A7umil qf?bunm Reseanh, \ol. 18. pp. 414-432, 1991 0160-7383/11 $3.00 + .

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Printrd in the GS.4. All nghts resrx-vrd. Copyright 0 1991 Pergnrnon Press 111 andJ J&n
ALTERNATIVE TO MASS
TOURISM IN DOMINICA
David B. Weaver
University of Regina, Canada
Abstract: An analysis of tourist accommodations, market, and economy
on the island of Dominica reveals a tourism industry that represents an
appropriate and viable alternative to the conventional varieties of mass
tourism dominant in the Caribbean. Dominica started out as a circurn-
stantial Alternative Tourism (AT) destination, where the desire to de-
velop large-scale tourism was constrained by unfavorable environmental
and political conditions. However, the island since 1971 has moved in
the direction of a deliberate AT policy, emphasizing the attractixreness
of its mountainous and forested interior to a, growing ecotourist market.
Current tourism growth and development m Dominica appears to be
occurring in a way that conforms with the philosophy of deliberate AT.
Keywords: alternative tourism, Dominica, ecotourism.
R&urn&: Tourisme de masse et tourisme alternatif 2 la Dominique. Une
analyse de lhkbergement touristique, du marcht et de ltconomie sur lile
de la Dominique rCv&le lexistence dune industrie touristique deuce qui
pourrait ?tre preferable au tourisme de masse qui domine dans la rtgion
des Caraibes. Au d&but, le tourismc alternatif g la Dominique ktait le
rtsultat des circonstances, parce que le dtsir de d&elopper lc tourisme de
masse a ttC contraint par des conditions politiques et environnementales
d&favorables. Toutefois, depuis 1971, lile suit une politique intcntionnelle
de tourisme alternatif, en mettant en valcur la beautk des montagnes ct
des forets pour le march; croissant de 1Ecotourismc. Le devcloppemcnt
actuel du tourisme 5 la Dominique semble ctr-e en conformitt! aver la
philosophie du tourisme alternatif intentionnel. Mots-cl&: tourismc al-
ternatif, Dominique, Ccotourisme.
INTRODUCTION
The concept of Alternative Tourism (AT) has received considerable
attention in the literature since 1980 (e.g., S. Britton 1987; Butler
1990; Gazes 1989; Cohen 1989; Dernoi 1981; Jenkins 1982). The main
purpose of this article is to analyze the tourism industry of Dominica,
which may be described as an AT-oriented destination. Initial contex-
tual information will include a theoretical discussion of the nature of
David Weaver rcccived his Ph.D. in Geography at the University of Western
Ontario in 1986 and currently holds the position of Assistant Professor of Geography
at Luther College (University of Regina, Regina, Saskatchewan S4SOA2, Canada).
He specializes in the tourism mdustry of underdeveloped regions, and has traveled to
the Caribbean many times to conduct research.
414
DAVID WEAVER 415
AT, and a short geographical description of Dominica. The analysis
itself will commence with a brief historical outline as to how and why
that form of tourism emerged in Dominica. This will be followed by
an examination of the present tourism industry with respect to selected
attributes of accommodation, market, and economy. Whether or not
the existence of AT in Dominica is deliberate, or merely reflective of
an early state of development prior to a more conventional variety of
tourism, will be considered. Conclusions and policy recommendations
will be derived from this analysis.
Nature of Alternatiue Tourism
If the evolution of tourism research, as it applies to small developing
destinations, can be seen as a dialectical process, then the concept of
AT is emerging as the antithesis to conventional mass tourism, which
has endured sustained criticism over the past 20 years on economic,
sociocultural, and environmental grounds (R. Britton 1980; S. Britton
and Clarke 1987; Bryden 1973; Erisman 1983; Hills and Lundgren
1977; Lea 1988; Turner and Ash 1975). Perhaps because its conceptual
origins are so recent, no consensus has yet emerged as to the precise
nature of AT (Pearce 1989), and the concept remains ambiguous,
confusing, and of little use i-n scientific discourse, despite its wide
currency (Butler 1990; Conference Report 1990). The most appro-
priate way of perceiving AT, therefore, is as a generic term encompass-
ing a range of tourism strategies (e.g., appropriate, eco-, soft,
responsible, people-to-people, controlled, small-scale, cottage,
and green tourism), all of which purport to offer a more benign
alternative to conventional mass tourism in certain types of destina-
tions (Conference Report 1990). Cazes (in Pearce 1989: lOl), alluding
to intrinsic values of spirit, associates these various AT options with
the concepts of emancipation and self-determination and the search
for spontaneity, enhanced interpersonal relations, creativity, authen-
ticity, solidarity, and social and ecological harmony. Despite this evi-
dent vagueness, it is possible to identify concrete structural traits that
tend to characterize AT-oriented destinations. Table 1 focuses upon
Table 1. Characteristic Tendencies: Conventional Mass Tourism
and Alternative Tourism
Variable Conventional Mass Tourism Alternative Tourism
Accommodations
Spatial Pattern
SC&
Ownership
Market
VlJllJmL?
Origin
segment
Activities
Seasonality
Economy
status
Impact
Coastal, High Density Dispersed, Low Density
Larger-scale, Integrated Smaller-scale, Homestyle
Foreign, Multi-national Local, Family, Small business
Higher
One dominant market
Psychocentric-Midcentric
Water/beach/nightlife
Winter high season
Lower
No dominant market
Allocentric-Midrentrc
Nature/culture
No dominant season
Dominant Sector
High Import Sector
Repatriated profits
Supplementary Sector
Low Import Sector
Retained profits
n A more detailed list of contrasts is found m Butler (1990).
416 ALTERNATIVE TO MASS TOURISM IN DOMINICA
the differences between conventional mass tourism and AT with regard
to 10 significant and, for the most part, quantifiable variables related
to accommodation, market, and economics. These variables will form
the basis for the present analysis of Dominican tourism. The pairings
of characteristics, it must be emphasized, are not intended to represent
inflexible or diametrically opposed extremes, but rather should be
taken as tendencies.
The prevalence of AT is difficult to establish, in part because of the
ambiguity of the concept, and also because of the consideration as to
whether the label should include circumstantial as well as deliberate
AT destinations. Deliberate AT destinations are those that through
policy and planning consciously pursue the goals and values cited ear-
lier by Gazes. Examples from the Third World include the cultural
village tourism of Senegals Lower Casamance region (Saglio 1979),
the Meet-the-People program of Jamaica (cited in Dernoi 1981), the
Tufi guest houses of Papua New Guinea (Ranck 1987), the small-hotel
policy practiced on the Guadeloupean out islands of Desirade, Les
Saintes, and Marie Galante (Pearce 1989), and the nature-oriented
tourism practiced in such places as Chitwan National Park in Nepal;
St. Anne National Marine Park in Seychelles; and Tai Island, Fiji
(McNeely and Thorsell 1989). This sampling indicates a spatial pat-
tern of isolated, local-scale nodes of activity scattered throughout many
regions of the world. Much rarer are deliberate AT strategies applied
to entire countries. This author maintains that Dominica represents
such a case. A deliberate AT policy was also intended for the Carib-
bean island of St. Vincent under the first premiership of James Mitch-
ell (1972), although its implementation was thwarted by Mitchells
electoral defeat.
Circumstantial destinations appear superficially to conform with
AT, but only because the destination is experiencing an incipient stage
of tourism that may eventually be followed by a more intensive,
larger-scale level of development. Butler (1980), in his resort cycle
model, asserts that many destinations pass through a predictable se-
quence of stages as they evolve from obscurity to full-fledged resort.
The early phases (i.e., exploration and involvement) are character-
ized by low visitation levels, low impacts, local ownership, and other
traits that are characteristic of AT. However, as the destination be-
comes more popular and attracts increasing amounts of outside capital,
a transformation to conventional mass tourism begins. The notion of
alternative tourism is somewhat misleading in these instances, as
that type of activity is not deliberately cultivated as an alternative to
conventional mass tourism, but exists as its prelude. Circumstantial
AT destinations are numerous and spatially extensive, although there
is no guarantee that all these areas will inevitably reach the mature
phases of the resort cycle. The tourist industry of Belize may represent
a good example of circumstantial AT, as its current small-scale level
of activity is likely to be superseded soon by large-scale development
and a concomitant influx of tourist arrivals (Pearce 1984). This does
not, however, preclude the possibility that certain parts of Belize will
be designated as deliberate AT destinations.
DAVID WEAVER 417
Geographic Description of Dominica
The path of development followed by the Dominican tourist industry
can be better understood within the context of the islands geography
and history. Dominica is a former British colony in the eastern Carib-
bean situated between the French Overseas Departments of Guade-
loupe and Martinique. The 754-km* island (Figure 1) consists almost
entirely of rugged, mountainous terrain of volcanic origin. Large
amounts of orographic rainfall have fostered a thick tropical forest
cover in the interior. Highly vulnerable to hurricane activity because
of its location on a major cyclone track, Dominica was devastated in
1979 by Hurricane David, which left 37 dead, 5,000 injured, and
three-quarters of the population homeless (Honychurch 1984:209-12).
On September 17- 19, 1989, Hurricane Hugo destroyed 70-80 % of
Dominicas banana crop and caused approximately US$5 million dam-
age to the islands property and infrastructure (Day 1990). With a
mainly black population of 80,000 and a density of approximately 100
persons per square kilometer, Dominica may be considered a rather
sparsely populated island by Caribbean standards. However, most of
Figure 1. Tourism Facilities and Protected Areas in Dominica, 1988
418 ALTERNATIVE TO MASS TOURISM IN DOMINICA
this population is concentrated in small villages along the coast, while
the interior is only sparsely inhabited. The economy is based mainly
upon export agriculture, and the 1985 per capita income of US$1,150
(Bissio 1988:251) ranks Dominica as an economically underdeveloped
country. Because of its inhospitable terrain, Dominica was among the
last of the Lesser Antilles to be permanently colonized. Self-govern-
ment was achieved in 1967 (with the attainment of Associated State
status), and the island became a fully sovereign State in 1978.
TOURISM IN DOMINICA
The island of Dominica has been regularly characterized in the
travel literature as a remote, rugged, verdant, scenic, undeveloped,
and somewhat offbeat destination infrequently visited by tourists (As-
pinall 1911; de Leeuw 1937; Fermor 1950; Ober 1908; Verrill 1917;
Ward 1972; Waugh 1949). Most sources, while praising the physical
beauty of Dominica, recognized that the prospects of large-scale tour-
ism development were hindered by its physical geography and lack of
facilities. For example, assessing the potential of tourism as a post-
war option for the Caribbean region, the Anglo-American Caribbean
Commission (1945:85) d escribed Dominica as just the place for husky
young people who wish to take two or three-day rough camping trips
on foot or horseback through grand and shady forests with marvellous
scenery. The Commission stated that the possibilities for Dominica to
capitalize on the anticipated expansion of the tourist market were se-
verely curtailed by the limited supply of accommodations, and by the
absence of a suitable harbor and airplane landing strip.
Dominica no doubt would have pursued a policy of large-scale tour-
ism development if this had been feasible, given the underdevelopment
of the island, the reliance upon agriculture, and the favorable attitudes
toward tourism held by most Caribbean governments following World
War II. To this extent, the island could be described as a circumstan-
tial AT destination during its early stage of tourism development. The
difficulties of inaccessibility that militated against increased tourism
development were, however, both created and compounded by various
geographic and social factors. With respect to the former, Dominicas
mountainous terrain and thick forest cover have presented a formida-
ble obstacle to the development of an adequate internal transportation
and infrastructure system (Blume 1974). Th e scarcity of relatively flat
land has also hindered the construction of an airfield large enough
to accommodate an appreciable volume of tourist arrivals. Favorable
terrain in the northeast led to the siting of Dominicas first major
airfield at Melville Hall, but the remoteness of this location from Ro-
seau, the capital city, eventually necessitated the establishment of a
new airport at Canefield, just north of Roseau (Figure 1). Barring
major landscape manipulations and capital investment, Canefield Air-
port will remain incapable of accommodating large aircraft, and will
continue to be used only by a small number of local and regional
carriers such as LIAT (Leeward Islands Air Transport). The present
government of Dominica is currently planning to upgrade the Melville
Hall Airport to accommodate jet aircraft by late 1991, pending the
DAVID WEAVER 419
provision of funds from foreign sources. This expansion is apparently
motivated as much by the desire to facilitate the export of agricultural
commodities as by the desire to attract a higher volume of tourist
arrivals (1990 personal communication with the Dominican National
Development Corporation).
The development of mass tourism has been further deterred by the
absence of white-sand beaches, the quintessential raw material of the
sunlust resort. Dominica does contain a number of dark-sand beaches
as a consequence of its volcanic origins, but only a few of these are
situated on the protected western leeward coast (Figure 1). Heavy
precipitation and frequent cloud cover, particularly during the June-
December rainy season (James 1988), have also dissuaded tourists
from visiting the island. More serious is Dominicas aforementioned
vulnerability to hurricanes. The exposure of Dominica to Hurricane
David in 1979 resulted in extensive damage to the islands few tourist
facilities, and contributed in the longer term to the islands image as
an investment risk.
Problems of physical geography have been compounded by unfavor-
able political and social developments. A vocal Black Power move-
ment during the late 1960s and early 1970s fostered a negative tourist
perception of Dominica. Antiwhite protests, and incidents such as the
burning of a Canadian flag in downtown Roseau, received substantial
press coverage in the foreign media. The murder of a tourist in 1974,
and the violent activities of the antiwhite Dreads during the late
1970s further alienated the tourist market (Honeychurch 1984: 186-
194). The fact that such incidents did not reflect the attitudes or activi-
ties of most Dominicans attests to the vulnerability of tourism to the
unrest generated by a relatively small minority of agitators. At a politi-
cal level, Dominica has also suffered with an image of instability associ-
ated with the regime of Patrick John, and with two coup attempts
during 1981, one of which involved the interception in New Orleans
of US and Canadian mercenaries who were embarking on an invasion
of the island (Honychurch 1984). The political reputation of Dominica
has improved somewhat during the conservative premiership of Mary
Eugenia Charles, who was first elected in 1980 and narrowly reelected
to a third term in May 1990.
In light of the conditions outlined earlier, it is not surprising that
Dominica has maintained the status of poor sister to Eastern Carib-
bean islands of comparable land mass, as far as volume of tourist
arrivals is concerned. Table 2 shows that Dominica has always occu-
pied the lowest tier of the tourism hierarchy within this group, below
Grenada and St. Vincent. Like a number of other Caribbean destina-
tions, Dominica has attempted to attract tourism development through
favorable government legislation. The Hotel Aids Ordinance of 1958
(Dominica 1958) offered a lo-year tax holiday for hotels containing at
least 10 bedrooms, and waived duty charges on goods imported for
the construction of these hotels. These incentives met with limited
success, and it became clear by the late 1960s that Dominica was
unsuited for the large-scale forms of tourism successfully pursued by
some of its neighbors. A turning point of sorts occurred with the reiec-
tion of the Shankland Cox report of 1971 (Shankland Cox and Associ-
420 ALTERNATIVE TO MASS TOURISM IN DOMINICA
Table 2. Tourist Stayover Arrivals: Selected Eastern Caribbean Destinations
Stayover Arrivals (000s)
Tourism Receipts as %
Destination Area- mm2) 1959b 197oc 1979d 1988-3 of exrmrt reenue 19tw
Antigua 280 16 63 99 187 624
Barbados 431 30 156 371 451 265
DOMINICA 790 2 13 20 32 24f
Grenada 345 1 30 32 62 104
St. Lucia 603 5 30 80 125 88f
St. Vincent 389 6 16 33 64 338
aBlume 1974; bCaribbean Tourism Association 1960; Waters 1980; dHolder 1979; eWorld Tourism
Organization 1989; 1966 data (World Tourism Organization 1989); gTourism receipts as % of Gross
National Product.
ates 1971). This report advocated an unrealistic policy of large-scale
expansion, and its rejection by the government set in motion the search
for practical tourism alternatives. A subsequent study, the Kastarlak
Report (Kastarlak 1975), acknowledged the realities of the Dominican
tourism product, and recommended a policy based on the promotion
of the islands environmental assets. The United Nations-sponsored
report suggested that the strength of Dominican tourism was found in
its interior, and that a concerted effort should be made to market
specialized groups such as environmentalists (Kastarlak 1975 : 19, 25).
While rejecting many of the Reports specific recommendations, the
government did adopt the new philosophical perspective. Stimulated
in large part by the emergence of the modern environmentalist move-
ment and the overall deterioration and decline of unspoiled natural
spaces, this new approach entailed a shift in perception and a basic
redefinition of the islands tourism resource base. Dominicas physical
geography, hitherto maligned as a tourism liability, would henceforth
be marketed as the major tourist asset of the island.
The release of the Kastarlak Report in 1975 coincided with the
formal establishment of Dominicas first national park (Dominica
1975). Comprising approximately 63 km2 of land in the mountainous
southern interior (Figure l), Morne Trois Pitons (Mountain of Three
Peaks) National Park was created primarily to protect watersheds
and to preserve certain outstanding natural phenomena (James 1988;
Thorsell and Wood 1976; Wright 1985). With regard to the former,
the idea of establishing a national park was originally motivated by the
activities of Dom-Can, a Canadian lumber company, whose cutting of
the mountain rain forest during the 1960s resulted in widespread ero-
sion in the vicinity of the present park. Disappointing economic results
from this project also attested to the impracticality of commercial for-
estry in the fragile interior. The subsequent efforts of local conserva-
tionists and the lobbying of various international organizations, such
as the American Geographical Society and the Nature Conservancy,
led to the preservation of the area. Watersheds in the northern interior
had already received a high degree of protection with the establishment
of the Northern and Central Forest Reserves (Figure 1). Significant
natural resources embraced by the National Park include two freshwa-
ter lakes, a boiling lake, about 50 fumaroles and hot springs, and
large relatively undisturbed tracts of rain forest and montane forest
habitat. The actual establishment of the park was carried out by the
DAVID WEAVER 421
Canadian Nature Federation, with assistance from Parks Canada, the
Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), and other bod-
ies (Thorsell and Wood 1976; Wright 1985). Although the formation
of the park was not motivated to any significant extent by tourism
considerations (Wright 1985), some provision was made in the incipi-
ent park plans to accommodate a low level of tourist visitation. A
second national park has since been established at the more accessible
Cabrits headland in northwestern Dominica (Figure 1). Unlike Morne
Trois Pitons, this park emphasizes history and features the long-term
restoration of Fort Shirley, a British fortress of the Imperial era. Ca-
brits National Park is expected to emerge as a major tourist attraction
after the completion in January 1991 of an adjacent cruise ship docking
facility (1990 personal communication with the Dominican National
Development Corporation).
In the 15 years since the release of the Kastarlak Report and the
formation of the National Park, Dominica has generally pursued a
deliberate AT tourism strategy emphasizing its natural environment.
During this time, several schemes to introduce large-scale tourism and
related activities to Dominica were proposed, although none met with
any success in the face of widespread local opposition. One especially
questionable project supported in 1979 by then Prime Minister Patrick
John would have entailed the establishment of a Free Port (including
oil refineries, casinos, etc.) on about 100 km2 of land in northern
Dominica, which was to have been leased to an obscure foreign com-
pany for an annual fee of $100 (Honychurch 1984:203-205). During
the subsequent premiership of Mary Eugenia Charles, the emphasis
on an AT approach has been retained, despite her conservative, pro-
investment reputation (1990 personal communication with the Domin-
ican National Development Corporation). Assessments of accommoda-
tions, markets, and economics will assist in gauging the extent to which
the AT pattern is actually followed in the contemporary Dominican
tourism industry.
Accommodations
In the ideal Caribbean AT model, accommodations consist of
small-scale, locally owned facilities dispersed at low densities through-
out the destination. Conventional mass tourism, by contrast, empha-
sizes large-scale, heavily foreign-owned facilities concentrated along
the coast at much higher densities (Table 1). With respect to spatial
pattern, Dominican accommodations may be divided into three dis-
tinct sectors: urban/ semi-urban, beach, and interior. The urban/
semi-urban node incorporates the hotels and guest houses of downtown
Roseau, the strip of hotels situated along the main road south of
Roseau, the airport-oriented facility at Canefield, and Reigate Hall in
the suburban hills just above Roseau (Figure 1). Altogether, this area
accounts for approximately one-half of all accommodation units in
Dominica. Beach-oriented facilities are restricted to the western lee-
ward coast, with nodes at Portsmouth Bay in the north (generally
regarded as the best beach area on the island), and Mero, midway
between Portsmouth and Roseau. Four hotels in this sector account
422 ALTERNATIVE TO MASS TOURISM IN DOMINICA
for about 40% of all accommodation units. Finally, six hotels and
guest houses with 10% of all accommodation units constitute the inte-
rior sector. Most of these latter facilities are located on the outskirts of
Morne Trois Pitons National Park, although the Carib Guest House
on the east coast and the Layou Valley Inn in west-central Dominica
are included because of their strong nonbeach orientation.
The spatial pattern of Dominican accommodation does not appear
to conform comfortably to either AT or conventional mass tourism,
given its concentration in the Roseau area. However, it is difficult to
gauge the significance of this characteristic alone, without examining
the related patterns of scale and ownership. Table 3 reveals a definite
tendency toward AT with respect to these latter characteristics. Only
about one-half of all units are found in the four facilities with 25 rooms
or more, while the largest hotel (the Portsmouth Beach, in Portsmouth)
contains only 91 units. (The impression of crowding around Roseau
created by Figure 1 is thus due more to the size of the cartographic
symbols and the map scale than to any actual agglomeration, although
some minor semblance of a hotel strip is discernible along the coast
just south of Roseau, where two of the largest facilities are situated.)
Significantly, all accommodations in the interior sector contain less
than 10 units, suggesting that facilities in this area are especially con-
formable to AT.
With respect to ownership, Dominicans wholly control 62 % of facili-
ties and 70% of units, while partially controlling 19% of facilities and
15% of units. This pattern of local control, unlike most small Carib-
bean destinations, extends to the largest facilities (Table 3). Further-
more, the 19% of accommodations that are wholly owned by foreign
interests are not held by a single market source, but are dispersed
among a variety of nationalities, including German, Canadian, US,
and Swiss. The high degree of private local ownership is attributable
in large part to the small size of Dominican facilities. Given the limited
indigenous capital available in a microstate such as Dominica, large
resorts (i.e., 100 rooms or more) would more likely be controlled by
foreign interests or by government, and few private citizens would
have the opportunity to participate competitively as hotel operators.
The Division of Tourism, while desiring to increase the number of
units from the current level of about 400 to approximately 1,000 units
within the next three or four years (1993 or 1994), believes that an
emphasis on small-scale, locally controlled facilities should be retained
Table 3. Dominica: Ownership and Size of Accommodations in 1988
Size of Facility 100% Dominican ForeigdDominicana 100% Foreign Total
(No. of Units) Facilities Units Facilities Units Facilities Units Facilities Units
Over 25 3 160 0 0 1 27 4 167
lo-24 6 11 3 50 1 16 10 143
5-9 4 28 1 7 2 14 1 49
Total 13 265 4 57 4 57 21 379
% of Total 62 70 19 15 19 15 100 100
a Ownership varies from 60.75% foreign.
Source: Caribbean Tourism Organization 1989; 1990 Personal communication wth the Domimcan
National Development Corporation.
DAVID WEAVER 423
(1990 personal communication with the Dominican National Develop-
ment Corporation).
Markets
Table 2 reveals the low absolute volume of tourist arrivals to Domin-
ica as compared with other similarly sized islands within the eastern
Caribbean. However, a detailed profile of stayover arrivals (Figure 2)
indicates a consistent upward trend, which superficially suggests that
Dominica is entering the early development stage of the resort cycle.
If true, this would imply that Dominican tourism may be on the verge
of many radical transformations associated with Butlers (1980) devel-
opment stage. Several considerations should, however, generate
scepticism as to the likelihood of this scenario. First, while the govern-
ment is supporting a significant addition to the supply of accommoda-
tions, it is intended that this expansion will occur within the context of
AT (see previous section). Second, the increase in arrivals may be
associated with the current popularity of environmentalism, which
might suggest a limited long-term market potential. Dominicas lack of
the beach-centered resource base upon which conventional large-scale
resort tourism relies should again be noted. Third, even if environmen-
tally based tourism could stimulate an influx, Dominica does not yet
Figure 2. Annual Tourist Arrivals in Dominica, 1963-1988
424 ALTERNATIVE TO MASS TOURISM IN DOMINICA
possess the airport facilities or airline connections required to accom-
modate the increased traffic. There is, therefore, nothing inexorable
about the standard resort cycle, which seems to operate best in white-
sand destinations such as Antigua (Weaver 1988), or in more urban-
ized locales. This is not to say that the government of Dominica would
not welcome a higher level of tourist arrivals, providing that this does
not compromise the present environmentally oriented product, or gen-
erate unacceptable social and infrastructural stresses. With respect to
excursionists arriving by cruise ship, Figure 2 reveals greater irregular-
ities in the visitation pattern. The completion of the Cabrits docking
facility in early 1991 should, however, stimulate a significant increase
in this particular sector.
With respect to tourist origins, conventional mass tourism often
fosters a reliance on a narrow range of market countries, whereas AT
strives to diversify the market base as much as possible. The disadvan-
tages of overreliance include vulnerability to external factors occurring
in the dominant market (e.g., political or economic difficulties) that
may negatively affect the flow of tourists from that point of origin. As
well, dependence on a dominant market may expose a destination
to undue political and economic influences or interferences from the
government of the generating market. A diversified market, in con-
trast, helps to reduce the impact of those negative external factors that
are confined to specific countries of origin. It is recognized, however,
that market diversity does not shield a destination against a decline in
arrivals if problems occur within the destination itself (e.g., Hurricane
David, coup attempts), or if the external factors are regional or global
in character (e.g., 1980/ 81 Recession, 1973 oil crisis).
A cumulative analysis of stayover origins between 1984 and 1987
indicates that Dominica conforms to AT expectations (Figure 3). Ar-
rivals from metropolitan countries, which usually account for most of
the market in conventional mass tourist destinations (particularly dur-
ing the winter), constitute less than one-half (45%) of the Dominican
tourist flow. A diverse range of origins is represented within this sector,
with the United States contributing the largest single share (19.1% of
the total flow) because of its size, wealth and proximity. The large
arrivals from the United Kingdom (9.3%) may be attributed to long-
standing economic, political, and cultural (e.g., migration) links, while
Canadas significant share (5.6%) d erives from historical and economic
links. Intraregional (Caribbean) points of origin account for an almost
equal portion of the market (44%) as the metropolitan countries. The
high proportion of visitors from the French West Indies (20.9%) is
explained by proximity, relative affluence, and linguistic affinities with
Dominica. The Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS)
(12.3%) and other Caribbean Community (CARICOM) (10.8%)
have a spatial proximity and common British heritage that foster
strong intergroup relationships and movements of people.
While intraregional tourists tend to spend less money, avoid large
hotels, and stay for a shorter period of time than their metropolitan
counterparts, their presence may bc considered positive from a social
and cultural perspective, as well in some respects from an economic
viewpoint. Unlike most tourists from metropolitan markets, Caribbean
DAVID WEAVER 425
' OECS = Organi zati on of Eastern Cari bbean States
PCARI COM- Cari bbean Cormuni ty
Source: Cari bbean Touri sm
Organi zati on 19d9
Figure 3. Stayover Arrivals in Dominica by Area of Residence, 1984-1987
visitors share many cultural and social traits with their Dominican
hosts, and their presence may help to ameliorate the negative black-
white dichotomy that usually characterizes conventional mass tourism
in the Third World. Intraregional arrivals are also more likely to con-
sume local goods to which they are accustomed, thereby contributing
to a positive multiplier effect within the local economy. Because of
their geographical proximity (which implies lower travel costs), they
are also more likely to travel to destinations such as Dominica even in
the event of an economic downturn.
Allusions have already been made to the tourist product of Domin-
ica, and by extension, to the segment of the tourist market that the
country is likely to attract. In general terms, Plog (1972) has envi-
sioned a bell curve continuum of tourists based on attitudinal criteria.
Occupying one extreme and small in number are the extremely adapt-
able true allocentrics, who seek adventure, risk, and new experiences.
At the other extreme are the true psychocentrics, who find solace in
familiarity and certainty, and who seek to minimize risk. In the middle
are the majority midcentrics, or average tourists.
Although no detailed analysis of Dominican tourist types has yet
been produced, personal experience of the author and inference from
the product offered strongly points to an allocentric-midcentric clien-
tele, particularly among tourists from metropolitan places of origin.
Uncertainty and a sense of adventure pervade a trip to Dominica,
which is relatively difficult to reach because of the absence of direct
flights from North America or Europe. Once on the island, the tourist
is confronted by a lack of the luxuries prevalent in more conventional
destinations. By their nature, however, allocentrics tend to prefer the
ambience of a small hotel or guesthouse, and attempt to immerse
426 ALTERNATIVE TO MASS TOURISM IN DOMINICA
themselves in what they perceive to be the authentic local lifestyle.
While lounging on the beach is not precluded, these tourists orient
a major part of their activity time toward the interior, engaging in
unconventional (for the Caribbean) activities such as hiking, bird-
watching, touring, and horseback riding. Virtually all hotels offer
means by which their guest may visit the natural attractions of the
island, although only a handful of accommodations are actually avail-
able within the interior itself. The government of Dominica deliber-
ately encourages an offbeat, environmentally oriented image in its
promotional efforts, touting itself as the Nature Island of the Carib-
bean. A remarkable comparison in advertising strategy can be made
between Dominica, which boasts of 365 rivers, and Antigua, which
makes the claim of 365 beaches. Each respectively represents perhaps
the best example of AT and conventional mass tourism within the
region, and accordingly makes the appropriate apocryphal claim to its
targeted market. To attract tourists into the interior, a controlled sys-
tem of trails and shelters is being developed in Morne Trois Pitons
National Park, as well as in the Northern and Central Forest Reserves
(1990 Personal communication with the Dominican National Develop-
ment Corporation).
Conventional mass tourism on islands such as Antigua is character-
ized by a discernible seasonality, with the typical metropolitan tourist
seeking out sea, sand, and sun during the winter months, and intrare-
gional arrivals increasing during the months of summer vacation. This
results in an annual deluge-drought cycle of hotels characterized
by overutilization in the winter and underutilization in the summer.
Theoretically, AT is not as vulnerable to seasonality, since escaping
the cold is not a primary travel motivation of the eco-tourist. Off-
season timing offers the further inducements of dramatically reduced
costs and local environmental conditions that may not be available in
the winter (e.g., the presence of certain species only in the summer).
Figure 4 depicts average monthly stayover arrivals to Dominica based
on a four-year (1984- 1987) average. While the pattern is far from
perfect stability, it shows that fluctuations do not occur as structural
consequences of differential winter-summer preferences. The peak
month (August) occurs during summer holidays, while the slumps
(March-June, September-November) take place during periods of
seasonal transition. These slumps, however, do not deviate to any
radical degree from the overall five-year monthly average of 1,974
arrivals. The conclusion with respect to seasonality is simply that the
nature of the product and the market encourages a more balanced and
predictable visitation pattern under normal conditions, and that this is
desirable in terms of balanced employment, revenue, and infrastruc-
tural utilization patterns.
ECONOMIC CONSIDERATIONS
The economies of many small Caribbean islands eventually become
dependent upon revenues derived from conventional mass tourism.
This is due in part to the inherent spatial limitations of these destina-
J
DAVID WEAVER 427
Figure 4. Average Stayover Arrivals in Dominica by Month, 1984-1987
tions, which severely restrict the range of available economic options.
In some cases, the problem may be further attributed to the heritage
of plantation-based economies and lifestyles, which has given rise to a
structure of single-sector dependency. Both factors have influenced
Antigua, where the economy has shifted from a dominant estate agri-
culture sector (about 70% of the GNP) throughout most of its Euro-
pean historical phase, to an emphasis on tourism (about 70% of the
GNP, or 624% of export earnings- see Table 2) since the 1970s
(Weaver 1988). Alternative tourism, in contrast, promotes the devel-
opment of tourism as one supplementary component within a multisec-
toral economy. Advantages of such diversity include the nondisruption
of traditional activities, and the opportunity to integrate these with
tourism in a mutually beneficial way. In addition, a single-sector econ-
omy would be severely disrupted if that particular sector were to suffer
problems, while a more balanced and diverse economy has other op-
tions to fall back on if one sector should fail.
Table 2 shows that tourism revenues equal approximately 24% of
Dominican export earnings, which are derived largely from agricul-
tural products. Unlike cases of extreme dependency, such as Antigua
and St. Lucia, tourism in Dominica enhances, but does not dominate,
the local economy. Commensurate with anticipated increases in ac-
commodations and visitor arrivals, the Division of Tourism would like
to increase tourisms share of the Dominican GNP from 1.5 % to 5 %
within the next several years (1990 communication with the Domini-
can National Development Corporation). This target, while modest by
regional standards, indicates a desire to foster a multisectoral economy
dependent on no single activity.
While specific studies again are lacking, it appears as if the emphasis
on local food and building materials in Dominican accommodations
has encouraged the formation of structural linkages between tourism
428 ALTERNATIVE TO MASS TOURISM IN DOMINICA
and the local primary sector (agriculture, fishing, and forestry). Al-
though visitors to Dominica spend less money than their counterparts
on other islands (The Economist Intelligence Unit 1989:65), it is likely
that a higher proportion of these expenditures are retained in the local
economy, leading to a relatively high multiplier effect. This of course
is abetted by the high degree of local control, which discourages the
expatriation of hotel profits. In contrast, conventional mass tourist
destinations, such as Antigua, cannot supply the quantity and type of
goods (e.g., North American cuisine) demanded by that particular
clientele, and must import most of the goods required by the tourism
sector. As well, the dominance of foreign interests leads to the large-
scale repatriation of profits. Although visitors to Antigua are character-
ized by a high level of expenditure (The Economist Intelligence Unit
1989:65), a very low proportion of these expenditures is retained by
that island, and the multiplier effect is very weak. In summary, Dom-
inica might be characterized as a low-revenue -low-leakage destina-
tion, while Antigua may be described as a high-revenue-high-leakage
island. Therefore, the apparent advantage of conventional mass tourist
destinations in attracting more revenue may be somewhat illusory, as
net revenues are not as dissimilar as the gross expenditures per visitor
would indicate. Rodenburg (1980) demonstrated in the case of Bali,
Indonesia, that small-scale facilities, while generating low gross reve-
nues, did indeed produce higher net revenues than large resorts, be-
cause of the import and profit leakages.
SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Dominica started out as a circumstantial AT destination; it could
not develop a conventional mass tourism industry because of its disad-
vantages of terrain, isolation, and climate. During the early 197Os,
and in particular with the rejection of the Shankland Cox report of
1971, Dominican policy began to move toward deliberate AT. This
change in direction came about in part with the realization that the
island was unsuited to mass tourism. However, the new policy also
recognized the emerging potential of ecologically based tourism as a
viable, if limited, long-term option for Dominica. The tourism re-
source base thus experienced a redefinition, as former liabilities were
now perceived as assets, and the newly established Morne Trois Pitons
National Park emerged as a major tourist attraction.
An analysis of the contemporary Dominican tourist industry would
suggest that the AT option has been appropriate for the island, given
the nature of its physical characteristics. Several recent initiatives,
such as the construction of the Cabrits docking facility, the proposed
Melville Hall airport expansion, and the increase in the number of
accommodation units, could generate some scepticism about the desire
to pursue a deliberate AT strategy (and thus imply that Dominica has
perhaps been, after all, a circumstantial AT island). However, when
the circumstances of these projects and proposals are examined, it
appears as if the growth is intended to be managed within the limits of
DAVID WEAVER 429
deliberate AT, which remains the priority of the Dominican govern-
ment.
Several general recommendations emanate from this case study.
The experience of Dominica indicates that AT strategies represent
viable options for many small destinations, and that such options
should, therefore, be seriously considered by destinations wishing to
promote their tourism sector without launching into large-scale devel-
opments of questionable local benefit. There is nothing inexorable or
deterministic about the resort cycle, and circumstantial AT destina-
tions can choose to become deliberate AT destinations if this is per-
ceived by governments to be in the best interests of their countries.
This may be achieved and sustained under government auspices
through policies that protect and promote the environment as a tourist
attraction, support locally owned, small-scale accommodations, and
encourage arrivals from a wide array of market countries. Some
growth is possible, although destinations should ensure that this expan-
sion occurs slowly and does not compromise the nature of the AT
product by exceeding local carrying capacities. Many diverse cultural
or natural resources can form the basis of a deliberate AT strategy.
The foundation assets of Dominican AT emphasize the natural envi-
ronment, but other destinations may focus more upon cultural and
historical criteria, depending on their own individual strengths. The
long-term success of AT is probably enhanced when a destination
is successful in emphasizing and marketing its individuality (i.e., in
presenting itself as a unique place unlike any other destination).
Finally, it is proposed that academics and practitioners should retain
the term Alternative Tourism as a flexible, generic label incorporat-
ing the diverse range of related strategies that may offer some kind of
viable alternative to conventional mass tourism. Without such a label,
the larger values and commonalities uniting concepts such as green,
small-scale, or cottage tourism may go unnoticed. If the tourism
debate is dialectical in character, then the term is useful as a banner
under which the opposition can unite. 0 0
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Submitted 10 July 1990
Revised version submitted 15 November 1990
Accepted 24 November 1990
Refereed anonymously
Coordinating Editor: Douglas G. Pearce