo in question?
The manner in which an individual or object that has
been made taboo might be purified also deserves
attention: when an object, brand or individual has
been made taboo and associated to the generated
negative attitudes of the said taboo, how long does it
take before the tabooization is erased and how does it
occur? Which purification ceremonies might the
brand practice and which higher authorities are in a
position to rehabilitate it? These are all relevant
issues in terms of brand management.
Studying the influence of the sacred or profane
nature of taboo on consumer attitude and behavior
Analysis of the sacred or profane nature of a
taboo opens interesting research paths: the link bet-
ween the sacred or profane nature of a taboo, its
strength, and behavioral dependent variables; the
evolution from the sacred to profane nature of a
taboo (or vice versa) of an object or subject, and its
behavioral consequences.
Early anthropological texts on taboo highlighted
the existence of a hierarchy between taboo objects,
which engender more or less serious sanctions in the
case of transgression (Reinach, 1906; Frazer, 1911).
Durkheim (1915), for instance, noted that it is more
damaging to infringe religious as opposed to magical
taboos. In modern society, taboos relating to holiness
and religion are among the heftiest and cause the
most violent reactions at emotional and behavioral
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 76
levels. Extreme examples of this were the reaction to
caricatures of the Prophet Muhammad and the emo-
tions generated by posters for the film Amen.
Analysis of the treatment of taboos, depending on
whether they entail sacredness or profanity, can be
expected to supersede analysis of the strength of the
taboos impact on attitudes and behaviors. One might
conceive of a persuasion route that, in the case of an
advertisement transgressing a sacred taboo, would go
directly from stimulus to emotion, without passing
through any evaluation phase (attitude toward the ad or
attitude toward the brand), with all the consequences
this has on (others) perceptions of the products and
individuals who accept the product or brand that has
been made taboo.
Taboos can also be classified into either superior
(and universal) taboos, as those endangering life, and
whose transgression has always been sanctioned in
every civilization, and taboos that are more embed-
ded in space, time or religion. In both Judaism and
Islam, a hierarchy has been established between diffe-
rent kinds of sacredness and prohibitions. As recalled
by Robert-Demontrond (2007, p. 57), Judaism, in
virtue of the principle of Pikuat Nefesh (saving the
breath of life) which asserts the primacy of avoiding
any behavior that harms life, accepts transgression of
kosher prescriptions (involving, among other things,
food and cooking practices) or rules relating to the
Sabbath if this is necessary to save a life (Talmud
Yoma 83a). The same applies in Islam, where it is
possible to accommodate many of the prohibitions
that believers normally accept in the case of force
majeure involving unavoidable constraints in the
place where people live (Pras and Vaudour-Lagrce,
2007). This revisits the question of value trade-offs
and the impact that such choices have on behavior.
In addition, changes in the principle of sacredness
have become a significant element in understanding
our societies. According to Robert-Demontrond
(2007, p. 21), sacredness does not disappear but it
does move. This explains how discursive rhetoric on
sustainability and the economic and political
importance of ecological and ethical concerns with
ecology becoming a planetary religion (Iranzo, 1996;
Santiago, 2002) can be typically analyzed as a secu-
larization of ancient religious principles in which the
Earth, Nature and future generations are made sacred
and then replace God (Robert-Demontrond, 2007,
ibid). He then concludes by recalling Senecas
famous principle regarding this evolution: Man is a
sacred thing to man (Homo sacra res homini,
Epistle 19). Carrying on from this analysis, we might
think that health and attitudes toward smoking, for
example are part of this process of sacralization of
humans (and Nature) and the marginalization or
exclusion of whoever might undermine the physical
or moral integrity of other persons and endanger the
survival of humankind. Concerns relating to sustaina-
bility, fair trade and ethical trade can be studied, as
suggested by Robert-Demontrond, from a sacredness
perspective but also by focusing on the taboos asso-
ciated with these themes and on the consequences of
their possible transgression.
Similarly, many researchers have asserted that
modern societies and consumers are on a quest for
sacredness (Maffesoli, 1988). Sacred objects can the-
refore be valued as such by persons who do not value
them from a religious perspective. For example, in a
context of rising demand for safe and healthy food,
kosher food is associated to values of purity,
absolute health and wholesomeness by non-
Jewish consumers who account for 60% of kosher
product consumers in France and 70% in the United
States (Robert-Demontrond, 2009). Respect for
taboos that are religious in origin (eating kosher or
halal) can therefore cover intrinsic profane values on
the part of individuals who are not part of this reli-
gious community.
In addition, certain profane objects fall into the
domain of sacredness when consumers overvalue
them (Hirschman, 1988; Belk, Wallendorf and
Sherry, 1989). Sacralization of brands provides a
good example of this phenomenon (Khalla, 2006,
2007). People talk about contagion, exemplarity,
self-transcendence, rituals or internal attachment to a
brand. Given that sacredness even outside the field of
religion corresponds to what everyone sees and
venerates as a supreme value, and is willing to sacrifice
themselves for to protect the object from profanation
(Caillois, 1950; Robert-Demontrond, 2007), this pro-
cess of sacralizing brands should bring about the
introduction of prohibitions and spark a risk of pro-
fanation. Introducing taboo into an analysis of new
sacralized subjects, objects or brands should enable
new conceptualizations of these themes and a better
understanding of the behaviors associated with them.
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 77
Studying the influence of a taboos contagious nature
on consumer behavior
In marketing, cultural meaning moves and transfers
of meaning have been studied and applied to consumer
goods and person-objects relations; this is the mea-
ning transfer process. McCracken (1986) has postu-
lated that any product that fits into a cultural context
will be endowed with meaning that is transmitted to its
user. This transfer of cultural meaning can occur
notably through advertising. Applied to celebrity
endorsements, McCracken (1989) has demonstrated
how the symbolic properties of celebrity are transfer-
red to a product and its final consumer, findings
confirmed by Langmeyer and Walker (1991). In the
light of this theory, it would be interesting to study
contagiousness associated to taboo visuals and taboo
products. In both cases, incorporating the notion of
contagion would help to determine whether the pre-
sence of a taboo visual (or the taboo nature of the
product itself) generates a meaning transfer process,
and whether such a transfer applies to perceptions of
the brand and its consumers. Analysis might also
cover the influence of taboo visuals and taboo pro-
ducts on the brand (image, perceived brand personality,
brand associations, attitudes, preferences, purchase
intentions) but also on the consumers exposed to the
visuals, and who bought the taboo product or brand
(meaning transfer, attitudes, perceived personality,
potential rejection). In the same way that Morales
and Fitzsimons (2007) have studied the contagion
process from disgusting to banal products and its
impact on purchase intentions, it might be worth ana-
lyzing the contagion process from a taboo product or
taboo visual to the parent brand and to its customers
purchase and consumption behavior. The same
approach could be applied to brand extensions when
the new product introduced as an extension is taboo.
Studying the influence of emotional ambivalence
on consumer behavior
We have noted that taboo is associated with emo-
tional ambivalence, a variable that has also been
understated in former research on taboo in marke-
ting. Whilst research mobilizing the Theory of
Reasoned Action have stressed the perceived
influence of normative social pressure on behavior,
Bagozzi, Dholakia and Basuroy (2003) have enri-
ched this theory and shown that goal desire is a
proximal determinant of behavioral intention, which is
itself explained by attitudes and subjective norms and
by anticipated positive and negative emotions toward
the said behavior. In this way, these authors indi-
rectly introduced the potential influence of conflic-
tual emotions on taboo objects. This emotional ambi-
valence may well constitute a key element in
understanding the effects of taboo visuals, which
may enhance awareness, memory and fascination
with prohibited activities, but also engender fear,
rejection and even repulsion. The respective strength of
these positive and negative feelings for taboo pro-
ducts and activities may also vary according to the
private or public consumption context. Future
research should investigate these phenomena for
taboo visuals, taboo products and taboo activities,
and the underlying ambivalent process at work.
Negative feelings like shame, guilt, embarrassment
or unease, attest to the emotional awareness that indi-
viduals develop when transgressing norms (Tangney,
1991; Miller and Leary, 1992; Gilbert, 1997; Keltner
and Buswell, 1997; Eisenberg, 2000; Heywood,
2002). Positive emotions like pleasure or excitement
can also be felt. The question is whether these positive
and negative emotions appear sequentially or simulta-
neously, and how consumers reconcile the two
contradictory tendencies and their internal conflict
(Favez-Boutonnier, 2004).
It may be worth researching the factors affecting
how consumers handle this ambivalence and choose
one type of behavior rather than another. The idea
here would be to identify different types of consu-
mers depending on their level of ambivalence, their
attitudes and behaviors toward the advertisements
and the brand. The concept of ambivalence would
help understand the commercial success of certain
brands that have deliberately transgressed taboos and
explore transgressive consumption behaviors. It is
possible that this emotional ambivalence explains
why certain taboo products or behaviors are so popular
in nonconformist circles, among young people for
example, and even become trendy. Ambivalence
might also explain potentially negative social atti-
tudes toward certain communications for products
that nevertheless sell well, and elucidate how, in such
cases, awareness and attractiveness have a greater
effect than feelings of disapproval.
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 78
Ongoing research into the individual factors
influencing the perceived taboo nature
The literature on taboo exchanges says nothing
about the profiles of those consumers who are most
likely to accept or refuse such exchanges. Research
devoted to the marketing of taboo products shows
that several individual variables affect the perceived
taboo or offensive nature of such products. These
factors include age, gender, cultural values and reli-
giosity (Barnes and Doston, 1990; Fam and Waller,
2003; Prendergast and Chia Hwa, 2003). Similarly,
Manceau and Tissier-Desbordes (2006) have shown
that age and gender affect attitudes toward advertise-
ments featuring taboo themes. Future research is nee-
ded to specify the role of these individual variables,
whatever the particular taboo under consideration
(exchange, product, or advertising theme). In addi-
tion, it would be interesting to study other individual
variables including the tendency toward confor-
mity, conservatism, lifestyles, etc. to better identify
the profile of those consumers who are most likely to
reject or accept taboo. It would also be useful to
cross these individual variables with taboos defining
characteristics and with the typologies of taboo that
we suggested. If we can differentiate between Eros
and Thanatos taboos, conversational and behavioral
taboos, and sacred and profane taboos, we might sur-
mise that consumer sensitivities to each category
vary. Studies of unmentionable products have
explored a few potential typologies (Wilson and
West, 1981; Katsanis, 1994) but analysis of taboos
characteristics would enable further progress by
crossing taboo categories with consumer variables.
Furthering research into the societal and ethical
consequences of a transgression of taboo
Business and corporate ethics, on the one hand,
and consumer ethics, on the other, are increasingly
important concerns in modern society, as is the
notion of social responsibility. It is important to ask
oneself about the impact of the transgression of
taboo: at an ethical level; on values; and on society.
It would be useful to study the impact of taboo
advertising on local values and culture. Advertising
standardization results in an increase of taboo trans-
gressions, but what are the consequences of these
transgressions for local cultures and consumption
habits? Some authors consider that once a taboo has
been transgressed, it is no longer a taboo (Wilson and
West, 1995). The generalized transgression of a
taboo in a country might therefore modify values and
norms. Al-Makaty et al. (1996) showed, for instance,
that most Saudis view advertising and especially ads
displaying taboo sexual connotations as a cultural
threat that could undermine the countrys Islamic
values. Further research would be necessary to
enable in-depth understanding of the societal conse-
quences of the transgression of taboo.
In addition, ethical problems raised by the violation
of taboo should be further studied. Several papers
have analyzed consumers ethical perceptions of cer-
tain advertising practices like the display of nudity
(Gould, 1994; LaTour and Henthorne, 1994). This
question could be expanded to include all taboo
advertising stimuli. It would also be interesting to
study consumers ethical perceptions of efforts to
promote taboo products, behaviors or taboo
exchanges. Vitell and Muncy (1992) have shown that
consumers are increasingly willing to evaluate the
ethical nature of their daily consumption and purcha-
sing acts. In a context of growing concerns about
ethics, is the violation of a taboo perceived as a non-
ethical act and by whom? What factors affect this
perception? These are all questions that merit further
study.
Given these different axes which are summarized
in Figure 1 as well as their usefulness for existing
marketing practices, it is surprising that research into
taboo has not developed further. We believe that one
reason may relate to certain methodological difficulties
that we now highlight, and which should open the
door to innovative research projects.
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 79

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03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 80
METHODOLOGICAL QUESTIONS RELATED
TO RESEARCH ON TABOO
Methodological difficulties
A researchers difficult objectivity
Any topic with major societal implications will
be prone to a variety of threats that can affect the
researchers objectivity, including a social desirabi-
lity bias and a controversy avoidance inclination
(Castle, 1968). With regard to research on taboos and
their implications for consumer behavior and society,
researchers are vulnerable to both threats. It is difficult
to study taboo behavior, often considered illegal,
dangerous and unmentionable, without fearing disap-
proval and negative judgments from peers, thus beco-
ming tabooed oneself.
Castle (1968) noted that researchers could be
tempted to avoid research questions that might
endanger the established order or the public inter-
est. Investigating taboo inevitably places a resear-
cher in a dilemma between the risk of being accused of
encouraging the practice under study or the choice
not to study it to avoid controversy. Intercultural diffe-
rences can reinforce this phenomenon in an interna-
tional publication context where advertising practices
that are common in certain countries can be percei-
ved as anecdotal and infrequent, or even undesirable,
in other cultural contexts.
Sampling issues
Since taboo is, by nature, a delicate topic to discuss
for respondents (Walter, 1991), a key methodological
problem is the non-response bias due to individuals
who are sensitive to the taboo under consideration.
Sabri-Zaaraoui (2007) underlined how difficult it was
to interview people over the age of 60 regarding their
perceptions of ads featuring taboo themes because
they were reluctant to talk about topics they considered
amoral and perverse. This might lead to an over-
representation of respondents who are less sensitive
to the topic, more inclined to break the taboo and
more willing to talk. Non-respondent bias can affect
measurements and research results (Evrard, Pras and
Roux, 2009) and reduce the variance of the variables.
Certain methodological approaches can be used to
circumvent this methodological difficulty, in particular
the ethnographic approach (Brady, 1992; Schouten
and McAlexander, 1995; Pettigrew, 2000; Bernard,
2004; Vernette, 2004).
These methodological difficulties probably help
to explain the scarcity of research in marketing on
taboo. At the same time, however, there is room for
original methodological research on this topic.
Opportunities for original methodological research
Empirical analysis of the construct
and scale development
An important research question concerns the
construct and its measurement. Should taboo be
conceptualized as binary or continuous? Should a
taboo topic be considered as either taboo or not
taboo, or do differing degrees of taboo-ness exist?
Former research diverges on this question. Some
have adopted a dichotomous measurement and tend
to assert that taboo is absolute (Manceau and Tissier-
Desbordes, 2006). Other researchers have considered
that a taboo can possess varying levels of taboo-ness,
depending on the specific topic and on consumer
individual perceptions (Barnes and Doston, 1990; De
Pelsmacker and Van Den Bergh, 1996; Sabri-
Zaaraoui, 2007). Among studies based on continuous
measurements, some use a uni-dimensional scale
structure, others a bi-dimensional structure, when
measuring ads provocation level (De Pelsmacker
and Van Den Bergh, 1996), offense level (Barnes and
Doston, 1990) or taboo-ness level (Sabri-Zaaraoui,
2007). Actually, no universal scale for measuring the
perceived taboo level has emerged from research on
taboo, irrespective of the nature and type of taboo. In
this context, research on the binary or continuous
nature of taboo and on perceived taboo-ness measure-
ment is still needed.
Varying methodological approaches
Most research in marketing on taboo has been
based on questionnaires and surveys. Only McGraw
and Tetlock (2005) have used laboratory experiments
03Sabri(GB) 24/11/10 9:26 Page 81
with scenarios for testing the acceptability of taboo
exchanges. Studies on taboo advertising used real
advertisements (De Pelsmacker and Van Den Bergh,
1996; Vzina and Paul, 1997); this reduced the
control over brand-related variables (awareness,
image, past campaigns...) and ads execution characte-
ristics. As for former research into the marketing of
taboo products, it has mostly relied on self-administe-
red surveys with no control over the individual cha-
racteristics that might affect perceptions and beha-
vior.
Although these studies had the merit of being the
first to analyze how the transgression of a taboo
affects consumer behavior, there is a need for diversi-
fying research methodologies. Adopting experimen-
tal approaches would help isolate the impact of certain
variables and analyze each step of the purchasing or
consumption process. Ethnography and introspection
would enable in-depth explorations of taboo percep-
tion, irrespective of the particular theme under consi-
deration. All these methodologies could deepen our
understanding of the research themes suggested in
this paper.
CONCLUSION
Taboo exchanges, taboo products, taboo beha-
viors, and taboo advertisements play a significant
role in consumer behavior. However, although there
exists some marketing research on these topics, the
concept of taboo with its various dimensions is still
underexplored in marketing, despite the extended
research conducted on this concept in the fields of
anthropology, sociology and psychoanalysis. In this
article, we have suggested a definition for taboo
based on social sciences and we have analyzed to
what extent taboo defining characteristics can help
better investigate taboo-related research topics.
Promising research themes were identified along two
research directions: the impact of taboo characteris-
tics on consumer behavior and the influence of indivi-
dual characteristics on taboo perception. Future
research topics related to the societal and ethical
consequences of taboo transgression emerged and
methodological issues and avenues were discussed.
Given the many investigations that have yet to be
engaged, taboo appears as a particularly promising
field of research.
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