Source: Schools: Studies in Education, Vol. 8, No. 1 (Spring 2011), pp. 143-165 Published by: The University of Chicago Press in association with the Francis W. Parker School Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/659444 . Accessed: 18/08/2014 09:01 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . The University of Chicago Press and Francis W. Parker School are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Schools: Studies in Education. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 143 SYMPOSIUM The School as Just Community: Part 2, Changing How Institutions Think Trusting Students to Lead: Promise and Pitfalls GEOVANNI CUEVAS Dartmouth, class of 2014 ETTA KRALOVEC University of Arizona, South Prologue This is a messy story. As with any coauthored narrative, it is multi- perspectival, capturing the contradictions and the partial truths of those who do not speak with one voice. As a result, the narrative is, on occasion, broken up awkwardly, with direct references to one of us, Etta, and with sections written exclusively by the other, Geo. We felt that this was the best way to handle the different perspectives that we each brought to this project. We acknowledge that ours is a story that raises more questions than it answers and that puts on the table some uncomfortable insights about charter schools. The school discussed here may appear dysfunctional to the casual reader, who will no doubt be compelled to ask how it could have a 100% graduation rate and high college attendance in the face of such dysfunction. While the story is about the establishment of a student-led Disciplinary Committee (DC) in a small charter high school in East Los Angeles, we found that the issues swirling around the establishment of this committee Schools: Studies in Education, vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 2011). 2011 Francis W. Parker School, Chicago. All rights reserved. 1550-1175/2011/0801-0017$10.00 This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 144 Schools, Spring 2011 reected the larger challenges the school faced. Additionally, reected in the process described below are the social inequalities we face in education today, the power differentials in our schools, and the challenges that doing school differently brings. Thus, the story captures the contradictions and conicting challenges schools face today, which are always messy, open, and festering. This story also reminds us of the challenges presented when adults are asked to share power with students and when democracy trumps pro- cedures. It is the story of the tensions and resistances that arise when students take on adult responsibilities in a school. We were principal gures in the attempt to provide students the op- portunity to build civic virtues by experiencing leadership and democratic deliberation. Geo was a student at the school who led the design and building of a new discipline system based on trusting students to be leaders. Etta was on loan from her university to serve as the schools principal. Although this is a difcult and complicated story to tell, it is important to document the small victories and possibilities that occur in schools today. This is important, in part, because the era of No Child Left Behind (NCLB) has descended on schools like a thick fog, obscuring broader purposes, punishing teachers, and silencing voices. One hopeful sign of reversing this trend is the nascent movement for including the students voice in decision making in public schools. According to the International Handbook of Student Experience in Elementary and Secondary School (Thiessen and Cook- Sather 2007), school-based initiatives range from surveying students to having them serve on school reform committees and redesign teams. While these are hopeful signs of an increased awareness of the need to understand students experiences in schools, these efforts are typically adult-driven: Few instances exist of such efforts in which students initiate an effort and assume responsibility for its activities. . . . The lack of examples of autonomous student groups suggests that there are limits to the types of roles and voice that students can assume within the school walls (Mitra 2007, 742). The limits that Mitra refers to above are all too familiar to educators, who struggle to nd openings for innovation and student leadership in the increasingly narrow school day. The DC design analyzed in this article sliced out a routine of school life and opened it up to new thinking. We believe that the results, while messy, provide insights into what can be done in schools today. School discipline is ripe for new thinking and reform, and when students do the thinking and acting, new forms emerge. Through the revision process of working on this story, it has come to our attention that the article might portray some of the teachers at this This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Geovanni Cuevas and Etta Kralovec 145 particular school as villains or at the very least as antagonizing to the cause and purpose of the DC. Furthermore, this alleged demonization can be perceived as representative of the attitude of all or most teachers, but it is in no way our intention to allow the resistance of some member of this particular teaching staff to stand as a blanket characterization of all public school teachers. We are simply trying to tell a story from the point of view that accurately portrays what we experienced, and it would not surprise either one of us should the teachers at the school take objection to some of these truths. However, we did our best to simply report some of the teachers actions, following this with our assessment of those actions. There were deeper politics within the school at play that account for some teachers seeming indifference, and some of those politics are discussed at the end of this article. Our concern in this piece is not to explore all the politics of the school, and it is not to worry about how it will be received by unions or administrators; it is to report on an attempt to provide leadership opportunities to a population of students who desperately need them. Our concern is to reect on an attempt to restructure the way our school thought about discipline. In an age of reform, scarce are the areas where student-driven reform is actually happening, and even more rare are reports on those reforms. Our hope is that this report provides some food for thought for all stakeholders in education. Obviously, there is an edu- cational gap between the privileged and the not privileged, and we were attempting to close this. This gap is forever talked about in the world of education, and this is the story of one communitys attempt to close that gap and the challenges involved in such a reform. The School The school started in 2002 for grades 6 and 7 in a rented, renovated church. By 2006, it included a high school and was relocated to a rundown motel in the Koreatown section of Los Angeles, with the motel still operating in an attached cluster of buildings. The schooltel, as the students lovingly referred to it, was adjacent to a neighborhood park, which the school used for their physical education classes. The park was dangerous and often the site of drug dealing and gang activity. One morning, a student was mugged while making a routine lap around the park. The founder quickly began searching for a permanent facility for the school. In 2007, he succeeded in nding a new location in East Los Angeles, He had a short four months to renovate the facility before the start of the 20078 school year. As public schools in Los Angeles go, the high school is a safe and This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 146 Schools, Spring 2011 welcoming place for 250 students, many of whom travel over an hour each way on public transportation to get there. The school is in the heart of Lincoln Heights, one of the poorest and least-educated communities in East Los Angeles. The student body is composed primarily of rst-gener- ation Americans. For the most part, students are deeply respectful of school authority and lack much of the urban bravado that characterizes many of their peers attending larger urban high schools. Close to 100% of the schools students qualify for free or reduced lunch. There is an expectation, set by most parents and all faculty, that the students of this school will attend college. The school community does its best to create a strong support system to ensure that this goal is accomplished. Behavior problems at the school consist mainly of tardiness, truancy, dress code violations, occasional tagging, and isolated cases of vandalism. Problems in the class- rooms are of the garden variety type: lack of attention, failure to do home- work, and what teachers often perceive as acts of deance. The school shares many of the same problems that most charter schools in California face: inadequate funding, facilities challenges, increasing com- pliance mandates from charter authorizers, and a rotating door at the ad- ministrative level. While all these challenges are enormous, the lack of consistent leadership has affected the school in a number of negative ways and has created a culture of instability. For example, school rules change with each new administration, so most teachers select which rules to enforce and which to overlook. Leadership opportunities for the students come and go as new administrators put in place programs only to have them end when the next administrator comes in. There is clear frustration among the teachers, who have been buffeted by salary cuts, steep NCLB growth targets, yearly facilities crises, and what many perceive as a lack of respect from the schools founder. A number of years ago, the animosity between the founder and the teachers grew to such an extent that the teachers formed a union; this was one of the few charter schools to do so. The school offers a very traditional high school curriculum, providing the courses that students need to enter the university system in California. The advisory system, the heart and soul of the school, gives teachers a chance to work closely with the students without standardized tests hanging over their heads. Advisors meet daily with their advisees and often form close friendships. The lack of consistent leadership at the school has meant that the advising program is without a set curriculum, so teachers do what they please during the advising period. While it is a much discussed prob- lem at the school, this freedom offers teachers their only chance to design This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Geovanni Cuevas and Etta Kralovec 147 a curriculum that speaks directly to the students and to teach from their hearts. A Mission of Social Justice The schools founder, Roger Lowenstein, having roots in the civil rights movement, developed the school with the following mission: Los Angeles Leadership Academy prepares urban secondary students to succeed in col- lege or on chosen career paths, to live fullling, self-directed lives, and to be effective in creating a just and humane world. Roger inherited his life- long commitment to social justice from his father, Alan Lowenstein, who started the New Jersey Institute for Social Justice, which has the powerful yet simple vision: Social justice should be the underlying goal of all hu- manity. Roger has worked tirelessly and with great generosity to build a school that provides educational opportunities for kids who would otherwise have, to put it bluntly, none. Roger is refreshed yearly by the nearly 100 percent graduation rate at the school. Equally comforting is knowing that 100 percent of the grad- uating students have solid plans for college attendance or are headed into vocational programs. Students from the school attend colleges like Vassar, Dartmouth, Kenyon, Swarthmore, and the University of Michigan, as well as local community colleges. Roger continues to follow the students after they graduate, providing both nancial and moral support to alums. Known for providing cars for students who need them, taking students shopping for winter clothes, and ensuring that students have access to important cultural events, Rogers actions are a clear indication of his commitment to his students and his school. The schools social justice mission has evolved over the years. Early in the schools history, the students and the teachers participated in overt social justice action projects. For example, in 2003 students demonstrated at the local Taco Bell over employment issues for Native American tomato har- vesters in Florida. In the charter renewal application in 2007, the school acknowledged the challenge to fullling the mission: Social Justice means little if one cant read and write prociently, master mathematics, and develop a world view beyond a ve-block neighborhood. As a result, all of the schools teachers nowunderstand the social justice mandate to include providing students with a rigorous curriculum that will prepare them for the realities of college life. Given the challenges that rst-generation students face with college success, this has come to be seen as an aspect of the social justice mission. This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 148 Schools, Spring 2011 Many of the teachers, in their roles as advisors, have developed their own approach to social justice teaching. Some see social justice as com- munity service, while others see social justice as leadership and activism and thus teach their students how to approach social problems and how to lead community-based social change efforts. Some teachers attempt to incorporate social justice themes into their classes. For example, in biology, there is a once-a-week lesson on current biology, addressing the ethical and moral implications of biological subject matter like genetics. A required course for all freshmen at the school, Facing History and Ourselves, is a national curriculum focused on human rights. In terms of politics, im- migration is an issue that directly affects the lives of many of the schools students, staff, and teachers. It is not uncommon for a student of the school to fear the deportation of one or both of their parents, and often there is a fear among the students of not being able to attend college because of their undocumented immigration status. As a result, immigration is front and center for a number of the teachers. A focus on immigration issues at the school began when students attended a May 1 immigration rally in 2006 in Los Angeles. The next year, there was a symbolic border wall, where students could write notes to a person they knew who had crossed the border. In the 201011 school year, the school is focusing its social justice work on education about and support for the DREAM (Develop- ment, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors) Act. Roger believes this could include hunger strikes and community organizing. Although most of the schools teachers would agree that the school is not anywhere near to fullling its charter, most of them believe that the school makes solid attempts. In contrast to that view, the schools com- pliance ofcer from Los Angeles Unied School District recently had a different take on what the schools social justice mission should look like in practice. During the debrieng session after his rst compliance review in the Winter of 2009, he said: I see social justice posters on the wall, but not in practice in the classrooms, which I saw as dominated by teacher talk. In his mind, more democratic classroom practices demonstrate social justice, and not enough of that exists at the school. He also acknowledged, It is close to impossible for a charter school to stay true to a strong mission while also meeting the letter of the NCLB law. He was referring to the fact that recently the schools mission has had to compete with steep man- dated growth targets for student performance. In 2008, the schools failure to meet targets pushed it into Program Improvement status. This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Geovanni Cuevas and Etta Kralovec 149 Tellers of the Tale One of us, Etta, is a teacher educator and was on loan to the school from her university at the invitation of the founder. She served as principal while helping to prepare her eventual replacement from within the teaching ranks. Etta shared the founders vision of social justice and brought extensive experience as an administrator in democratic high schools and colleges. In these schools, students sat on all decision-making committees and ran all- community meetings. She hoped to establish similar structures at her new school. Etta has seen rsthand that democracy in schools is messy, time- consuming, and often contentious, but she knows that this kind of authentic participation is one of the only ways to build among the young an appre- ciation for democracy and the necessary civic virtues it demands. Etta also knows that this kind of participation is more common today in private schools than in public schools, in part the result of high-stakes testing and NCLB mandates, which private schools have the luxury of turning their backs on. The other of us is Geo, a student at the charter school since ninth grade, who had gotten the schools social justice mission in its early days and who has an innate sense of its meaning and practice. Geo was awarded a scholarship to spend his junior year at an international program in Spain, and the experience opened his eyes to a form of inequality that is not often spoken about in education. While in Spain, Geo discovered that students at private schools were trusted with leadership roles that were unknown at his urban charter school. The following is Geos account, written at the beginning of his senior year, of what was missing at his school: I spent a year studying in Spain with students receiving installments of their nearly 100 thousand dollar high school educations. These students, with whom I consistently was told I was directly competing for admission into colleges, certainly t the stereotypical prole I held of privileged private school snobs: waspy, rich, 2000 SAT scores, aspirations for Yale and Princeton, and a condent New England swagger foreign to the average student attending our small charter school in East Los Angeles. Throughout my year in Spain, I tried my best to study these individuals and identify the exact ingredient in their clustered privileged formula that placed them above the av- erage student at my schoolabove me. The answer was a clear and resounding: nothing. The disparity between East Los Angeles and Cambridge has nothing to do with ability or the capacity to learn, This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 150 Schools, Spring 2011 but rather with monetary resources and condence in student lead- ership. It seemed to me that elite private schools such as Hotchkiss, Taft, Exeter, and Andover trust their students. They do not need a charter or a documented mission of leadership to create leaders, but rather rely on the natural intellect of their student body to make positive decisions by providing resources and setting systems in place where power is placed in the hands of the students to start and run clubs, committees, and councils. Hotchkiss, for example, has student coun- cils that meet with teachers to approve changes in class schedules, determine the amount of nightly homework, and establish policies that prevent more than two tests in a day for one student. All of the aforementioned institutions are member schools of the program that sponsored my year in Spain. As a result, mostly student-driven policies bled in from their home schools to the policies I had to abide by in Spain. It bothered me that these traditions and the culture of student involvement did not exist at my school, because I knew that our student body was every bit as capable of managing our school policy. I began to look for ways to change this and stumbled upon another commonality among the private schools: a student-run discipline com- mittee. Geo returned to East Los Angeles from Spain committed to launching new opportunities for student leadership,. He found a new leader at the school, Etta, who shared his vision and understanding of the transformative power that authentic leadership experiences can have on students. In Spain, Geo had seen the value that participation in the discipline process has on students. He also believed that this kind of experience levels the playing eld for high school students aspiring to spots in elite colleges. Etta had seen student discipline committees at work at both the high school and the college level, and she knew that with students in charge of discipline, not only does truth get told but also disciplinary rulings are often harsh yet responsibly measured. The Building Process Over the summer, we met with other interested students to discuss ways to increase student leadership opportunities at the school. The discussions ranged from topics of representational leadership to power relationships and trust among school community members of the school. Entry points This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Geovanni Cuevas and Etta Kralovec 151 for our work together were debated, the purposes of education and dem- ocratic values were agreed upon, and we set forth on the journey to provide students with new opportunities in democratic participation and leadership at the school. It was agreed to start this rededication of the school to student leadership by reconstituting the student council. While this might not appear to be a radical start, it was an important reform because the student council had operated sporadically throughout the schools history. A key teacher at the school agreed to lead the charge, and the new Leadership Council was formed. Early on, we discovered that the group of students who stepped up to this task wanted the Leadership Councils focus to be on social events at the school. While this was important for building school spirit, we both knew that the kind of leadership opportunities we hoped to provide had to center on opportunities for authentic engagement and important deci- sion-making processes at the school. While the teacher supervising the Leadership Council would have liked to see the council tackle more sub- stantive issues, she graciously oversaw fund-raisers for Paintball Friday Nights and school dances, which allowed us to turn our attention to the real vision we were formulating. The work to form our program fully began as we outlined the processes for the Discipline Committee (DC). We had informal conversations with teacher leaders about procedures and outlined the initial ideas for the structure of the DC, including how members would be selected, how hearings would be held, and how the referral process would work. The rst written proposal outlined the vision and was submitted for approval to the entire staff. At an early faculty meeting, we gathered feedback from the teachers, many of whom were largely unresponsive. We suspected that some of them had not read the proposal. We took the few comments and suggestions that the teachers did offer at the meeting and worked to rene the processes and procedures in collaboration with supportive teachers and presented the revised system to the full faculty. There was some grumbling from a few teachers about putting too much work on them as advisors and about the cumbersome process, so we rened the process again, and the teachers nally agreed upon the process outlined below. The Disciplinary Hearing Process: Initiating the Process In school year 20092010, the Discipline Committee consists of three seniors and two juniors, selected by the administration and leaders of the Leadership Council. Junior students will serve for two years, This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 152 Schools, Spring 2011 and students will be added as vacancies occur by the same process. The Discipline Committee will meet bi-monthly and conduct hear- ings when necessary. The steps for initiating a hearing process for continual violations of school rules will be tracked through e-mail or a paper trail and is as follows: A. Advisor is informed of discipline issue. B. Advisor works with student to resolve issue, including informing parent. C. Absent successful change of behavior, advisor informs the assistant principal of need for a discipline hearing. D. He initiates hearing process with committee. E. Resolution announced to community. In extreme cases, he can determine the need for a hearing process after conferring with the advisor. The Hearing Protocol: A. Attending the hearing will be the committee, the assistant prin- cipal, and the advisor. B. A member of the committee will read a statement written by the assistant principal about the issue. C. The student in question will read a personal statement explaining the situation from their perspective and recommend an action to the committee. D. The students advisor will read a statement of their own explaining the situation from their perspective and sharing whatever infor- mation they think is pertinent and will also recommend action to the committee. E. The committee will then ask questions. F. The student and the advisor will leave the room, and the com- mittee will make a determination. If a decision cannot be made within 25 minutes, a second meeting will be held for the com- mittee. G. Once a decision is reached, the student and the advisor will return to the room to hear the determination. H. A formal letter from the committee will be given to the student and parents and advisor regarding the action. This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Geovanni Cuevas and Etta Kralovec 153 I. The decision of the committee will be reported to all the advisors in a formal statement to be read to their advisees. Condentiality: The Leadership Council will strictly prohibit any of the committee members to discuss the details of any case outside the context of a committee meeting; therefore it will be grounds for dismissal from the committee if a member is proved to be suspected of discussing a case outside the committee meeting. The process highlighted two unique things about the way we envisioned discipline at the school. The process gave the disciplined student and the students advisor the opportunity to recommend a disciplinary action. We believed that this forced students to understand that their actions were within their control to change. In retrospect, this process that gave students the opportunity to tell their side of the story may have upset some teachers, many of whom believed that discipline problems were subject to adult authority alone. It also may have accounted for some teachers increasing hostility and, in some cases, indifference, toward the work of the committee. Another key component of the process was that the whole community was to be informed of the outcome of a hearing. Since the school was small, most students knew when someone was in serious trouble. Sharing a verdict with the whole community meant not only that typical rumors about what happened were nipped in the bud, but it also enforced our belief that civic virtues are built when individuals see that their actions have impacts on a whole community. Once we had the initial agreement from the teachers, we accepted ap- plications from those students interested in joining the committee. A num- ber of applications were received, and these were carefully reviewed with the assistant principal. Four other students were selected to serve with Geo on the committee, and the committee began its work. However, there were many obstacles along the way. Resistances Came from All Sides At the rst parent meeting of the year, the concept of the Discipline Committee was presented by Geo in Spanish. The mostly traditional Latino community of parents questioned why students should do this: Wasnt this the administrations job? The feeling that students should be told what to do was a strongly held belief among most parents, and they failed to see the value of this kind of student engagement. None had attended This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 154 Schools, Spring 2011 schools where students played this kind of role, and they did not see the need for it. While they were all for more discipline at the school, that discipline, in their view, needed to be adult-driven. Some were even offended that a student had made the presentation. We made promises to keep parents informed of the progress of the committee through presentations at the monthly parent meetings. Interestingly, the parents with the strongest objections to the student committee all had children who applied to be on the committee, and one parent now has a son who serves on the DC. As it turns out, while she allowed her son to apply to the committee, she still questions its value. And there were continuing issues among the teachers. Even though we had their initial agreement and some teachers had written thoughtful letters of recommendation for students who were applying for membership on the committee, many felt we were imposing something on them. In the halls, one would hear murmurs of the inmates are running the asylum, a philosophy that some teachers felt the school was subscribing to. Some teachers questioned having students involved in decisions about issues of discipline that affected their classrooms. The discipline process under dis- cussion put new responsibilities on teachers in their advising role, a re- sponsibility that some had little interest in taking on. In spite of these early warning signs, the committee pressed on. As the committee began its work, a lack of clear communication with teachers meant rumors were ying around the school, causing confusion and resentment among some teachers. The assistant principal would remind the students to keep teachers in the loop. The following e-mail from him to the committee encourages that practice: Also, if not doing this [informing teachers of the outcome of a hearing] is not standard procedure already, I think its important that after meeting with students, that a rep from the committee contact the teacher who referred the student and let them know what was dis- cussed and ultimately resolved. The more you guys communicate with the teachers, the better. They can see how proactive the com- mittee is. Do this even with the Chronic Tardy kids. From what I can see and hear, you guys are doing a terric job. Having you on board is such a positive thing. Yet continuing concerns among teachers about being out of the loop meant that students on the committee had to backtrack to clean up these This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Geovanni Cuevas and Etta Kralovec 155 communication problems. The following is froma PowerPoint presentation presented by the DC members at a faculty meeting: We are sorry for making mistakes. We are sorry for any lack of communication. We are sorry if our system has in any way lacked effectiveness. We are sorry if we have offended anyone, or made any of you feel as if you are not supported. We are sorry, really. Roots of Discipline Problems: Emerging Issues The ofcial hearing process turned out to be only one part of the work of the committee. Often the DC would meet with the assistant principal to discuss students whom he felt could benet from a conversation with the committee. So, in addition to the ofcial hearing process outlined above, the committee often met at lunch with students to discuss issues of atten- dance and other non-classroom-related, more minor offenses. In these meet- ings, the student met only with the members of the DC unless committee members requested administrative support in the meeting. The formal hearing process, on the other hand, was often initiated by teachers. The following e-mail from a teacher to the committee gives a avor of the kinds of issues the committee had to confront and the thought- fulness with which some teachers approached their referrals to the DC (names have been changed): I have a student Ive decided to refer to the committee, David Torres. He is failing four subjects. His parents didnt show up for conference. He is repeatedly disruptive in my class, my advisory and in Sallys class, often in Toms class as well. Nothing seems to be working in changing his behavior or poor academic performance. He seems to be actively trying to bring other students down with him, which is why I feel he needs to hear from fellow students that his behavior is unacceptable in our community. Do you feel its too last minute to have him before this next committee meeting? I havent discussed this with him yet, was thinking about it all the way back from Washington and have been distracted by other things since getting back. Would it be better to leave this for the next committee meeting, or he is prepared, etc.? But when would that be, since I dont want this to fester too much longer. This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 156 Schools, Spring 2011 A few months into their work with errant students, the committee members began seeing patterns in discipline problems. They rightfully saw that students with more serious problems also exhibited a lack of respect for standard school rules. Geo had been reading Tipping Point (Gladwell 2002), and the broken window theory discussed in the book inspired him to develop its application to school discipline problems. The theory postulates that if broken windows in vacant buildings are not xed, it leads to vandalism, squatters, and perhaps the eventual destruction of the build- ing. Geo believed that if Giuliani could improve the quality of life in New York City by xing the small stuff, that same principle could be applied to the school. Geo convinced the DC members that if they could address these smaller problems, the school culture would improve. The DC mem- bers requested to attend a faculty meeting to try to get teachers on board with their emerging views on discipline with another PowerPoint presen- tation: It has come to our attention, after various meetings and consultations with referred students, that big discipline problems often come with a foundation in minor discipline problems. Meaning that the kids that bring pot, tag, ditch, lie, use excessive profanity, and display obnoxious behavior in class are generally the culprits in disregarding uniform policies, chewing gum, talking in class, and coming to late to class. In light of this, we have decided to introduce a re-emphasis of the smaller school rules. We ask you to help us create a culture of rigidity when it comes to discipline at the school. Your support and active involvement in the reinforcing of school rules is crucial to building the type of academic environment the committee would like to see at the school. What was not lost on some of the teachers was that these students were calling them to task for not enforcing school rules in their classrooms. The shift from viewing discipline problems as student problems to viewing them as having a teacher dimension was something that was now on the table. What may have been lost on some of the teachers was that the students on the DC were calling for a kind of learning environment that the students felt did not exist at the school. They sent the message that they believed behavior problems at the school were social problems, not just problems of individual students. At the faculty meeting, the DC members tried to gently remind teachers This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Geovanni Cuevas and Etta Kralovec 157 that school rule enforcement in their classrooms had to be the foundation of the school discipline process. And while no one wanted to police teacher classrooms to see if they were enforcing rules, the students themselves said they were feeling cheated by a lax school environment and a lack of con- sistent enforcement of rules by the teachers. This theme of viewing discipline problems as having root causes in both student behavior and teacher be- havior was to become a strong thread in the DC discussions and the committees approach to their work. This no doubt also accounted for some teachers increasing indifference toward the work of the committee. New Approaches: When Kids Talk to Kids Before implementation of the DC, when students got in trouble, the pre- vious assistant principal would follow the discipline procedures in place. These involved suspending kids, calling home, and keeping students after school; in essence, offering up the warmpabulumof approaches to discipline common in schools today. Talk of logical consequences, zero tolerance, and choices peppered adult-driven conversations and were the letter of the law, even though the schools charter specically states that the school would not use a zero tolerance policy. When students took over the work of enforcing discipline at the school, the conversation shifted from adult-to- student to student-to-student. New approaches to discipline began to emerge because of student-led conversations about behavior at the school. While the students were often harsher in their assessment of student behavior than the administrators were, they were also more understanding of the causes of deant behavior. They knew the struggles their fellow students were facing and wanted to be able to address discipline issues in the context of the students complex, and often confusing, lives. The committee discussed with the referred stu- dents their explanations for tardiness, their bringing minute amounts of pot to school, or their status on academic probation. These conversations were frank, an attribute made possible in part because the students were often without adult voices driving the lunchtime meetings. Geo points out the mechanisms that operate when students speak directly to students: We (the committee) were exempt, in many ways, from the political correctness that typically limits an adults ability to directly address sensitive issues with students. These issues include familial obligations, learning disabilities, personal conicts with teachers, and what was often the most dreaded topic: their futures. We were trusted with This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 158 Schools, Spring 2011 issues concerning troubled homes, troubled classrooms, and troubled histories and futures. No one was claiming that a similar level of trust cannot be established with an adult teacher or administrator, but students talking to students is an invaluable and unique resource. We were often attempting to break the stereotypes and negative attitudes our students harbor toward themselves. Of the ve members of the committee, only one had a consistently good academic track record; one was a former gang member, one struggled with mediocre grades and health issues, another considered himself a surrogate parent to four siblings, and another was an un- documented immigrant from El Salvador who started speaking En- glish at the age of 14. All, however, were college-bound students who at one point or another shared a similar need for guidance as those being referred to the committee. Our school provided us with teachers who were constantly telling us to go to college and hammering us on what needed to be done to get there. Perhaps the only difference between committee members and our peers is that we were more easily convinced that college was, without question, the right thing to do. We were able to rid ourselves of our own personal stereotypes with more ease, and our teachers were a big part of that process by exposing us to new ideas and providing the guidance many of us lacked at home. That isnt to say that our families were not supportive. The mem- bers of the committee had families that strongly supported the pursuit of a higher education, but for the most part, they were ignorant of the process of how to get there. Many of our families were not well educated, and almost all were immigrants who grew up in foreign systems with foreign expectations. Having them on our side, though, was what mattered. The at-risk students (for lack of a better term) who came before the DC often had families who were not only ignorant of college and its importance but also indifferent to it and in some cases ve- hemently against it for traditional or religious reasons. Others had a tough time in school and were victims of learning disabilities of which they were not aware. This made it much harder for them to create bonds with teachers because the conversation often shifted from What are you doing to go to college? to Why arent you doing anything at all? Unfortunately, many of the troubled kids also made This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Geovanni Cuevas and Etta Kralovec 159 very poor choices in terms of friendships and were often involved in illegal or vandalistic pastimes. Whenever a student brought up an excuse as to why a homework assignment was not turned in, or why that student did not arrive on time, or why it was difcult to concentrate on school, a committee member would often, to be blunt, call the student on their bullshit. We soon saw our work as including problem solving. We instituted a tutoring program for those with below-average grade-point averages. Since we had found ways to get to school on time, even if it meant waking up at 5:40 in the morning to catch two buses or three trains or learned to ask to carpool with someone, we helped students research alternative routes to school. We found ways to ignore the turbulent situations often found in our homes and neighborhoods, so we en- couraged students to visit the school counselor, to talk with their advisors, and to seek help. In our experience, we often found that adults, no matter their intentions, were often afraid or wary of crossing certain boundaries with students for fear of seeming insensitive or not understanding. As students, we had no trouble navigating those boundaries because of our personal experience dealing with the exact situations our peers face. We can frankly and genuinely pose the question: We did it, why cant you? That is a question with tremendous power to spark revo- lutions and to change perspectives and lives. Discipline Goes Public The foundational idea that discipline issues were public issues drove DC decisions into the community in a number of innovative and powerful ways. Reprimanded students often addressed their peers at assemblies, and some wrote apologies in the school newspaper or to a class that they had disrupted. Others had their parents shadow them for a day at school. Discipline decisions were sometimes made public through announcements to advisories. This more public approach to discipline helped everyone see that the real impact of discipline issues is on the whole school and not just a single student. While these public pronouncements did not cover the details of the discipline issue, they did provide the school community with closure and began to build a culture of civic responsibility at the school. One particularly memorable case involved that most public of all places: MySpace. Two students were caught smelling of pot by their English This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 160 Schools, Spring 2011 teacher. A bag search by the assistant principal turned up a small bag containing a pot pipe but no pot. The student whose bag contained the paraphernalia was a student who had never been in trouble before and who claimed her friend just asked her to carry something. The friend, the child of an alleged long-standing LA gang family, argued vehemently that the paraphernalia was not hers. She maintained that she did not use drugs and in fact was not carrying anything. Her father was adamant that his daughter did not use drugs and was not to be punished, since she had done nothing wrong. Threats of lawsuits and tears went on for a couple of days as the DC struggled along with the administration to untangle the case. During one meeting, a member of the DCwent to the students MySpace pages and found that the girl who claimed she didnt do drugs had written extensively about her drug use. The student was clearly lying to the com- mittee. This discovery helped the committee resolve the issue, showed the father that indeed his daughter was involved with drugs, and showed us that when students are involved, schools have new tools to use. Had the administration tried to resolve this case, the discovery on the MySpace page might never been made. New Principal/New Year As we write this, a new year begins at the school. What was to have been a two-year assignment for Etta was cut short. The impact of massive state budget cuts on her university meant that she was called back after only a year at the school. At the charter school, the state budget crises meant that the year was punctuated by a 2 percent across-the-board salary cut and cuts to the after-school athletic program. Necessary curricular changes meant a long-standing teacher was let go, and administrative salary cuts drove another member of the staff out. A new principal was hired at the last minute, continuing the revolving door leadership model at the school. The new principal, along with the assistant principal, have renamed the Discipline Committee the Student Civic Committee, and they have cen- tralized its work through the principal. The committee members will play mentoring, tutoring, and mediation roles for the school. According to the administration, these changes were made in part to give students more opportunity to focus on their schoolwork. We are happy to see that the new principal has enough interest in student leadership to work to improve the DC. We worry, however, that in a more centralized system, the full trust of adults for students to act autonomously, This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Geovanni Cuevas and Etta Kralovec 161 which in our minds was a key to the educational value of the committee, may become a lost opportunity for the students. Sadly, we feel that some of the teachers did not see the educational value of the work of the DC nor did they use its work as a springboard for lessons in the classroom. On the face of this, it is easy to see why the new principal thought of the committee as a distraction from schoolwork. Yet, the DCs founding mem- bers got the equivalent of a Policy 101 class, learning to navigate the competing interests of various stakeholders, aligning policy with school culture, law, and teaching practices; honoring cultural differences; and learn- ing to speak truth to power (Wildavsky 1987). Lessons Learned We found that leadership breeds leadership. We saw student initiatives ourish during the year. For example, a successful student store was designed and implemented by two enterprising juniors. These girls raised money to start the store, kept it stocked, and kept the books. They hired student workers and trained them. And while there was adult concern about what the store was selling and when, the students proceeded with basically no assistance from the administration. Student environmental projects planted gardens, and the student radio station grewin its importance and popularity. The school had a small radio station that played music occasionally, but during the year, students stepped up to use the radio station to start and end the school day. Rather than being made over loudspeakers, daily an- nouncements came over the airwaves. Yet in the case of the radio station, there was again adult concern about the fact that the students were in the studio unsupervised. Had the advisor been there moment by moment, we doubt the students involved would have taken the kind of ownership of the project that they did. We found that if teachers dont laud students for their student-led ini- tiatives, students dont fully understand their value. A frustrating aspect of the experience was that even the students had to be convinced of the importance of their work. Rather than publicly acknowledging the students for their leadership skills, teachers complained when they missed class, and some advisors were grumpy because DC students missed daily advisory meetings. Students had to navigate this resistance by keeping their advisors and teachers up to date on daily activities of the committee and other student projects. Learning to communicate on this level with teachers and advisors was new for many students, and the need to do it also came as a This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 162 Schools, Spring 2011 surprise. One student on the committee, Erick Martinez, sent the following e-mail message about his experiences with teachers: At the beginning the resistance and hostility of the teachers directed toward the Discipline Committee was a complete asco. From the origin to close to the end, teachers felt as if their powers of discipline were being stripped and handed to students who were not profes- sionals and their insecurity made the acceptance of the Disciplinary Committee difcult. In retrospective, the simple idea of students in charge of discipline was not ordinary, but we dealt with it by showing leadership potential. We managed the resistance from the teachers through communication. We also found that there was little room for celebration of these kinds of student accomplishments. While we celebrated student AP and SAT test scores and college acceptances, little attention was given to the tremendous projects students had successfully undertaken. Perhaps most signicantly, the work led by student initiative never entered life in the classrooms. While it may have happened, we know of no instance when teachers called upon the DC students to discuss the principles upon which decisions were made or the role of the committee as an example of democratic leadership. The economics of the student store were never discussed in the economics classes, and discussions of aesthetic taste in regards of the music on the radio were absent from classroom discussions. Conclusion Whether the other students who rst served on the DCwill ever understand the importance of and unusual role the committee played at the school remains a mystery. By initiating and assuming full responsibility for the work of the committee, students presented a new vision for what the school can and should be. As we write this, Geo is off to Dartmouth and Etta is back at her university. As we were writing, we have had to confront some aspects of the teacher community at the school that neither one of us wanted to face. We suspect many teachers felt the work of the DC was an annoyance and inappropriate. At the beginning of the year, some students on the DC attended faculty meetings but were soon asked, by a number of teachers, not to attend meetings in the future. The indifference of some teachers toward the work of the committee may have come from their lack of belief in its importance and their traditional views of the role of students in This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Geovanni Cuevas and Etta Kralovec 163 schools. Some teachers saw the process the committee used as extra work. And certainly the DC was seen by a number of teachers as overstepping the boundaries of what students should be involved with. One teacher would often tell members of the DC who were in her classes that she did not approve of the committee and its work. We disagree, however, about the causes of this indifference and the sometimes open hostility on the part of some teachers. For Geo, the school was his second home and reecting on the year and its challenges, especially in terms of some of the teachers indifference to the hard work of the committee, has been painful to acknowledge. Seeing teachers whom he respected turn their back to the committees work was hard to face. For him, the teachers resistance to students being in faculty meetings was a sign of a basic lack of trust. Teachers level of discomfort when meeting with students in the presence of the DC was also a sign of this lack of trust. He vividly remembers one teacher telling him of her level of dis- comfort in these meetings. Geo feels the teacher wanted someone to wag their nger at the students, while the committee wanted to understand the situation from the students perspective as well as the teachers and to work to solve the problem. For Etta, a life-long teacher and teacher educator, the experience highlights the negative impact that the charter movement and NCLB have had on teachers. Many of the long-standing teachers at the school felt beaten up and seemed exhausted by outside pressures to increase student performance levels. Waves of internal chaos caused by technology problems, facilities crises (which contributed to nancial problems), and challenges with the founder, who was not an educator, added to the frustration levels of some teachers. These kinds of challenges may be more typical of charter schools than their supporters are willing to admit. Etta has always been a supporter of charter schools, believing that they offered an opening for possibility and innovation in education and could provide new models for public schools. Yet, NCLB mandates have forced charter schools into more narrow and conventional schooling patterns, leaving little time for the kind of re-visioning of schools that was the promise of the charter movement. From the perspective of a teacher educator, the lack of strong foundations courses in most teacher education programs has meant that new teachers have not had to confront the idea that schools must foster a desire among the young for democracy and community (Dewey 1916). As a result, these teachers fall back all too easily on their own apprenticeship of observation (Lortie 1975) in traditional, teacher-centered classrooms. Etta believes that This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 164 Schools, Spring 2011 this lack of course work in educational foundations may well have accounted for the indifference and hostility that many teachers felt toward the students attempting to share power at the school. They simply had never seen dem- ocratic forms in schools, nor had they debated the theoretical foundations or merits of conceiving of a school as an embryonic community. From the perspective of an educational leader at the school, Etta believes that she should have played a more forceful role in bringing the teachers and parents on board. Etta felt that it was important for the students to provide leadership across the board on the initiative, including cleaning up the messes that were made along the way. In retrospect, if the leadership of the school had led discussions with faculty and parents, providing op- portunities for them to get an understanding of why we were doing what we were doing, the DC might still be operating today. We do both agree, however, that had we had another year to develop a culture of democracy and shared leadership at the school, the teachers would have come to value this increased role for students. Although it was short- lived, we built and operated a new system for discipline at the school that trusted students to lead. We approached discipline problems not as psycho- logical shortcomings of individual students but rather as sociological prob- lems, with roots in school, community, and society (Counts [1932] 1978). And we tried to build a system whereby students could see that their actions had an impact on the life of the school community. This more public approach to handling discipline problems was not intended to be a public shaming, but rather an introduction into the enactment of civic virtues that democracy demands. We hope that the story of our efforts encourages others to nd those openings where students can begin to become members of a more democratic community. Our story also provides a fair warning of the challenges along the way. Dewey taught us that a central responsibility of schools in democratic societies was to create an appetite among the young for democracy. In this age of high-stakes testing and narrowed visions of the purposes of schools, we wonder what will be the long-term social costs of schools turning their backs on this central mission. References Counts, George. (1932) 1978. Dare the School Build a New Social Order? Republication of 1st ed. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press. Dewey, John. 1916. Democracy and Education. New York: Macmillan. Gladwell, Malcolm. 2002. The Tipping Point. Boston: Back Bay Books. This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Geovanni Cuevas and Etta Kralovec 165 Lortie, Dan C. 1975. Schoolteacher: A Sociological Study. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Mitra, Dana. 2007. Student Voice in School Reform: From Listening to Leadership. In International Handbook of Student Experience in Ele- mentary and Secondary School, ed. Dennis Thiessen and Alison Cook- Sather. The Netherlands: Springer. Wildavsky, Aaron. 1987. Speaking Truth to Power: The Art and Craft of Policy Analysis. Piscataway, NJ: Transaction. This content downloaded from 192.188.55.3 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 09:01:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions