Brand Positioning Through Advertising in Asia, North America, and Europe: The Role of
Global Consumer Culture
Author(s): Dana L. Alden, Jan-Benedict E. M. Steenkamp, Rajeev Batra Source: The Journal of Marketing, Vol. 63, No. 1 (Jan., 1999), pp. 75-87 Published by: American Marketing Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1252002 Accessed: 09/01/2009 18:08 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ama. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. American Marketing Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Marketing. http://www.jstor.org Dana L. Alden, Jan-Benedict E.M. Steenkamp, & Rajeev Batra Brand PositioningThrough Advertisingin Asia, N orth America, and Europe: The Role of Global Consumer Culture In this study, the authors examine the emergence of brand positioningstrategies in advertising that parallel the growth of the global marketplace. A new construct, global consumer culture positioning(GCCP), is proposed, op- erationalized, and tested. Thisconstruct associatesthe brand with a widely understood and recognized set of sym- bolsbelieved toconstitute emergingglobal consumer culture. Study results support the validity of the new construct and indicate that meaningf ul percentages of advertisements employ GCCP, as opposed to positioning the brand as a member of a local consumer culture or a specif ic f oreign consumer culture. Identif ication of GCCPas a position- ing tool suggests one pathway through which certain brandscome tobe perceived by consumers as "global" and provides managers with strategic direction in the multinational marketplace. G lobalization isa relatively recent phenomenon that af f ords marketingmanagers new opportunities (Roth 1995a) as well as threats (Duncan and Ramaprasad 1995). One opportunity isthe growth of global consumer segments(Dawar and Parker 1994; Hassan and Katsanis1994) that associate similar meanings with certain places, people, and things(Caudle 1994). Paralleling the growth of global segments isthe emergence of global con- sumer cultures, shared setsof consumption-related symbols (product categories, brands, consumption activities, and so f orth) that are meaningf ul to segment members (Terpstra and David 1991). Massmedia programming, f lowingpri- marily f rom the United States, has played a major role in the creation, learning, and sharing of such consumption sym- bols (Appadurai 1990; Walker 1996). Building on the emergence of globally shared meanings, this study presents a new brand positioningstrategy de- signed toassist international managers whoseek to strength- en their brand's equity in an increasingly competitive marketplace (Aaker 1991; Kapf erer 1992). We label this strategy "global consumer culture positioning" (GCCP) and hypothesize that GCCPcan be contrasted with twoother types of consumer culture positioning: local consumer cul- ture positioning(LCCP), in which the brand isassociated with the local consumer culture (e.g., Budweiser'sassocia- Dana L. Alden isan associate prof essor and chair, Department of Market- ing, College of BusinessAdministration, University of Hawaii at Manoa. Jan-Benedict E.M. Steenkamp isProf essor of Marketing and Marketing Area Coordinator, Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium, and Gf K Pro- f essor of International Marketing Research, Wageningen University, The N etherlands. Rajeev Batra isProf essor of Marketing, School of Business Administration, University of Michigan. The authors gratef ully acknowl- edge support f rom the Center f or International BusinessEducation at the University of Hawaii, data collection assistance f rom ACME, Madras, In- dia, and the guidance of the three anonymous JM reviewers. tion with small-town American culture in itsU.S. advertis- ing), and f oreign consumer culture positioning(FCCP), in which the brand isassociated with a specif ic f oreign culture (e.g., Singapore Airline'suse of the "Singapore Girl" in its global media advertising). The potential contributionstobrand equity that f low f rom associating a brand with global consumer culture have long been recognized (Aaker 1991; Kapf erer 1992). Buzzell (1968) argues that a global image isa powerf ul meansof in- creasingsales, and Duncan (1992) and Shocker, Srivastava, and Ruekert (1994) hypothesize that building a global image gives a brand more power and value. In part, brandswith a global image may derive their additional power and value f rom consumer attributionsof enhanced self -worth and sta- tus through purchase of the brand (Friedman 1990). That is, consumersmay purchase certain brandstoreinf orce their membership in a specif ic global segment, such as teenager, business, governmental/diplomatic, elite, and sof orth (Han- nerz 1990), and/or their self -image as cosmopolitan, knowl- edgeable, and modern (Friedman 1990). In addition, globally positioned brandsare likely tohave special credi- bility and authority (Kapf erer 1992). The proposed conceptualization of GCCPshould not be conf used with globally standardized advertising(cf . Duncan and Ramaprasad 1995). Such advertising entailsthe use of similar content around the world (Johansson 1997). Al- though GCCPcan be employed in a standardized advertis- ing campaign, so can FCCP (e.g., Louis Jadot wine positioned globally asa "taste" of France). At the other ex- treme, a manager may position the brand using GCCPin one national market, FCCPin a second, and LCCPin a third. Fi- nally, GCCP may be communicated (somewhat) dif f erently in each market. For example, P&G's"all-in-one" shampoo with conditioner, Wash & Go, hasbeen positioned globally asa time saver in a busy world. In the United Statesand Eu- rope, thiswas signif ied by a woman rushing intoa gym Journal of Marketing Vol. 63 (January 1999), 75-87 Global Consumer Culture / 75 locker room and slammingthe locker door, but in Thailand, the creative content wastoned down, though it still commu- nicated convenience in a hectic world (The Economist 1992). Thus, though GCCP may be used in standardized ad- vertising, we view it asa distinct construct. In summary, the purpose of this study istoconceptual- ize, measure, and examine the use of a new brand position- ingstrategy ref erred toas GCCP. In addition, GCCPis contrasted with LCCPand FCCP, and other f actorsinf lu- encing itsuse are tested. Tothisend, we f irst draw on semi- otics and communication theories to conceptualize culture-based positioningstrategies that might be used in advertising. We next develop and test several hypotheses re- garding the use of GCCP. Finally, implications are discussed and directionsf or f urther research suggested. Theoretical Framework Semiotics Theory The hypothesized positioningf ramework f ocuseson the use of verbal, thematic, and visual signs in advertising toasso- ciate the brand with global, f oreign, or local consumer cul- ture, a process that McCracken (1993) ref erstoas "meaning transf er." Given our f ocuson signs, semiotics theory pro- videsan appropriate f oundation. Semioticsisdevoted tothe study of signs and their meanings(cf . Mick 1986). Sherry and Camargo(1987) apply a semiotics approach in their analysisof the visual symbolism of Japanese packaging. They note that use of kanji (Chinese ideograms) represents tradition and f ormality, hiragana (simplif ied one or two stroke characters) connotes f emininity and sof tness, and katakana (used toexpressf oreign words) impliesnewness, f oreignness, and directness. Related tothisvisual aspect of semioticsisa broader category ref erred toas"visual aesthetics." Examples of aes- thetic signs used tocreate brand associationsinclude colors, shapes, and materialsused in advertising and packaging, as well asaesthetic styles such as complexity (minimalism ver- sus omamentalism) or representation (realism versusab- straction; Schmitt and Simonson 1997). Aesthetic values vary culturally, and theref ore, certain signsare likely tobe pref erred over others. For example, Asiansvalue complexi- ty and decoration, balance and harmony, and naturalism (Schmitt and Pan 1994). Advertising themesalsoserve assigns tocommunicate meanings associated with the brand. Schmitt, Simonson, and Marcus(1995) note that themes aesthetically communi- cate brand positioning, and they provide examples, includ- ingthe prof essionalism theme used by many investment housesand the high-tech theme used by many electronics manuf acturers. Cheng and Schweitzer (1996) report that themesin Chinese television advertisementstend to signif y f amily values, tradition, and technology, whereasthemesin American advertisementstend to symbolize the importance of enjoyment, cost savings, and individualism. Finally, verbal soundsalsocan symbolize certain brand associations. For example, Corey and Williams (1994, p. 211) note that knowledge of social class language dif f er- enceshasenabled marketerstouse appropriate language in segmenting markets. Heath, Chatterjee, and France (1990, p. 38) ref er tothisas"phonetic symbolism" and argue that the soundsof brand namescan symbolize attributesand strengthen brand positioning. Leclerc, Schmitt, and Dube (1994) investigate the ef f ectsof f oreign branding(pronunci- ation or spelling of a brand name in a f oreign language) on consumer brand perceptions and attitudesin the United States. French, as opposed toEnglish, pronunciation of the same brand name enhanced brand attitudesf or hedonic products but not f or utilitarian or hybrid products. French spelling of the brand name produced more positive brand at- titudesf or hedonic brandsthan did country-of -origin inf or- mation alone (i.e., "Made in France"). Aswe noted previously, it isour contention that visual, thematic, and verbal signsref lecting the emergence of glob- al culture are likely tobe f ound in advertising around the world. A f airly well-developed literature existstoaccount f or the general development of a global consumer culture f rom which such signs arise. The Emergence of Global Consumer Culture Hannerz (1990, p. 237) notesthat "world culture" is emerg- ing asa result of the "increasing interconnectednessof var- ied local culturesas well as through the development of cultureswithout a clear anchorage in any one territory." Ap- padurai (1990, p. 299) proposes a particularly relevant f ramework of dif f usion f or global consumer culture using f ive paths of global cultural f low, includingmediascapes, which "provide (especially in their television, f ilm and cas- sette f orms) large and complex repertoires of images, narra- tivesand 'ethnoscapes' toviewers throughout the world, in which the world of commoditiesand the world of 'news' and politics are prof oundly mixed." From these sources, "scripts can be f ormed of imagined lives, their own aswell asthose of others living in other places" (Appadurai 1990, p. 299). From the semiotics perspective, it can be argued that certain consumers (e.g., elite, post-World War II [WW II] consumers, teens) will desire consumption experiences and objects that they consider "signs" of these scripts in or- der toact out imagined or real participation in the more cosmopolitan global consumer culture communicated by the media. Walker (1996) provides evidence of the extent towhich massmedia in general and television in particular are play- ing central rolesin the creation of global consumption sym- bols. He notesthat MTV alone reached 239 million viewers in 68 countriesin 1996. Among teensin the United States, Europe, Latin America, and Asia, eight out of their top ten activitiesare media related. In a semioticssense, the direct inf luence of such programming isevidenced by teenswho watch MTV or similar channels being more likely to display the signs of teen global culture, such as jeans, runningshoes, and denim jackets(Walker 1996). Walker (1996, p. 42) con- cludes that worldwide access totelevision is creating a global culture of consumption, what he ref erstoasa "glob- al mall." Because of the dif f usion of such imagery and the desire f or real or imagined participation in the consumer culture it creates, certain product categories become signs of global cosmopolitanism and modernity (e.g., air conditioners, CDs, 76 / Journal of Marketing, January 1999 the hamburger, businesssuits). Simultaneously, it is likely that brand managersseek tocapitalize on the semiotic na- ture of the product category by positioning their brand as symbolic of global consumer culture-f or example, the jeans brand worn by adult, upper-middle-class men whoare globally cosmopolitan. The objective would be tohave con- sumers identif y the brand asa sign of membership (real or imagined) in the globally cosmopolitan segment. With this review in mind, we now turn toa f ormal def inition of our constructs. Global, Foreign, and Local Consumer Culture Positioning On the basisof the f oregoingreview, a GCCPstrategy isde- f ined asone that identif iesthe brand asa symbol of a given global culture-f or example, the post-WW II, cosmopolitan segment. It does so usingmeaning transf er (McCracken 1993), an advertisingprocessthrough which the brand isas- sociated with other signs that ref lect thiscultural orientation (e.g., language, aesthetics, themes). Globalization hasbeen def ined by Robertson asthe "crystallization of the world as a single place" (1987a, p. 38) and "the emergence of the global human condition" (1987b, p. 23). By implication, ad- vertisingf eaturingthe idea that consumersall over the world consume a particular brand or appealingtocertain hu- man universals might invest the brand with the cultural meaning of being a conduit tof eeling at one with global cul- ture. Examples of brandsthat apparently have used such strategies include Sony ("My First Sony"), which positioned one of its products as appropriate f or youngpeople around the world; Philips("Let'sMake ThingsBetter"), whose ad- vertisementsexplicitly f eature people f rom dif f erent coun- tries; and Benetton ("The United Colors of Benetton"), whose slogan emphasizes the unity of humankind. Aswe noted previously, GCCPshould be distinguished f rom at least twoother strategies that involve cultural mean- ing transf er. First, LCCP(local consumer culture position- ing) isdef ined asa strategy that associatesthe brand with local cultural meanings, ref lectsthe local culture'snorms and identities, is portrayed asconsumed by local people in the national culture, and/or is depicted as locally produced f or local people. For example, Chevy Trucksand Dr Pepper sof t drinkshave been positioned in U.S. advertising as part of the "American" way of lif e. Second, FCCP (f oreign con- sumer culture positioning) isdef ined asa strategy that posi- tionsthe brand as symbolic of a specif ic f oreign consumer culture; that is, a brand whose personality, use occasion, and/or user group are associated with a f oreign culture. For example, Gucci in the United Statesis positioned asa pres- tigious and f ashionable Italian product. Dimensions of Consumer Culture Positioning Three central components of a cultural symbol set are lan- guage, aesthetic styles, and story themes. Although it may have originally ref lected Anglo-American culture, English hascome torepresent somethingmore. Asthe primary lan- guage of international business, the mass media, and now, the Internet (BusinessWeek 1996), English hascome to sig- nal modernism and internationalism to many consumers. For example, Sherry and Camargo(1987) note that English symbolizesmodernization, social mobility, and an interna- tionalized outlook when used on packaging in Japan. Fur- thermore, Ray, Ryder, and Scott (1994, p. 251) hypothesize that the extensive use of English in print advertisements around the world occurs primarily to suggest toconsumers that they are cosmopolitan. In this case, the denotative meaningattached tothe wordsisof ten secondary. What is more important isan appreciation of the language'simplic- it, symbolic meaning. Theref ore, one way f or a brand to communicate GCCPistouse English words, written and/or spoken, in itscommunications. In contrast, a brand manag- er wanting touse LCCPmight emphasize the local lan- guage. Finally, a brand could associate itself with a specif ic f oreign consumer culture (FCCP) by employingspoken and written wordsf rom that culture in its advertising and/or brand name. For example, Volkswagen hasused the slogan "Fahrvergniigen" in U.S. advertisements. Aswith the English language, certain aesthetic styles are becomingrecognized as part of global consumer culture. As an example, consider the use of spokespersons in advertis- ing. Just ascertain aesthetic characteristicsof a spokesper- son are associated with local culture prototypes(cf . Mehta and Belk 1991), it is likely that a distinct set of spokesper- son characteristicsis coming toref lect GCCP, and use of such spokesperson characteristicsis likely to give the brand a more global image (e.g., Michael Jordan f or N ike, Pierce Brosnan f or Omega). Tothe extent that the spokesperson embodiesaesthetic characteristicsthat ref lect the local cul- ture (e.g., a French businesswoman driving a Peugeot in a French television advertisement) or a specif ic f oreign cul- ture (e.g., a German engineer spokesperson f or Audi in a U.S. television advertisement), consumersare likely toas- sociate the brand with that culture. The aesthetic construction and display of brand logos al- so may ref lect alternative consumer culture positionings. For example, some logosmay be tied lessto specif ic cul- turesin termsof their appearance, such as the logos f or AT&T (abstract globe), N ike (swoosh), Royal Dutch/Shell (shell), Mercedes-Benz (star), and sof orth. Others may be more symbolic of specif ic cultural traditions. Cathay Pacif - ic, f or example, recently changed its logo toa white Chinese calligraphy stroke that suggests the wing of a bird to "give itself a more Asian air" (The Asian Wall Street Journal Weekly 1994, p. 11). Of course, it is likely that most con- sumerswould view the logo in itsaesthetic entirety (includ- ingshape, color, texture, and overall design) and f orm linkages to global, f oreign, or local consumer culture on the basisof the symbol'sgestalt-like f amiliarity (cf . Grunert 1996). Finally, certain story themesare likely tobe identif ied generally as symbolic of global consumer culture. For ex- ample, the young, prof essional businessperson whoison the rise usesa Toshiba laptop whether in N ew York, N ew Del- hi, or Paris. Thus, the story theme implies that ownership of thisbrand signif ies that the consumer isa member of the "transnational commerce culture" (Hannerz 1990). Other story themesare more likely tobe associated with a specif - ic f oreign positioning, such asthe purple cow in the Alps in the advertisementsf or Milka chocolate, or with local Global Consumer Culture / 77 themes, such asscenesf rom the characteristic landscape of Tyrol f or Tirolmilch. Thus, depending on the story-related themesin an advertisement, consumersare more or lesslike- ly toassociate the brand with a specif ic consumer culture. One additional point should be considered aswe con- clude the review. In thisstudy, we adopt an "etic-emic" ap- proach (Poortinga and Malpass1986). From a theoretic perspective, we investigate the hypothesis that the basic structure of the global-f oreign-local positioning f rame- work, namely, language, aesthetics, and story themes, iset- ic and applies toadvertising around the world. However, the detailed expression of that structure can be inf luenced by lo- cal culture (emic). For example, N escaf e'sadvertisingpro- jects the image of a brand consumed globally. However, in the N etherlands, this positioning isexecuted by f eaturingan old man f rom South America enjoying the cof f ee. In Greece, the advertisement settingportrays several youngpeople on a raf t with a small hut f or a cabin at the sea shore. Thus, lo- cal culture membersshould determine whether signs in their country'sadvertisingsymbolize global, f oreign, or local consumer culture. This empirical approach enablesthe re- searcher totest hypothesesregarding a universal positioning f ramework while remaining sensitive tovariationsacross cultures. Research Hypotheses Identif ication of consumer culture positioning. The pre- ceding discussion indicatesthat GCCP, LCCP, and FCCP should be identif iable as distinct brand positioning con- structsin television advertising. With thisin mind, our f irst hypothesis states: Hi: LCCP, FCCP, and GCCPare meaningf ul positioning con- structsin television advertising. Thishypothesis doesnot assume that mixed consumer culture positioningstrategies(e.g., GCCPand FCCPsigns in the same advertisement) cannot occur. A brand can be (1) uniquely positioned on GCCP, LCCP, or FCCP; (2) posi- tioned predominantly on one of the three types while incor- porating elementsof other types of positioning; or (3) not positioned predominantly on any of the dimensions. The ad- vertising seriesin which Tina Turner sings the Pepsi-Cola theme song with local bandsin dif f erent countriesto provide local identif ication in a global campaign isan example of a mixed strategy (Jeannet and Hennessey 1995). Relative f requency of GCCP. Despite mass exposure to certain similar signs of consumption, there appears tobe f airly strong consensusthat global consumer culture isstill in itsinf ancy (cf . Samli 1995). Some scholars, such asde Mooij (1998), even argue that global consumer culture is essentially nonexistent, that it isa concept that existsonly in the mindsof corporate strategists. However, we believe that thisisan extreme position and that there is ample the- oretic justif ication, aswell as empirical evidence (ref erred to previously), toconclude that certain consumption sym- bolsand meanings have dif f used globally asa result of the substantial increase in intercultural interaction since the end of WW II (Appadurai 1990; Hannerz 1990). At the same time, given the continued importance of local culture toindividual identity (Johansson 1997) and the relatively early stage of global consumer culture dif f usion (Feather- stone 1990), it isexpected that the brandsin each country sample most of ten will be positioned aslocal brands, em- ployinglanguage, aesthetic, and thematic signs that are symbolic of the home culture. H2: LCCPwill be used more f requently than FCCPor GCCP asthe brand positioningstrategy in television advertising. Consumer culture positioning in the United States. Based on our literature review, it appears that there may be a substantial overlap between brand symbols that constitute global consumer culture and those f ound in the United States(Domzal and Keman 1993; Ray, Ryder, and Scott 1994). From f ast f ood tof urniture tof ashions, consumer culture meaningsystems(language, aesthetics, and lif estyle themes) are transmitted f rom the United Statestothe rest of the world through the mediascapes described previously (Appadurai 1990; Hannerz 1990). Over time, certain brand symbols are likely tobecome disassociated with the United States per se, becoming associated with something that is larger than any single country-the global consumption set. However, within the United States, many symbols(e.g., f ried chicken) in all likelihood continue tobe viewed aslo- cal. Because of the number of global symbols that were originally American, brand managersmay believe that GCCPhasmore dif f erentiatingpower outside the United Statesand theref ore use it more in other markets, such asin developingcountries, where consumersmay seek toen- hance self -perceptions of status, competence, and esteem by acquiring brandsthat are perceived as cosmopolitan, mod- em, and global (Friedman 1990). If these observationsare true, then f ewer (more) television advertisementsshould employ GCCP(LCCP) in the United Statesrelative toother countries. Based on this logic, our next two hypotheses state: H3: GCCPwill be identif ied less f requently in television advertisementsin the United Statesrelative toadvertise- mentsin other countries. H4: LCCPwill be identif ied more f requently in television advertisementsin the United Statesrelative toadvertise- mentsin other countries. Advertising content dif f erences. Turning to advertising f ormat/style, there are strong reasonsto expect advertise- mentsemploying GCCPtouse more of ten a "sof t-sell" in- stead of a "hard-sell" approach. Sof t-sell advertisementsuse more visual imagery and are more subtle and ambiguous than hard-sell ones, which are relatively more inf ormational and f ocuson tangible product f eatures(Bradley, Hitchon, and Thorson 1994, p. 143). Furthermore, because sof t-sell advertisementstypically use a lot of visual imagery, they lend themselvestomessages that require implicit, rather than explicit, communication (Messaris1997, p. vi). In ad- dition, because image-oriented psychological concepts are typically more abstract than f eature-based inf ormational concepts(Johnson 1988; Lef kof f -Hagius and Mason 1993), sof t-sell advertisementsthat use imagery instead of f eatures are also, by implication, usually more abstract than hard-sell advertisements. 78 / Journal of Marketing, January 1999 These f eaturesof sof t-sell advertisements(subtlety, im- plicitness, and abstractness) would seem tomake them more suitable f or advertisementsusing GCCP. Because global consumer culture isan emerging and rapidly changingphe- nomenon, with dif f eringsetsof signs in dif f eringglobal seg- ments(Hannerz 1990), advertisingusing this positioning should be more ef f ective if it communicatesin a subtle, in- direct, and abstract f ashion. A more direct and tangible ap- proach runsa greater risk of misspecif ying the symbols that are ref lective of GCCP. It is also plausible that advertise- ments using GCCPare more of ten image oriented than in- f ormational because of linkages between the brandsand the imagined membership in a global consumer segment (Ap- padurai 1990). These f actors provide the rationale f or our next hypothesis: H5: Television advertisements usingGCCPwill more f re- quently use indirect, image-oriented content approaches (sof t-sell) than direct, strongmessage argument appeals (hard-sell). Product category dif f erences. Recall that GCCPin- volves associating a brand with globally shared, consumption-related symbols that signal membership in global consumer segments(Dawar and Parker 1994; Han- nerz 1990). It also may involve appeals tocertain human universals(Robertson 1987b), especially the urge to appear modem and cosmopolitan (Friedman 1990). It f ollowsthat the use of GCCPshould be easier and more f requent in product categories f or which consumersexhibit common behaviors, rather than in those consumed in locally idiosyn- cratic ways. In addition, GCCPshould be potentially more relevant in product categories that have come to symbolize modernity and cosmopolitanism rather than tradition. Because of its deep connectionstolocal culture, f ood generally is regarded asthe product category that ismost of - ten consumed in traditional and locally idiosyncratic ways. Fischler (1988) maintainsthat f oodsplay a crucial role in the process of enculturation. What we eat, how it is pre- pared, and the rulesand meanings that permeate every as- pect of f ood consumption practices are all sociocultural matters, irrespective of their biological, psychological, or economic dimensions. Even what isconsidered edible or not is largely a local cultural matter (Fischler 1988; Murcott 1986). Although there are exceptions(e.g., global f ast-f ood brandssuch asMcDonald's), because of such strong tiesto local traditionsand meanings, f ood brands appear least like- ly tobe associated with GCCP. Consumer high-tech durables (such as camerasand computers), however, are used worldwide in similar, if not identical, ways. Yip (1995, pp. 30-32) argues that common- ality of consumer needs acrosscountriesis highest f or higher-tech durablesand lowest f or f oods, with household and personal care products near the middle of the spectrum. Such high-tech durablesalso satisf y universal consumer needssuch asthe demand f or superior technology (Levitt 1983). Furthermore, many higher-tech durable brandshave come to symbolize the essence of modernism and interna- tionalism, aswell as membership in global consumer seg- ments (such as cellular phones f or businesspeople). Together, these characteristicsshould f acilitate the use of GCCPin high-tech product categories. It thusseemslikely that GCCPwill be used most f requently f or products that are durable, f airly complex, and highly technological and least f requently f or f oods, with the other goodscategories in be- tween. The converse should be true f or LCCP. In comparinggoods with services, it hasbeen argued that servicesare more dif f icult tohomogenize than goods, in part because of variationsin local consumption patterns (e.g., Zeithaml, Parasuraman, and Berry 1990). Asa result, services generally tend tobe positioned more f requently as local in comparison with goods(Mef f ert and Bolz 1993). If thisisthe case, then LCCPis likely tobe used more of ten in advertisementsf or servicesthan in those f or goods. Based on thisreview, our next hypotheses state that (relative touse with other goods) H6: GCCPwill be used least f requently in television advertis- ingf or f ood productsand most f requently f or durable, high-technology goods, with household, personal care, and low-tech durable consumer products in between. H7: LCCPwill be used most f requently in television advertis- ingf or f ood productsand least f requently f or durable, high-technology goods, with household, personal care, and low-tech durable consumer products in between. H8: LCCPwill be used more of ten in television advertising f or servicesthan f or goods. Method Sampling-N ational cultures. Seven countrieswere se- lected to represent broadly Asian and Western culturesas well as developed and developing economies: India, Thai- land, Korea, Germany, the N etherlands, France, and the United States. Comparison of the countrieson demographic and economic characteristics, as well as on Hof stede's (1980) cultural dimensions, indicated considerable variation within each region and between regions.1 Thisenhancesthe generalizability of our f indings. Sampling-Advertisements within country. Randomized cluster samples of national-brand television advertisements shown on major networksin each country were collected. Local advertising(e.g., f or small, local retailers) and dupli- cationsof national-brand advertisementswere eliminated, along with advertisementsthat contained more than 50% sales promotion inf ormation (e.g., a tie-in promotion f or Pepsi with a local supermarket). Advertisementsf or the same brand that dif f ered in termsof 50% or more of the con- tent remained in the sample. Sampling wasconducted during a three- or f our-day pe- riod in the winter or spring of 1995. On each day (random- ly chosen), a major, national network (randomly assigned to each day) wasrecorded f rom 6 A.M. to midnight. All adver- tisementsthen were logged. A systematic random sample (i.e., every kth advertisement) wastaken f rom the overall data set toachieve a random sample of 20% to25% of all advertisementscollected. For most countries, thisresulted in samples of 175 to200 national-brand advertisements, with 1Tables showing the position of each country on Hof stede's (1980) dimensions and several economic and demographic charac- teristicsare available on request. Global Consumer Culture / 79 the exception of India, f or which 120 advertisementswere selected.2 This processproduced a total sample of 1267 unduplicated, national-brand television advertisementsf rom seven countries. In-depth codingprocedures. In each country, twonative codersused a standard coding f orm that wasdouble back translated intotheir own language (if needed) toevaluate the advertisements. With the exception of India, graduate stu- dent research assistants, all nativesliving in their home country, were employed ascoders. For the Indian advertise- ments, coderswere recently arrived graduate studentsliving in the United States.3 Research assistantsrather than large samples of native subjects were used because the coding task wascomplex and time-consuming. This approach is regularly employed in cross-cultural research involving ad- vertising content analyses(cf . Alden, Hoyer, and Lee 1993; Bradley, Hitchon, and Thorson 1994; Cheng and Schweitzer 1996). All codersreceived extensive trainingusingpractice ad- vertisements prior tothe actual coding task. Much of this training was conducted in the coders' native languages, though f oreign researcherswere usually present. The coders worked independently and took approximately ten minutes tocode each advertisement. For all itemsin all country sam- ples, interjudge agreement exceeded 80%. Disagreements were resolved with the assistance of a third research assis- tant or project coordinator when the twocoderswere unable toreach consensuson their own. Measures. Previously in thisarticle, three broad cultural categories f rom which signs arise were identif ied, namely, language, aesthetics, and story themes. Ref lecting each of these cultural categories, the measure of consumer culture positioning in television advertising was composed of f ive indicators. Signs of consumer culture positioning were (1) pronunciation of brand name, (2) symbols used and/or spelling of visually displayed brand name, (3) symbol used f or brand logo, (4) central themes, and (5) appearance of spokesperson(s). Although there are other sign categories that could have been coded (cf . Caudle 1994), these cate- gories f orm a reasonable initial subset that represents multi- ple semiotic dimensionswithout being too onerousf or coderstouse. If codersf ound that one or more of the signs were present in the advertisement, they determined whether 21t ispossible that the samplingprocedure yielded f ewer adver- tisementsin India because the proportion of broadcast time devot- ed toadvertisingmay have been smaller there than in other markets, though we have noway toconf irm this hypothesis. Al- though the number of Indian advertisements wasstill substantial (120), thismay limit the extent towhich our f indings can be gen- eralized tothe universe of all Indian television advertisements. 3The Indian advertisements were coded in the United Statesin- stead of in India because of resource limitations with the Indian re- search partner. However, because the coders employed were native Indian graduate research assistantsrecently arrived f rom India, there islittle reason to expect India-based coderstohave coded the advertisements any dif f erently than they did. N ote that graduate studentsare regularly employed ascodersf or advertising content analyses(Alden, Hoyer, and Lee 1993; Bradley, Hitchon, and Thorson 1994; Cheng and Schweitzer 1996). the indicator(s) ref lected global, local, or f oreign consumer culture. In carrying out their task, coderswere told that the signs should be coded as(1) local, if they ref lected their own na- tive culture (e.g., use of the Thai alphabet towrite the brand name in Thailand); (2) f oreign, if they represented another individual, identif iable culture (e.g., use of the southern French countryside in an American advertisement f or wine); and (3) global, if they represented a cultural element that wasnot associated with a single country (local or f oreign), but rather a larger group generally recognized as interna- tional and transcending individual national cultures(e.g., an airline advertisement f eaturingbusinesspeople f rom multi- ple countriesinteracting in businessclasson an internation- al f light). Beyond these etic instructions, coderswere lef t to determine emically which elementswere local, global, or f oreign. Theref ore, on each of three dimensions(GCCP, LCCP, FCCP), ad content scorescould range f rom 0 to5. Adver- tisementswith three or more of any single consumer culture positioning element were labeled as emphasizing that posi- tioningstrategy; f or example, an advertisement with three or more local elements was categorized as emphasizing LCCP.4 Our codingprocedure isconsistent with our position that GCCP, LCCP, and FCCPare separate constructsthat can occur simultaneously and todif f erent degrees in specif - ic advertisements. Thismulti-item measurement procedure enablesustoarrive at a more reliable classif ication and val- idate the structure of the items.5 Other characteristicsof the advertisementsrelevant to testing our hypotheses also were coded. For H5, (sof t- versushard-sell and GCCP), a dichotomousscale was ap- plied. Coderswere asked todetermine whether the overall sales appeal of the advertisement should be labeled as"sof t- sell/image" (image-oriented content that doesnot emphasize reasonstobuy, but rather general associationswith the 4Thus, our coding scheme categorizes an advertisement asem- phasizing a particular consumer culture positioning if the majority of the f ive signsbelong toone particular type of consumer culture positioning. It alsouses equal weighting of each cultural indicator. The use of equally weighted indicators iscommon in marketing. However, other types of assignment schemesare also possible. One reviewer suggested the f ollowing scheme: An advertisement is classif ied as using a particular culture positioningonly when at least f our of the signsincluding the theme are supportive of that culture. The rationale f or this approach isthat advertisements f or some brandsmight be classif ied as using GCCPbecause of their brand name, logo, and symbols, rather than because these adver- tisements(explicitly) are trying to convey that the brand isused around the world and is part of the global consumer culture. We al- sotested H2-H8 with thisalternative branding scheme. The results were always in the same direction asthat f or our classif ication scheme. For six of eight hypotheses, the resultsreached statistical signif icance (p < .10), and another hypothesis wasclose to signif i- cance (p = .12). Thus, our resultsare robust acrosstwodif f erent classif ication schemes, which increasesconf idence in our f indings. 5See alsoRoth (1995b), whousesa closely related procedure but employssingle rather than multiple itemsto identif y f unctional, so- cial, and sensory brand-image strategies. In hiswork, brandscould be positioned uniquely along one of these image strategies, or a company could employ a hybrid approach by combining several strategies. 80 / Journal of Marketing, January 1999 brand) or "hard-sell/direct" (sales-oriented, verbal, strong message arguments, comparative content; cf . Bradley, Hitchon, and Thorson 1994; Mueller 1996). Totest H6-H8, productsdisplayed or ref erred toin the advertisementswere classif ied as f ollows: f ood nondurables, personal non- durables, household nondurables, lower-technology con- sumer durables, higher-technology durables, consumer services, businessgoods, businessservices, and other. Fol- lowing discussion amongthe research coordinatorsabout f unctional and conceptual equivalence across countries, similar examples of each product category were provided in all countries(e.g., personal nondurable care goods include shampoo, makeup, toothpaste, and deodorant). Results Identif ication of Consumer Culture Positioning Hl statesthat LCCP, FCCP, and GCCPwould be f ound as meaningf ul but distinct brand positioning constructsin tele- vision advertising f rom countriesaround the world. The f ive itemsused tomeasure the extent towhich an advertisement employed LCCP, FCCP, or GCCPwere scaled categorically. Theref ore, classical (metric) f actor analysis could not be used tovalidate the structure of the categorizations. Multi- ple correspondence analysis(MCA), which, conceptually, can be regarded as principal componentsanalysis on cate- gorical data, isa more appropriate analytic technique (Gif i 1990; Hof f man, de Leeuw, and Arjunji 1994).6 The MCA approach, using the versatile HOMALS pro- gram (SPSS 1989), was applied tothe matrix of 1267 ad- vertisementsby f ive items. The analysis was perf ormed in twodimensionsbased on elbow and interpretability criteria. The f it was.857, indicating that 85.7% of the variance was explained (af ter optimal scaling).7 Figure 1 showsthe quan- titative results f or the three categories of local, f oreign, and global f or each item. Clear regions of categories are re- vealed in this plot. 6The MCA approach dealswith the analysisof interdependence among a set of categorical items. It quantif iescategorical data by assigning numerical valuestothe advertisementsand the cate- gories of the items(f or all f ive items, the categories were "local," "f oreign," and "global"). In addition, MCA provides an interpreta- tion in termsof distancesin a multidimensional map. Categoriesof dif f erent itemsthat tend toshare the same advertisementsare rela- tively close toone another in the map. Thus, categoriesof dif f erent itemsare located relatively close toone another if they occur joint- ly in the same advertisements(Hof f man, de Leeuw, and Arjunji 1994). The validity of combiningscoresacrossitemsistheref ore supported if the relevant itemsare close together. 7Some of the advertisementshad missing data f or one or more itemsbecause none of the categories wasapplicable. For example, if the brand logo wasnot displayed visually during the advertise- ment, thisitem could not be coded. However, missing data present no problems f or HOMALS, and there is noneed todiscard the missing observations(Gif i 1990). The analysis wascarried out on the incomplete data matrix. Gif i (1990, p. 138) ref erstothistreat- ment of missing data as"missing values passive." Another option istoadd the category "missing" toeach item. Gif i (1990, p. 138) callsthis "missing valuessingle." We alsoanalyzed the data using the "missing data single" approach. The category quantif ications f or local, f oreign, and global were virtually the same. For all items, the category "f oreign" islocated in the up- per-right quadrant. The upper-lef t quadrant containsthe cat- egory "global" f or all items, and the lower-right quadrant hasthe category "local" f or all items. The cluster of f oreign categories isrelatively loose. In contrast, the clustersof the local and global categories are tight, and these twocate- gories constitute the main f oci of our study.8 The HOMALS program of f ersan additional, powerf ul test on the discriminability of the three cultural positioning concepts. If the conceptsclearly represent unique perspec- tives, a single underlying continuum f rom local tof oreign to global (indicating an increasingdegree of remotenessf rom native culture) should not be obtained. This assumption was tested by imposing monotonic constraintson the quantif ica- tion of the categoriesby item (Gif i 1990). Imposing the mo- notonic constraint led toa substantial decrease in f it f rom .857 to.664. Imposing a linear constraint f urther decreased the f it to.640. Thus, the three categories of local, f oreign, and global appear toconstitute unique constructsthat should be treated separately, rather than beingplaced on a continu- um. These results provide f urther evidence regarding the va- lidity of distinguishingamongLCCP, FCCP, and GCCP. The resultsof the MCA analysisprovide support f or the convergent validity of the itemsselected tomeasure culture positioning. Thus, a sum measure wascreated on the basis of the extent towhich similar consumer culture positioning elementswere present in a given advertisement. In particu- lar, advertisementswith three or more similar identif iers (out of f ive) were classif ied as emphasizing that approach. Table 1 liststhe overall f requencies f or type of consumer culture positioning based on the sum score. More than 85% of the advertisementshad a dominant cultural positioning and were classif ied asGCCP, LCCP, or FCCP. Employing the sum score measures, an additional check on the measures' discriminant validity wasundertaken. Sim- ple correlationswere calculated between the number of con- sumer culture positioning identif iers f ound in each advertisement f or each of the three dimensions (e.g., Adver- tisement 33 might have three global identif iers, one f oreign, and one local). Aswe expected, the relationship between the total number of local and global itemswas negative (r = -.77, p < .001). It wasalso negative f or local and f oreign items(r = -.57, p < .001). At the same time, the correlation between global and f oreign itemswasnot signif icant (r = -.03, n.s.). All three correlationswere also signif icantly be- low 1.0 (ps < .0001). Given these results, LCCPand GCCPare meaningf ul as separate individual brand positioning constructs. Use of the sum measuresf or GCCPand LCCPtheref ore is justif ied. The resultsf or the FCCPmeasure are encouraging in that the imposition of monotonic constraintsand the correlations indicate that FCCPisa meaningf ul separate construct. How- 8A cluster analysis on the category quantif icationsdepicted in Figure I revealed f our clusters. One cluster consisted of the f ive global categories, and a second cluster contained the f ive local cat- egories. The f ive f oreign categories were divided in twoclusters. The category "f oreign" (items1, 2, and 5) composed one cluster, and the f oreign categories of items3 and 4 were the other cluster. The f ormer itemsdealt with the brand, whereasthe latter dealt with theme and characters. Global Consumer Culture / 81 FIGURE 1 Results of Multiple Correspondence Analysis: Consumer Culture Positioning Measure Dimension 1 G = coded asglobal F = coded asf oreign L = coded aslocal G1 G2 G4 G5 C3 I I -2 -3.0 -2.0 I I - -1.0 Dimension 2 ---T- . . I . I I I I I I I I 1 1.0 2.0 3.0 L2 L -2 L5 -1.0 Scale Itemsby N umber: 1. Spokesperson appearance 2. Theme 3. Pronunciation of brand name 4. Visual display of brand name 5. Brand logodesign -2.0 - -3.0 - TABLE 1 Consumer Culture Positioning by Country Country United States Thailand Korea India Germany N etherlands France Total Culture Positioning Strategy LCCP 177 81 133 102 84 81 90 748 (88.5) (40.5) (66.5) (85.0) (45.4) (46.0) (48.4) (59.0) GCCP 11 83 44 12 60 38 36 284 (5.5) (41.5) (22.0) (10.0) (32.4) (21.6) (19.4) (22.4) FCCP 1 13 4 1 11 15 3 48 (.5) (6.5) (2.0) (.8) (5.9) (8.5) (1.6) (3.8) N odominant 11 23 19 5 30 42 57 187 consumer (5.5) (11.5) (9.5) (4.2) (16.5) (23.9) (30.6) (14.8) culture positioning Total 200 200 200 120 185 176 186 1267 N ote: Percentages are in parentheses. 82 / Journal of Marketing, January 1999 3.0 - 2.0 Fl F2 F4 F3 F5 1.0 - ever, the graphical MCA resultsare lessclear-cut than f or the other twoconstructs. This may be due tothe small num- ber of FCCPadvertisements(48 total) in this sample, which rendersthe resultsf or FCCPlessstable (cf . Gif i 1990). Re- sults involving the FCCPconstruct are, theref ore, viewed as strictly exploratory. Relative Frequency of GCCP H2 statesthat LCCPwould be employed more f requently than either of the other two strategies. This hypothesisre- ceived strongsupport. Overall, LCCPwasused in 59% of the advertisements, versus22.4% f or GCCPand 3.8% f or FCCP. The dif f erence in f requency of occurrence among the three consumer culture positioningstrategies was highly signif icant [X2(2) = 704.62, p < .001]. Analysisof the f re- quency of use of LCCP, GCCP, and FCCPf or each country supported thisbasic conclusion (see Table 1 f or the f requen- cies). In six of seven countries, signif icantly more adver- tisements employed LCCPthan either GCCPor FCCP (p < .001). Only in Thailand wasthe percentage of advertise- ments using LCCPnot signif icantly greater. Consumer Culture Positioning in the United States H3 statesthat GCCPwould be identif ied in f ewer television advertisementsin the United Statesthan in other countries. Chi-square analysisindeed revealed a signif icant associa- tion between country (United Statesversusother countries) and consumer culture positioning(GCCPversusLCCP, FCCP, or nodominant positioning): X2(l) = 39.07, p < .001. Only 5.5% of the advertisementsin the U.S. sample were f ound touse GCCPversus, on average, 25.6% in the other countries(see Table 1). In line with H4, 88.5% of the adver- tisementsin the U.S. sample employed LCCPversusan av- erage of 53.5% in the other countries [X2(I) = 85.25, p < .001]. The only country where the percentage of GCCPand LCCPadvertisementswasclose tothe United StateswasIn- dia (GCCP: 10%, LCCP: 85%).9 Advertising Content Dif f erences H5 proposes that advertisements employing GCCPwould use sof t-sell messages more f requently than hard-sell ones. Whereas56.3% of the GCCPadvertisementsemployed a sof t-sell approach, 43.7% employed hard-sell. Thisdif f er- ence is signif icant in the predicted direction and provides support f or H5 [X2(l) = 4.33, p < .05]. Product Category Dif f erences Table 2 provides a general overview of the f requencies of the three types of consumer culture positioning f or the dif - f erent product typesdistinguished. Thistable provides the 9It ispossible that the dif f erence in the use of GCCPin the Unit- ed Statesversusthe other countriesisdue todif f erencesin the rel- ative f requency of product types acrosscountriesrather than the intrinsic dif f erencessuggested in thisstudy. Theref ore, we exam- ined whether H3 alsowassupported when we controlled f or prod- uct type usinglogit modeling. The dependent variable waswhether an advertisement used GCCP, and the country involved (the Unit- ed States[= 1] versusthe other countries[= 0]) and the product types were included as independent dummy variables. Three prod- uct-type dummieswere created: f ood, high-tech durables, and ser- vices, with personal care, nondurables, and low-tech durables serving asbaselines. H3 predicts a signif icant negative ef f ect of the country dummy, which wasindeed the case (p < .001). We per- f ormed the same analysis f or H4, using LCCPrather than GCCPas the dependent variable. H4 predicts that the country dummy is pos- itive and signif icant, which wasalsothe case (p < .001). Thus, con- trollingf or product type, the same conclusionswere reached. TABLE 2 Product Type by Consumer Culture Positioning Product Type Low-Tech High-Tech Food Personal Household Consumer Consumer Consumer N ondurables N ondurables N ondurables Durables Durables Service Other Culture Positioning Strategy LCCP 275 185 85 68 36 81 18 (63.1) (58.3) (63.0) (53.6) (34.3) (72.3) (51.4) GCCP 81 76 32 32 35 18 10 (18.6) (24.0) (23.7) (25.2) (33.3) (16.1) (28.6) FCCP 25 11 2 6 1 2 1 (5.7) (3.5) (1.5) (4.7) (1.0) (1.8) (2.9) N odominant 55 45 16 21 33 11 6 consumer (12.6) (14.2) (11.8) (16.5) (31.4) (9.8) (17.1) culture positioning Total 436 317 135 127 105 112 35 N ote: Percentagesare in parentheses. Global Consumer Culture / 83 relevant inf ormation f or testingH6-H8. A signif icant associ- ation wasf ound between the use of GCCP(versusany oth- er positioningstrategy, including no dominant culture positioning) and the type of good involved [X2(2) = 11.64, p < .01]. AsTable 2 shows, GCCPwasused in 18.6% of the f ood advertisements, 24.2% of the advertisementsf or household, personal care, and low-tech durable consumer products, and 33.3% of the advertisementsf or high-tech consumer durables. Thus, H6 is supported. However, 63.1% of the f ood advertisements; 58.4% of the advertisementsf or household, personal care, and low-tech consumer durables; and 34.3% of the advertisementsf or high-tech durablesused LCCP. The dif f erence in percentages was again signif icant [X2(2) = 28.86, p < .001], in support of H7. Finally, in sup- port of H8, LCCPwasused relatively more of ten in adver- tisementsf or services (72.3%) than in those f or goods [57.9%; X2(1) = 8.71, p < .01]. Discussion and Implications Although scholarsagree that the perception of a brand as global enhances equity (Kapf erer 1992; Shocker, Srivastava, and Ruekert 1994), ef f ortsto identif y pathwaysthrough which such associationsdif f use have been limited. In this study, we conceptualized a theoretical f ramework in which the advent of global consumer culturesgives rise to global signs(i.e., language, aesthetic systems, and story themes) and hypothesized that these signs would be used in advertis- ing toassociate certain brandswith global consumer culture through a process of meaning transf er (McCracken 1993). Applying thisf ramework, we proposed and validated a new measure of GCCPin television advertising(HI). It en- ables managers and researchersto distinguish GCCPf rom twoother types of consumer culture positioning, that is, LCCPand FCCP. Support wasf ound f or predictionsregard- ing the overall use of GCCPversusLCCP (H2), the use of GCCPand LCCPin U.S. advertising (H3 and H4), the use of GCCPin conjunction with hard or sof t salesthemes (H5), and the use of GCCPand LCCPacross product categories (H6-H8). These resultsacquire added value f rom the nature of the data used (a random sample of television advertise- mentsf rom diverse countries) and the nature of the analyses conducted on the data (such asthe MCA used totest the dis- criminant validity of GCCP, FCCP, and LCCP, aswell asthe additional test of the robustnessof the measurement model; see Footnote 4). Previousresearch has given substantial attention tocom- parative analyses of advertising content-f or example, in- f ormation level, humor use, and materialistic themes. Yet f ew comparative studieshave examined strategic, brand- related issuessuch as positioning. Furthermore, todate, a f ramework that supportsanalysis of cultural content in tele- vision advertising(asopposed tocultural ef f ectson adver- tising content) and relates that content to alternative positioningstrategies hasbeen missing. Asan initial test of the culture-based brand positioningconcept grounded in semiotics theory, thisstudy is encouraging. Managerial Implications A key strategic issue f or managersinvolvesidentif ication of country, consumer segment, and product category f actors that f avor the use of GCCP, FCCP, or LCCP. For example, the manager of a beer brand employing GCCPin many na- tional markets might analyze competitive advertising in a newly targeted country and conclude that none of the brands already in that market usesFCCP. If the f oreign culture his- torically tied tothe beer brand hasa positive image among consumersin the targeted country, the manager might choose to employ FCCPinitially (cf . Leclerc, Schmitt, and Dube 1994). If so, brand advertising would emphasize aes- thetic, spokesperson, and thematic signs associated with a specif ic f oreign country. At some f uture date, the manager could determine whether a shif t toGCCP(or even LCCP) is warranted. It is possible that GCCP might work better than LCCPin marketsthat are characterized by lower levelsof economic development. Thiscould be the case because consumersin these markets may admire the "economic center" and be- lieve that production technologies in their own countriesare less advanced (Appadurai 1990). This is consistent with some of the research on country-of -origin ef f ects(cf . Hes- lop and Papadopoulos1993, p. 45). In line with this, Fried- man (1990) and other cultural anthropologistsreport that ownership of brandsf rom the West increasesthe owner's statusin many developing countries. Theref ore, tangible and thematic signs that connote enhanced statusf rom GCCP brand ownership may achieve meaning transf er more ef f ec- tively f or consumersin developing countrieswhoare prone toref erence group inf luence, such as teenagers(Bearden and Etzel 1982; Park and Lessig1977). Longitudinal trendsin aggregate market behaviorsalso might af f ect perceptions of positioningstrategies. For ex- ample, asthe quality of local goodsimproves and imported goods lose scarcity value, markets initially f avoring GCCP brands may turn inward and f avor LCCPbrands (cf . Etten- son 1993). Firms using GCCPthusmust track itsef f ective- ness, because changing market sentiments may suggest alternative positioningstrategies. Thisf ramework can be used f or other analyses aswell. According to previous work regarding brand positioning (Park, Jaworski, and Maclnnis1986; Roth 1992, 1995a), it is possible that certain brandsare sending mixed messages totheir target market by communicatingmultiple consumer culture identitiesin their advertising. That is, advertisements employing toomuch breadth (e.g., one FCCPelement, two GCCPelements, and twoLCCPelements) may conf use con- sumersand/or create negative brand attitudes. Managers could theref ore benef it by using the f ramework developed herein toexamine previous communication strategies toen- sure they err on the side of depth rather than breadth. In termsof the tactical question-how best tocommuni- cate GCCPin situationsin which it is strategically the best positioningoption-we of f er the f ollowing hypothesis, based on theory discussed previously regardingparticipa- tion in global experience: GCCPexecutionsshould accom- plish meaning transf er more ef f ectively when they (1) f eature the idea that people all over the world consume the 84 / Journal of Marketing, January 1999 advertised brand (e.g., Benetton) and (2) appeal tocertain human universalsor depict consumer segmentsthat share similar attitudes, lif estyles, and aspirations around the world (e.g., Sony). The f irst idea might be communicated by providing ev- idence of consumersin several diverse cultures consuming the advertised brand, the second through depiction of rele- vant symbolism-laden visual signs(such aslaptop-wielding business people; cf . Caudle 1994). Some locally based mar- keters, f ightingglobal brands, have begun touse GCCPto imply tolocal consumersthat their products are "world- class" f or quality and acceptability. Thus, in the Indian market, advertisingf or local brandssuch asVideocon (con- sumer durables), Amrutanjan (pain reliever), and Kenstar (appliances) shows data on exportsor visualsof f oreign consumers consuming their products. Advertising in the N etherlandsf or Brand, a well-known local beer, portrays a U.S. setting and uses English. The use of GCCP apparently isnot limited tomultinational brands. Limitations and Future Research Directions Similar to any study, thisone haslimitations. First, the mea- suresused toassess positioningtypesmay benef it f rom f ur- ther ref inement-f or example, identif ication of additional coding measuressuch ascolor scheme and aesthetic style or alternative weighting schemes. Second, our coderswere lo- cal consumers; however, it is possible that they interpreted advertising content dif f erently than "ordinary" consumersin their countries. Additional research could use larger samples of ordinary consumerstovalidate our f indings. Third, de- spite attempts tocontrol f or potential conf ounds(such as that between product and positioningtype; see Footnote 9), some may remain, such asthe possibility that multinational advertisersin some countriesalsomay have the largest share of voice. Because multinational advertisersof ten use local brand names, partialing out thisf actor would be challeng- ing, but f urther research should investigate methodsof do- ingso. In a similar vein, though the correlation between GCCPand global brand standardization is likely tobe posi- tive, the strength of that relationship is unclear. Thiscer- tainly represents an interestingempirical question f or additional research. Fourth, because of our sample size and theoretic f ocus, we did not model higher order interactions. Further research should consider these aswell. There are several other potentially f ruitf ul avenuesf or additional research and theory development. First, more de- tailed semiotic analysisof the signsassociated with GCCP, FCCP, and LCCPmight prove worthwhile. As we noted, Robertson (1987a, p. 38) def inesglobalization asthe "crys- tallization of the entire world asa single place." By impli- cation, showing that consumersall over the world consume a particular brand may be one recurring GCCP sign-f or ex- ample, a direct visual image in individual advertisements (e.g., Benetton's"United Colorsof Benetton"). Other the- matic signs used tosymbolize GCCP might include appeals to"f reedom," "individual rights," or "democracy," which Appadurai (1990) argues constitute the emergingglobal ideoscape. In addition, there may be a variety of aesthetic (color, complexity, and sof orth), spokespersons(sportsf ig- ures, actors, models, and sof orth), and place signs(soccer stadiums, modern urban centers, and sof orth) associated with GCCP(cf . Caudle 1994). Second, f urther research could involve identif yingwhich consumer segments are most responsive toGCCPstrategies. Aswe noted previously, Hannerz (1990) suggests that glob- al cosmopolitansperceive themselvesasless provincial and more competent with regard to f oreign cultures. These con- sumersare of ten younger, more educated, and lessethnocen- tric. Thus, tangible aswell asthematic signs that specif ically connote international and/or intercultural competence and control may be particularly ef f ective in accomplishing mean- ing transf er f or this group. In contrast, signs that are rich in local culture meaning(e.g., traditional clothing) may achieve meaningtransf er more ef f ectively f or consumerswhoare higher in ethnocentrism (Shimp and Sharma 1987). In sum- mary, understanding the ef f ectivenessof dif f erent types of positioning in dif f erent countriesmay require the analysis of complex, higher order interactionsthat involve product type, country, and characteristicsof the target segment.10 A f inal area f or f uture theoretic development involves managerial use of GCCP, FCCP, and LCCP. Surveys of lo- cal and multinational brand managers could begin toaddress these issues. 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Global Consumer Culture / 87 Visit the AMA Website! http ://www. ama. org Here's a sampling of what you'll f ind on the AMA website: * Selected articles and abstracts f rom Journal of Marketing and other AMA publications * Updated inf ormation on advertising in AMA publications * Other advertising, sponsorship and exhibit opportunities * Marketing discussion groups * Inf ormation on the American Marketing Association, its members, and benef its Plus much more! - q p- AOi