12 Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 24:2 (2004)
Transitions and Translations: Regional
Power and Vernacular Identity in the Dakhan, 1500 1800 !"IT #!$% The theoretical underpinnings of reductionist understandings of literary culture were seriously eroded through the 1970s, and its analysis turned largely hermeneutic This approach has indeed produced dramatic !rea"throughs in our understanding of literary creation and its forms #ut $ suggest that is also useful to try and connect (!ut not reduce) discourses % which were after all e&ercises in communication % with other features of the communities that formed around them This conte&t is, $ feel, especially signi'cant in the early modern period, when new forms of !elonging increasingly centered on and created speech communities that, in short order, !ecame (nations) or (races)* and so the +nglo,-a&on, -la.ic, Teutonic, /atin, and other races too" the stage The esta!lishment of these identities often in.ol.ed the self,conscious creation and propagation of a (national) literary culture -heldon 0olloc" has pointed out that the process of .ernaculari1ation !egan with (the conscious decisions of writers to reshape the !oundaries of their cultural uni.erse !y renouncing the larger world for a smaller place2 3ew local ways of ma"ing culture % with their wholly historical and factitious local identities % and, concomitantly, ordering society and polity came into !eing, replacing the older translocalism) 1 $mplicit in this formulation is that agency resides in the author, the communicator whose choice of medium demarcates its sphere of intelligi!ility #ut the communicator4s choice may not !e unconstrained: language is e.er,changing and he or she ris"s miscommunication or non, communication 2 $n this loo" at literary change, $ shall therefore attempt to widen the range of linguistic materials studied !eyond those that were a.owedly literary -econd, 0olloc"4s formulation implicitly suggests that the process of .ernaculari1ation was somehow irre.ersi!le This was certainly so in the 5est: the generally reactionary 6ongress of 7ienna (1814%19) did not negotiate in /atin #ut in -outh +sia, an e:ort at re.i.ing the old cosmopolitan language of -ans"rit was actually made in the late se.enteenth century $ shall e&amine the parado&ical fate of this e:ort through the eighteenth century #ut still, how is the author4s choice made; <i.en how deeply the grammatical structures of many languages are mar"ed !y hierarchies of power that shape the forms of appropriate utterance, could the choice of medium ha.e !een unconnected with the power of patronage; =ther >uestions also arise: how were the communicants .isuali1ed !y the communicators; ?ow were they changed !y that communication; 5hat energi1ed 1@ Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 24:2 (2004) the pre,formati.e processes that, li"e contours of the earth, channeled the ri.ulets that Aowed into the larger historic speech communities of the early modern period; +nd 'nally, how did some of these communities !ecome the dialects with armies that we called o:icial languages in the century gone !y; @ $ shall approach these >uestions !y attempting % so far as my s"ills permit % to delineate the main features of the polyglot milieu that was the matri& of these processes in -outh +sia % &o'e(olution o) Identity and *anguage; + signi'cant !ody of regional studies e&ists in the 'eld of early modern language The !eginnings of the Telugu in +ndhra ha.e !een e&amined !y 6ynthia Tal!ot in Pre-Colonial India in Practice* she notes astutely how the 'nd,spots of Telugu inscriptions mirror the political power of the Ba"atiya dynasty, which used this language to assert its authority .is,C, .is the Bannada,preferring 6alu"yas of Balyani 4 $n Daharashtra the spread of Darathi inscriptions was associated with the Ba"atiyasE contemporaries and ri.als, the Fada.as of Ge.agiri 9 $n (Heco.ering #a!el) -anIay -u!rahmanyam notes, among other things, the unac"nowledged dialogue across linguistic !oundaries among 0ersian histories, Tamil and Telugu narrati.es, and Tamil fol" epics J /oo"ing at Dughal north $ndia, -hantanu 0hu"an recently proposed a demanding agenda: that (adamantly heteroglot) literary communities should !e approached !y loo"ing at (an entire literary area with its multiple literary .oices and the manner in which these interacted with each other) 7 ?e goes on to suggest that em!edding eastern ?indi dialects in 0ersian or 0ersianate Krdu te&ts was a choice that aristocratic men of letters made to in.o"e intimate domains of a:ection and loss 8
This line of thought di.erges from the maIor current among historians who ha.e loo"ed at the phenomenon of polyglossia and hy!ridi1ation +s 0hu"an points out, most scholars, inAuenced !y the idea of popular language as the primiti.e core of nationhood, ha.e tended to identify language choice in terms of its teleological contri!ution to some as yet inchoate integrati.e proIect 9 $n 1978 Hichard Laton pu!lished an important contri!ution to the study of the social role of Ga"hani ?indi and argued that its adoption !y the -u' lineages he studied was instrumental in the spread of $slam !eyond the 0ersianate elite in the city of #iIapur 10 + similar integrationist analysis of the Dughal decision to adopt 0ersian as its administrati.e and literary language was proposed !y Du1a:ar +lam, who wrote in 1998: (The non,sectarian and li!eral feature of 0ersian made it an ideal forum through which the Dughals could e:ecti.ely negotiate the di.ersities of the $ndian society The culture and ethos of the language matched with their .ision of an o.er,arching empire) 11 The e.idence that +lam pro.ides for this is, howe.er, a select anthology of ecumenical statements in 0ersian These would !e a.aila!le to someone who had learned the language, !ut that e.idence does not address the issue of how 0ersian was .iewed !y the millions who did not "now it, and certainly could not read the li!eral scholars he cites +lam, after all, descri!es how e.en the li!eral 0ersian sylla!us was ultimately imposed !y imperial 'at under +"!ar, and most students simply wanted to learn enough to >ualify for go.ernment employment #y implication, though, the adoption of 0ersian had in fact e&cluded many ?ence, +lam continues, when the empire was challenged !y regionally !ased ethnicities, the Dughals came to reali1e that (the increasing cultural a:irmation of the region e&pressed in its linguistic di.ersity had to !e accommodated in more meaningful ways They recogni1ed the need to culturally integrate and accommodate with, and not simply dominate, the regions This could !e illustrated from the interest they showed in ?inda.i) 12 $mplicitly, therefore, +lam admits that the choice of 0ersian o.er some ?inda.i language did e&clude the numerous users of those regional tongues, <uha: Transitions and Translations 14 who then had to !e conciliated $n his 200@ re.ision of this essay, he ends !y noting that the coup de grace for $ndo, 0ersian came when (0ersian, the language of power par e&cellence, was di.orced from power) !y the #ritish go.ernment of $ndia 1@
/et me de.elop this important o!ser.ation +nother aspect of language choice is that language and accent, li"e other hard,to,ac>uire identity mar"ers, can !e used not merely to include !ut also to exclude 6onsider, for e&le, the role of Lnglish in twentieth,century $ndia: retained !ecause it !elongs to no one geographically !ounded ethnicity, it has wor"ed as a language of power and the mar"er of the power,elite This use of Lnglish is challenged, howe.er, !y the nationalist idea of authenticity residing in the (mother tongue): the resulting compromise has usually !een to impose a .ernacular on the poor while reser.ing the choice of Lnglish to the aMuent and powerful 14 Dughal $ndia was una:ected !y nationalism and the monolingual ideal that has often accompanied it $nsofar as power was to !e centrali1ed in the hands of the ruling family and its associates, the language of power should not tie the emerging imperial state to any speci'c ethnicity The maIor threat to +"!ar could come from his Tur"i "in at Ba!ul and the Tur"ic K1!e"s who loomed !ehind them, which ruled out Tur"ish Then again, +"!ar was a ruler with e&pansi.e am!itions: the regional connotations of northern ?inda.i or its southern e>ui.alent, Ga"hani, would ha.e tied the empire too closely to regional elites who, in turn, were identi'ed with the regimes that he had Iust superseded or was still su!.erting $t is noteworthy that these wea"er powers had increasingly sought to em!ed themsel.es in the emerging regional tongues 19 $ now turn to a region where this process was acti.e *anguage &o+,etition in -estern India The Darathi language is attested from at least the eighth century 6L, !ut its maIor eMorescence coincided with the rule of the Fada.as of Ge.agiri in the thirteenth century This culminated in the famous Jnyanesvari (or nyanesvari, completed in 1290) +s Tulpule and Neldhaus o!ser.e, (-uch great literary achie.ements were made in this period that it has come to !e "nown as the O<olden +geE in the history of the Darathi language This period saw the rise and de.elopment of the 7ar"aris and the Dahanu!ha.as, the two sects that produced the !ul" of =ld and Diddle Darathi literature) 1J The Fada.as were supplanted in 1@18 !y go.ernors sent from Gelhi, who in turn set up the #ahmani sultanate from c1@90 The sultanate disintegrated at the end of the 'fteenth century, !eing succeeded !y the 3i1am -hahis in western Daharashtra $mportant wor"s of Diddle Darathi literature continued to !e produced Nurthermore, Darathi remained the language of administration and go.ernment at the local le.el, where hereditary o:icials maintained their grip on authority +s 6hatrapati -i.aIi4s minister, BrishnaIi +nanta -a!hasad, wrote in 1J94, (/ands held !y the $dalshahi, 3i1amshahi, Dughalai were con>uered P!y -i.aIiQ $n those lands, the farmers had !een until then completely in the hands of the hereditary headmen, accountants and district o:icers) 17 These o:icials maintained records (and pro!a!ly spo"e) in a .ariant of Diddle Darathi modi'ed !y a signi'cant infusion (as we shall see !elow) of 0ersian and +ra!ic loan,words Llsewhere, $ ha.e argued that the centrali1ing authority of early modern states in the peninsula operated signi'cantly through the e&ploitation of e&tant 'ssures and clea.ages in local society 18 =ne of these points of entry was .ia the adIudication of local disputes, as +ndre 5in" pointed out in his path, !rea"ing !oo" almost two decades ago 19 These conAicts were most often settled at assem!lies % !otsa"ha, ma#lis, etc % essentially according to the (common sense) of the country These Iudicial processes, in turn, generated a discourse 19 Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 24:2 (2004) of entitlement !y inheritance and the "a$har (historical narrati.e) was therefore well adapted to discourses of ethnic pride and the conse>uent claims to regional dominance !y autochthonous landholders + growing !ody of research suggests the importance of such gentry communities in the politics of early modern $ndia Du1a:ar +lam pointed this out in 198J: in resistance to the Dughal empire, (the re!els and 4distur!ers4 had !een identi'ed in terms of either their class, namely, %amindars, or their caste, clan and region) 20 Nurthermore, in a polyglot milieu, familiarity is signaled !y using common speech inaccessi!le to others* e&clusion or dominance !y using an o:icial language of power (in contemporary north $ndia, this pattern is e&hi!ited in the use of regional language or dialect .ersus Lnglish) Hegional names reAected dominant ethnic communities: Bol.an, Darathwada, Rhalawad, Bathiawad, #aiswada, <ondwana, ?adauti, Dhairwada, Hohil"hand, #undel"hand $t will !e e.ident that $ am mo.ing towards a speech,community de'nition of ethnicity, while admitting such additional limiting mar"ers as the e.idence sustains 21 #ut my use of ethnicity is not spatially !ounded in the way that (nationality) is assumed to !e $n fact, ethnicities in hierarchical societies cannot escape ran"ing, and are often formed !y the intrusion of ple!eian or elite minorities into areas where they were pre.iously un"nown 22
5as Ga"hani also ta"ing shape as the language of an incipient southern (Tur") ethnicity; The si&teenth century saw the sultanates of southern $ndia increasingly thrown !ac" on local resources !y the rise of 0ortuguese power in the $ndian =cean and the Dughal empire in north $ndia The cores of three long,li.ed sultanates were centered in di:erent language 1ones: the +dil -hahi in the Bannada,spea"ing area, the 3i1am -hahi in west Daharashtra, and the Sut! -hahi in +ndhra The same period saw a rise in the patronage of Ga"hani as well as the use of regional languages li"e Darathi and Telugu Hichard Laton noted the turn to Ga"hani composition among some -u' pirs from the late 'fteenth century onward ?e suggested that part of the reason for its adoption was that it was e.idently the only .ernacular of #iIapur with which !oth Duslims and ?indus % at least those integrated with the city % were familiar Ga"hani could reach more people than could the elitist 0ersian language =f course, the use of Darathi or Bannada would ha.e reached many more than e.en Ga"hani #ut Ga"hani had the ad.antage of !eing written in the 0erso,+ra!ic script, which would permit, when necessary, the easy importation of $slamic .oca!ulary 2@ 5as the choice as strictly functional as Laton suggests; The idea that literacy should !uild towards the a!ility to read the Boran, and therefore start with the +ra!ic script, was widespread in the $slamic world #ut the o!stacles to rendering Darathi or Bannada into the 0erso,+ra!ic script are no more serious than those encountered in rendering Tur"ish, 0anIa!i, -wahili, Dalay, or indeed Ga"hani into it Nurthermore, !ecause oral transmission initiated !y lectors reading aloud would !e a maIor form of propagation, the phonetic corruption of +ra!ic religious terms would creep in regardless of the language of composition +s the simple technical e&planation is insu:icient, $ would suggest that Ga"hani may ha.e !een the only .ernacular that the -u's "new, and that they saw no need to go !eyond the circle of Ga"hani, "nowing ple!eians (which would include the women and retainers of their 0ersian, "nowing patrons) ?ence they needed no rustic languages +s Laton pointed out, at their most acti.ist they were no more than passi.e proselyti1ers or reformers of the esta!lished community* 24 unli"e, say, the ferociously proselyti1ing Resuits, who not only learned local .ernaculars worldwide !ut also too" steps to !ring them into the world of print The Ga"hani language then !ecame an aspect of a dominant ur!an elite, and was percei.ed as such Thus the famous Darathi "ha$ta poet, Tu"aram, in <uha: Transitions and Translations 1J depicting the modern age of decay ($aliyu!a), points to the use of avindhavani % (the speech of those who ha.e unpierced ears,) ie, Duslims % !y e.en #rahmans as one of its features 29 $n the 1J90s, Rayarama 0indye claimed to compose freely in twel.e languages including da$sinatya yavani& 2J 'avana was !y then a common term for Duslim, and Rayarama clearly recogni1ed that the southern or da$sinatya yavanas had a language distinct from 0ersian, which he simply termed yavani The Ga"hani language thus !ecame e&pressi.e of a regional religious identity The si&teenth,century "ha$ta poet L"nathEs (?indu,Tur" samvad) illustrates among other things the power,relation in.ol.ed The (Tur") is actually a Duslim who gets into a wrangle with a #rahman The Duslim spea"s something close to Ga"hani with many +ra!ic loan,words, while the #rahman does not choose to display his "nowledge of -ans"rit although he >uotes a -ans"rit slo$a) ?e uses a Darathi .ery close to L"nathEs own !ut shares signi'cant .oca!ulary with his antagonist Nor e&le, after the (Tur") has used the #ali,7amana legend to attac" ?indu !elief, the #rahman replies, ((ali $hudaca $hasa "anda) (#ali was a fa.ored sla.e of the /ord) The case,mar"er is Darathi !ut three out of four words are 0ersian ?e then goes on to assimilate the story of +dam and L.e with that of Hama and -ita, Ha.ana !eing identi'ed with -atan 27 -o Ga"hani, li"e Krdu in north $ndia, was a language of the ur!an centers and the elite $t was perhaps an errant aspiration to ur!anity that led Tu"aramEs sinful $aliyu!ina #rahman to pop a pan- vida into his mouth and then use avindha speech 28 Nurthermore, as already mentioned, o.er time central authority de.eloped a more intrusi.e presence in the localities $n such a setting, o:icial languages and the power to prescri!e them would impact deeply upon the formation of speech communities -uperiors are truly such only in the presence of inferiors* elites, only if they dominate o.er su!alterns -o the court o:icials that am!itious leaders of gentry clusters in.o"ed, resisted, and emulated were (particularly after the fall of 7iIayanagara), 0ersiani1ed rather than -ans"riti1ed $t was important for local potentates, proprietors of all sorts, and e.en hum!le peasant plainti:s to get some understanding of o:icialese and polite usage #ut on the other hand, the strength of the gentry lay in local followings and e&tended "in networ"s These would !e reinforced, as we shall see in the case of the 6hatrapatis -i.aIi and -am!haIi, !y the in.ocation of a shared ethnic rootedness % in a sense, an e&panded sense of "inship where!y all spea"ers of a gi.en language were a"in -uperiority would then !e signaled !y the use of a higher register indicating access to !ut not assimilation into a (high) language Total assimilation to the glorious imperial court was dangerous, if tempting 29 -o the (high) languages of the royal courts gradually in'ltrated the .arious regional tongues, and multiple linguistic registers had to !e mastered !y great and small ali"e This changed the way they spo"e $ndeed, if we ta"e e.en a cursory loo" at the .olume of records, orders, summons, and warnings sur.i.ing through the trou!led si&teenth and se.enteenth centuries, it seems li"ely that the form of written document that a commoner would most fre>uently hear or see would !e an o:icial document such as a %ahirnama, $at"a, mucal$a, dospatra, ha$i$ata, ta$idpatra, i%arpata, dasta$, $arina, or mah%ar ?ow common an understanding of the structure and function of such documents !ecame is shown !y the fact that the immensely popular L"nath (19@@% 99) and Tu"aram (1J08%90) !oth composed de.otional poems that played upon these formats Nor e&le, L"nath wrote an ar% !eginning: Ar%dast ar%dar "and!i "andena)a% Ale$am salam Sahe"ance sevesi 17 Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 24:2 (2004) "ande sarira$ar Jivaci se$dar (udha#i $ar$un Pr!ane Sarira"ad *ille *ayapuri Sar$ar Sahe"anci a#na !heun svar #ahlon Ton par!ane ma%$uri yeun sar$ar $am suru $aravayas la!lo ton par!ane ma#$urce #amadar am"ha#i sete &&&& P+ petition from the sla.e to the cherisher of sla.es, on whom !e peace: the writer has the form of the #ody, which is !aili:,custodian of /ife, together with the cler" who is its $ntellect, situated in the su!di.ision of the /i.ing (follows) ?a.ing recei.ed the /ord4s command at the Nort of the #ody, $ set o: for the aforementioned su!di.ision and !egan conducting go.ernment !usiness The ta&,farmer of the su!di.ision is Gam!haIi Q This poem ingeniously mimics the structure and tone of reports from touring su!ordinates to central ministers, down to descriptions of malfeasance and accounts of the writerEs e:orts to remedy the situation as a para!le for the frail human !ody !eset !y e.il desires and impending death -o a:airs of the par!ana (!ody) on which #udhaIi (the consciousness) is reporting are represented as !eing in disorder, with BamaIi (Gesire) as the maha#an (head of the merchants), co.etousness as the (female) despandina (hereditary registrar) and BrodhaIi (Hage) as the naya$vadi (chief of police), etc Then Rarasandha, a mace,!earer, !rings news that Geath in the form of a #rahman auditor (FamaIi 0ant) is a!out to ta"e charge +t this terror the par!ana almost empties of life* Besgan. (?air,.ille) turns white* Bangan. (the Lar.illes) close their gates* 3a"apur (3oseham) !egins to run, <andapur (+nuston) !egins to Aow, @0 and so on $t ends: E$a Janardana$a "anda "and!i roshan hoya he ar%dast& @1
Head as ?industani, which the geniti.e case,mar"er ("a) suggests, it means: (L"a (L"nath) is (solely) the sla.e of Ranardana -o that this ser.itude may !e illuminated P!y the di.ine presenceQ this petition is in the hand) Ranardana of course refers to Brishna* !ut L"nath4s guru was also named Ranardana and is said to ha.e !een a fort commandant under the 3i1am -hahi sultans of +hmadnagar The de.otional poets may of course ha.e wished to display their linguistic .irtuosity as well as de.otion* !ut an e&le of how deeply these o:icial processes imprinted ordinary Darathi can !e seen from a deposition !y one #a!aIi Brishna Bul"arni in 1J90 (with 0erso,+ra!ic deri.ates highlighted): arz $ela $i aple $ul$arnapanaci nivad karkirdi Mali$ Am"ar Sahe" #ala hota tenhepramane aple vadile $hat hote yavari aple vadile baphat #aleyavar darmyane Ata#i Tanpra"hu apla varisdar Marhateyace nivadiyasi kusur $arun !hetla hota @2
P-u!mitted a petition that a decision on our hereditary .illage accountant4s o:ice was made in the administration of Dali" +m!ar -ahe!, and our father had e&ercised the o:ice in conformity with that decision Then after our father4s demise +taIi Tanpra!hu our co,heir got a fraudulent decision in his fa.or from the Darhata administrationQ /anguages were mar"ed !y a tension !etween hy!ridi1ation and identity The resulting mi&ed idiom, with an interesting infusion of -ans"rit tatsamas (loan words) is found, for e&le, in -i.aIi4s letter to GadaIi 3aras 0ra!hu, deshpande of the Hohida .alley, where the maIor appeal is to a territorial rootedness in the .alley as well as putati.e wider su!continental identity (again, 0erso,+ra!ic is highlighted): shahasi bemangiri tumhi va amhi $arit nahi Srirohidesvara tumce $horiyatil adi $uladeva tumca don!armatha patharavar sendrila!at svayam"hu ahe tyani amhas yas dilhe va pudhe sarva manoratha +indvi svara#ya $arun puravinar ahe tyas "avas haval hou naye khamakha san!ava& @@
PFou and $ are not !eing disloyal to the -hah -rirohides.ara, the original <uha: Transitions and Translations 18 presiding deity of your .alley, e&ists in self,created form ne&t to the sendri tree on the plateau at the crest of your mountain: he has gi.en me success and will in future ful'll the desire of creating a ?inda.i "ingdom -o say to the #a.a (addressee4s father): (Go not !e unnecessarily downcast)Q #ut while such local "nowledge and identity could !e .alua!le to the head of a small principality, a su!continental imperial system could !ene't from a high language that fa.ored no speci'c ethnicity % the role played !y 0ersian in the Dughal Lmpire $n later years, -i.aIi and his son and successor -am!haIi seem to ha.e considered the possi!ility of -ans"rit playing such a role Thus the ,a#avyavahara$osa % a thesaurus of o:icial usage % was prepared shortly after -i.aIi4s coronation as 6hatrapati This has sometimes !een presented as an e:ort at the triumphant return of -ans"rit with the end of Duslim rule - # 7arne"ar, for e&le, claims that the author was commissioned to write this te&t in order to sa.e the language of the gods (deva"hasa)& @4 The te&t itself is much more modest: (?a.ing completely uprooted the !ar!arians (mleccha), !y the !est of "ings a learned man was appointed to replace the o.er.alued Fa.ana words (atyartham yavanavacanair) with educated speech (vi"udha"hasam)&) @9 There is, for a period, a signi'cant change in register in o:icial documents, with a new prominence gi.en to -ans"ritic terminology, e.en though Darathi remained the o:icial language $ shall return to this theme later in this essay The early emergence of regional .ernaculars had !een associated to some degree with the translation, or more precisely adaptation, of -ans"rit wor"s: the most famous e&le in early Darathi literature is the Jnyanesvari-nyanesvari of 1290 The si&teenth,century scholar L"nath also composed some maIor transcreations, paralleling the slightly later wor" of Tulsidas in north $ndia 5e may get some insights into the polyglot milieu of a se.enteenth,century court .ia the ,adhamadhavavilasacampu @J $ts author, Rayarama 0indye, e&empli'es the multiple s"ills possessed !y the se.enteenth,century literatus ?e clearly had some training in the -ans"rit poetic tradition and >uotes !oth #hamaha and #hoIa at the outset and ac"nowledges the Amara$osa #ut he accords a high status to the .arious .ernaculars, and there are few indications of language hierarchy in his te&t The te&t presents itself as narrating the literary feats of the poet Rayarama 0indye at the court of -ahaIi #honsle in Barnata"a when the latter was an +dil -hahi general, car.ing out a new domain in the remains of the 7iIayanagara empire @7 Rayarama states that -ahaIi himself listened to the play of twel.e languages that it contained @8 The te&t opens with a prose introduction discussing the opinions of di:erent literary critics on the poet4s choice of his theme, and then follow '.e cantos on what $ would Iudge con.entional themes: water,frolics, the Aowery !ed, the description of the heroine from head to toe, the si& seasons, and so on The si&th canto, howe.er, presents something altogether new $t re.erts to prose and descri!es how the assem!ly of connoisseurs was ama1ed !y the cantos and as"ed the reader who the author was The answer is that he is associated with a maharaIa* the audience then as"s who that latter is, which occasions se.eral ingeniously crafted lines in praise of the #honsle "ing @9 3e&t the arri.al of the poet, who comes from Daharashtra to -ahaIi4s court, is descri!ed Lntering, Rayarama ta"es his appointed place and ma"es an o:ering of twel.e coconuts The "ing is intrigued and as"ed why: the poet responds that they sym!oli1e the twel.e languages in which he composes: (-ans"rit, 0ra"rit, <opacaliya, <urIara, 7a"tara, Ghundhar, 0anIa!, ?industhan, #aggul, Fa.ani, Ga"sinatya Fa.ani, Barnata"a) 40 $ ha.e to postpone a complete analysis of these language names, which would ha.e to !e accompanied !y an analysis of the actual poems presented (occasionally under 19 Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 24:2 (2004) di:erent language,names) in the ele.enth canto #rieAy, howe.er, $ suggest that Pra$rit refers to Darathi, which may suggest a lin" to classical 0ra"rit and the understanding that it was a literary language with a grammatical traditions of its own, and .opacaliya to #raI or <waleri (<waliyar has o!.iously the same meaning as <opacal, the land of the cowherds P!val- or !oval-Q or perhaps the 6owherd, ie, Brishna) /a$tara is clearly #undeli: the name may refer to the accoutrements of war, or it may !e a -ans"riti1ation of "hasa (va$tra as mouth, !y e&tension, speech or "hasa-"ha$ha) hundhar refers to northern HaIasthani, and +industhan is what is su!se>uently la!eled He"hta (a!!ul is northwestern Darathi or +hirani (The #aghul vamsa ruled in the eponymous pro.ince of #aglana to the 1J40s $n 199J they in.ited the -outhern poet Hudra"a.i to compose a -ans"rit family history in twenty cantos) 41 'avani is 0ersian, and a$sinatya (southern) 'avani is Ga"hani (Pan#a" and *arnata$ are self, e.ident) 6learly, as suggested a!o.e, Ga"hani was .iewed as the tongue of a regional ethnicity that happened to share a !roader religious identity with the northern Fa.anas, !ut was nonetheless distinct from their tongue The ne&t canto represents a literary competition in which .arious learned men of the court challenge each other with lines from .erses that ha.e to !e completed in conformity with meter and meaning Then a canto occasioned !y the appearance of -ahaIi armed and accoutered and so on Then, interestingly, -ahaIi as"s the poet to respond e&tempore to themes (samasya) in the .ernaculars Rayarama agrees if the contest is conducted in the presence of the young prince The Iealous .ernacular poets see this as an opportunity, and rush to o:er di:icult themes Rayarama utters a slo$a saying that the -ans"rit lion ad.ances roaring to sei1e the unattaina!le !right and !ashful word, while the others sit concealed in the many,!ranched languages li"e mon"eys (sa$hamr!a) 42 This angers the "hasa poets who resol.ed to set him the most di:icult lines when they get the chance Rayarama then e&hi!its his .irtuosity at another session !y completing .erses using lines thrown him in di:erent ?inda.i languages The 'rst is clearly in #undeli and the theme heroic $t cele!rates the con>uest of Barnata" !y -ahaIi, and ends with an ingenious play on "er (wild fruit) and "airi (enemy) to !oast that the womenfol" of his enemies were forced to Aee into the woodlands "a#at $arnata$ "ha#an $arnatu$ "atanmen $an!de hata$ setanmen "alam$i "at la$hen "ar"ar "avarisi "airan$i vadhu phire "airan$i "anme P6on>uering Barnata" clea.ing the Barnata"is, the Bangdas who recoiled from the spears % and the e&iled wi.es of the enemy roam in the Iungles where the wild fruit growsQ This is then followed !y an amorous image of Brishna (Banha) in #raI, then a heroic .erse in Bhari #oli, with a pun on 0ran! (sword), 0ran!i (0ortuguese;), and phir ran! !ayo hai& (Houghly translated, the couplet suggests that 0ortuguese women lose color or !lench when -ahaIi ta"es up his sword) These feats pleased the worthy, !ut now !oth the -ans"rit and .ernacular poets present were o:ended + linguistically interesting poem is la!eled (He"hta) and written in the feminine .oice: a$al curai meri $ama$al pithare ne maha"ali mahara#a dil!ir $are hai #ilhe sa duniye $e !anim sa" $ati $adhe #a$e sat sattar ha%ar svar $hare hai 1 PDy small wit is stolen P$ am infatuatedQ !y the great lord, the mighty maharaIa has made me hea.y,hearted ?e who slays all enemies, in whose ser.ice se.en and se.enty thousand horsemen stand readyQ =ne of the more stri"ing aspects of the Campu is the prominence gi.en to #undeli =ne is strongly tempted to lin" this with Bol:4s wor" on the #ondiliyas, and that of -u!rahmanyam on their role as au&iliaries of the Dughals in southern $ndia 4@ The Dughal connection is e&plicitly suggested in a .erse addressed <uha: Transitions and Translations 20 to 3arayana (7ishnu) !y his en.oy after sur.eying the earth: tum soye raho sirsindhu maha aru uttar dachan rachan $o it Sah#u hai ut Sahi#aha& P6ontinue to repose in the sea of mil": the north and south are protected here is -ahIu and there is -ahiIahaQ Gid ethnic gentry power determine the panoply of languages on display; Darathi is introduced .ery late in the se>uence of poems, and then at the re>uest of the court Iester (vidusa$a), and the response is punning .erse on the defeat of Dir Rumla, the capture of the fort of <uti, and eating shit (/ater more heroic Darathi .erse is introduced, including a series of poems e&hi!iting di:erent meters in the same language, and signi'cantly concluding with a series of Darathi dohas) $n poem @0 Gurg Tha"ur as"s the poet to compose in Darathi: ($avi thor yas "hasa apra) (0oet, great is this our language) 0oem @1 then renders the theme of the wi.es of -ahaIi4s enemies hiding in the forest and see"ing to conceal themsel.es among the #hil women $n 1J18, se.eral decades prior to the composition of RayaramaEs poem, Thomas -te.ens, -R, in order to populari1e his rendering of 6hristian doctrines into DarathiTBon"ani, introduced se.eral .erses in praise of the Darathi language into the 'rst chapter of his wor", and wrote it in the traditional ovi meter The language is declared to !e the diamond and tur>uoise among gems, the peacoc" among !irds, the $alpataru (fa!ulous wish, granting tree) among trees, the no!lest of tongues, the -unday and Donday among days, etc 44 $ would suggest that this prefatory material was inserted in order to mo!ili1e em!ryonic language,pride to reinforce the acceptance of the te&t #ut a return to -ans"rit is also .isi!le at the close of the se.enteenth century, perhaps reAecting the new am!itions of regional satraps in the wide .istas opened !y the e.ident collapse of the Dughals 6onsider the career of the /ive$acintamani, an encyclopedic 7irashai.a Bannada prose te&t of the thirteenth or fourteenth century translated into Darathi ovi .erse in 1J04 0ortions of the Bannada te&t were then rendered into Tamil later that century and into -ans"rit c 1729 The -ans"rit translation was !y 3ir.anamantri, minister at the court of the Beladi naya$a, -omashe"hara 49 -ans"rit scholarship was acti.e and inno.ati.e at this time Dultiple sources of patronage had also opened up: most nota!ly, the Dughal emperor himself 4J -heldon 0olloc" has descri!ed how the $mperial court generated unparalleled cross, cultural interactions from the si&teenth century onward 47 <reat e&pectations were current among the literati + widely circulated slo$a attri!uted to the great -ans"rit scholar Ragannatha ran: dillisvaro va #a!adisvaro va manorathan purayitum samarthah anyair nripalair "ahu diyamanam sa$aya va syallavanaya va syat P(Dy) desires can !e ful'lled !y either the lord of Gelhi or the lord of the world 5hat is an a!undant gift for other "ings will merely supply me .egeta!les or Iust the salt to Aa.or themQ 48 0olloc" also suggests that some of RagannathaEs -ans"rit .erse was modeled on the well,esta!lished 0ersian theme of a lamentation o.er the unattaina!le !elo.ed 49 The northern #honsle "ingdom esta!lished !y -ahuIiEs son -i.aIi seems, in the last years of -i.aIi, and more .igorously under -am!haIi, to ha.e aimed at a reinstatement of -ans"rit as a language of history and e.en of diplomacy 5e ha.e the well,"nown Siva"harata, 90 as well as se.eral lesser,"nown -ans"rit $avyas -i.aIi patroni1ed the important ,a#avyavahara$osa, a thesaurus of -ans"rit o:icial terms There was also a certain e:ort to correspond with the HaIput courts of HaIasthan in -ans"rit 91 $n part, this may ha.e !een a counter to the increasingly $slamic tone of +urang1e! after 1J78 $n the last years of -i.aIi4s reign, and throughout that of -am!haIi, titles were -ans"riti1ed to a considera!le degree and we 'nd signi'cantly more -ans"rit words in o:icial documents This continued with the succession of HaIaram 21 Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 24:2 (2004) (1J89) and the desperate guerilla struggle of the ensuing years, when e.ery ideological appeal was thrown into the scales, with routine use of #ihad !y the Dughals, and appeals such as this from the Daratha ruler: (s.amice raIya mhanaIe de.a,!rhamanaci !humi Fa raIyaci a!hi.rddhi .ha.i ani Daharashtradharma raha.a) 92 (That the /ord PHaIaramQ holds this "ingdom is e>ui.alent to the <ods and #rahmans holding it This "ingdom must !e sustained and the dharma pertinent to Daharashtra sur.i.e) 5e also ha.e a return to a stronger emphasis under HaIaram and Tara!ai on the ethnic Daratha character of the "ingdom $n a letter % li"ely one of many sent in the desperate year 1J90 % HaIaram wrote to #aIi -arIerao Redhe, (he Marasta ra#ya ahe) (this is a Daratha "ingdom) 9@ 5riting in 1J9@, the e&perienced minister BrishnaIi +nanta -a!hasad nostalgically read ethnic assertion into -i.aIi4s coronation as Chatrapati in 1J74 ($n this epoch all the great "ings ha.e !een !ar!arian (mleccha)2 now a Darast padshah !ecame chatrapati This was no ordinary e.ent) 94 $n fact, the copious contemporary documentation sur.i.ing from that e.ent suggests that it was designed to !e much more pan,$ndian and -ans"ritic than Darathi in character #ut !y the !eginning of the eighteenth century, Maharashtradharma was in.o"ed in .arious conte&ts, without re>uiring further de'nition $t is interesting that the Pesh)as who too" e:ecti.e control of the Daratha state in the early eighteenth century, while la.ishly patroni1ing the traditions of -ans"rit learning, did not promote it seriously in the sphere of go.ernment and diplomacy -ome -ans"rit correspondence continued, as for e&le in a letter sent with two emissaries to Rodhpur in 17@J #ut the te&t is a word,for,word translation of a Darathi o:icial te&t with all the con.entions of that genre $t also !ears a great formal resem!lance to HaIasthani letters in the same collection $ surmise that scri!es all three languages were modeling themsel.es on well,esta!lished 0ersian epistolary con.ention The letter ends with the con.entional (5hy should $ write much;) in -ans"rit 99 Deanwhile, !ac" in Daharashtra, the language of the administrati.e documents of the era reAects, if anything, the strong legacy of sultanateTDughal statecraft and eighteenth,century ?industani usage 5hen foreign authorities were to !e impressed it was done !y incorporating large amounts of 0ersian -o for e&le around 1779, the minister 3ana 0hadnis wrote to the "ing of Lngland on !ehalf of the infant pesh)a e&plaining recent e.ents in the "ingdom (0ersian words are printed in !old): Tyas Madhavraosahe" vai$unthavasi #aliyavar kiblegah 3arayanarao Sahe" daulat $aru la!le& Te vakhti ,a!hunatharao !harantila biradar yani daga $arun apla daulat $aravi ha irada $ela kiblegah yans phamd $arun marile& +i !osta +induce mahzabat bahut na-munasab1 9J PThen after the no!le Dadha.rao too" up his hea.enly a!ode, the auspicious and no!le 3arayanrao !egan to rule +t that time, Haghunathrao, a close relati.e, decided to ta"e o.er the "ingdom !y treachery and "illed the auspicious one !y a de.ious stratagem +ccording to ?indu orthodo&y, this action is deeply impermissi!le Q =n the other hand, the Darathi language was tenaciously retained, e.en though 0ersian was, at the time, the maIor language of diplomacy in -outh and 5est +sia This contrasts with the Dughal a!andonment of Tur"ish after #a!ur (d 19@0) The Darathi language, much changed !y loanwords, was still retained e.en as DahadaIi -inde secured from his protUgU, the Dughal emperor -hah +lam, the title of (plenipotentiary deputy) for the Pesh)a and go.erned from Gelhi in the latter4s name $t is signi'cant, therefore, that unli"e the -ans"rit Siva"harata-Sivacarita, when a .erse history of the pesh)ai was composed around 1772, it was in Darathi in the ovi meter, though e.idently written !y a -ans"rit,"nowing literatus, deeply <uha: Transitions and Translations 22 immersed in the traditions of the purana and $avya literature 97 6learly, that linguistic identity had assumed a new signi'cance in the politics of -outh +sia This new signi'cance of Darathi was also in e.idence twenty years later when the Lnglish Last $ndia 6ompany stripped the southern !ranch of -ahaIi #honsle4s descendants of the last 'g leaf of so.ereign authority that remained to them in ThanIa.ur -arfoIi #honsle read the writing on the wall and added some of his own The great patron of -ans"rit learning and Barnata"a music had a long narrati.e history of the family written and car.ed on the walls of the -ri #rihadis.aras.ami temple in their former capital -urrounded with e&les of literary -ans"rit and Tamil epigraphs, the last (6holadesadhipati -rimant HaIsri DaharaIa Bshatrapati -arfoIi HaIe -ahe!) (=.erlord of the 6hola country, the glorious great "ing so.ereign monarch, the worthy "ing -arfoIi) had his personal PsecretaryQ, #a!uraya, compose and inscri!e a family history in unadorned Darathi prose 98 This te&t stands at the .ery cusp of the time when power and patronage in one of the great centers of $ndian learning was slipping from the #honsle court to the (new men) rising in the port cities under colonial auspices Goes -arfoIi4s choice of language o:er us a hint of the connection !etween the worlds of language politics !efore and after the colonial deluge; $ hope $ ha.e demonstrated that this >uestion is worth as"ing ./T0 The research em!odied in this article was made possi!le !y my tenure of a fellowship from the +merican 6ouncil of /earned -ocieties $ am inde!ted to -heldon 0olloc" for close reading of an earlier draft, and the editorial sta: of this Iournal for their painsta"ing wor" on a di:icult manuscript Knless otherwise noted, all translations are my own 1 -heldon 0olloc", (6osmopolitan and 7ernacular in ?istory,) Pu"lic Culture 12 (2000), 992 2 0olloc" has, of course, already warned us against unthin"ingly adopting (a conceptual style that typically reduces language to power and precludes e.en as"ing what may !e di:erent a!out their interaction in the past) -heldon 0olloc", (The 6osmopolitan 7ernacular,) Journal of Asian Studies 97 (1998), @2 @ The oft,cited and much,criti>ued wor" of #enedict +nderson on print capitalism and its structuring e:ects may !e cited as an e&le of such analysis on a macro,scale 4 6ynthia Tal!ot, Pre-Colonial India in Practice4 Society, ,e!ion and Identity in Medieval Andhra (3ew For": =&ford Kni.ersity 0ress, 2001), @4%7 9 + - +lte"ar, (The Fada.as of -eunadesa,) part 8 in The Early +istory of the eccan (19J0* repr ed <hulam Fa1dani PGelhi: =riental #oo" 6o, 1982Q), 9J9%71 J -anIay -u!rahmanyam, (Heco.ering #a!el,) in Invo$in! the Past4 The 5ses of +istory in South Asia, ed Gaud +li (Gelhi: =&ford Kni.ersity 0ress 1999), 280%@21 7 -hantanu 0hu"an, (EThrough Throats 5here Dany Hi.ers DeetE: The Lcology of ?indi in the 5orld of 0ersian,) Indian Economic and Social +istory ,evie) @8:1 (2001), @@%98 8 $ .enture to suggest that the rustic speech of the unlettered wet,nurses and attendants in the women4s >uarters might recall to aristocratic men a !lissful period when they were cocooned in deferential a:ection % a period that ended with their induction into a world of slaps from tutors and snu!s from grandees (if nothing worse) 9 This insta!ility is highlighted !y -heldon 0olloc" when he condemns a +istory of 6rench 7iterature as (teleological to the core and unhistorical e&cept in its !rute linearity) 0olloc", ($ntroduction,) in 7iterary Cultures in +istory, ed -heldon 0olloc" (#er"eley: Kni.ersity of 6alifornia 0ress, 200@), 11 (hereafter cited as 7CI+) 10 Hichard D Laton, Su0s of (i#apur 89::; 8<::4 Social ,oles of Su0s in Medieval India (0rinceton: 0rinceton Kni.ersity 0ress, 1978), 91%4, 1@9%74 #y the late eighteenth century we ha.e a poet complaining in '.e languages that only -hi.a patroni1ed Tamil, that 6oastal Duslims reIected him, saying, (+ra!i !at tum"o malum nai ni"al Ia) (Fou do not "now +ra!icV <et outV) 6ited in $ndira 7 0eterson, (-pea"ing in Tongues: The 6ultural Giscourses of /iterary Dultilingualism in Lighteenth, 6entury $ndia) (paper presented at 6olum!ia Kni.ersity, 2 Gecem!er 200@) 2@ Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 24:2 (2004) 11 Du1a:ar +lam, (The 0ursuit of 0ersian: /anguage in Dughal 0olitics,) Modern Asian Studies @2:2 (1998), @49 12 +lam, (0ursuit of 0ersian,) @49, and the re.ised .ersion of this paper, (0ersian in 0re, colonial ?industan,) in 7CI+, 1J2%@ 1@ +lam, (0ersian in 0re,colonial ?industan,) 188 14 +s ?arish Tri.edi elegantly puts it, ($ndia remains a nation e:ecti.ely without a national language, !ut at least % and perhaps precisely for that reason % it remains a nation) ?arish Tri.edi, (The 0rogress of ?indi,) in 7CI+, 981 19 3oted !y +lam, (0ersian in 0re,colonial ?industan,) 197%8 1J - < Tulpule and +nne Neldhaus, A ictionary of =ld Marathi (3ew For": =&ford Kni.ersity 0ress, 2000), &i 17 6ited in #himrao Bul"arni, ed, Sa"hasad (a$har (0une: +nmol 0ra"ashan, 1987), 29 18 -umit <uha, ($ndigenous ?istorical Traditions and 6olonial ?istories: The Daratha 6ase) (paper presented at the annual meeting of the +merican ?istorical +ssociation, -an Nrancisco, @%J Ranuary 2002) 19 +ndre 5in", 7and and Soverei!nty in India (1989* $ndian ed, ?ydera!ad: =rient /ongman, 198J) 20 Du1a:ar +lam, The Crisis of Empire in Mu!hal 3orth India4 A)adh and the Pun#a" 8<:<;8<>? (Gelhi: =&ford Kni.ersity 0ress, 198J), 2 and n 2 21 Da& 5e!er is still important for this concept: (Lthnic mem!ership di:ers from the "inship group precisely !y !eing a presumed identity, not a group with concrete social action, li"e the latter $n our sense, ethnic mem!ership does not constitute a group* it only facilitates group formation of any "ind, particularly in the political sphere) Da& 5e!er, Economy and Society, trans < Hoth and 6 5ittich (#er"eley: Kni.ersity of 6alifornia 0ress, 1978 ), .ol 1, @89%90 + few years ago, G ? + Bol: suggested that identities such as (+fghan) or (HaIput) were (soldier4s identities) rather than (ethnic or genealogical denotations,) !ut the e.idence ad.anced for this sweeping statement is scanty Nurthermore, e.en !y his own account, leaders had ethnic identities which were then donned and do:ed !y their followers as e&pedient -ee G ? + Bol:, 3au$ar, ,a#put and Sepoy4 The Ethnohistory of the Military 7a"our Mar$et in +industan, 8>@:;8?@: (6am!ridge: 6am!ridge Kni.ersity 0ress, 1990), 9J%8 22 -o, for e&le, writing from -enIi (RinIi) in the 1J90s, hundreds of miles from signi'cant concentrations of Darathi spea"ers, 6hatrapati HaIaram could still say, (This is a Daratha "ingdom) 6ited in -etumadha.arao 0agdi, +indvi Svara#ya ani Mo!al (0une: 7enus 0ra"ashan, 19JJ), 17 2@ Laton, Su0s of (i#apur, 141 24 Laton, Su0s of (i#apur, 1@@ 29 H H <osa.i, ed, Srisa$alasanta!atha (0une: -arathi 0ress, 2000), .ol 2, 102@ 2J Rayarama 0indye, ,adhamadhavavilasacampu, ed 7 B HaIwade (0une: 7arda #oo"s reprint, 199J), 227 27 <osa.i, Sa$alasanta!atha, .ol 2, 98@,J 28 <osa.i, Sa$alasanta!atha, .ol 2, 102@ 29 6lose assimilation with the Dughal court led to the demise of the long,esta!lished #aghul "ingdom in north Daharashtra -ee -umit <uha, Environment and Ethnicity in India c&8A::-8BB8 (6am!ridge: 6am!ridge Kni.ersity 0ress, 1999), J2,80 @0 This refers to dysentery @1 <osa.i, Sa$alasanta!atha, .ol 2, 927%8 @2 - 3 Roshi and < ? Bhare, eds, Sivacaritrasahitya (0une: #harata $tihasa -amshodha"a Dandala 19@0), .ol @, 22 @@ 7 B HaIwade, Marathyancya Itihasanci Sadhanen (Ghule, 1912), part 19, 272 @4 - # 7arne"ar, (-hi.aIi4s 0atronage to -ans"rit /earning,) in Chhatrapti Shiva#i Coronation Tercentenary Commemoration /olume, ed # B +pte (#om!ay: Kni.ersity of #om!ay, 1974%9), 89 @9 B 3 -ane has printed the ,a#avyavahara$osa, and cites the slo$a in his epilogue to it* Sivacaritrapradipa (0une: #harata $tihasa -amshodha"a Dandala 1929), 144%77 @J 0indye, ,adhamadhavavilasacampu @7 To !e e&act, the poems are reported in the te&t as composed on .arious occasions at the court of -ahaIi #honsle, who is praised in e.ery part of the te&t #ut there may !e interpolations as well: the Darathi poem (#huIangaprayaga) goes on to praise -i.aIi, (who will wage war against four patshahs) (,adhamadhavavilasacampu, te&t, 2J7) @8 (d.adasa!hasalalita -hahanares.arane a"arnile,) ,adhamadhavavilasacampu te&t, @ @9 ,adhamadhavavilasacampu, te&t, 22J 40 ,adhamadhavavilasacampu, te&t, 227 41 Hudra"a.i, ,ashtraudhavamsamaha$avya, ed 6 G Galal (#aroda: <ai"wad =riental -eries 7, 1917) 42 ,adhamadhavavilasacampu, te&t, 249 <uha: Transitions and Translations 24 4@ Bol:, 3au$ar, ,a#put and Sepoy, 120%98* -anIay -u!rahmanyam, (Nriday4s 6hild: ?ow TeI -ingh !ecame Tecin"uraIan,) Indian Economic and Social +istory ,evie) @J:1 (1999): J9%11@ 44 Roseph / -aldanha, ed, The Christian Puranna of 6ather Thomas Stephens (Dangalore: -imon +l.ares, 1907), 7 49 0andita +.li"ara, ed, Shrini#!unashivayo!i $rita /ive$acintamani (Gharwad: Barnata"a Kni.ersity* 0une: 0une Kni.ersity, 19J@) The modern edition of this wor" was itself a statement in the cultural politics of 3ehru.ian $ndia: it was !eing edited and Iointly pu!lished !y state uni.ersities in Gharwad and 0une Iust as .iolent demonstrations erupted o.er the allocation of #elgaum district to Barnata"a rather than Daharashtra 4J This had !egun with +"!ar: see D +thar +li, (Translation of -ans"rit 5or"s at +"!ar4s 6ourt,) in A$"ar and +is A!e, ed $>tidar +lam Bhan (3ew Gelhi: 3orthern #oo" 6entre, 1999), 171%80 47 -heldon 0olloc", (3ew $ntellectuals in -e.enteenth,6entury $ndia,) Indian Economic and Social +istory ,evie) @8:1 (2001), 20 48 The pro.er!ial nature this slo$a came to ac>uire is shown !y Hamacandra 0antEs >uotation of its 'rst two words when composing the introduction to the A#napatra in 1717 - 3 #anhatti, the editor of the te&t, was a!le trace the allusion - 3 #anhatti, ed, A#napatra (0une and 3agpur: -u.icar 0ra"asana Dandala, 198J), 98, 121 49 0olloc", (3ew $ntellectuals,) 20 90 0armananda, Siva"harata (0une: +nandasrama 0ress, 19@0) Nor an Lnglish translation see Rames 5 /aine and - - #ahul"ar, trans, The Epic of Shiva#i (?ydera!ad: =rient /ongman, 2001) 91 +"shaya"irti 7yasa and < ? Bhare, (Kdepurcya 7yasa gharanaya"adila "ahi patren,) (harata Itihasa Samsodha$a Mandala Traimasi$a @@ (1992%@), 80 92 0agdi, +indvi Svara# ani Mo!al, 17 9@ HaIwade, Marathyancya Itihasanci Sadhanen, part 19, @77%8 94 6ited in
Bul"arni, Sa"hasad (a$har, 7J 99 7yasa and Bhare, (Kdepurcya 7yasa gharanaya"adila "ahi patren,) 80 9J 6ited in
D T 0atwardhan, introduction to 6arsi-Marathi *osa, 2nd ed (0une: 7arda #oo"s, 199J), J 97 3arendra 5agle and + H Bul"arni, ed and trans, /alla"haCs Parasrama caritra (#om!ay: 0opular 0ra"ashan, 197J) 98 T -am!amurti How, transcri!ed and ed, The Marathi +istorical Inscription at the Sri (rihadees)aras)ami Temple at Tan#ore (TanIore: -ri Brishna 7ilasa 0ress, 1907), passim and 119