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MAP OF THE
NIPMUCK OR NIPNET
COUNTRY
To t/rs,//)/ja,,_y/)n/ArsrMIn(/u, /7,,/,/,.
l"omp/S,;/ ,/,////,/;, .fitrunt of/77/,.
fkis/ia>!
fy .famusJ ^_ 2/raie , JSJ ffbsAuig&n. J2 Bos6,n.,/S7.
CDti*
' Jtririmt Cl)nmtde;
BEING A COLLECTION OF
EXCEEDING RARE TRACTS,
WRITTEN AND PUBLISHED IN THE
TIME OF KING PHILIP'S WAR
BY PERSONS RESIDING IN THE COUNTRY.
TO WHICH ARE NOW ADDED AN
3)ntrot)uctto
and jRotes,
By SAMUEL G. DRAKE,
ma-
e^,
BOSTON:
SAMUEL A. DRAKE, 151
WASHINGTON ST.
1867.
<y
<A
^
V
f

^
TO THE HONORABLE
JOHN A. ANDREW, L.L. D.,
Prejident
of
the New England Hiftoric-Genealogical Society,
AND RECENTLY
GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS,
THIS VOLUME
IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY
THE EDITOR.
.
PREFACE.
'T^HE principal Part of the
-*
prefent Volume was pub-
lifhed in
1836,
under the Title
-# of The Old Indian Chronicle, in a
fmall i8mo, and contained five
Tracts
;
then fuppofed to be all,
or nearly all extant. Several
Years elapfed before any others
were heard of, excepting the
Fragment of one in the Har-
leian Mifcellany. Thofe entitled The
Prefent State
of
New-England, &c, and A Continuation
of
the
State
of
New-England, came into my PoflefTion
previous to
1833.
Thefe I printed in that Year,
as juft mentioned, and put the Work on Sale, but
there was no Demand for it, and it lay fome three
Years on Hand, excepting what were gratuitoufly
diftributed. In the mean Time the Hon. Nathan
vi
Preface.
Appleton brought from England two others,
namely, A New and Further Narrative, and The
War in New England vifibly
ended. On hearing of
my Defire to collect and reprint whatever con-
temporary Tracts could be found on, and of the
Period of Philip's War, Mr. Appleton brought
and prefented me thefe two. I was much elated
with the new Acquifition, prefuming I was then
in Poffemon of all there were, or all I mould
ever obtain. I therefore at once fet about pre-
paring them for Publication.
At this Period, and for three or four Years
previous, a conftant Vilitor at my Place of Bufi-
nefs was Mr. Edward Tuckerman,
Jr.,
then
though a very young Man, who had a genuine
antiquarian Tafte, which I had fomewhat en-
couraged. He entered into the Subject of Re-
publication with much Zeal, making confiderable
Refearches for Materials for Notes. Some of
thefe were made Ufe of and duly acknowledged.
Not long after thefe Labors of my young Friend,
his Father, the late Edward Tuckerman, Efq., of
Bofton, fearing his Son's Studies in preparing for
a collegiate Courfe, would be interrupted by anti-
quarian Purfuits, took Meafures to reclaim him
;
but "what is bred in the Bone," &c, is verified
Preface. vii
in this Inftance, as may be feen by an InfpedKon
of the fourth Volume of the American Anti-
quarian Society's Trarifacliotis ; he having been
fome Time previous made a Member of the
Antiquarian Society. And here I may not im-
properly add to this Digreflion by remarking,
that of the many young Men I have initiated in
historical and antiquarian Studies, I am not aware
that any one of them ever complained of any
undue Influence having been exercifed on my
Part to make them Antiquaries. And now, if
any one of them has done as Peter did, fuch may
have the Benefit of this Digreflion.
There may be Something in the common Say-
ing, that good Haps, like bad ones, feldom come
fingle; for within three Months after Mr. Ap-
pleton had prefented me with the two Tra&s jufl:
mentioned, my Friend, the Hon. Peter Force of
Washington, in an annual Vifit to Bofton, which
fell out at this Time, brought with him purpofely
for me, that entitled A True Account
of
the Moji
Conjiderable Occurrences, &c, and freely allowed
me to take a Copy of it for Publication in my
intended Collection.
Such is a fuccind: Hiftory of the Collection of
rare Tradts in the firfl: Edition of the Old Indian
Chronicle.
viii Preface.
It may be interefting to fome Bibliographers,
as well as to the Bibliopolift, to know that the
firft two Tracts in the Volume were not reprinted
(for the firft Edition), as enough of them remained
on Hand in
1836,
to complete the Edition of fome
250
Copies.
The whole Number of Pages in the firft Edi-
tion is 222, of which the five Tracts made but
143.
The additional Pages confifted of a Chro-
nology of Indian Events, haftily thrown together
for the Occafion, and not of fufficient Value to
be reprinted in this Edition. That Work has
been enlarged to above ten Times its original
Contents, and forms the Bafis of the propofed
Annals of the Indians.
Of the additional Tracts in the prefent Edition,
there is no Occafion to remark in this Preface, as
each will be found accompanied with prefatory
Matter, and Notes, elucidating their Hiftory, as
far as the Editor's Information extends.
Reflecting the Introduction, Nothing is re-
quired to be faid in this Place. Its Purport, and
the Object of its Preparation will be beft under-
ftood in its Perufal.
In preparing the Notes to this Edition of the
Chronicle, Brevity has been ftudied ; the Editor
Preface. IX
not intending to overload his Pages by long Ex-
tracts from printed and acceffible Works. He
has therefore only referred to thofe Works where
other Information may be eafily found.
The accompanying Map will be found efpe-
cially ufeful, as it contains the Places made
memorable by the Events of the War, and as
mowing what was meant formerly by the Nip-
muck Country, but of which Nobody at the
prefent Day has any definite Idea.
CONTENTS
I. TNTRODUCTION, Pages i to 118.
II. The prefent State
of
New-England, with Refpecl
to the Indian War, Pages
119
to
170.
III. A Continuation
of
the State
of
New-England, being
a farther Account
of
the Indian War, Pages
171-205.
IV. A new and farther Narrative
of
the State
of
New-
England, &c, 207-246.
V. A true Account
of
the
mofi
confiderable Occur-
rences, &c. [to Aug. 4th,
1676], 247-285.
The War in New-England
vifibly
ended, King
Philip beheaded, &c,
287-293.
News from
New-England, being a true and laji
Account, &c, 294-311.
VIII. A farther brief
and true Narration
of
the late
Wars rifen in New-England,
313-319.
VI.
VII.
ORIGIN
INDIAN WA RS;
Particularly of that known as King Phi-
lip's War, with the Firft Events, in its
Progrefs.
CHAPTER I.
Origin
of
Indian Wars.

Land not the Caufe.

Other Caufes.

Lands not taken

from them without their Confent.

Plymouth vin-
dicated by Gov. Winjlow.Plymouth's Care
for
the Indians.

Voyagers kidnap them.

Hunt, his Apology.

Their Number in
New England.

Smith's Encounter with

feme.

Weymouth's
Conducl.

Harlow's.

Exploit
of
Pechmo.

Efcape and Exploit

of
Epenow.

His Attack upon Capt. Dermer.

3HERE is an extenfively prevailing
Opinion that the Indian War of
1675,
1676 and
1677,
generally-
denominated King Philip's War, grew
out ofthe Encroachments upon the Lands
of the Indians, by their white Neighbours
of New England. It will be feen, in the
Progrefs of the Narrative now undertaken, that
Land was not the Caufe of the War ; but that
A
2 Origin
of
Indian Wars.
there were other Caufes, about which very little
has ever been faid. Thefe Caufes it is intended
to explain, before entering upon the Details of
the War.
Had every white Inhabitant who fat himfelf
down by the Side of an Indian been kind and
generous, difcovered lefs of Avarice, and not taken
Pains to make himfelf offenfive by his unmif-
takable Haughtinefs, few Cafes of Contention
would have arifen. What is tolerated, or rather
fuffered, in civilized Society, is not fo eafily borne
where there are no conventional Ranks. In
civilized Society, fo called, thofe poifeffing the
greateft Wealth are very apt to carry themfelves
in a haughty and offentive Manner towards the
poorer Portion. This is quietly fubmitted to by
the Latter. Indians could not understand this; for
among them all were equal ; ana Infults were
never borne, except by thofe phyfically unable to
refent or revenge them.
At the firft, that is, when the white People
came firft among the Indians, the Latter looked
upon the Former as Creatures of different Fleih
and Blood
;
fcarcely Animals. But after a Time
they became enlightened. They faw that Men
of a different colored Skin from their own lived
by eating and drinking, the fame as they them-
felves did. They faw alio that the white Men
were as fufceptible of Wounds and Injuries in
their Perfons as others oftheir own Color. Hence,
in all apparent phyiical Circumftances, the two
Races were equal. Now all this being demon-
Origin
of
Indian Wars.
3
fixated by the acr.ua! Experience of a little Inter-
courfe, the Indian began at length to inquire into
the Caufe of his being treated as an Inferior.
And it was not until he learned that the white
Man fet a high Value on Things upon which he
fet none, or very little ; and he faw, too, that
when certain Things were in his PofferTion they
were of little Value, but that as foon as they were
transferred to the white Man's hands they became
of great Value. He therefore faid to himfelf,
"
It is the Indian's Property in the white Man's
Hands that gives the white Man Importance,
makes him arrogant and covetous ; and he
defpifes the Indian as foon as his Ends are
anfwered, and when the Indian has nothing more
to part with."
Neighbors thus circumftanced muft neceffarily
fall out ; and, being phyfically equal, perfonal
Collisions will enfue. Therefore, that the
Contentions with the Indians grew out of PofTef-
fion of their Lands by the White Man without
adequate Compenfation, is not a neceffary Con-
dition in accounting for Indian Wars, and, fo far
as New England is concerned, is without Founda-
tion
;
for, however fmall the Compenfation given
for Land, it was, as a general Thing, all the Land
was worth at the Time ofPurchafe; nor would it
ever have been worth more in the Hands of the
Indians. They could make no Ufe of it, or of
but a very fmall Part of it. To kill a Deer on a
hundred or a thoufand Acres of Land once in a
Year was certainly a very fmall Income for fo
many Acres.
4
Origin
of
India?t Wars.
Any one will find, by an Examination of all
the public Records of New England, that in no
Inftance was Land taken from the Indians with-
out their Confent, and without what was then
conlidered a fair Compenfation. Cafes, indeed,
may be found where white Men fettled upon
Land not purchafed of the Indians
;
but, fo far as
is known, they were always compelled to vacate
fuch Poifefiion on Complaint of the Indians. It
fhould be remembered, too, that the Indians often
invited white Settlers to come and refide among
them, giving them freely as much Land as
they wanted. This kind of Acquirement of
Land, however, was never acknowledged by the
Country
;
and, when the Indians were tired of
fuch Settlers,they were, on Complaint oflntrufion,
compelled to remove.
The War with Philip began in the Colony of
Plymouth
;
and there were thofe who charged
the People there with bringing on that War by
their Injuries to the Indians. But the Governor
of that Colony wrote a Letter of Vindication to
the Rev. Dr. Increafe Mather, which the Doctor
printed in his little quarto Hiftory of the War.
The Letter of Governor Winflow is dated the
firft of May,
1676. In that Letter there is Evi-
dence of great Sincerity ; and there can be no
doubt of its Truth in every Particular. Indeed,
its honeft Simplicity will ever carry Conviction
with it, and is good Evidence of the entire
Integrity of its Author. Among other Things
He fpeaks of the
"
undeferved Afperfions that
Plymouth's Defence.
5
fome ignorant, or worfe than uncharitable, Per-
fons would lay upon" that Colony "reflecting
the Grounds of theie Troubles," and adds, "we
have endeavored to carry it juftly and faithfully
towards them at all Times, and friendly beyond
their Deferts. I think I can clearly fay, that,
before thefe prefent Troubles broke out, the Eng-
lijh did not
pojfefs
one Foot
of
Land in this Colony
hut what was
fairly
obtained by honejl Purchafe
of
the Indian Proprietors. Nay, becaufe fome of our
People are of a covetous Difpoiition, and the
Indians are, in their Straits, ealily prevailed with
to part with their Lands, we firft made a Law that
none Jhould purchafe, or receive
of
Gift,
any Land
of
the Indians, without the Knowledge and Allow-
ance
of
our Court; and Penalty of a Fine, five
Pound per Acre, for all that fhould be fo bought
or obtained." Befides this Guard for their Security
and Protection, it was provided by the fame
General Court of that Colony, "that Mount
Hope, Pocaffet, and feveral other Necks of the
beft Land in the Colony, (becaufe moft fuitable
and convenient for them,) fhould never be bought
out of their Hands."
Thus the Colony of Plymouth took much
better Care for the Indians than the Indians did
for jthemfelves ; and Governor Window very
juftly remarked, that, if thofe Lands had not been
referved by Law, the Indians would have fold
them long before the Time he wrote. "And,"
continues Mr. Winflow,
"
our Neighbors at
Rehoboth and Swanzy, although they bought
6 Origin
of
Indian Wars.
their Lands fairly of this Philip and his Father
and Brother, yet, becaufe of their Vicinity, that
they might not trelpafs upon the Indians, did, at
their own Coft, let up a very fubftantial Fence
quite acrofs that great Neck between the Englifh
and the Indians
;
and paid due Damage
if
at any
Time any unruly
Horfe
or other Beajis break in and
trefpajfed.
And, for divers Years laft pall, (that
all occalion of Offence, in that RefpecT:, might be
prevented,) the Englilh agreed with Philip and
his for a certain Sum, yearly, to maintain the faid
Fence and fecure themlelves. And
if
at any Time
they have brought Complaints before us, they have
had
Juflice
impartial and fpeedily, fo that our own
People have frequently complained that we erred
on the other Hand in jhowing them over much
Favor."
It would be a Miftake to fuppofe that any one
A6t or Circumftance on the Side of the Englilh
or the Indians was the Caufe of the bloody War
which broke out in
1675.
But it grew out of a
Combination of Caufes, already explained, which
commenced almoft as foon as the Englilh Traders
and Settlers came into the Country. Even fome
of the firft Voyagers, through their Imprudence,
incurred the Hatred of the Indians on various
Parts of the Coaft. As early as 16
14,
a Captain
Thomas Hunt, in Imitation of the Captains of
Slavers on the Coaft of Africa, kidnapped twenty-
feven Indians in the Neighborhood of Patuxet,
(afterwards called Plymouth,) carried them to
Spain, and fold them into Slavery. Capt. Hunt
The Kidnapper s Apology.
7
was under the Orders of Capt.
John
Smith
;
but this A6t of Hunt was done without the
Knowledge of Smith, and was by him feverely
cenfured. He was left in the MafTachufetts Bay,
by Smith, with Orders to make up his Cargo of
Fifh, Furs, and Oil, and then to proceed to Mal-
aga ; "but this vile Act," fays Smith, "kept him
ever after from any more Employment to thofe
Parts."
The only Apology which can be offered for
Capt. Hunt is, that, in thofe Days, Slavery was
nowhere confidered morally wrong. All Nations
believed it right, and countenanced it under
certain Circumftances. Hunt was cenfured,
therefore, mainly becaufe he had made the Trade
to this Coaft dangerous, if he had not entirely
deftroyed it, by provoking the Vengeance of the
Indians. The Indians were looked upon as a
degraded, inferior and faithlefs Race, and no more
to be regarded than the Africans. This, at leaft,
was the general Impreffion.
The twenty-feven Indians carried off by Hunt
were, according to the Statement of Dr. Increafe
Mather,
"
fold for twenty Pounds a Man, until it
was known whence they came ; for then the
Friars in thofe Parts took away the Reft of them,
that fo they might nurture them in the Popifh
Religion." The fame Author fays that twenty
of them were taken at Patuxet, and feven from
Naufet, fince Eaftham.
This was one of the moft ferious Provocations
which happened before the Pequot War ; but it
8 Origin
of
Indian Wars.
was by no Means the only one, and it was never
forgotten, even to the Time of the War with
King Philip.
It is not intended to notice all the Difficulties
between the Englifh and Indians which occurred
before the War of
1675,
but only the moft im-
portant of them
;
which will be furficient to
fhow how Animofities originated, and how they
were from Time to Time increafed and perpet-
uated, until that War finally burn: forth, putting
the very Exiftence of the entire Englifh Settle-
ments in Peril, and ending with the Deftruclion
of the Indian Power.
And here it feems neceflary to fay Something
refpecfing the Population of the Indians of New
England, at the Period of Philip's War. It is
quite certain that they were much more numerous
in
1675,
than at any previous Period fince the
Difcovery of the Country. The Reafon for this
Statement is, that from the firft Settlements by
the white People, Wars were lefs frequent and
depopulating among them, owing to obvious
Caufes ; among which may be mentioned the
Example of the new Comers, who generally
endeavored to cultivate Peace, and aflift them in
preventing the Spread of Difeafes among them
;
they were alfo taught additional Means of living
;
fo that much larger Numbers could fubfift on
the fame Space than before the Whites came
among them. It is evident, that in their wild
State, no large Number of them could fubfift
long together, becaufe Game, on which they
How Numerous in
1675.
9
principally lived, was foon exhaufted, and Hunger
compelled them to fcatter. This State of Exift-
ence always forced them to live in fmall Clans or
Families ; and at the fame Time expofed them
to Deftru&ion by their Enemies. With thefe
Facts in View, it has been judged that the Indians
in New England, in
1675,
were not above
30,000
Souls. This Eftimate may be thought too low,
as it has generally been fet much higher, and by
thofe whofe Judgment is deferving of Refpecf.
The Proportion of Warriors may have been about
one to five.
Before the Indians had much Intercourfe with
the white People, they appeared to the Latter
exceedingly fimple, and could be eafily impofed
upon by the felfifh, unfcrupulous, and crafty.
Capt. Smith calls them
"
filly Saluages," and fays
"
they were very kind, but in their Furie no leffe
Valiant ; for, vpon a Quarrel wee had with one
of them, hee, only with three others, croffed the
Harbor of Quonahaflit to certain Rocks whereby
we mull pafs, and there let fly their Arrows for
our Shot." This Affair was at Cohaflet Rocks.
As Smith proceeded down the Bay,
"
vpon fmall
Occalion," another Quarrel arofe. Forty or fifty
Indians attacked the Englifh, who fired upon
them, killing one, and wounding another with a
Shot through the Thigh. And yet, as Smith
relates, in an Hour after they made up and became
Friends again. Thefe are fome of the Events of
1614.
Many of the Natives were carried away from
B
io Origin
of
Indian Wars.
the Coaft of New England befides thofe kid-
napped by Capt. Hunt. Some of them may have
gone voluntarily, but thofe ftolen or forced away
feized the firft Opportunity to be revenged for
fuch Outrages. Several of thefe have become
hiftorical Characters. They feigned Content-
ment in Captivity, and laid Plans of Efcape art-
fully, which, in fome Inftances, they executed
fuccefsfully. As feveral of thefe Circumstances
and Events are of deep Intereft, and mow the
Progrefs of the Relations between the Englifh
and Indians, it may be thought by the Reader
that fome of the moil Important of them mould
be given. It is therefore propofed to go a Step
back, and to take up a few of the leading Inci-
dents here hinted at.
To the Kidnapping of feveral Indians from
about Pemaquid, in
1605,
Sir Ferdinando Gorges
imputes the Colonization of New England.
That barbarous Act was committed bv Capt.
George Weymouth ; not, however, to make
Slaves of them, but, by kindly treating them, to
induce them to give his Employers a more per-
fect Knowledge of the Country than they could
otherwife obtain. Yet this is a poor Excufe for
depriving People of their Liberty ; for at the
Bottom of all fuch Acts lies the fame Cupidity
which is the Caufe of Robbery and greater
Crimes. Gold and other rich Mines were fup-
pofed to exift in the Country, the Knowledge of
which the Englifh expected to obtain from the
Indians.
Origin
of
Indian Wars.
n
It was on the 4th of
June, 1605,
that Wey-
mouth put in Execution his Plan of feizing the
Indians which he carried from the Coaft of New
England, already mentioned. In the Account of
his Voyage, publifhed in London, the fame Year,
is a minute Detail of the Tranfaction, which
cannot well be given excepting in the Language
of the Writer of that Voyage. It therefore fol-
lows :
"
About eight O'clock this Day we went
on Shore, with our Boats, to fetch aboard Water
and Wood ; our Captain leaving Word with the
Gunner in the Ship, by difcharging a Mufket, to
give Notice if they efpied any Canoe coming,
which they did about ten O'clock. He there-
fore, being careful they mould be kindly treated,
requefted me [James Rofier] to go aboard,
intending with Difpatch to make what Hafte after
he pombly could. When I came to the Ship
there were two Canoes, and in either of them
three Savages, of whom two were below at the
Fire ; the others ftaid in their Canoes about the
Ship, and becaufe we could not entice them
aboard, we gave them a Can of Peafe and Bread,
which they carried to the Shore to eat ; but one
of them brought back our Can prefently, and
ftaid aboard with the other two ; for he being
young, of a ready Capacity, and one we moft
delired to bring with us into England, had re-
ceived exceeding kind Ufage at our Hands, and
was therefore much delighted in our Company.
When our Captain was come, we confulted how
to catch the other three at Shore ; which we
12 Kidnapping begins.
performed thus : We manned the Lighthorfeman
[Boat] with feven or eight Men ; one {landing
before carried our box of Merchandife, as we
were wont when I went to traffic with them, and
a Platter of Peafe, which Meat they loved ; but,
before we were landed, one of them (being fo
fufpicioufly fearful of his own Good) withdrew
himfelf into the Wood. The other two met us
on the Shore-fide, to receive the Peafe, with
whom we went up the Cliff to their Fire, and
fat down with them ; and, while we were dif-
cuffing how to catch the third Man, who was
gone, I opened the Box, and fhewed them Trifles
to exchange, thinking thereby to have banifhed
Fear from the other, and drawn him to return
;
but when we could not, we ufed little Delay, but
fuddenly laid Hands upon them
;
and it was as
much as five or fix of us could do to get them
into the Lighthorfeman ; for they were ftrong,
and fo naked as our befl Hold was by their long
Hair on their Heads ; and we would have been
very loth to have done them any Hurt, which of
Neceffity we had been conftrained to have done
if we had attempted them in a Multitude
;
which
we muft and would rather than have wanted
them, being a Matter of great Importance
for
the full Accomplifhment of our Voyage."
Such was the Manner in which Capt. Wey-
mouth poffefred himfelf of five of the Natives,
whofe Names were, as given by the Writer of the
Voyage,
"
Tahanedo, a Sagamore
;
Amoret, Ski-
cowaras, Manedo, Gentlemen ; and Saffacomet,
Approved by the Adventurers.
13
a Servant."
1
"And fo it pleafed our great God,"
wrote Sir Ferdinando Gorges, that Weymouth,
on his Return to England,
"
came into the Har-
bor of Plymouth, where I then commanded. I
feized upon the Indians. They were all of one
Nation, but of feveral Parts, and feveral Fami-
lies. This Accident muft be acknowledged the
Means, under God, of putting on Foot and
giving Life to all our Plantations. And, having
kept them full three Years, I made them able to
fet me down what great Rivers run up into the
Land, what Men of Note were feated on them,
what Power they were of, how allied, and what
Enemies they had."
The next Year, however, 1606, two of thofe
Indians were fent out with Capt. Henry Challons,
to aid in Trade and Difcovery in New England
;
but Challons was taken by the Spaniards, and the
Indians with him. Their Names were, as then
given, ArTacumet and Manida. Yet, after a
Time, one, if not both, of them returned to
England. In
1607,
another of them, Sketwar-
roes, was fent with Capt. Raleigh Gilbert, to aid
him in his Settlement of a Colony at the Mouth
of the Kennebeck.
In 161
1,
Capt. Edward Harlow made a Voy-
age to the Coaft. At Monhigon Ifland he
feized three Indians, whofe Names were Pechmo,
Monopet, and Pekenimne ; but Pechmo leaped
overboard and efcaped. He was a bold and
1
Thefe Names are very varioufly
70-71,
Ed. 1851. See a]fo Wey-
fpelt. See Book of the Indians, P. mouth's Voyage, in Maine Hi/t. Colls.
14-
Indians R>
daring Fellow, and determined to be revenged.
Collecting a few Men, he feized upon the Ship's
Boat, cut it from her Stern, and got off with it,
in Spite of all the Ship's Company could do.
Nor could they retake it, it was fo well guarded
upon the Shore by the Indians, with their Bows
and Arrows, who bad alfo bedded it in the Sand.
Seeing that Nothing more could be done in the
Eaftern Parts, Capt. Harlow proceeded South-
ward. At Capoge he fucceeded in Kidnapping
two others, Coneconam and Epenow ; and at
Nohono, Sakawefton. With thefe five Indians
he returned to England.
Some of thefe Indians had deceived Sir Fer-
dinando Gorges by making him believe they
knew where Gold was to be found in Abundance
;
and he obtained a Promife from Epenow to dis-
cover it to him. Accordingly, Sir Ferdinando
fent over Capt. Hobfon, in
1614, very confident
he would make a good Voyage, and obtain very
important Information about the Riches of the
Country ; but he was doomed to be fadly difap-
pointed. Capt. Hobfon had with him three
Indians, Epenow, Affacumet, and Wenape. On
arriving at Cape Cod, Epenow's Friends and
Acquaintances vifited the Ship, and with them
he planned an Efcape. They were kindly enter-
tained by the Captain, and when they left pro-
mifed to return in the Morning, and to bring
Articles for Traffic. "But Epenow," fays Sir
Ferdinando,
"
privately, as it appeared, had con-
tracted with his Friends how he might make his
Bravery a?id Delivery
of
a Captive.
1
5
Efcape without performing what he had underta-
ken, being, in Truth, no more than he had told me
he was to do, though with Lofs of Life. For
otherwife, if it were found that he had difco-
vered the Secrets of his Country, he was fure to
have his Brains knocked out as foon as he came
afhore. For that Caufe, I gave the Captain ftricf
Charge to endeavor by all Means to prevent his
efcaping from them. And, for the more Surety,
I gave Order to have three Gentlemen of my
own Kindred to be ever at Hand with him;
clothing him with long Garments, fitly to be laid
hold on, if Occaiion mould require. Notwith-
franding all this, his Friends being all come at
the Time appointed, with twenty Canoes, and
lying at a certain Diftance, with their Bows
ready, the Captain calls to them to come aboard;
but they not moving, he fpeaks to Epenow to
come unto him where he was, in the Forecaftle
of the Ship ; he, being then in the Wafte of the
Ship, between the two Gentlemen that had him
in Guard, ftarts fuddenly from them, and, coming
to the Captain, calls to his Friends, in Engliih,
to come aboard; in the Interim, flips himfelf
overboard ;
and, although he were taken hold of
by one of the Company, yet, being a ftrong and
heavy Man, could not be flayed ; and was no
fooner in the Water, but the Indians fent fuch a
Shower of Arrows, and came withal defperately
fo near the Ship, that they carried him away in
Defpight of all the Mufquetteers aboard, who
were for the Number, as good as our Nation did
1 6 Captain Dertrier's Experience.
afford. And thus were my Hopes in that Par-
ticular [Voyage] made void and frustrate."
It is clearly feen from the Narrative of this
Succeffion of Injuries, that the white People
could, from the firft, expecl: Nothing but Trea-
chery in return for the Fraud and Injuftice they
themfelves had continually pradHfed upon the
Natives of New England.
Five Years after the Voyage of Capt. Hobfon,
namely, in
1619,
Capt. Thomas Dermer, another
of Sir Ferdinando Gorges' Men, came to Capoge,
the Place where Epenow made his Efcape, and
there met with him. The fhrewd Indian could
fpeak fome Engliih, and he narrated to the Cap-
tain his adventurous Efcape from Capt. Hobfon,
at which Account he made himfelf very merry.
He learned from Capt. Dermer that he was in
the Service of Gorges, and made very particular
Inquiry about his old Friend, and his Affairs.
Meantime, he fufpefted Dermer was fent to feize
him, and to take him to England. He there-
fore confpired with other Indians to take the
Captain Prifoner ; and they actually fell upon
him.
"
But he, being a braue, flout Gentleman,"
drew his Sword, and freed himfelf from them
;
though not without fourteen Wounds, fome of
which were of fo ferious a Nature that he was
obliged to go to Virginia to have them attended
to. He lived to make another Voyage to Ame-
rica, and died upon the Coaft, of Fever.
Ships take?i and
deftroyed.
1
7
CHAPTER II.
Fate
of
a French Ship's Crew.

Another.

Indians vifited by a
Pejiilence.

Attack the Pilgrims.

Strange Proceedings
of
the
Poivwoivs.

Samofet.

Defcription
of
him.

Squanto.

His
Hijiory.

Majfafoit.

Treaty with him.

Caunbitant.

Eng-
lijh at Weffagufcus.

Their Ruin.

Plotted againjl by the

Indians.

Plymouth declares War againjl the Latter.

Indians
ruined in their Turn.

Frequent Dijlurbances.

Indians bad
Lawyers.

Sergt. Walker.

Inroad
of
the ^Tarratines.

They
murder Bagnal.

War between the Narraganfets and Pequots.

Murder
of
Reynold Jenkins.
FROM
what has been ftated it will appear
evident that Nothing but Trouble could be
expected to follow between the Europeans and
Indians on this Coaft, whenever and wherever
they came together. The Voyagers had incurred
their Vengeance, and therefore, when they could
entrap any of them, they took favage Satisfaction
in treating them only as Savages knew how to
treat them.
About the Year 16
16,
a French Ship was
wrecked on fome Part of Cape Cod. Its Crew
faved themfelves and their Goods ; but as foon as
the Indians difcovered them they made them
Captives, and ufed them in their cruel Manner,
giving them only fuch Victuals as they gave their
Dogs, robbed them of Everything, and, in the
End, killed them all but one ; that one married
a Native, and had Pofterity. About the fame
Time there came another French Ship into the
C
1
8
The P
eft
Hence
of
T617.
Maffachufetts Bay. This the Indians treacher-
oufly captured, and put the whole Crew to Death
;
and, after plundering it, they fet it on Fire, and
it was confumed.
Up to this Time the Indians were very nu-
merous along the whole Coaft of New England;
and efpecially fo around Maffachufetts Bay, the
Waters of Rhode Ifland and Connecticut. In
1 6
17,
or about that Time, there came upon them
a deadly Peftilence, which prevailed to fuch an
Extent that many Places were nearly depopulated
;
efpecially the Tracl of Country between the Maf-
fachufetts and Narraganfet Bays. But for this,
doubtlefs, the Englifh could not have obtained a
Foothold in the Country at the Time they did.
The Peftilence was more fatal, probably, in the
Region of Plymouth than in any other Part of
the Country ; and this caufed thole who came to
that Place to fettle to attribute the Deftruclion of
the Indians to an overruling Providence, that they
might not be molefted by them. Certain it is
the Pilgrims met with but few of the Natives for
fome Time after their Arrival ; but when they
made their Appearance it was in a hoftile Man-
ner
;
and it was only owing to their
Weaknefs
that the Englifh were not driven at once from
that icebound and inhofpitable Shore, upon which,
by untoward Circumftances, they had been caft.
As there had been no Intercourfe hitherto
be-
tween the Europeans and Indians but what had
ended in Hoftilities, none other could be expected
now by the Latter
;
and, accordingly,
every
Coming
of
the Pilgrims.
19
Motion of the Pilgrims was watched. Not-
withstanding the Peftilence had carried off Mul-
titudes of them, there were now feveral Tribes
dwelling at and about what is fince Warren,
Briftol, Eaftham, Weymouth, and Braintree.
There were, likewife, many feated upon the
Rivers, far into the Land ; but of them Little
was known for a long Period. Some Time in
March, 1 62
1,
the Powwows of all the Tribes
alfembled
"
in a difmal Swamp," and there,
"
for
three Days together, held their myfterious Con-
jurations" to find out the Intentions of the
Englifh, that their Tribes might know how to
meet them. The Englifh, however, were much
at a Lofs to know what that powwowing Affair
meant, though they did not hefitate to pronounce
it Something diabolical, and that it had fpecial
Reference to them in their coming into the
Country. Meanwhile their Fears were confider-
ably abated by the Appearance of an Indian
among them. This was Samofet. He fpoke to
them in their own Language, and, as he ap-
proached their Village, uttered, in a firm Voice,
"
Welcome, Englifhmen! welcome, Englishmen
!
"
His Vifit happened about a Month after the great
Meeting of the Powwows, namely, on the 16th
of March ; and he was the firft Indian with
whom the Englifh were able to fpeak fince their
Landing in the previous December. He was
naked,
"
only a Leather about his Waift, with a
Fringe about a Span long." The Weather was
very cold, and, fays a Writer then there prefent,
20 Samofet and Squant
o
"we caft a Horfeman's Coat about him. He
had been with the Englifh at Monhiggon, and
knew by Name the moft of the Captains or
Matters of Veffels who had for many Years
frequented that and adjacent Parts." The Pil-
grims queftioned him "of many Things," and
he readily communicated whatever he knew
;
"
faid he was not of thefe Parts, but of Moratig-
gon, and a Sagamore. He had a Bow and two
Arrows ; was a tall, ftraight Man ; the Hair of
his Head black, long behind, only fhort before,
and none on his Face at all." On his afking for
Beer they gave him "ftrong Water, fome Bifcuit,
Butter and Cheefe, and Pudding, and a Piece of
Mallard; all which he liked well." He told
them that the Place where they were fettled
was called Patuxet, and that about four Years
before all the Inhabitants died of an extraordinary
Plague, and that there was neither Man, Woman,
nor Child remaining ; and fays the Writer,
"
In-
deed we have found none."
Through the kind Agency of Samofet, the
Pilgrims, the next Day, became acquainted with
another Indian, named Squanto, faid to have been
one of thole carried away by Capt. Hunt. Thus
by that Misfortune, he efcaped the Peftilence
which fwept off every other Inhabitant of Pa-
tuxet, now Plymouth. He had lived fome Time
in England, and was with Mr.
John Slanie, a
Merchant in Cornhill, London. He, alfo, could
fpeak fome Englifh. Squanto, and likewife Samo-
fet, came from MafTafoit, (who, according to
Befriend
the Pilgrims. 2
1
Samofet, had in his Tribe about lixty Men ; and
of the Naufets he faid there were one hundred.)
They had been fent by him to learn whether the
Englifh were Friends or Enemies. And finding
them Friends, Maflafoit himfelf, with many of
his Men, vifited them on the 22d of March, only
fix Days after the firft Appearance of Samofet,
and entered into a formal Treaty, confifting of
feven Articles. Mafiafoit and his Tribe were
Friends to the Englifh as long as that Chief
lived. But a Tribe or Clan of the Pokanokets,
living at Mattapoifet, under a Chief named Caun-
bitant, were difpleafed, and caufed them frequent
Alarms. At length an armed Force was fent
againfl them, and they were terrified into Sub-
miflion. This was in the Month of Augufl,
1 62 1
;
and on the 13th of September following,
Caunbitant and eight other Sachems came to
Plymouth and figned a Treaty with the Eng-
lifh.
In 1622, another Settlement of the Englifh was
begun at Weflagufcus, fince called Weymouth.
Thefe Settlers were, in general, profligate and
unruly, and, by their bad Management, foon
reduced themfelves fo low that even the Indians
looked upon them with Contempt. This was
not all. They cheated and abufed the Indians,
until the Latter were determined to exterminate
them ; and, it is faid, actually formed a Plot for
that Purpofe. This coming to the Knowledge
of the Plymouth People, very much alarmed
them
;
becaufe they knew the Weflagufcus Colony
22 Standijh's Severity.
would fall an eafy Prey to the Indians, and, fearing
that might elate them, and fo excite their Info-
lence, that they would not fpare any of the
Englifh. They therefore, in Self-defence, as they
argued, declared War againft the Maffachufetts
Indians. This firft and formal Declaration of
War in New England was made by the Govern-
ment of Plymouth, on the 23d of March,
1623
;
and two Days after, Capt. Standifh, with fome
eight Men, marched againft them. After ma-
noeuvring fome Time, by which he intended to
get a large Number together, and then to attack
them, he fucceeded in getting four into a Houfe
or Wigwam. Two of thefe were noted War
Chiefs ; by Name, Wittuwamet and Pekfuot.
Standifh ordered his Men to faften the Door of
the Room in which they were ; and then they
fell upon the four Indians, and, after a defperate
Struggle, put them all to Death. This was on
the 27th of March. Standifh foon after returned
to Plymouth, carrying with him the Head of
Wittuwamet, which he let upon the Fort. Seven
Indians were killed during the Expedition.
This rigorous Proceeding of the People of
Plymouth ftruck fuch Terror into the Reft of
the Indians, in all Directions, that they fled from
their Habitations, hid themfelves in Swamps and
unhealthy Places, and negledled their planting,
until many of them perifhed from Difeafes thus
contracted, and the Want of the NecefTaries of
Life. Nor did they recover from the Effects of
this Blow for a Period of near fifty Years ; at
Peace
enfues.
23
the End of which Period began the War with
the Wampanoags, ufually called King Philip's
War.
In the mean Time the Country had been
gradually filling up with white Settlers ; and
numerous little Settlements called Towns dotted
the Landfcape in every Direction. The Indians
became accuftomed to their ftrange Neighbors,
and many of them were convinced that their
own
Condition was made better by this People. Thofe
who difliked them, and cared not to afTociate
with them, were afraid to make their Jealoufy
and Hatred prominent ; for they were aware of
their Superiority in the Ufe of ofFenfive Weapons.
However, feveral Years before the War with
Philip began, the Indians had, in various Ways,
fupplied themfelves with the Guns of the Englifh
and French, and were apt in the Ufe of them.
In many Tribes they had almoft altogether fu-
perfeded Bows and Arrows, and the War Club.
Laws were early made, and long continued, to
prevent European Arms being fold to the Indians
;
but it was quite impoffible to enforce them ef-
fectually.
The Natives who were porTefTed of any Pru-
dence well knew that it was not to their Intereft.
to engage in a War with their white Neighbors,
becaufe they clearly faw the Odds was vaftly
againft. them.
Although from
1623 to
1675
there was no
general War with the Indians in New England,
24
Origin
of
Indian Wars.
yet there were often and frequent Difturbances,
1
fome of the Principal of which it is neceffary to
recount, as they had much Influence upon the
Rife and Progrefs of that War. There were alfo
frequent Quarrels and Murders among the Indians
themfelves, with which the white People had
Nothing to do ; though, after fuch Occurrences,
they fometimes efpoufed the Caufe of the Party
they confidered injured, and ufed their Endeavors
to bring the Offender to Punifhment. So when
any Wrong was done to an Indian by any of the
Settlers, Juftice was fpeedily extended to the
injured Party. Of courfe Cafes would often arife
wherein, from conflicting Evidence, the Ends of
Juftice were fruftrated. This was ofteneft the
Cafe when the Engliih interfered with the Indians'
private Quarrels, or Quarrels among themfelves.
They were bad Lawyers
;
and it was difficult for
them to underftand the Juftice of fuch Interfe-
rence. Hence the Party fuffering by it often
determined on taking the firft Opportunity to be
revenged ; or, as it ufed to be faid,
"
to right
themfelves." In this way Feuds and Jealoufies
were perpetuated.
In 1
63
1,
Sergt. Richard Walker of Lynn, as he
was upon Watch, about Midnight, was fhot at by
an Indian, as was fuppofed, and the Arrow paffed
2
No AHufion to the Pequot War at fome Time, to publifh uniform
is intended, for I have prepared a with this. A very brief Abftracl of
detailed Account ofit, which remains it may be feen in the Hijtory and
in Manufcript, and which I intend, Antiquities
of Bofton.
Tarrati7ie Depredations.
25
through his Clothes. He gave an Alarm, and a
fmall Cannon, called a Culverin, was difcharged,
and nothing further was heard of an Enemy.
On the 8th of Auguft, the fame Year, about
one hundred Tarratines attacked the Indians
living at Agawam, fince Ipfwich, killed {even
Men, and carried away feveral Captives. They
alfo rifled a Cabin eftablifhed there by Mr. Mat-
thew Cradock's Men, who were employed in
taking Sturgeon, carrying off their Nets and
Provilions. The Tarratines were eaftern Indians,
living to the Eaftward of the Pafcataqua.
On the 3d of October, one Walter Bagnal was
murdered and robbed by an Indian. He had a
trading Stand near the Mouth of Saco River; and
it is faid he had provoked the Indians by over-
reaching them in Trade. Early in the Winter
following, 1
63
1
-2,
the Tarratines, perhaps the
fame who had attacked Agawam, met with a
Boat belonging to Mr. Henry Way of Dorchefter,
in which were five Men, one of whom was Mr.
Way's Son. All thefe they killed ; and, to hide
the Evidence of their Barbarity, they funk the
Boat with Stones. Some of the Perpetrators
were afterwards taken and hanged.
The next Spring the Tarratines came again to
furprife Agawam
;
but through the prudent Man-
agement of" Sergt.
John
Perkins, they did not
dare to land. This Time there were twenty
Canoes full of them.
3
3
See Cobbet's
"
Narrative
of
Eng. Hijl. and Gen. Regifter, vii,
New England's Deliverances," in N. 209-2
1
9.
D
2 6
Cafe
r
ofJenki?ts
and Hopkins
.
At the fame Time there was a War between
the Narraganfets and Pequots ; and Canonicus,
the Narraganfet Sachem, came among the Maf-
fachufetts Indians to engage them to afTift him
againft his Enemies. Accordingly two of the
Chiefs, Chikataubut of Neponfet, and Wono-
haqueham of Winnifemmet, each with about
fixty Men, engaged in an Expedition. The Re-
fult is not known.
In Auguft, this Year, two of Chikataubut's
Men were fet in the Bilboes at Bofton,
"
for
alTaulting fome Englifh People at Dorchefter, in
their own Houfes, and their Chiefs made to beat
them;" but in what Manner is not ftated.
Some Time in the following Month, one Rey-
nold Jenkins of Dorchefter, going among the
Indians under Paifaconaway, to trade, is killed,
while afleep in a Wigwam, by one of them.
The Chief purfued and captured the Murderer,
and according to an Agreement with the Eng-
lifh, delivers him up for Punifhment. They
doubtlefs executed him
;
but of that no Record
has been met with.
At the General Court at Bofton, in September,
it was ordered that Richard Hopkins fhould be
feverely whipt, and branded with a hot Iron on
one of his Cheeks, for felling Guns, Powder,
and Shot to the Indians. At the fame Time the
Queftion was confidered, whether Perfons offend-
ing in this Way ought not to be put to death.
But the Subject was referred to the next Court,
which met on the third of October. It does not
Many die
of
Small Pox.
27
appear to have been then agitated ; though Nicholas
Froft, for ftealing from the Indians at Damerill's
Cove, and other lefs pardonable Offences, had a
like Punifhment inflicted on him. Inftead of his
Head, a Hand was to be branded; to be banifhed
out of the Colony
;
to be kept in Bolts till his
Fine of five Pounds was paid, and Damages to
Henry Way and
John
Holman of forty Pounds.
If ever he returned into the Colony he was to be
put to Death.
In January,
1633,
Poquanum, called by the
Whites Black Will, formerly Sachem of Nahant,
living at Richmond's Ifland, at the Eaftward, is
feized by fome Engliihmen in purfuit of Pirates,
and hanged. It is faid he was one of the Mur-
derers of Walter Bagnal.
During the Autumn of this Year the Small
Pox deftroyed great Numbers of the Indians.
About Pafcataqua River nearly all perifh. So
about Bofton
;
the Chiefs Chikataubut, Monto-
wampate, Wonohaqueham, with moft of their
People, die of it. About Plymouth, too, many
are carried off by a malignant Diflemper ; with
which about twenty of the Pilgrims die alfo. In
January following,
1634,
it was reported that the
Small Pox had fwept over the Narraganfet Coun-
try, deftroying in its Courfe feven hundred of
that Nation, and that it was extending among
thole Weftward of them.
On the 4th of September,
1638,
Arthur Peach,
Thomas
Jackfon, and Richard Slinnings, (pro-
bably an Irifhman) were executed at Plymouth
2 8
Cafe
of
three White Murderers.
for the Murder of a Narraganfet Indian. Peach
was faid to have been
"
a young Defperado, who
had been a Soldier in the Pequot War, and done
notable Service, being bold and forward in any
defperate Attempt." He was Principal, and the
other two Acceffories. After he came out of the
Service againft the Pequots, inftead of going to
work, he fet out to go to the Dutch Settlement
at Hudfon's River, and enticed three others to
run away from their Matters and accompany
him. As they proceeded Southward, through the
Woods, they met with an Indian who had a
Quantity of Wampum. They invited him to fit
down and fmoke with them, which he did.
Peach propofed to his Comrades to kill and rob
him. They declined having any Hand in the
killing, but left it to Peach to do as he was
inclined. He therefore, watching his Opportu-
nity, ran the Indian through the Body with his
Rapier, leaving him for dead. But, though mor-
tally wounded, the Sufferer fucceeded in reaching
fome of his Countrymen, retaining Strength
enough to inform them who the Ailaffins were,
and then expired. Soon after, the Narraganfet
Sachems purfued and captured all the Party of
Whites but one, and carried them to Rhode
Ifland, where they were put into Prifon. Mean-
while the Narraganfets threatened to make War
on the Englifh, thinking they had authorized the
Murder. This they were eafily induced to be-
lieve, becaufe the Pequots had told them that,
after the Englifh had deftroyed their Nation,
Majfafoit
at Plymouth.
29
they would deftroy them likewife. But when
they faw the three white Men executed they were
amazed, and expreffed themfelves entirely fatisfied.
That three mould be put to Death for one Indian
they could not well underftand, knowing the
Deed was done by one Man only. This fome
called
"
magnifying of
Juftice," and the Indians
may have thought it was paying for other Mur-
ders of their Countrymen in Advance. However,
this Caufe of War at that Time was thus removed.
On the 25th of March,
1639,
Maffafoit, now
known as Woofamequin, a Name, perhaps, taken
by him on the Death of his Brother, Quadequina,
appeared at Plymouth, and defired to renew the
Treaty which he made on his nrft Vint to Ply-
mouth, in 1 62 1. His Son, then called Mooanam,
came with him, and with him executed a new
Treaty, expreffed in very ftrong Terms of Friend-
ship and Reciprocity. Woofamequin was influ-
enced to appear at this Time, very probably, from
a Fear of the Narraganfets, who were jealous of
him, becaufe he had from the nrft been in high
Favor with the Englifh. "Yet it is very re-
markable," wrote a Contemporary,
4
"that this
Woofamequen, how much foever he affected the
Englifh, was never in the leaft Degree any Ways
well affected to the Religion of the Englifh ; but
would, in his laft Treaty with his Neighbors at
Plymouth, when they were with him about
purchafing fome Land at Swanzy, have had them
4
The Rev. William Hubbard, in his Narrative
of
the Troubles, P. 8.
3<d
Death
of
Majfafoit.
engage never to attempt to draw away any of
his People from their old Pagan Superstition and
devilifh Idolatry to the Christian Religion, and
did much infift upon it, till he faw the Englifh
were refolved never to make any Treaty with
him more on that Account ; which when he
difcerned he did not further urge it." The old
Chief or Sachem lived until about 1660,5 at
which Time he muft have been near eighty
Years of Age; for in 1621 the Pilgrims fay he
was then a Man
"
in his beft Years."
The Period from
1638
to the Difturbances
which are ufually confidered as the immediate
Caufes of Philip's War is full of deep Intereft.
There was during that Time a continued and
unbroken Chain of Events, which led to the
exterminating War between the Narraganfets and
Mohegans. Thofe Events are clofely interwover.
with various impelling and conflicting Interests
of the Englifh in the two Colonies of Maffa-
chufetts and Connecticut, and have never yet been
detailed with the Juftice and Impartiality their
Importance demands. As many of the Difficul-
ties between thofe two great Tribes grew out of
the Pequot War, to the Hiftory of that War
they will be properly deferred.
5
Daggett's
Hifl.
Attkborough, 1
662;
Roger Williams, Letter in
133;
I. Mather's Relation,
70-72;
Knowles,
406. See, alfo, Book
of
Morton, JV. E. Mem., Sub. Anno, the Indians, P. 201, and elfewhere.
Origin
of
Indian W^ars.
31
CHAPTER III.
Mooanam, Wamfutta, Alexander.

Charged with plotting againjl

the Englijl).

Ordered to appear at Plymouth, and

refufes.

Is forcibly conveyed thither.

Confining Accounts as to the

Manner
of
his Treatment in Captivity.

His Death.

Greatly
Beivailed.

Philip fucceeds him.

His Accefion Celebrated,
which caufes
Alarm to Plymouth.

He is fent for.

Makes a
Treaty.

Family
of
Alexander.
FOR
fome Time before his Death "good old
Malfafoit" appears to have been quite in-
active
;
and his elder Son, Alexander, feems to
have taken upon himfelf the Affairs of the Tribe,
as fome Sales of Lands were made by him before
the Death of his Father. His Name up to
about this Time was Wamfutta. At what Date
he threw off the Name of Mooanam, and took
that of Wamfutta, is not known ; but it is very-
probable that on the Death of his Father the
Change was made. Soon after that Event,
6
he,
with his younger Brother, appeared at Plymouth,
and requefted the Governor to give both of them
Englifh Names. The Governor complied, call-
ing one Alexander, and the other Philip. It had
now become a Cuftom for the Indians to take
It is dated by fome Writers that There is much Confufion refpecling
Maflafoit came with his two Sons, this Circumftance. Hubbard, Nar-
and requefted ihat they might re- mtive,
8,
fpeaks of Maffafoit's going
ceive Englifh Names; but Dr. I. with Alexander and Philip, his Sons,
Mather, Relation,
70,
fays the Event to Mr. Brown's, who lived near
was after the Death af MafTafoit. Mount Hope.
3
2 Alexander
JufpeEled
of
Evil.
Englifh Names ; which, when thus acquired,
caufed them much Satisfaction.
Very foon after, or within a Year certain, Gov.
Prence
7
of Plymouth received Information from
Bofton informing him that a Plot was being laid
by Alexander, which had for its Object a hoftile
Movement againft the Englifh of that Jurifdic-
tion. The Governor fent immediately to Capt.
Thomas Willet,
8
who refided near Mount Hope,
and requeued him to confer with Alexander, to
learn, if poffible, what his Grievances were, and
to requeft him to appear at the next Court at
Plymouth, to give his Reafons for proceeding in
the Manner alleged.
It is not certain that Alexander actually pro-
mifed to appear, as requefted ; but, from what
palled between him and Capt. Willet, the Eng-
lish expected him. Be this as it may, he came
not to the Court at Plymouth; but, in the Time
of that Court, it is afferted, he went over to the
Narraganfets, the very Tribe he was charged
with bringing into his Scheme of Offence againft
the People of Plymouth. This heightened their
Sufpicions, and they refolved promptly to check,
any hoftile Defign.
Thereupon the Governor and Council of Ply-
mouth ordered Major Jofiah, or, as then written,
7
Thus the Governor always wrote and the firft Englifh Mayor of New
his Name. York. He was Anceftor of the
late Col. Marinus Willet of the
*
He was Son of Thomas Willet, Revolution. See N. E. Hijl. and
who came to Plymouth in 1630;
Gen. Reg., ii,
376.
Origin
of
Philip's War.
33
Jofias,
Window to take an armed Force,
proceed
to Mount Hope, and compel the Indian Chief
to come to Plymouth. This was indeed a high-
handed Meafure on the Part of that Government,
and would never have been attempted, but from
a Confidence in its own Strength, and in the
Weaknefs of the other Party. The Wampa-
noags were an independent Power, fuch as it was,
and had fo been treated with from the Firft.
And what renders this Proceeding the more Re-
prehenfible is, that there does not appear to have
been any real Grounds for a Sufpicion that their
Chief, at this Time, was contriving any Mifchief
himfelf, or was conniving with the Narraganfets
in any finifter Defign, at leaft againft the People
of Plymouth. However, Major Window, taking
with him Captain William Bradford, (both Sons
of Governors of Plymouth of their refpeclive
Names,) and about ten mounted Men, well
armed, proceeded for Sowams, or, as often
writ-
ten, Sowamfet, now Warren, in Rhode Ifland.
To this Point in the Narrative there is no
Difagreement in the Accounts of the contempo-
rary Writers; but refpecling the Capture, Treat-
ment, Sicknefs, and fubfequent Death of Alex-
ander, thofe Writers differ very materially ; and,
as they feem to be very nearly on an equal Foot-
ing for Truth and Veracity, there is no Alterna-
tive for the more modern Hiftorian but to let
each of them be heard in Evidence in fo impor-
tant a Caufe.
34
Origin
of
Philip's War.
"The Perfon," writes Mr. Hubbard, "to whom
that Service was committed, was a prudent and
refolute Gentleman, the prefent
[1676]
Governor
of that Colony, who was neither afraid of Dan-
ger, nor yet willing to delay in a Matter of that
Moment, he forthwith, taking eight or ten flout
Men, well armed, intended to have gone to the
faid Alexander's Dwelling, diftant at leaft forty
Miles' from the Governor's Houfe; but, by a
good Providence, he found him whom he went to
feek at an Hunting-houfe, within iix Miles of the
Englifh Towns,
10
where the faid Alexander, with
about eighty" Men, were newly come in from
hunting, and had left their Guns without Doors,
which Major Winflow, with his fmall Company,
wifely feized and conveyed away, and then went
into the Wigwam, and demanded Alexander to
go along with him before the Governor,-at
which MefTage he was much appalled ; but,
being told by the undaunted Meifenger, that if
he ftirred, or refufed to go, he was a dead Man,
he was, by one of his chief Counfellors,
11
in
whofe Service he molt confided, perfuaded to go
along to the Governor's Houfe. But fuch was
the Pride and Height of his Spirit, that the very
9
It mult be remembered that had a very defirable Refort.
diflances through the Wildernefs at
"
A very great Miftake; perhaps
that Time were eftimated by not typographical. It fhould be eight,
very direft Indian Paths. I have no doubt.
10
Believed to be at Munponfet
!
-
Dr. I. Mather fays it was by
Pond, in Halifax, about equidiftant the Advice of a Brother of John
from Plymouth and Bridgewater, Saffamon. There was a Rowland
where it was known the Indians SaiTamon, Brother of
John.
Alexander s Death.
35
Surprifal of him fo raifed his Choler and Indig-
nation that it put him into a Fever, which, not-
withstanding all pomble Means that could be
ufed, feemed Mortal. Whereupon, entreating
thofe that held him Prifoner that he might have
Liberty to return Home, promifing to return
again if he recovered, and to fend his Son as
HoStage till he could do fo. On that Consideration
he was fairly difmilfed
;
but died before he got half
way Home. Here let it be obferved, that al-
though fome have taken up falfe Reports, as if
the Englifh had compelled him to go farther or
fafter than he was able, and fo fell into a Fever;
or, as if he were not well ufed by the PhySician'
3
that looked to him, while he was with the Eng-
lish
;
all which are notoriously Falfe. Nor is it
to be imagined that a Perfon of fo noble a Dif-
pofition as that Gentleman at that Time employed
to bring him, Should himfelf, or Suffer any one
elfe, to be uncivil to a Perfon allied to them by
his own, as well as his Father's, League, as the
faid Philip alfo was. Nor was Anything of that
Nature ever objecled to the English of Plymouth
by the faid Alexander's Brother, by Name Philip,
commonly, for his ambitious and haughty Spirit,
nicknamed King Philip."
Dr. Increafe Mather Speaks in quite as confident
13
The firft Phyfician at Ply- Years before his Death he was ap-
mouth was Samuel Fuller; but he pointed Surgeon General of the
died in 1
63
3. There was at Ply- Military Forces of Plymouth Col-
mouth in 1640 a Dr. Matthew Ful- ony.

'Thatcher. He was the At-

ler, who removed to Barnftable in tendant upon Alexander, as will
1652, and died in 1678. Five elfewhere be feen.
36
Origin
of
Philip's War.
Terms about what he narrates of the Affair as
Mr Hubbard. His Account is next in Importance,
and a little more Circumftantial, which he gave
to the Public, as follows: "The immediate Pre-
deceffor of Philip was not fo faithful and friendly
to the Englifh as his Father had been
;
for fome
of Bofton having been occafionally [on fome
occafion] at Narraganfet, wrote to Mr. Prince,
who was then Governor
[1662]
of Plymouth,
that Alexander was contriving Mifchief againfl
the Englifh, and that he had folicited the Narra-
ganfets to engage with him in his defigned
Rebellion. Hereupon Capt. Willet, who lived
near to Mount Hope, the Place where Alexander
did refide, was appointed to fpeak with him, and
to defire him to attend the next Court in Ply-
mouth, for their Satisfaction and his own Vindi-
cation. He feemed to take the Meffage in good
Part, profeffing that the Narraganfets, who, he
faid, were his Enemies, had put an Abufe upon
him; and he readily promifed to attend at the
next Court. But when the Day of his Appear-
ance was come, inftead of that, he, at that very
Time, went over to the Narraganfets, his pre-
tended Enemies ; which, compared with other
Circumftances, caufed the Gentlemen at Plymouth
to fufpecf there was more of Truth in the Infor-
mation given than at firft they were aware of.
14
14
On the other Hand it might almoft an every-day Occurrence;
eaflly be inferred that the Chief and he did not care to have his own
neglected to go to Plymouth, under Plans of hunting, or other Employ-
the Belief that he was to go there ments, broken up to gratify People
upon an idle Errand ; to counteract who had no Right to make fuch
a Rumor, the Like of which was Demand upon him.
Origin
of
Philip's War.
37
Wherefore the Governor and Magistrates there
ordered Major Window (who is fince, and at this
Day,
[1676,]
the Governor of that Colony) to
take a Party of Men and fetch down Alexander.
The Major confidering that
femper
nocuit
differre
paratis, [when prepared to act Delay is dangerous,]
he took but ten armed Men with him from
Marfhfield, intending to have taken more at the
Towns that lay nearer Mount Hope. But Divine
Providence fo ordered, as that when they were
about the Midway between Plymouth and Bridge-
water, obferving an Hunting-houfe, they rode up
to it, and there did they find Alexander and many
of his Men, all well armed, but their Guns {land-
ing together without the Houfe. The Major,
with his fmall Party, pofTeffed themfelves of the
Indians' Arms, and befet the Houfe. Then did
he go in amongft them, acquainting the Sachem
with the Reafon of his coming in fuch a Way
;
defiring Alexander, with his Interpreter, to walk
out with him, who did fo, a little Diftance from
the Houfe, and then underftood what Commiflion
the Major had received concerning him. The
proud Sachem fell into a raging Paflion at this
Surprife, faying that the Governor had no Reafon
to credit Rumors, or to fend for him in fuch a
Way, nor would he go to Plymouth but when he
faw Caufe. It was replied to him, that his Breach
of Word touching Appearance at Plymouth Court,
and inftead thereof going, at the fame Time, to
his pretended Enemies, augmented Jealoufies
concerning him. In Fine, the Major told him
38
Origin
of
Philip's War.
that his Order was to bring him to Plymouth,
and that, by the Help of God, he would do it, or
elfe he would die pn the Place. Alfo declaring
to him, that if he would fubmit, he might expect
refpeclive [refpedlful] Ufage; but if he once more
denied to go, he (hould never flir from the Ground
whereon he flood; and, with a Piftol at the
Sachem's Breaft, required that his next Words
mould be a politive and clear Anfwer to what
was demanded. Hereupon his Interpreter, a dif-
creet Indian, Brother to
John
Saufaman, being
fenfible of Alexander's paffionate Difpofition,
entreated that he might fpeak a few Words to the
Sachem before he gave his Anfwer.
"The prudent Difcourfe of this Indian prevailed
fo far as that Alexander yielded to go, only
requeuing that he might go like a Sachem, with
his Men attending him, which, although there
was fome Hazard in it, they being many, and the
Englifh but a Few, was granted to him. The
Weather being hot, the Major offered him an
Horfe to ride on, but his Squaw and divers Indian
Women being in Company, he refufed, faying he
could go on Foot as well as they
;
entreating, only,
that there might be a complying with their Pace,
which was done; and, refting feveral Times by
the Way, Alexander and his Indians were refreshed
by the Englifh; no other Difcourfe happening
while they were upon their March, but what was
pleafant and amicable. The Major fent a Man
before, to entreat that as many of the Magistrates
of that Colony as could, would meet at Duxbury.
Origin
of
Philip's War.
39
Wherefore, having there had fome Treaty with
Alexander, not willing to commit him to Prifon,
they entreated Major Window to receive him to
his Houfe, until the Governor, who then lived at
Eaftham, could come up. Accordingly he and
his Train were courteoufly entertained by the
Major. And albeit not fo much as an angry
Word pafled between them whilft at Marfhfield.
Yet proud Alexander, vexing and fretting in his
Spirit, that fuch a Check was given him, he fud-
denly fell lick of a Fever. He was then nurfed
as a choice Friend. Mr. Fuller, the Phyfician,
coming providentially thither at that Time, the
Sachem and his Men earneftly defired that he
would adminifter to him, which he was unwilling
to do; but by their Importunity was prevailed
with to do the Befr. he could to help him, and
therefore gave him a Potion of working Phyfic,
which the Indians thought did him good ; but
his Diftemper afterwards prevailing, they entreated
to difmifs him, in order to a return Home; which
upon [his] Engagement of Appearance at the next
Court, was granted to him. Soon after his being
returned Home he died. And this is the Truth
and Subftance of what concerns Tranfactions with
Alexander, concerning which fo many fabulous
Stories have been fpread Abroad."
The remarkable Particularity of this Narrative
gives it the firft Confideration, and is a very
rtrong Evidence of its Truth. It fully corrobo-
rates Mr. Hubbard's Account, fo far as that Au-
thor goes ; and Mr. Mather, like him, was well
4-0
Origin
of
Philip's War.
aware that various other Reports had gone abroad,
and it is very clear that both of thofe Gentlemen
had inquired into the Matter and were fully
convinced of the Truth of what they had given.
It is pretty evident, however, that Mr. Mather
intended to make the moft of his Story; was
willing his Readers mould think the Number of
Indians with Alexander was very large, while he
took good care to keep within the bounds of
Truth, by making no Statement as to their real
Number. This historical Licenfe cannot be
defended, and is too ealily feen through to have
any very bad Effect ; as it only tended to exag-
gerate the Danger the few Englifh were in, and
to make their Conduct appear the more Hero-
ical. The Indians were furprifed, with their
Guns ftan.ding outfide of their Wigwam ; but
Nobody has faid how many
"
Guns
"
they had.
Now it feems pretty clear that the Company of
Indians captured were upon a fifhing Defign,
upon the cool and beautifully fbaded Banks of
the little Lake before mentioned, and had not the
remoteft Fears of being taken for Enemies.
Had they been upon any mifchievous Defign,
or had there been any Plot undertaken, would
they have allowed themfelves in broad Day
to be furprifed as is related ? They doubt-
lefs faw the Englifh approach, and had no
Sufpicion that they were coming upon them as
Enemies.
Some Time after this Tranfaclion, when its
Juftice
and Propriety bad been difcuffed in various
Conflicting
Accounts.
4.1
Quarters, the Rev.
John
Cotton
15
of Plymouth
wrote to Dr. Mather of Bofton concerning it,
"
left you mould," he obferves,
"
through Mif-
information, print fome Miftakes." What he
wrote, he fays, was from Major Bradford's own
Mouth, the Major being one of the Party who
feized Alexander. Mr. Cotton remarks, briefly,
that Alexander was found at Munponfet River,
not many Miles from Plymouth, "with about 8
Men, and fundry Squaws. He was there about
getting Canoes. He and his Men were at Break-
faft under their Shelter, their Guns being without.
They faw the Englifh coming, but continued
eating; on Mr. Window's telling their Bulinefs,
Alexander, freely and readily, without the leaft
hefitancy, confented to go
;
giving his Reafon
why he came not to the Court before, namely,
becaufe he waited for Capt. Willet's Return from
the Dutch [at Manhattan,] being defirous to
fpeak with him firft. They brought him to Mr.
[William] Collier's, that Day, and Gov. Prince
living remote, at Eaftham, thofe few Magiftrates,
who were at Hand, iffued the Matter peaceably,
and immediately difmifled Alexander to return
Home, which he did, part of the Way
;
but in
two or three Days after he returned and went to
Major Window's Houfe, intending thence to
travel into the Bay [Bofton] and fo Home; but,
at the Major's Houfe he was taken very rick, and
was, by Water, conveyed to Mr. Bradford's, and
1J
Son of Rev.
John
Cotton of Bofton. He diedinCharlcfton,S. C,
1699.
F
42
Conflitling
Accounts.
thence carried upon the Shoulders of his Men to
Tetehquet River [in Middleborough,] and thence
in Canoes, Home; and, about two or three Days
after, died."
This Statement, though fent to Dr. Mather,
had no Influence, fo far as known, to caufe him
to publim any Modification of what he had
already penned. The Reader will judge for
himfelf, whether Mr. Cotton's Statement is to
be taken for the whole Truth.
16
Upon the Death of Alexander, there was a
remarkable Solemnity among the Indians, and it
was bewailed with great Sincerity by his Tribe.
>
The Rev. Samuel Niles, Min-
ifter of Braintree in Maffachufetts,
from 171 1 to his Death in
1762,
left a Hiftory of Indian Wars in
New England in Manufcript, which
was publifhed in
1837
in the 16th
Vol. of the Colls.
MJ. Hift.
Soc.
This Author's Account of the Death
of Alexander differs very much from
all others. It is brief, and in thefe
Words:

"This Alexander, after

his Father's Death, became very
furly and ill-tempered toward the
Englifh People; for which Reafon
the Court at Plymouth, which was
then a diftincl Colony from the
Maffachufetts, fufpecting him to
have fome treacherous Purpofe in
View, brought him to Plymouth and
put him under Confinement; at which
the Fellow was enraged to that De-
gree that he refufed to eat, and foon
ftarved himfelf to Death in this
miferable Manner."
Where Mr. Niles obtained his
Information he does not tell us, but
he feems to have paid no Attention to
what had been publifhed upon this
Subject before he wrote, and yet he
fays, in his Introduction, that
"
the
Reader will find an exaft Narrative
of the Indian Wars, as far as his
Intelligence had reached, and upon
the belt Grounds he could obtain,
from approved Authors and other-
wife." It is very probable that a
Story fimilar to what Mr. Niles has
publifhed, was in Circulation in the
Old Colony, from the Time of
Alexander's Death to Mr. Niles's
Day. That it had only a Shadow
of a Foundation, there is little, if any
Oueftion. Its Details varied ac-
cording to the Memory or Imagi-
nation of the Party relating it. The
Indians, at lealt fome of them, be-
lieved Alexander was poifoned.
See Eafton's Narrative, 16
;
or
poft.
Elevation
of
Philip.
43
Multitudes of Indians from all Parts, Chiefs and
others, flocked to Mount Hope, and there, ac-
cording to the ancient Cuftoms of that People,
mourned his Death for many Days, by the Prac-
tice of their ftrange Rites and Ceremonies. As
foon as that was ended, a Seafon of rejoicing and
feafting fucceeded, in Honor of the Acceflion of
Philip to the
Chieftainfhip.
This numerous Affembling of Indians at Mount
Hope, in View of what had happened in Connec-
tion with the Death ofAlexander, alarmed the Eng-
lifh at Plymouth. They were fearful that Philip
had fome evil Defign upon them. Hewas therefore
required to come to Court, and to explain the
Caufe of this feemingly ftrange Conduct. The
Court having met on the fixth of Auguft, Philip
foon after appeared, and was ready to renew the
Treaties already in Exiftence, or make a new One.
Accordingly a new Treaty was drawn up and
figned by Philip, Francis Sachem of Naufet, and
John
Saufaman witneffed it.
17
Of the Family of Alexander very little is known.
That he had a Wife and Son has been mentioned
in the Extracts already given. His Wife, whofe
Name was Namumpum, furvived him. She was
afterwards called Weetamoo, and was Queen or
Squaw-Sachem of Pocalfet, and for a Period was
the Wife of a fomewhat noted Indian named
Petananuet, which the Englifh transformed into
Peter Nunuit. Weetamoo efpoufed Philip's Caufe
17
See Morton, Memorial, (firft Ed.) 161;
or 2d Ed., 200-1.
44
Origin
of
the Indians.
and perifhed in the War, in which fhe was confpi
cuous, and will be hereafter particularly noticed.
CHAPTER IV.
A Glance at
fome
Opinions re[peeling the Origin
of
the Indians.

Gen. Gookin's Views.

What he learned
from the Indians them-
felves.

Dr. Cotton Mather's Notions upon this Subject.

Fur-
ther Remarks thereon.

Principal Tribes occupying Neiv England.

A
DigreJJion
concerning the Narraganfets.

-The IFampanoags.

Their Defcription
of
the Pejlilence
of
161 7.

The
Maffachu-
fetts.

Pawtucketts.
ALMOST
all of the early Writers who touched
upon the Hiftory of the Aborigines of Ame-
rica indulged in Conjectures concerning their Ori-
gin. It is not intended to revive the QuefUon in this
Narrative, having formerly, in another Work,
18
given Specimens of the Opinions of various
Authors upon it. However, it may be interefting
to general Readers to know to what Conclusion
Major General Daniel Gookin came in Regard to
it ; he having the beft Means of learning what
the Indians themfelves thought about it ; therefore,
before entering upon the Bulinefs of this Chapter,
a few Statements and Obfervations will be given
from the Writings of that diftinguifhed Man,
19
18
Book
of
the Indians, Book I, except in the Colleclions
of
the
Chapters i and ii. Maffachuj'etts Hiftorical Society. In
111
Maj. Gen. Daniel Gookin left that Work it appeared in
1792;
but
feveral valuable Works in MS. its Value is much impaired by its
That here referred to is his Hiftorical Appearance in a modern Drefs,
Collefiions
of
the Indians in New Whether the Original is preferved,
England. It has never been printed is unknown to the Editor.
Fables among them.
45
to whom every Hiftorian muft be indebted for the
bed Account of the Numbers and Condition of
the Indians in New England previous to, and dur-
ing the War with King Philip. He fays,
"
I
have difcourfed and questioned about this Matter
with fome of the moft Judicious of the Indians,
but their Anfwers are divers and fabulous. Some
of the Inland Indians fay, that they came from
fuch as inhabit the Sea Coafts.
20
Others fay, that
there were two young Squaws, or Women, being
at firft either fwimming or wading in the Water,
the Froth or Foam of the Water touched their
Bodies, from whence they became with Child
;
and one of them brought forth a Male and the
other a Female Child
;
and then the two Women
died and left the Earth. So their Son and Daugh-
ter were their firft Progenitors. Other Fables
and Figments are among them, touching this
Thing, which are not worthy to be inferted."
Of Courfe no intelligent Perfon would put the
leaft Reliance on Indian Stories of this Nature.
Like all ignorant People, the Indians delighted in
the Recital of marvellous Stories, of which there
was never wanting among them a Hoft of Invent-
ors. They took much Satisfaction in making up
and relating improbable Stories, efpecially when
they found Perfons weak enough to be deceived
by them.
But Gen. Gookin's Conclufion was, that they,
20
This Tradition is common went originally from this Region,
among the Indians in the Weft. I that is from the New England Coaft,
heard Biack Hawk fay that his Tribe about Bofton.
46
Opinions
of
the Learned.
the Indians, "were Adam's Pofterity." Hence,
fome wandering Tribe of Afiatics or Europeans,
by fome Means found its Way into America ; but
when, it was as difficult to determine, as how.
Gen. Gookin believed that all Mankind were
defcended from one Pair, and this was the general
Belief in his Time. He feems to have been of
Opinion too, that the Branch of the human Race
which had found its Way into this Continent, had
got beyond the Reach of Chriftianity, or the
Gofpel ; and hence the Inference, that, although
Men could not wander fo far without divine
Affiftance, that Affiftance immediately forlbok
them on their Arrival here, and they were left to
perifh. But a Reafon for this Concluiion was
never fatisfadlorily given. Dr. Cotton Mather,
however, finds no Difficulty in fupplying what
may be fuppofed to have been, to himfelf, very
fatisfactory Explanations of thefe Difficulties
;
one
or two of which, for their Angularly characteriftic
Qualities, are given.
Dr. Mather fays,
"
The Natives of the Coun-
trey now poiferTed by the New Englanders, had
been forlorn and wretched Heathen ever fince
their firft herding here ; and tho we know not
when or how thofe Indians firft became Inhabit-
ants of this mighty Continent, yet we may guefs
that probably, the Divel decoy'd thofe miferable
Salvages hither, in Hopes that the Gofpel of the
Lord Jefus
would never come here to deftroy or
difturb his Abfolate-Empire over them. But our
Eliot was in fuch ill Terms with the Divel, as to
Strange Ideas
of
Authors.
47
alarm him with founding the Siluer-Trumpets of
Heaven in his Territories, and make fome noble
and zealous Attempts towards outing him of his
ancient Poifeffions here."
2I
The fame Author, in another Work, remarks,
that, "by the Year 1
636,
it was Time for the Devil
to take the Alarum, and make fome Attempt in
Oppolition to the
Pojfefion
which the Lord
Jefus
Chrift. was going to have of thefe utmojl Parts
of
the Earth.-
7
'
Thefe Parts were then covered with
Nations of barbarous Indians and Infidels, in
which the Prince
of
the Power
of
the Air did
Work as a Spirit ; nor could it be expected that
Nations of Wretches, whofe whole Religion was
the moft explicit Sort of Devil-JVorfhip, mould
not be acted by the Devil to engage in fome early
and bloody Action for the Extinction of a Planta-
21
The Life of
'the Renowned John not in their coming hither, pro-
Eliot, P.
74,
Ed. Bofton,
169!. pound any great Matter to them-
22
This and fimilar Expreffions felves refpcfling this World," &c.
were in conftant Ufe among the Here they believed was the Place
Fathers of New England. See New where Chrift was to take up his
Eng. Hijf. and Antiq. Jour.,\\, 22. Abode while on Earth, at his "fecond
Not only the Fathers who came Appearing." And as the Saints
firft to New England ufed to fpeak would be Few in Companion to the
of it as
"
The Ends of the Earth," Reft of the human Race, His King-
but their Children and even their dom would require but a fmall Cor-
Grand-children viewed it as fuch. ner of the American Continent. It
And whatever their Hopes may is evident too that the pious Found-
have been of its Importance in a ers did not wifh or defire a great
Chriftian Point of View, it is pretty Nation compofed of thofe who were
evident that they had no Notion or not Believers
;
and when fuch came
Conception that they were founding among them they took Meafures to
a great Nation, fuch as we now fee. fend them awav again. This Courfe
Dr. Increafe Mather fays, in his they continued in until they were
Election Sermon of
1677,
P.
76,
overwhelmed by Numbers. Progrefs
Ed.
1685

"Our Fathers did in Religion was not thought of.
48
Strange Notio?is
of
Authors.
tion fo Contrary to his Interefts, as that of New
England was."
13
Refpecling the Religion of the New England
Indians,Writers are not agreed. Unlets Superfti-
tion and Religion were viewed by them as fynony-
mous Terms, their Explanations or Defcriptions
of what was fuppofed to be the Indians' Religion
are not very confiftent. Some of them aver that
the Indians had no Religion, and yet go on to
defcribe what it is or what it is not.
Mr. Hubbard has the following Obfervations
upon that Subject:
"
As for their Religion, they
never were obferved by any of the firft Comers
or others, to have any other but what was
diabolical, and fo uncouth, as if it were framed
and devifed by the Devil himfelf, and is tranfacted
by them, they ufed to call Powwows by fome
kind of familiarity with the Devil, and to whom
they ufed to refort for Counfel in all. Kind of
Evils, both corporal and civil."
2+
Roger Williams,
on the other Hand, has given a different Opinion :
"
He that queftions whether God made the World,
the Indians will teach him."
2
5
But to return to the Defign of the prefent
Chapter. It is afferted that when the Englifh
firft fettled in New England, it was occupied by
about twenty different Nations or Tribes of
Indians.
26
Thefe Nations or Tribes were gene-
rally independent of each other, but united fome-
times for mutual Protection, and the Purpofe of

Magnalia Cbrifli Americana,

Hiftoty of
New England,
35.
Book VII, P. 41. See alio Pur-
"'
J
Key into the Indian Language,
chas bis Pilgrimage,
717.
'-'"
Mather's
Life of
Eliot, P.
74.
Survey
of
New England Tribes.
4.9
making War. In every Tribe or Clan there was a
Chief or head Man or head Woman, to whom the
Reft paid a Sort of Deference; but thefe Chiefs had
very little Power, other than that beftowed upon
them by Nature. That is to fay, Chiefs or Leaders
became fo ufually, by being endowed with fuperior
Intellects, or great phyfical Importance.
The principal Tribes fcattered over New Eng-
land at the Period of its Settlement, were, accord-
ing to General Gookin, the Pequots, Narraganfets,
Pawkunnawkuts, Maifachufetts and Pawtuckets.
Each of thefe was fubdivided into many Clans.
There were alfo the Mohegans and Nipmucks.
Some of thefe Tribes are reported to have been
very numerous. The Pequots were the moll
Powerful at the Time of the Arrival of the white
People
;
numbering about four thoufand Warriors.
Their Dominion extended from beyond Quinni-
piack fouthwefterly, to the Narraganfet Country
northeafterly. They exercifed fome Jurifdiciion
over the Indians on a Part of Long Illand, and
alfo as far Inland on the Main as the Country of
the Nipmucks.
Next in Order of Importance were the Narra-
ganfets.
"
They were a great People heretofore,
and the Territory of their Sachem extended about
thirty or forty Miles from Seaconk River and
Narraganfitt Bay, including Rhode Ifland and
other Iflands in that Bay, being their eaft and
north Bounds or Border, and fo running wefterly
and foutherly unto a Place called Wekapage, four
G
5<d
Survey
of
the Indian 'Tribes.
or five Miles to the Eaftward of Pawcatuk River
which was reckoned for their fouth and weft Bor-
der, and the eafternmoft Limits of the Pequots.'
This Tribe aMb exercifed fome Sort of Jurifdiclion.
over a Part of Long Ifland, and likewife over a
Part of the Nipmuck Country, Block Ifland,
Cawefitt, and other Places. The Pawkunnaukuts
or Pokanokets
(Wampanoags) ftood much in Fear
of the
Narraganfets, and were threatened by them
with War, when they found the Wampanoags
were
treating with the white People who came to
fettle at
Plymouth. Canonicus was then Sachem
of the
Narraganfetts. He was a Chief of extra-
ordinary
Capacity, and doubtlefs faw that Mifchief
might accrue to his People by this Lodgment of
Strangers upon the Indian Territory. Therefore
he determined
to fee what Kind of People they
were,
whether they were warlike, and if they
would fight fhould they be attacked. To afcertain
with
Certainty what the Character of the Intruders
was, in thefe
Particulars, in the Month of Febru-
ary, 1622,
he fent a Challenge to them. This
Challenge was brought by an Indian named
Tokamahamon,
and coniifted of a Number of
new
Arrows, which were wrapped in a Rattle-
fnake's Skin.
Thefe the Meflenger left at Ply-
mouth without any Explanation, but Tifquantum
explained them to mean a Challenge for War.
The
Englifh took the Snake's Skin and, filling it
with Powder and Ball, fent it back to the Chief,
with a Meftage, to the Purport that they had never
done any Wrong to the Narraganfets, and defired
Manner
of
Challenge to War.
5
1
to live in Peace with them ; but, if they were
determined on War, to begin as foon as they had
a Mind to ; nor would they find the Englifh
unprepared. This Menage was delivered with an
Air of Defiance, and they rejected the returned
Snake's Skin, probably from a fuperfiitious Fear of
its Contents ; nor would they allow it to remain
among them ; every one calling it from his
Neighborhood, until at length it was returned to
Plymouth with all its Contents.
27
The prompt Action of the Englifh feems to
have awed the belligerent Narraganfets into a
refpectful Silence, as they ifiued no Proclamations
of War againfl the Englifh for a long Period.
Canonicus was then aged, but he lived until the
fourth of June, 1647,
fuppofed then to have been
about eighty-five Years old. His Deceafe was
obferved by all the Natives as a great and fad
Event.
Mention has already been made of the Wam-
panoags. Of them General Gookin fays,
"
their
Chief Sachem held Dominion over divers other
petty Sagamores ; as the Sagamores upon the
Ifland of Nantuckett, and Nope, or Martha's
Vineyard, of Nawfett, of Monnamoyk, of Saw-
kattuckett,
Nobfquafitt, Matakees, and feveral
others, and fome of the Nipmucks. Their
Country, for the moft Part, falls within the
Jurifdidtion
of New Plymouth Colony. This
27
Window's Good News, (in alfo, A Continuation
of
the State
of
Young's Colleftion,) P. 281. See, New England, 18.
52
Numbers
of
the Indians.
People were a potent Nation in former Times,
and could raife, as the moft credible and ancient
Indians affirm, about three thoufand Men."
The Eftimate of Indians of their former
Numbers and Importance is to be taken with
Allowance ; and according to the accumulated
Knowledge of them now available for a compa-
rative View, it is reafonably Doubtful whether any
of the great Tribes of New England were as nu-
merous as was formerly believed. General Gookin
fpeaks of the Peftilence already noticed, by which
"
thefe People were forely fmitten by the Hand
of God, but what this Dileafe was, that io gene-
rally and mortally fwept away, not only thefe,
but other Indians, their Neighbors, I cannot
well learn. I have difcourfed with fome old In-
dians, that were then Youths, who fay, that the
Bodies all over were exceeding Yellow, defcrib-
ing it by a yellow Garment they fhowed me,
both before they died, and afterwards."
The fame Author fays of the Maflachufetts

they were the next great People Northward of

the Wampanoags, and
"
inhabited principally
about the Maifachufetts Bay. Thefe were a nu-
merous and great People. Their Chief Sachem
held Dominion over many other petty Govern-
ors
;
as thofe of Weechagaikas, Neponfitt,
Pun-
kapaog, Nonantum, Nalhaway, fome of the
Nipmuck People, as far as Pokomtakake, as the
old Men of Maifachufetts affirmed. This People
could, in former Times, arm for War, about three
thoufand Men, as the old Indians declare. They
Refults
of
Invejligation.
53
were in Hoftility very often with the Narragan-
fets, but held Amity, for the moft Part, with the
Pawkunnawkutts and with the Pawtucketts."
The Pawtuckett, Gen. Gookin continues,
"
is
the fifth and laft great Sachemftiip of Indians.
Their Country lieth North and Northeaft from
the Maifachufetts, whofe Dominion reacheth fo
far as the Engliih Jurifdiction, or Colony of the
Maifachufetts, now doth extend, and had under
them feveral other fmaller Sagamores, as the Pen-
nacooks, Agawomes, Naamkeeks, Pafcataawayes,
Accomintas, and others." The Pawtuckets were
anciently about equal in Numbers to the Maifa-
chufetts, namely about three thoufand Men, and
were generally in Amity with them. But the
Peftilence, before defcribed,
"
almoft totally de-
ftroyed them, fo that, at this Day," fays our
Author,
"
they are not above two hundred and
fifty Men, befides Women and Children."
Hence it is feen that Nothing very definite
refpecling the Boundaries of Tribes could be ar-
rived at. One Tracf of Country lapped on to
another
;
the Narraganfets, Wampanoags and
Maifachufetts muft have nearly taken all the
Nipmuck Country, and the Pawtucketts carried
their Claims into the Country of the Tarratines
in the Eaft, and the Nipmucks on the Weft.
From all which it is evident, that there was no
Exaclnefs to the Bounds or Limits of Indian
Tribes, as has been elfewhere remarked.
54
Fate
of
Races.
CHAPTER V.
The Fate
of
Races.

Internal Troubles
of
the Indians.

Philip's
Circumjlances at the Time
of
Alexander's Death.

Did not intend

a general War with the Englijh.

Prudence not duly exercifed

to prevent the War
0/1675.

Philip's Authority limited.

Said
to have wept at the News
of
Hojlilities.

Indians had
feeble
Means to counteract evil Reports
of
them.

Falfe Reports be-

came permanent.

Philip
affumes
a Bearing correjponding to that
of
the Englijh.

His Sales
of
Territory.

BriefAccount
of
them.
His Counfellors.

Prefented zvith a
Horfe.

His Expedition to
Nantucket.

Other Sales
of
Land.
AS
the Settlements of the Europeans advanced,
the Indians receded and fhrunk away ; but
they did not go without a Struggle, though it were
indeed againft Fate itfelf. And why they could
not withftand the Current which they faw fweeping
them along, they could not tell ; nor could they
comprehend that this Current was foon to plunge
them down a Cataracl, from the Vortex of which
there was no Efcape ! The Instability of human
Races was not within the Scope of their Philofo-
phy.
Befides the Difturbance given to the Indians
of New England by the Englifh Settlers, one
Tribe continually harralfed another, and Difeafes,
unknown in the Country before the
Europeans
came, were added to the deftruclive Ufe of Fire-
arms and Spirituous Liquors to haften their De-
ftruclion.
The Manner of the Death of Alexander un-
Philip and the Authorities.
55
questionably had confiderable Effect upon Philip,
who was ready to believe Anything unfavorable
to the Plymouth People. He had feen that they
exercifed Authority over his Father and Brother;
an Authority which was inconfiftent with the
natural Freedom of the Indians. Nor could he
understand the Grounds of fuch an affumed Au-
thority
;
inafmuch as his People were Independ-
ent, and had not been fubdued by the Englifh.
He was at this Time a young Man, fcarcely
twenty-two Years of Age perhaps, and when he
was in the Prefence of the venerable Pilgrim
Fathers he could not fummon Courage enough to
deny any of their Demands ; but when he was
in his native Forefts he remembered his Promifes
as Matters at too great a Diftance to be of any
fpecial Account, as it refpected his Actions.
Although the Maifachufetts, Narraganfets,
Mohegans and other Tribes were engaged in fre-
quent Wars with Indians bordering upon them,
there is no Account that Philip was ever actu-
ally engaged in any War until that called by his
Name. And it appears pretty evident that he
never contemplated a general War with the
Englifh. What are called his Aggreffions upon
them were only intended by him as retaliatory for
Wrongs which he believed he had received from
them. But by this Courfe Affairs foon got be-
yond his Control. Had Prudence been exercifed
by the head Men on both Sides, War might have
been avoided ; at leaft in
1675.
Had the white
Settlers been affured that the Indians were more
56
Philip and the Authorities.
than a Match for them in War, they would have
had much greater Forbearance towards them. It
was far otherwife. They defpifed the Indians,
looked upon them as Inferiors in almoft every
Refpecl, and were haughty and overbearing on
numerous Occafions. Revenge is the Confe-
quence of fuch Relations of Man to Man.
It is alfo pretty evident that many ofthe Chiefs of
the fmall Clans of the Wampanoags defired a War
with the Plymouth People. Thefe, although
they were under or within the Sachemdom of
Philip, were not controlled by him, in any fuch
Senfe as a European King controls his diflant
Subjecls. But when War did come, Philip was
accounted at the Head of it, and he could not
efcape its Refponfibilities, or avoid its Difafters.
It was told,
2S
at a Time when the Truth could
fcarcely be miftaken, that Philip was Averfe to
the War in which his young Men had plunged
him by their blind Rage for Revenge and Plun-
der.
"
All the Hiftories," fays Mr. Callender,
"from Mr. Hubbard and Dr. Mather, make
Philip to be the Spring and Mover of the War
;
but there is a conftant Tradition among the Pof-
terity of the People, who lived next to him, and
were
familiarly converfant with him, as alfo with
the Indians who furvived the War, that both
28
By the Rev. Mr. Callender, with our Prince; and had he lived
in his Centennial Di/courfe on the to apply himfelf as Mr. Prince did,
Civiland Religious Affairs of
Rhode he might have been his Equal in
IJland, P. 73.
This excellent Au- Knowledge of New England Hif-
thor
holds a Place in the fame Rank tory. He wrote in
1738.
Prejudicial Reports.
57
Philip, and his chief old Men, were utterly averfe
to the War, and they (liow the Spot (Kikemuit
Spring, in a Farm belonging to Stephen Paine,
Efq. in Briftol) where Philip received the News
of the firft Englishmen that were killed, with
Grief and Sorrow, and wept at the News ; and
that a Day or Two before the firft Outrages, he
had protected aa Englishman the Indians had
captivated, refcued him from them, and privately
fent him Home fafe."
2
?
It muft be remembered that it was not a Day
of Newfpapers then. A Story often gained
much of its Wildnefs and Improbability in its
Paflage through a wild and lavage Country. The
Indians had very fcanty Means to counteract any
Reports concerning them, however abfurd they
may have been. There was a very general Pre-
judice againft them, and hence a Readinefs on
the Part of the Englilh in general, to credit
Stories and Reports againft them. Bofton was
the great Centre where all Reports found their
Way. Here they were talked over, and proba-
bly loft Nothing as they palled from Mouth to
Mouth. Letter
Writers took up thefe Reports,
- ,J
Hiftorical Difcourfe, 73.
At young Warriors, he advifed him to
the breaking out of the War of remove at once to Rhode Ifland.
1675,
two of Hugh Cole's Sons Mr. Cole did fo, and faw his Houfe
were made Prifoners by the Indians in Flames before he had left it an
and taken to Philip's Head-quarters Hour. Col. B. Cole, of the fourth
at Mount Hope. Philip ordered Generation from Hugh, gave me a
them fet at Liberty, becaufe their fimilar Account in 1824. See
Father had always been his Friend. Church's Hijiory, P.
339.
See
He alfo fent Word to Mr. Cole, alfo Feflenden's Hijiory
of
Warren,
that as ^he could not control his
39.
H
58
Philip's dejirefor
Show.
and hence they acquired a Permanence detri-
mental alike to Truth and to the Indians. Spe-
cimens of fuch Letters will be given in the
Progrefs of this Narrative.
It is anerted that Philip intended to begin a
War with the Englifh from the Time he came
in to be Chief, and was only waiting for a good
Opportunity. This Affertion does not appear to
be well fupported. It is however very clear, that
by the Year
1674,
he became convinced that a
War could not be avoided, and that towards the
Clofe of that Year he began to enlift as many in
his Caufe as he could. Up to this Period there
appears Nothing in his Aclions which cannot be
accounted for without the Imputation of Trea-
chery or a covert Defign of Mifchief. Until
then he went from Tribe to Tribe in a friendly
Way, fold Land to the Englifh, and appeared
proud of the Confequence they imputed to him;
drened himfelf up in a rich and gaudy Manner,
called the King of England his Brother, and
affumed Something of the Haughtinefs of the
Englifh themfelves.3
He was fo fond of the Goods of the Englifh that
he fold off his Territory rapidly, which was as
rapidly occupied and improved by them. His
50
John Joflelyn faw Philip at Bof- Englr.nd,i^6. Joflelyn fays,
"
their
ton about 1669,
and thus defcribes Aeads are their Money; of thefe
him
:
"
His Coat and Buikins were there are two Sorts, Blue and White;
thick fet with Beads [Wampum- the firft is their Gold, the lalt their
peage] in pleafant wild Works and Silver. Thefe they Work out of
a broad Belt of the fame. His certain Shells, fo cunningly, that
Accoutrements were valued at twenty neither
Jew
nor Devil can Counter-
Pounds."Two Voyages to New feit them."
His Territones.
59
Lands were of fmall Value to him, but under the
Improvements of the Englifh he faw they were
immediately increafed in Value. It is probable,
therefore, that this may have been a Caufe of
Irritation ; and, when too late, he felt a Diflatif-
faclion with himfelf for his Imprudence, and
perhaps fancied that he had been overreached by
thofe with whom he traded.
The People of Dedham had been negotiating
for about five Years for the Tracl of Land now
Wrentham, but were not able to obtain it until
1662. In that Year they fucceeded in purchafing
it of Philip. The Tradt was then called Wollo-
monopoag, was fix Miles fquare, and coft twenty-
four Pounds and ten Shillings.
In 1664 he fold Mattapoifett to the Hon. Wil-
liam Brenton of Newport. In the Deed he is
ftyled
"
Pumetacom alias Philip, Chief Sachem of
Mount Hope, Cowfumplit and of all Territories
thereunto belonging." He then had a Wife,
whofe Name appears with his upon the Deed.
Her Name was Wootonekanufke. In this Tranf-
adtion
John
Saflamon was Interpreter and a Wit-
nefs, and his Brother Roland Saflamon was alfo a
Witnefs. Of the Former there will be fpecial
Occafion to fpeak hereafter.
Philip had conftantly about him feveral Men
who became very noted in the Courfe of the War,
and all perifhed in it. They were Chiefs of Clans
or* fmall Tribes of Wampanoags, and are called'
Counfellors to King Philip. Some of the mod
noted of them were Watufpaquin, often called by
60 Philip
fells
much Land.
the Englifh the Black Sachem; his Son, William;
Uncompoin ; Umnathum or Munafhum, more
generally known by the Name of Nimrod
;
Anna-
won; Peebe,
31
and feveral others. The mofr. of
their Names appear frequently to Sales of Land
;
fometimes as Principals, but more frequently as
Witneffes.
In
1665
Philip gave a Sort of Quitclaim to
Acufhena and Coaxet. The fame had been fold
by his Father. For this he received ten Pounds
;
but this Sum included Philip's Services in "mark-
ing out the Bounds" of the old Purchafe. The
fame Year the Court of Plymouth made him a
Prefent of a Horfe.
In May of this Year Philip made an Excurlion
to Nantucket, partly, as Tradition reports, to pun-
ifh an Indian who had fpoken difrefpeclfully of
Maffafoit, and partly to alfert his Authority over
the Indians of that Ifland. The Name of the
offending Indian was Affafamoogh, called by the
Englifh
John Gibbs. He was a Preacher to the
Indians on the Ifland. Philip intended to furprife
and kill him, but Gibbs' Friends had Notice of
Philip's Defign, and the Object of his Wrath had
barely Time to efcape by leaping a Precipice.
Philip . however was not to be thwarted in this
Manner, and demanded the Delivery of his Vic-
tim into his Hands. Meantime Search was con-
tinued for him without EffecT:. At length a
Negotiation was entered into for his Ranfom.
31
Phebe's Neck in Rhode Ifland Chief, who had his Refidence there.
was doubtlefs fo named from that See Hubbard, i,
73.
Sales
of
Land continued.
6
1
Philip's Demands were exorbitant, but were
eventually complied with, and amounted to nearly
all the Money upon the Ifland. Aifafamoog was
thus faved from Deftrudtion, and was living there
about ten Years afterwards, and had thirty Mem-
bers belonging to his Church.
In 1666, by a written Inftrument Philip gave
to Watuckpoo and Sampfon power to fell certain
Lands, but where they were fituated does not
appear. In 1667
Philip fold to Conftant South-
worth and others, "all the Meadow Lands from
Dartmouth to Matapoifett," for the Sum of fifteen
Pounds. The fame Year he fold to Thomas
Willet and others
"
all that Tracl: of Land lying
between the River Wanafcattaquett and Cawato-
quilfett, being two Miles long and one broad."
For this he received ten Pounds fterling. Pawfa-
quens, Counfellor to Philip, and Tom, alias Saw-
fuett, an Interpreter, witneifed the Sale.
In 1668, "Philip Pometacom and Tatamumaque,
alias Cafhewafhed, Sachems," for "a valuable Con-
fideration" fold to feveral Englifh a Tracf of fome
fquare Miles, adjacent to Pokanoket. Among
the Witneffes were Sampointeen, alias Tom, and
Nananuntnew, Son of Thomas Piants. The fame
Year Philip and Uncompawen having laid Claim
to a Part of New-Meadows-Neck,^
2
alleging that
it was not intended to be conveyed in a former
Deed by Philip's Father and Brother, Oufamequin
and Wamfutta. To remove this Caufe ofComplaint
32
In Barrington, R. I.
62 Sale
of
Land continued.
it was re-purchafed by thofe who had before
purchafed it
;
yet they protefted that it was,
according to the Record, comprehended in the
former Purchafe. This Quitclaim, however, coft
but eleven Pounds. The Purchafers were Capt.
Thomas Willet, Mr.
James
Brown and
John
Allen,
"
in Behalf of themfelves and the Reft."
To this Conveyance the Names of Philip and his
Wife feem to be reprefented as
"
Philip Nanu-
fkooke." Nimrod and Tom Sanfuweft were
Witnefles. In 1669
Philip fold to Hugh Cole
and others,
500
Acres of Land in Swanfea, on
the Weft Side of the River now known as Cole's
River, fo called from this Proprietor."
Thefe Sales are but a few Specimens of many
made by Philip and his chief Men, and are in-
troduced to fhow the Progrefs the Englifh made
in acquiring the Indian Territory. It was fo in
every Direction, and continued until the Natives
had very little left. Seeing this when too Late,
it was, as before remarked, a Caufe of Irritation
and DiiTatisfadtion, and had Something to do in
preparing the Way for the Troubles which
followed.
33
Feflenden, Htfi.
Warren,
39.
Government among Indians.
63
CHAPTER VI.
Government among Indians.

Philip and the Narraganfets.

Mur-
der
of
an Engli/hman.

Its Confequences.

King Philip implicated.

Arguments
for
and again/I him.

Continued Complaints againft

Philip.

Plymouth appeals to Maffachufetts to interfere.

Philip
confents to attend a Conference at Taunton.

The Meeting.

Tranfaclions at the Conference.

THE
Nature of Government among the In-
dians mull not be confidered like Govern-
ment among the white People. The Authority
of Indian Chiefs was fo unlike any Government
among civilized Communities, as to amount to
almoft no Government at all. For mutual Safety
they would Sometimes appear in Force, and fo if
a Few of them planned any important Expedi-
tion, Volunteers joined it, as it promifed Plunder,
or a Chance of Revenge for former Injuries, either
to themfelves or their Friends or Kindred. A
diftinguifhed Leader could always obtain Follow-
ers
;
and thefe would ftand by him as long as he
was fuccefsful, and he had no Authority to keep
them longer.
It is faid that King Philip endeavored early to
engage the Narraganfets againft the Englifh, but
this does not very clearly appear, until War had
actually broken out. But it is certain that the
Narraganfets had been Enemies to the Settlers of
Maffachufetts ever fince the War between the
Former and the Mohegans. The Part they took
in that War, which ended in the Capture and
64
Charges againji the Narraganfets.
Death of Miantonimo, was a fufficient Caufe for
the Narraganfets to hate the Englifh, and efpe-
cially thofe fettled in and about Bofton. That
they ever after hated them is to be feen through
all the Records of the United Colonies, as Trou-
bles were continually occurring. Hence, when
the Wampanoags took Offence at the Englifh, the
Latter had the beft Reafon to apprehend a Union
with the Former, although they knew they were
Enemies to each other; that both the Narragan-
fets and Wampanoags laid Claim to the fame
Portion of the Nipmuck Country, only a fhort
Time before the War began with Philip, and
that Jealoufies and Difficulties had always exifted
between them.
It is wrong, therefore, to infer that the Narra-
ganfets joined Philip in the War merely becaufe
he delired them to do fo, or from any Affection
they had for the Wampanoags. Either could
have been, at almoft any Time, influenced to
make War on the other, if they could have en-
lifted Allies who could enfure them Succefs. It
was as much as Roger Williams could do, with
all his Philofophy and Philanthropy, to prevent
an open War between them at different Times.
Thefe introductory Obfervations and Details
being underftood by the Reader, will enable him
to proceed underftandingly with the Events of
the War. It is pretty certain that, as early as the
Year
1671,
there was Caufe of Appreheniion
on
the
Part of the Englifh Settlers, that the Wam-
panoags intended Mifchief. This Alarm proba-
Murder
of
Z. Smith.
65
bly grew out of a Murder which was perpetrated
by fome Indians in
"
Dedham Woods," in the
Month of April of that Year. With this Affair
Philip's Name was immediately connected, though
it does not appear that he knew Anything about it
previous to its Occurrence. The Circumftances
attending the Murder were thefe. Zachary
Smith, a young Man, in travelling through
Dedham, flopped for a Night at the Houfe of
Caleb Church, a Millwright, then refiding there.
He left, the next Morning, and, when he had
been gone about half an Hour, three Indians
came along, and went the fame Way which
Smith had gone. As they paffed Church's Houfe
they behaved infolently, throwing Stones and
ufing infulting Language. They were known to
the Englifh, having been employed as Laborers
among them in Dorchefter, and had faid they
belonged to King Philip. Thefe Indians, on over-
taking Smith, killed him for fome little Effects
which he had about him, and his Body was
found "near the Sawmill" in Dedham foon after.
Search was then made for the three Indians
;
it be-
ing fufpecled that they were the Murderers. They
were in a few Days found and taken into Cuftody.
At their Trial but one of them was found Guilty,
and he was executed on the Gallows on Bofton Com-
mon. After the Execution his Head was cut offand
fet upon the Gallows,where it was remaining at leaft
five Years afterwards. This Indian was the Son
of Matoonas, Sachem of the Clan of Nipmucks
living at Pakachoog. Of him there will be
I
66 King Philip implicated.
Occafion to fay more hereafter. It was remarked
by the beft Hiftorian of that Age, that this Son
of Matoonas, "being vexed in his Mind that the
Delign againft the Englifh, intended to begin [in]
1
67
1,
did not take Place, out of mear Malice
and Spight againft them, flew an Englishman
travelling along the Road."
34
It therefore appears that it was a very current
Belief among the Englifh, that a Riling of the
Indians was planned, and intended to be carried
into Execution in 1671. The fame Author con-
tinues: "The faid Matoonas being a Nipnet
Indian, which Nipnets were under the Command
of the Sachem of Mount Hope, the Author of
all the prefent
[1676]
Mifchiefs."
34
It therefore
appears, alfo, that Philip was held accountable
for whatever was done againft any of the Englifh,
by any of the Indians, fuppofed to be under his
Control or Influence.
The Surlinefs of Philip, complained of early
in the Year
1671,
may, in fome Meafure, have
been owing to his believing himfelf wrongly
accufed ; and to have ftrengthened his Belief,
alfo, that the Englifh were about to make War
upon him under a falfe Pretence of Injuries re-
ceived from the Indians, about which he knew
Nothing. However this may be, the People of
Plymouth thought themfelves in imminent Dan-
ger as early as the Month of March, and reported
to the Governor of Maflachufetts that
"
Philip
n4
Hubbard, Narrative, P.
7.
Arguments
for
and againji him,
67
was marching up and down
"
with many of his
Men, armed as for War, and carrying themfelves
infultingly to the Englifh, whenever they met
any of them.
From all that can now be difcovered, the fol-
lowing fevere Remarks of Mr. Hubbard do not
appear to be entirely juftifiable. After his Ac-
count of the Captivity and Death of Alexander,
before extracted, this Hiftorian proceeds :
"
Nor
was Anything of that Nature [Unkindnefs to the
Indians] ever objected to the Englifh of Plymouth,
by the faid Alexander's Brother, by Name Philip,
commonly, for his ambitious and haughty Spirit,
nicknamed King Philip, when he came in the
Year 1662, in his own Perfon, with Saufaman
his Secretary and chief Counfellor, to renew the
former League that had been between his Pre-
deceffors and the Englifh of Plymouth ; but
there was as much Correfpondence betwixt them
for the next feven Years, as ever had been in any
former Times. What can be imagined, there-
fore, befides the inftigation of Satan, that either
envied at the Profperity of the Church of God
here feated ; or elfe fearing left the Power of the
Lord
Jefus,
that had overthrown his Kingdom in
other Parts of the World, fhould do the like
here ; and fo the Stone taken out of the Moun-
tain, without Hands, fhould become a great
Mountain itfelf, and fill the whole Earth, no
Caufe of Provocation being given by the Eng-
lifh
;
for once before this, in the Year
1671,
the
Devil, who was a Murderer from the Beginning:,
68 Treaty
of
Taunton.
had fo filled the Heart of this falvage Mifcreant
with Envy and Malice againft the Englilh, that
he was ready to break out into open War againft
the Inhabitants of Plymouth, pretending fome
petite Injuries done to him in [his] planting
Land.""
As a further Proof that Philip defigned a War,
it was alleged that he was providing himfelf with
Arms of various Kinds, repairing his Guns, fharp-
ening Knives and grinding Hatchets. All
thefe Indications were reported at Bofton by
Meffengers from Plymouth, as early as the firft
of April, 1
67
1
;
with a Requeft that the Go-
vernment of Maffachufetts would ufe its Endea-
vors to caufe Philip to difmifs his ftrange Indians
and be peaceable. Acfing upon this Requeft,
the Governor and Council of the Colony engaged
Philip to meet fome Gentlemen, which they
would depute for the Purpofe at Taunton ; and
there to confer with others from Plymouth, to
the End that all Difficulties might be Settled.
This Propofal was acceded to, and the Time for
the Conference was the 10th of April. Taunton
Village, then called the Training Field, and fince
Taunton Green, was the Place appointed. The
Government of Maffachufetts deputed William
Davis, William Hudfon and Thomas Brattle on
35
Narrative
of
the Troubles, io, that if the Englifh did fend Meflen-
II.

"He then armed himfelf and gers to Treat with him, if above
afted like a Rebel that intended a Four came in Company together,
fpeedy Rifing, yea, he ordered (as they fhould be fhot down."Ma-
fome Indians have fince confefled) ther's Relation,
72-3.
Treaty
of
Taunton.
69
their Part, and the Governor of Plymouth, Mr.
Prence, Jofias
Winllow and Conftant Southworth,
with feveral other Gentlemen, appeared on the
Part of Plymouth. The Englim having met,
according to Arrangement, were furprifed to
learn that Philip and his Attendants were at
Three-mile-river,^
6
about four Miles from them,
and were waiting for the Governor of Plymouth
to come to them. This they learned from Mef-
fengers fent to them by Philip. The Engliih
declined the Propofal, and returned Anfwer that
the Green was the Place of Meeting originally
agreed upon, and delired him to appear there.
This Anfwer was delivered to Philip by
James
Brown and Mr. Williams, who found his Men in
conliderable Force, attired, armed and painted as
if apprehending a Battle. This was to be expected
;
for the People of Plymouth had given out fo many
Threats that Philip had very good Reafon for this
Appearance in warlike Array ; and when he faw
the other Party armed and marfhalled he was very
reafonably confirmed in his Sufpicions, that they
intended to attack him. However, not even the
venerable Peace-maker, Mr. Williams, could over-
come the Fears of the Indians, fo far as to induce
them to proceed to the Green on any other Terms,
than by having Hoftages left in their Hands.
This Arrangement was accordingly entered into,
and Mr. Williams and James Brown remained
with fome of the Indians, while the Reft proceeded
35
Baylies, Mem.
of
New Plymouth, IJ, Part iii, P. 18.
jo
Treaty
of
Taunton.
towards the Green with Philip at their Head.
When they came to a well known Point called
Crollman's Hill,
37
in view of the Englifh, and
beholding their Encampment, and their Men
parading in military Order, they hefitated to
advance. Yet after ftationing Sentinels on the
Hill they proceeded down to Croffman's Mill,
38
near by, and again halted. From this Place he
defpatched another MelTage to the Green, with an
Invitation for the Governor to meet him at the
Mill. To this the Englifh would not liften, and
the Plymouth Men became clamorous to be
allowed to attack Philip. This rafh Propofal was
fet afide by the Malfachufetts Delegation, and in
the End Philip agreed to go to the Green, on the
Condition, that the Meeting mould be in the
Meetinghoufe, and that the Indians mould occupy
one Side of it and the Englifh the other.
Here was a Scene for a Painter. Both Parties
were in their war Coftumes ; the Indians, with
their Faces and Bodies painted after their favage
Manner, with their long Bows, and Quivers of
Arrows at their Backs, with here and there a Gun
in the Hands of thofe beft fkilled in the Ufe of
them ; the Englifh in the Cromwellian Habit,
douched Hats with their broad Brims, Bandoleers,
Cuiraffes, long Swords and unwieldy Mulkets.
Such was the extraordinary Scenery amidft
which was to be undertaken a Settlement of Diffi-
37
So named, probably, from an
3S
Where the Griftmill now is.
early Settler thereabouts, named John Baylies, II., Part iii, P. 18.
CroiTman, or Crofman.
Refult
of
the Treaty.
71
culties between the Englifh and Indians. It is
evident that Philip now faw he had been out-
generaled in the Preliminaries, and that this was
owing to the Influence his Friends, the Englifh of
the Bay, had in directing his Operations, that he
was now completely in the Power of his Enemies,
and that he could only extricate himfelf by affent-
ing to their Demands, however unreafonable they
might be. The Complaint that the Englifh had
injured him in his planting Lands, they fay, was
a mere Pretence and Fabrication, and acknow-
ledged by him to be fuch ; and when required to
give Reafons for his warlike Preparations, he faid
they were made for Defence againfl: the Narragan-
fets, from whom an Attack was apprehended.
But the Englifh anfwered that this was utterly
falfe, becaufe they had Proof that he was on better
Terms with the Narraganfets than ever before;
and that this fo confounded him that
"
he con-
felTed the whole Plot," and acknowledged
"
that
it was the Naughtinefs of his own Heart that put
him upon that Rebellion, and Nothing of any
Provocation from the Englifh." This is the
Language of a "Submiflion" drawn up by the
Englifh and iigned by Philip, Tavofer, Capt. Wif-
poke, Woonkaponehunt [Unkompoin] and Nim-
rod [Umnathum.] It is dated April 10th,
1671,
and witneifed by the three Commiflioners or
Delegates from Bofton, before mentioned.
The moft grievous Part of the Submiifion now
made by Philip was his Promife to deliver up all
the Englifh Arms in his Poffeflion to the Govern-
72
Refult
of
the Treaty.
ment of Plymouth, "to be kept for their Security
fo long as they mall fee Reafon." Accordingly
all of his Men furrendered their Guns before
leaving the Place of meeting, and then Philip was
difmiifed and allowed to return Home.
3 '
The Refult of this Conference increafed the
Hatred of Philip for the Englifh, which he in
fome Meafure ftifled for the Prefent, and fome of
his Captains were fo angry at him for this Sub-
mifTion, that they could fcarcely forbear feeking
immediate Vengeance. It is faid that one of
them, "of far better Courage than himfelf, when
he law his cowardly Temper and Difpoiition, flung
down his Arms, faying he would never own him
again, or fight under him," and immediately joined
the Englifh, and fought on their Side throughout
the War that followed.
40
A decided Advantage was gained by the Engliuh
in this Negotiation, but it was of that Kind which
gave no Security for its Permanency. It was an
Advantage which goaded and provoked the Indians
to revenge, while to their inconfiderate Opponents
it tended to make them infolent, and to think lefs
of the Natives than before.
Confequently there was no Ceifation of Com-
plaints on both Sides. The Englifh faid the
Indians did not give up all their Arms at Taunton,
as they agreed to do, but conveyed fome of them
away flily. Therefore, under the Pretence that
39
"The Englifh being tender of Future.''Mather's Relation,
73.
fhedding Blood, let hiin go upon
4U
Hubbard, 'Narrative,
14.
The
Promife of better Behavior for the Name of that Chief does not appear.
Seizure
of
Indians' Arms.
73
all the Wampanoags were to deliver up their
Arms, Forces were fent to different Tribes, or
Clans of thofe Indians, as the Nemafkets and
Seconets, to take their Arms by force. In this Way-
many Guns were feized and brought to Plymouth.
This does not feem to be juftifiable from the
Articles of Submiffion entered into at Taunton.
By thofe Articles Philip bound himfelf in thefe
Words
:

" I do freely engage to refign up unto

the Government of New Plymouth, all my Eng-
liih Arms." Now the Seconets, Affawomfets,
Nemalkets and others, were probably not thought
of by Philip when he figned the Articles; and.
Nothing appears to authorize a Belief that any
Arms were to be delivered up, except thofe Phi-
lip's Followers had brought with them to Taunton.
Indeed, from what we know of the Authority of
Chiefs over their People, Philip had no Power
whatever to compel any of his Men to give up
the Arms which they had purchafed and honeftly
paid for. Hence it is eafy to fee that the Breach
between the Englifh and the Indians, was, by the
Proceedings at Taunton, materially widened
;
and
that every Step afterwards, in Purfuance of thofe
Proceedings, tended to make it irreparable.
K
74
Awajhonks.
CHAPTER VII.
Confcquence
of
the Seizure
of
the Arms
of
the Wampanoags.

The
Seconets.
Awajhonks.

Her Submiffion.

Accufations againjl
Philip.

Interference
of
MaffachuJets.

A Council
of
War at
Plymouth.

Refolve to attack Philip.

He
refufes
to appear at
Plymouth.

Goes to Bojlon.

Further Account
of
Awajhonks.

Commijfioners meet at Plymouth.

Philip again
figns
Articles
of
Submiffion.

The Acl compuljory.

The Indian a wily Foe.

The Whites more wily.

Philip's
Courfe after the Plymouth Sub-
miffion.

A Letter from
him.

The Englijh
defere
to
benefit
the .
Indians.
AS
was to be expecled, the Seizure of the Guns
of all the Indians in Plymouth Colony, cre-
ated a great Ferment among them. They had
become quite dependent on thofe Arms to procure
the Means of living, and hence it is not ftrange
that they mould confider the Seizure of them an
Acl of great Injustice
;
efpecially, as they probably
could not underftand upon what Grounds it was
done. Among thofe who made their Refentment
the moft confpicuous, were the Seconets, who had
at their Head a Female Chief of great Energy of
Character, named Awafhonks. The precife Acls
which palled between Plymouth and the Seconets,
previous to June, 1671,
do not appear upon Re-
cord, and are only to be inferred from the Terms
of a Submiffion which Awafhonks made on the
24th of that Month, at Plymouth. She had been
ordered to appear there much earlier, and
the
Submiffion
Paper fays,

" In admitting, that the

Plymouth's Treatment
ofAwafoonks.
75
Court are in fome Meafure fatisfied with your
voluntary
41
coming in now at laft, and Submimon
of herfelf unto us
;
yet this we expect that fhe
give fome meet Satisfaction for the Charge and
Trouble (lie has put upon us by her too long
ftanding out againft the many Tenders of Peace
we have made to her and her People." The
Document further fpeaks of
"
the Reducement
"
of fuch of her People as have been the
"
Incend-
iaries
"
of the Mifchief.
Some of the Circumftances were thefe. The
Government of Plymouth, having fent an armed
Force under Major Joiiah Window to feize the
Arms of the Seconets, had failed in the Object;
which Failure was no Doubt occafioned by the
Indians being able to fecrete or hide away their
Guns. However, the Court promife, that, as
many of thofe People as mould give themfelves
and Arms up in ten Days from the 24th of
June,
mould receive no Hurt or Damage from the Court.
The Submiffion, or Agreement, was figned by
Awafuncks, Totatomet and Somagaonet. Samuel
Baker and John
Almey were Witneffes. Be this
as it may, the Work of difarming the Indians in
Plymouth Colony went on.
The Indians not having brought in their
Guns, agreeably to the Treaty at Taunton, as
that Treaty was confirmed by Plymouth, the
41
It will be feen that what is (hows' that the Pilgrims, or rather,
really meant is the Reverfe of this, the Sons of the Pilgrims, did, fome-
A voluntary Compulfion is rather an times, fay one Thing and mean an-
awkward Kind of Compliance. It other.
76
Plymouth divides the Indian Guns.
Court of that Colony, having met in
June,
palled an Order, "that all the Guns that did
belong to Philip, now in our Hands, are juftly
forfeited
;"
whereupon they made another Order,
by which thole Guns were to be diftributed to
thole who took them, and to the Englilh in the
feveral Towns, "proportionately." Here then
was an End to Philip's Hopes that the Arms
would ever be reftored to him, as was provided
by the Taunton Treaty.
At the fame Court a Record was made which
charges Philip with having broken Faith with
them in every Thing he had promifed at Taunton
;
and that he had frnce that Time
endeavored
to
render the Government of Plymouth odious
to the
Malfachufetts Colony by falfe Reports,
Complaints
and Suggeflions. Plymouth, alfo, aifumed a com-
plete Authority over the Wampanoags,
which is
thus exprelfed in their Records
:
Belides their
Refufal to comply with the Terms of the
Treaty
at Taunton,
"
and his refufing or avoiding
a
Treaty with us concerning thofe and other Mat-
ters that are juftly offenfive to us,
notwithftanding
his late Engagement, as well as Former, to fubmit
to the King's Authority, and the
Authority
of
this Colony."
Now the Government of Malfachufetts
thought
Plymouth had aifumed a Little too
much,
and
exprelfed itfelf to that Effect, in Anfwer
to a Re-
queft from Plymouth, that that
Government
would cooperate with them in compelling
Philip
Confequent Troubles.
77
to perform what was required of him.
42
Ply-
mouth had become exceedingly indignant, be-
caufe Philip would not obey certain Summonfes
to appear at their Court and give Satisfaction for
his Breach of Faith. At length a Council of
War was convened at Plymouth on the 23d of
Auguft,
(167 1,)
at which was taken into Confide-
ration,
"
Philip's entertaining of many ftrange
Indians, which might portend Danger towards
us. In fpecial by his entertaining of divers Saco-
nett Indians, profeifed Enemies to this Colony,
and this againft good Counfel given him by his
Friends." It was therefore
"
unanimoufly agreed
by this Council of War, that we caufe the faid
Sachem to make his perfonal
Appearance to
make his Purgation, in Reference to the Pre-
miles
;"
and mould he Refufe, to caufe his
"
Re-
ducement by Force."
So eafy a Conqueft had been achieved over
Alexander, Philip's PredeceiTor, the Plymouth
People probably argued that One over Philip
would not be more difficult. However, they
wifhed to provide againft any Oppolition which
the Indians could make, and therefore it was
refolved in the Council of War, that, although the
Controverfy
"
feemed to lie more immediately
between
"
Philip and them, it concerned all the
Englifh Plantations; and hence it was determined
"
to ftate the Cafe
"
to Maflachufetts and Rhode
Ifland Colonies
;
"
and if, by their weighty
Ad-
4a
Plymouth Colony Records, in MS.,
23 Aug. 1671.
78
Difficulties
Continue.
vice to the Contrary, we are not diverted, to
fignify unto them, that if they look upon them-
felves concerned to engage in the Cafe with us
againft a common Enemy, it mail be well ac-
cepted as a neighborly Kindnefs, which we fhall
hold ourfelves obliged to repay, when Providence
may fo difpofe that we have Opportunity.
"^
Accordingly a Letter, containing the Doings
of the Council of War, was defpatched to Go-
vernor Bellingham and his Council, in the Bay,
by Mr. John
Freeman, one of the Plymouth
Magistrates ; another to Governor Benedict Ar-
nold and the Council of Rhode Ifland, by Mr.
Thomas Hinckley and Mr. Conftant Southworth,
two other Magiftrates
;
and another
"
to the faid
Philip the faid Sachem, to require his perfonal
Appearance at Plymouth, on the 13th Day of
September next
;"
which was the Time appointed
for the propofed Treaty or Conference. This
was fent by Mr. James
Walker, one of the
Council, and he was ordered to requeft the
Company of Mr. Richard Williams
44
and Mr.
James
Brown.
In Cafe Philip did not make his Appearance
as ordered, an armed Force was to march againft
him at the Expiration of a Week from the 13th
of September, namely, on the 20th.
4
5
Men for
43
Plymouth Colony Records, v, Williams, the Founder of Provi-
76.
dence.
*
This Mr. Richard Williams
45
By the Articles of Confedera-
ls fuppofed by fome to have been tion of the United Col .nies,
no
a Brother of the renowned Roger Colony belonging to faid
Confede-
Majfachufetts I?7terferes.
79
the Expedition were in Readinefs, and ordered to
hold themfelves thus,
"
until the intended Expe-
dition is ilfued." And, it was further ordered,
that all the Towns in the Colony, fhould, mean-
time, take every Precaution in providing againft
an Attack of the Indians, and to carry their
Arms to the Meetings on Sundays, or Lord's
Days, as they were called.
Philip, on receiving the Council's Letter, im-
mediately proceeded to Bofton, to confer with
the Government of the Maifachufetts Colony.
There was Nothing wrong in this ; on the other
Hand, an Agreement exifted between him and
Maifachufetts, that, in Cafe of any Difficulty with
any of the Engliihor Indians and him, he fhould
not commit any hoftile Acts againft them, but
fhould lay the Matter before the Authorities,
who agreed on their Part to fee Juftice done.
But the Plymouth People viewed this Movement
of Philip as another Outrage, and a fpecial Con-
tempt of their Authority.
Notwithstanding the Letter which the Council
of War fent to Bofton, (which doubtlefs reached
there as foon as Philip did,) the Governor and Coun-
cil of that Colony returned an Anfwer which was
very unfatisfactory to Plymouth, and probably pre-
vented the Expedition againft Philip which was
appointed to march on the 20th of September, as
juft ftated. In that Letter it was remarked, that
Maifachufetts die not conceive Philip was fo
ration could make War without the Courts of the United Colonies.

Confent of the feveral General Hazard ii,

519.
80 Rhode Ijland
offers Ajfiftance.
much in the Wrong as Plymouth thought him
to be
;
and recommended a Compliance with his
Requefts. They further obferved,
"
that they
doubted whether the Covenants and Engage-
ments that Philip and his PredeceiTbrs had made
with them, would plainly import that he had
fubjecled himfelf, People and Country to them,
any further than as in a neighborly and friendly
Correfpondency."
This decided Language of MafTachufetts caufed
the Authorities at Plymouth to attribute the
Caufe of it to the Abufe Philip had practiced
upon the former Government; "by carrying
Lies and falfe Stories to them,"
46
as they averred.
Philip knew very well that if he attended a
Council of War at Plymouth, he would be com-
pelled to lign whatever Articles might be re-
quired of him, as he had done at Taunton the
previous April. It is very reafonable that he
fhould wifh to avoid other fimilar compulfive
Afts.
From Rhode Illand, Plymouth received a
more encouraging Letter. By that Letter it
appears that that Colony had no Doubt of the
hoftile Intentions of the Indians, and they ex-
prefs a Readinefs to ftand by and affift Plymouth,
in Cafe there fhould be occafion for their Ser-
vices.
57
Meanwhile a complete Reconciliation took
place between Awafhonks and Governor Prince,
iR
Plymouth Colony Records. loft, as Mr. Bartlett, the able Edi-
!7
The Letter fent to Rhode tor of the Rhode Ifland Records,
Illand by Plymouth is probably feems not to have met with it.
Awajhonks' Letter. 81
as appears by a Letter from her to the Governor,
dated on the nth of Auguft,
(1671.)
Of courfe
flie did not write the Letter ; and how much of
it fhe dictated or affented to, is left to Conjecture.
Her Scribe was doubtlefs Mr. Samuel Baker, be-
fore named, and the Letter was in Anfwer to one
from the Governor of the 7th of Auguft preced-
ing. In her Letter fhe fays,
"
As you are pleafed
to fignify, that if I continue faithful to my En-
gagement made with yourfelves at Plymouth, I
may expecf all juft Favors from your Honor."
That fhe was refolved, while fhe lived, with all
Fidelity to ftand to her Engagement, and in a
peaceable Submiflion to his Commands. She
laid fhe was fenfible that by her SubmifTion fhe
had greatly offended fome of the Indians, and
muft look to Plymouth to protect her againft
them
;
that fhe had refolved to fend in all her
Guns, "being fix in Number," according to her
Agreement, but Two of them were fo large that
the Meffengers were not able to carry them;
that fhe offered them to Mr. Baker, but he told
her he had no Authority to receive them, and
recommended her to give them to Mr.
John
Almey, who belonged to the Jurifdicfion of
Plymouth. Before fhe could do this, it unfor-
tunately happened, that an Indian named Broad-
faced-will, ftole One of them in the Night, and
ran away with it to King Philip, at Mount
Hope.
On a further Review of the Correfpondence
between the Seconet Queen and Governor Prince,
L
8 2 Council
of
War.
the very flender Authority of the Former over
her
"
Subjects
"
is ftrikingly apparent. Up to the
nth of Auguft, the Names only of forty-two of
her Men could be obtained, who would agree to
the Articles fhe had entered into with Plymouth.
Among them was her Hufband, named Tolony,
48
but her two Sons, Mamanewa and Tatuckamna,
refufed to acknowledge any Authority of Ply-
mouth over them, as did alfo her Brother, but his
Name does not appear.
49
This Submiffion of her
People, Governor Prince conlidered rather an
imperfect one, but laid he did not confider it her
Fault ; but was forry fhe had no more Influence
or Control over them. He alfo obferved, that if
the Seconets would fet at Defiance his Majefty's
Authority, they might repent it when too late, or
Language to that Effect.
Thus flood Affairs when another Council of
War was to be held at Plymouth. This was
appointed for the 24th of September, and at which
Philip, agreeably to an Underftanding which he
had with Maifachufetts, was to be prefent. He
was encouraged to appear, as the CommifTioners
of the United Colonies were to be prefent.
Accordingly, on the Day appointed, appeared
Gov.
John
Winthrop of Connecticut, Major Ge-
neral
John
Leverett, Mr Thomas Danforth and
Capt. William Davis of Maifachufetts ;
"
with
divers others."
^In a Deed of
1674,
Awa-
,|a
She had a Brother named To-
flionk's Hufband's Name appears as kamona, fubfequently killed by the
Waweyewet. See Baylie's New Narraganfets.Church, Hijl. King
Plymouth, IV,
63.
Philip's War, III, Edition 1827.
Council
of
War.
83
Thofe Commimoners, having refolved them-
felves into a Sort of High Commiffioned Court,
proceeded to a Hearing of the Matters at Iffue.
From what can be learned by the Accounts, both
in Manufcript and Print, Philip was actually on
Trial in this Court, and the Articles which he
fubfcribed are much of the Nature of a Sentence.
Indeed, it is ftated in one Author,? that "all
Philip's Allegations were heard, to the Conviction
of himfelf, and great Satisfaction of all that Audi-
ence." The fame Writer adds,

" The Conclulion

was, Philip acknowledged his Offence, and was
appointed to give a Sum of Money to defray the
Charges which his infolent Clamors had put that
Colony unto."
The Seflion of the Commiflioners feems to
have occupied five Days, namely, from the 24th
to the 29th of September. On the laft named
Day Articles were prefented, which Philip and
feveral of his chief Men, or Counfellors, figned.
51
so
Dr. I. Mather, Relation
of
the in, forafmuch as I cannot do it at
Troubles,
73.
Prefent.
51
The following is a Copy : Art.
3. I do promife to fend
Art. 1. We Philip and my unto the Governor, or whom he
Council and my Subjects, do acknow- mail appoint, Five Wolves Heads,
ledge ourfelves Subjects to his MA- if I can get them : or as many as I
JESTT the king of England, and can procure, until they come to Five
the Government of New-Plimouth, Wolves yearly,
and to their Laws. Art.
4.
If any Difference fall
Art. 2. I am willing, and do between the Englifh and myfelf,
promife to pay unto the Govern- and People, then I do promife to
ment of Plimouth, one hundred repair to the Governor of Plimouth,
Pounds in fuch Things as I have
;
to reftify the Difference amongft
but I would intreat the Favour that us.
I might have three Years to pay it Art. 5. I do promife not to
84-
'Treaty with Philip.
By this Treaty, or "Articles," Plymouth wrung
from the Wampanoag Chief the Acknowledgment
of Submiflion, for which they had ftrenuouily
contended ; and, by which they reduced him, in
Appearance, at leaft, to the Condition of the
Seconet Queen. How this Matter of Submiffion
was gotten over by the Commiffioners, does not
appear, nor is it ftated on what Grounds the
Maflachufetts Members gave up their former
Polition, namely, that the Indians had formerly
made no Submiffion, but had only made Treaties
of Reciprocity, for mutual Benefit and Protection.
However, there can be no QuefHon that Philip
considered himfelf overreached, and fubmitted
again to Articles which he detefted, but which
he could not avoid executing without an imme-
diate War, for which he had made no Preparation,
or was in no Condition to profecute.
The Indian, efpecially King Philip, has always
been characterized as a wily Foe, but the Wiles of
make War with any, but with the Year above written
;
[29
Sept.
Governor's Approbation of Pli- 1671.] In the Prefence
of
the
mouth. Court and divers
of
the Magijlrates
Art. 6. I promife, not to difpofe and other Gentlemen
of
the
MaJJa-
of any of the Lands that I have at chufetts and ConneBicut.
prefent, but by the Approbation of The Mark P of Philip Sackem.
the Governor of Plimouth. The Mark K of Wohkowpahenitt.
For the true Performance of the The Mark
< of Wuttakoofeeim.
Premifes of the faid Sackim, Philip The Mark X of Sonkanuhoo.
of Paukamakett, do hereby bind The Mark V of Woonafhum, alias
myfelf, and fuch of my Council as Nimrod.
are prefent, ourfelves, our Heirs, our The Mark Y of Woofpafuck, alias
SuccefTors, faithfully, and to promife, Captain,
in witnefs whereof we have hereunto \Plym. Col. Reel., v,
79.]
fubfcribed our Hands the Day and
Treaty with Philip.
85
the white Man were as fuperior to his, as modern
diplomatic Tactics are fuperior to thofe of an
Age of priftine Simplicity. In the prefent Situ-
ation of Affairs, Philip was convinced that Refift-
ance would avail Nothing, but on the Contrary-
it would pretty furely prove his Deftruction.
Therefore he was obliged to ftirle his Refentment,
as the only Courfe left him. He probably had
no fixed Determination to refift the Aggreffions
of his white Neighbors at any future definite
Day, while it is probable that he hoped a Time
would come in which he could be revenged for
the Wrongs he had been compelled to fubmit to.
The Nature of thefe Wrongs have already been
explained. That they were, to fome Extent,
imaginary, is probably true, while, at the fame
Time, there was much done on the Part of the
Englim which cannot be defended, except by
fuch Kind of Argument as that employed at all
Times fince, when the red Man flood in the Way
of the avaricious, rapacious and unprincipled
white Man.
It has been afferted, that from the Time of the
Plymouth Submiffion in the Autumn of
1671,
to
the breaking out of the War of
1675,
Philip was
ufing all the Art of which he was Matter to
engage all the Indians of New England to unite
in deflroying the white Inhabitants. This can-
not be proved by documentary Evidence, any
more than the Reverfe of the Propofition. But
it is no doubt fairly to be inferred, that Philip
86 Letter
of
King Philip.
and his .chief Men made it a fpecial Buiinefs to
relate to their Neighbors of other Tribes all the
Circumftances of their Difficulties with the Eng-
lifh ; and that in thofe Relations the Englifh
were made to appear wholly in the Light of
Aggreffors. Hence it became the fixed Opinion
of all the Indians, throughout New England,
that their Countrymen in general, and the Wam-
panoags efpecially, had not only been wronged
ever fince the Englifh came into the Country,
but that thofe Wrongs were increafing. Neither
can there be fcarcely any Doubt that the Indians
generally hoped a Time would come when they
fhould be Mafters. Much, however, was to be
done, before a War could be undertaken with
any Profped: of Succefs on their Part. The
Wampanoags, who were to begin it were almoft
without Firearms, and it would require much
Time to obtain a Supply.
A Calm ufually precedes a Tempeft. Peace
and apparent Quietnefs fucceeded the Plymouth
Submiffion, and it was about three Years before
Anything occurred to produce Apprehenfions on
the Part of the Englifh, that the Indians ferioufly
meditated Mifchief. In the mean Time many
new Towns fprang up and were peopled
;
Roads
were laid out and made in every Direction into
the Indian Country by the Englifh Settlers, and
new
Purchafes of the Indians were made. In-
deed, the Natives generally were, to all Appear-
ances, well difpofed, and Philip among the Reft.
Letter
of
King Philip.
87
He, (by
means of a Scribe, of courfe,) wrote
Letters to his
white
Neighbors,*
1
to which
he was able to fet his
Signature, which was a
large P, fold them
his Lands53 and bought their
Goods.
sa
There is a curious Letter from
Philip preferved among the Records
of Dorcheiter, a Copy of which was
furnifhed me many Years ago, by
Mr. W. B. Trafk. It is as fol-
lows :
"
Philip Sachem of Mount Hope To
Capt. Hopeftill Foiler of Dorchei-
terSendeth Greeting:
"
Sir you may pleafe to remem-
ber that when I laft faw you att
Wading Riuer, you promifed me
fix pounds in goods
;
now my re-
quest is that you would fend by this
Indian five yeards of white or light
colored ferge, to make me a coat,
and a good Holland Shirt ready
made; and a pair of good Indian
Breeches, all of which I have pre-
fent need of. Therefore I pray fir,
fail not to fend them by my Indian
and with them the feveral prices of
them; and filk and buttons and fe-
ven yeards of Gallowne for trim-
ming. Not elfe att prefent to trou-
ble you with onley the fubfcripion
of King Philip,
"
His Majefty P : P
"
Mount Hope
"the 15th of May, 1672."
This Letter has fince been printed
in Mr. Clapp's Hijtory
of
Dorcbef-

r,s
On the 28th of September,
1672,
Philip and his head Men
"
Nuncompahoonet, Umnathum (or
Nimrod), Cheemaughton and An-
nawam," for
143,
"
fell a Traft
of Land to William Brenton, James
Walker, Wm. Harvey,WalterDeane,
Richd Williams and John Rich-
mond." This Traft included Taun-
ton, of which the Purchafers were
already in Poffeffion.
On the lft of Oftober of the
fame Year another Sale begins thus :
"
I Phillip, alias Matacome, cheife
Sachem of Pakanokit: haue engaged
and morgaged four miles fquare of
land fouthvvardly of Taunton bounds
to Mr. Conftant Southworth,Trea-
furer; and having already given a
deed of three miles in breadth and
four in length of the fayd land vnto
fum of Taunton," know, &c,
"
that
I Philip," &c, fell unto the faid
Southworth,
"
the other mile in
breadth and tour miles in length,
adjoining that" already fold to Taun-
ton Men. The Confideration was
47.
It was witneffed by Thomas
Leonard, Hugh Cole, Nimrod, Ak-
kompoin and Annawon. The Ac-
knowledgement is dated t he fame
Day, and was before Conftant
Southworth and
John Alden, and
Nath. Morton's Name appears as
Recorder. Southworth affigned the
Deed to Wm. Brenton, Wm. Har-
vey, James
Walker, Rich'd Wil-
liams, Walter Deane, Leif. George
Macey and John Richmond, Com-
88
John Sajfamon.
The Englifh, as a general Thing, wifhed the
Indians well, and were of much Service to them
;
and their immenie Labors to Chriftianize them
prove their Sincerity to Benefit them. They
endeavored alfo to prevent them from an inor-
dinate Ufe of Intoxicating Liquors. In
1673,
Plymouth made a Law that no Perfon mould
take Anything in Pawn of an Indian for Liquor;
and various other prohibitory Laws bearing upon
the Subjecl of felling Intoxicating Liquors to
them were palfed by the different General Courts
from Time to Time.
CHAPTER VIII.
An Indian murdered by other Indians.

Woofanfamon.

Some Ac-
count
of
him.

Circumfances attending the Murder.

Appre-
henfion of
the Perpetrators.

Apprebenfon, Trial and Execution

of
the alleged Murderers.

Tefl
to difcover a Murderer.

Rumors
of
an intended War.

IVaban.

Gookin.
Church.

Indian Account
of
the Caufes
of
the War.
DURING
the Years
1673
and
1674,
the In-
tercourfe between the Indians and Englifh
feems to have been a Little lefs frequent and
cordial than in the Year preceding
;
yet the
Former were not regarded as harboring Hoftile
Intentions againft the Latter until the Winter of
1674,
or early in the Spring of
1675.
But a
Murder being perpetrated on the 29th of Janu-
mittee and Inhabitants of the Town Nath. Morton and Benjamin Church
of Taunton. To the Affignment were Witnefles.

Original Deed.
"John SaJJamon.
89
ary,
1674-5,
the Investigation of its Caufes con-
vinced the Government of Plymouth, that there
was a deep-laid Plot on the Part of Philip to
commence Hoftilities. The Murder was of one
Indian by others
;
and it was charged to have
been perpetrated in Revenge ; the murdered
Man having revealed the hoftile Intention of
Philip.
The Name of the Party murdered was Woo-
fanfamon, or as he wrote it himfelf, WufTaufmon.
As his Murder was the immediate Caufe of the
War, and as he was confpicuous among the
Chriftian Indians, fome Account of him is ne-
ceffary in this Connection. He was born in Dor-
chefter, or perhaps Punkapog, (or Punkapaog,)*
4
fince Stoughton, but the Time of his Birth is
unknown. His Father and Mother were con-
verts to Chriftianity, and died in the Faith,
probably before
1675.
This Son had the Chrif-
tian Name of
John,
and the Englifh uniformly
called him
John Safla??ion,
or
Saufaman. He had
a Brother Rowland, and a Sifter Betty.
John
was educated by the Englifh
;
could read and
write very well, and affifted
John
Eliot in tranf-
lating the Bible into Indian. For a Time he
was employed as a Schoolmafter at Natick, and,
being a Convert to Chriftianity, was employed
alfo as a Miffionary among his Countrymen. At
what Period thefe Labors commenced, no Re-
54
Sofpelled by Grindal Rawfon; Language. The other is the more
and he well underftood the Indian common Way.
M
go
Some Account
of
him.
cord has been met with to indicate. However,
he was, in many Refpects, aflimilated to the
Habits of the Englifh, having been brought up
by and among them from his Youth ; was
their Interpreter on many Occafions ; and had
been with them in their War with the Pequots
in
1637.
But he was reftlefs, as all Indians are
apt to be when they are out of their natural
Sphere, and fome Time previous to the Death of
Alexander he took up his Refidence in Middle-
borough, and fettled on Lands belonging to the
noted Chief called Watufpaquin. Here it is
faid he continued his MifTionary Labors, and at
the fame Time acled as Interpreter and Scribe to
Alexander, and after the Death of that Chief, to
Philip his Succeflbr, as Scribe, Counfellor, &c.
At one Period Saflamon appears to have aban-
doned his Mimonary Life, and to have lived
among the unchriftianized Indians,55 but he
returned from his Apoflacy, was rebaptized, ad-
mitted into an Indian Church, and was again an
"
Inflxuclor among them every Lord's Day."'
6
The Nemafkets, over whom Watufpaquin was
Chief, favoring Chriftianity, were willing to have
a Mimonary among them, of their own Blood
;
and as an Inducement for Saflamon to continue
there, "Old Watufpaquin" gave him twenty-feven
">'>
"
He did for fome Time apof- lation,
74.
tatize from his Chriftian Profeffion,
5li
I am aware that this Statement
and lived like an Heathen, being differs a little from the "Relation"
Philip's Secretary (for he could of Dr. I. Mather, but it is in Ac-
write a very legible Hand ) and one cordance with other Fafts, which
of his Counfellors."

-Mather's Re- are not noticed by him.

Sajfamon
warns the
EngliJJj.
9
1
Acres of Land in Affawomfet Neck, "for a Houfe
Lot. He alfo gave fifty-eight and an half Acres
to an Indian named Felix, who had married the
Daughter of Salfamon. Her Indian Name was
Affowetough. Her baptifmal or Englifh Name
was Betty, as before mentioned, and the Neck
where fhe lived was called, after her, Betty's Neck,
or Squawbetty, which it bears to this Day. Thefe
Lots were deeded, and bear Date, March the 1 ith,
1673.
57
Not long before his Death, Saffamon
gave his Land by a Kind of Will to his Son-in-
law, Felix. He may have done this in Anticipa-
tion of the Trouble between the Englifh and
Indians which immediately followed.*
8
Being in Philip's Confidence, Saffamon became
Privy to all his Defigns. He learned that for a
confiderable Period Philip had been bufy in
maturing a Plan, which was to be carried into
Execution at fome future Day ; and that Plan
was to cut off and deftroy all the Englifh Settle-
ments throughout New England. He therefore
57
That to Saffamon has merely was at that Time a Preacher and
"Anno 1673." The other is dated Schoolmafter among them. There
as above in the Text. were but eight Indian Families at
58
There were Indians upon that Betty's Neck in
1794.
At Titicut
Land
until within a few Years. In John Symons was a noted Preacher
1698,
there were at Affawomfet and for many Years previous to and after
Quittacus,
"above fourfcore Per-
1747.
Nehemiah Abel, Thomas
fons."
Thefe had twelve Houfes, Sekins, and Thomas Felix (proba-
and
the famous John
Hiacoomes bly Son of him who married Betty
preached to them. There was a Saffamon) preceded Symons. In-
Ilill larger Settlement at Kehtehticut dians of the Name of Symons were
(now
Titicut) in which there were living there fome thirty-five Years
forty-two
Adults. Charles Ahaz fince, and perhaps at this Time.
92
John Saffamon,
murdered.
made up his Mind to reveal the Plot to the
Englifh.
Agreeably to this Refolution Saffamon
proceeded to Plymouth and communicated his
Difcovery to the Governor of that Colony.
So well had Things gone on from the late
Submimon up to this Time, between the Englifh
and Indians, that at firft, Saifamon's Revelation
was difbelieved.
59
However, he was able, by Circumstances, to
make it
"
too apparent, that Philip was really
hatching Mifchief," and by Advice of his Coun-
cil, the Governor decided to fend for him to
appear at Plymouth and anfwer the Charge.
This not being immediately attended to, it was
found in a few Days that Saffamon was miffing
;
and, on Search being made, his Body was difcov-
ered in a Pond in Middleborough, where it had
been put, through the Ice. That he had been
murdered was evident, from certain Wounds and
Bruifes upon the Body. And befides, his Hat and
Gun were found upon the Ice ; being left there,
as was conjectured, that it might be thought he
had drowned himfelf.
Notwithstanding Saffamon had enjoined the
flricTeft Secrefy upon his Englifh Friends at Ply-
mouth, as to what he had revealed, and affured
them that if it came to Philip's Knowledge he
fhould be murdered, yet by fome Means not
known he was very foon fufpedted, and his Mur-
5!l
"
His Information (becaufe it fpeak Truth) was not at firft much
had an Indian Original, and one regarded.
"

Mather's Relation,
can hardly believe them when they
74.
His Murderers
difcovered.
93
der happened as before flated. In one View of
this Murder the Englifh had Nothing to do with
it. It was altogether an Affair among the In-
dians. Saffamon had turned Traitor, and had
juflly forfeited his Life. As to the Manner of
his Execution, that was a Matter of no Con-
fequence, according to the rude Cuftoms of
the Indians. But the Englifh, becaufe they had
the Power to do fo, extended their Laws over
them, and, as will be feen, rigoroufly enforced
them.
As foon as the Death of Saffamon was known
at Plymouth, Efforts were made to difcover the
Perpetrators. When Anything was to be ef-
fected againfl the Indians, the firft Thing to be
done was to engage fome of themfelves to Aid
in carrying it into Execution. At this Time an
Indian named Patuckfon appeared at Plymouth,
and informed againfl another named Poggapan-
offoo, by the Englifh called Tobias, one of Phi-
lip's Counfellors, alfo againfl a Son of Tobias,
named Wampapaquan, and Mattafliinnamy.
Thefe three were thereupon apprehended and
brought to Plymouth for Trial. The Indictment
is in thefe Words
:

" For that being accufed

that they did with joynt Confent vpon the 29th
of January, Anno
1674,
att a Place called Aifo-
wamfett Pond, wilfully and of fet Purpofe, and
of Malice fore thought and by Force and Armes,
murder
John
Saffamon, an other Indian, by lay-
ing violent Hands on him, and flriking him, or
94-
Trial
of
Murderers.
twitting his Necke vntill hee was dead
;
6

and to
hyde and conceale this theire faid Murder, att
the Tyme and Place aforefaid, did caft his dead
Body through a Hole of the Iyce into the faid
Pond."
To this Indictment the accufed pleaded not
Guilty, and the Trial proceeded before thefe
Jurors
:
William Sabine, William Crocker, Ed-
ward Sturgis, William Brookes, Nathaniel Winf-
low, John
Wadfworth, Andrew Ringe, Robert
Vixon, John
Done, Jonathan Bangs, Jonathan
Shaw and Benjamin Higgins. To thefe "itt was
judged very expedient by the Court, that, toge-
ther with this Englifh
Jury
aboue named, fome
of the moft In differen teft, Graueft and Sage
Indians mould be admitted to be with the faid
Jury,
and to healp to confult and aduice with,
of, and concerning the Premifes," and accord-
ingly thefe Indians were added to the
Jury
:

"
One called by an Englifh Name, Hope, and
Mafkippague, Wannoo, George Wampye and
Acanootus ; thefe fully concurred with the
Jury
in their Verdict," which was in thefe Words
:

"Wee of the
Jury
one and all, both Englifh and
Indians doe joyntly and with one Confent agree
upon a Verdict." They were immediately re-
manded to Prifon, and in the Words of the Sen-
tence, to be
"
thence [taken] to the Place of
co
"
They found that he had dians Sometimes ufe when they
been murthered, for his Neck was praftice Murders; alfo, his Head
broken by twifting of his Head was extremely fwollen."Mather,
round; which is the Way the In- Relation,
74,
or 235-6 of Reprint.
ConviSiion and Execution.
95
Execution, and there to be hanged by the Head
vntill their Bodies are dead."
Tobias and Mattaihunannamo were executed
on the 8th of
June, 1675.
But Wampapaquan,
for Reafons not mentioned, was
"
repriued vntil
a Month be expired." He was, however, fhot
within a Month
;
probably as foon as Hostilities
were commenced. One of the accufed, it is
faid, conferled the Murder, but the other two
denied all Knowledge of it to their laft Breath.
61
At this Time there was a fuperftitious Belief,
that if one Perfon had killed another, the Body
of the one killed, would immediately begin to
bleed if approached by the Perpetrator of the
Murder. In the Cafe of the murdered Saflamon
this Teft was tried, and, fays Dr. Increafe Ma-
ther,
"
when Tobias, the fufpecfed Murderer,
came near the dead Body, it fell a Bleeding on
frefh, as if it had been newly Slain
;
albeit, it
was buried a confiderable Time before that."
62
How much the
Jury
were influenced in their
Verdict by the wretched Conceit here fo gravely
R1
"They ftoufly denied the feis that the other Indians did really
Fadt, only at Laft, Tobias's Son murder
John
Sanfamon, and that
conferled that his Father and the he was himfelf, though no Aftor in
other Indian killed Sanfamon, but it, yet a Looker on."

Magnolia,
that himfelf had no Hand in it, B. vii,
46.
There is a fimilar
only flood by and faw them do it." Statement in Eafton's Narrative,
Mather's Brief Hiflory, P. z. P.
5.
"And though they were all fuccef-
''-
Mather's Relatiou,
75.
I have
fively turned off the Ladder at the found Nothing in the manufcript
Gallows, utterly denying the Faft, Records having any Reference to
yet the Laft of them happening to this pitiful Delufion. See, alfo, the
break or flip the Rope, did, before Notes to the above Paffage, in Re-
his going off the Ladder again, con- print of Relation,
236.
g6
Murder
of
Tokamona.
recorded for the Government and Direction of
Pofterity, cannot be certainly known, but when
the great and learned Men of a Generation are
blinded and carried away by the groffeft Super-
ftition, it is not to be fuppofed that the unlearned
and inexperienced are endowed with better Un-
derstandings. And if, as alferted, one of the
accufed Indians teftified that he law the other
two commit the Murder, thinking thereby to
fave his own Life, there remains a Chance that
the Hiftorian of other Times may reverie the
Judgment in the Cafe of the Death of Saffamon.
Notwithstanding thefe tragic Events, fo confi-
dent were the People of Plymouth that there
was no Evil to be apprehended, that, in the
previous Autumn, they annulled the Order which
had been for fome Time {landing, forbidding
Powder and Shot to be fold to the Indians.
About the fame Time an Indian was murdered
by the Narraganfets, named Tokamona ; but the
Murder of one Indian by another did not difturb
the Englifh much unlefs the Murder was in fome
Way connected with their Affairs. And although
Tokamona was a Brother of their Friend and
Ally, Awafhonks, yet we hear of no Inquiry
into the Matter
6
^
by them.
While the Fate of the two Indians was pend-
ing, Rumors began to be circulated of Plots and
Confpiracies by Philip, all going to fhow that
he intended War againft his white Neighbors.
13
It is poffible that the Tokarna- may be the fame as the one named
hamon mentioned in a previous Page above. See ante Page
50.
Wabans Warnings.
97
Some Time in April
(1675,)
Waban, the Indian
Preacher of Natick, told General Gookin, that
the Wampanoags intended Mifchief, and were
only waiting for the Trees to leave out, that they
might the eafier conceal themfelves after they had
begun. And only two Days before the Execu-
tion of the fuppofed Murderers of SafTamon, the
Sogkonates held a War Dance, at the Inftigation
of fome of the Narraganfets, employed for the
Purpofe, as was fuppofed, by Philip. The next
Day, the Squaw Sachem, Weetamo, with fome of
her chief Men, met Captain Church on Rhode
Illand, and told him Philip intended a War with
the Englifh, and that fome of themfelves would
join him, and that he had already given them
leave to kill the Engliihmen's Cattle.
Such were the Events which led to King Phi-
lip's War. But it rauft be borne in Mind, that,
in all Probability, had an Account been written
by an Indian Hiftorian, we ihould have a Picture
very differently fhaded. Something approaching
an Indian Account has of late come to Light.
64
Of SafTamon, this Writer fays, he was reported a
M
I refer to the Narrative of Truth 'of Things ; but that it is
John
Eaflon of Rhode Ifland, edited fraught with worfe Things than
by Dr. F. B. Hough, and beauli- meer Miftakes." It is evidently the
fully publifhed, from the original Work of a very illiterate Hand;
MS., by Mr.
J.
Munfell of Albany, and though extending only to the
It is of this Narrative, I have no Narraganfet Swamp Fight, is not
gueftion, that Dr. I. Mather re- without Value, which Value is much
marks fo eontemptuoufly, in his enhanced by the Introduftion and
Brief Hiftory : namely, that it was Notes of the learned Editor. The
"
written by a Ouaker in Road Narrative commences with the
Ifland, who pretends to know the Death of SafTamon.
N
98
Indian Character
of
Sajfamon.
bad Man
;
that in writing a Will for Philip he
made inftead a Bill of Sale to himfelf of a large
Tracl of Land. The Narrative continues:

"
Now one Indian informed that three Indians
had murdered him [Saifamon], and mowed a
Coat that he laid they gave him to conceal them.
The Indians report that the Informer had played
away his Coat,
65
and thefe Men lent him for the
Coate, and after demanded pay [for it
;]
and he not
to pay,
66
fo accufed them,
67
and knowing that it
would pleafe the Englilh fo to think him a bet-
ter Chriftian, and the Report came that the
three Indians had confeffed and accufed Philip
fo to employ them, and that the Englilh would
hang Philip ; fo the Indians were afraid, and
reported that the Englilh had flattered them (or by
Threats) to bely Philip that they might kill him
to have his Land, and that if Philip had done it,
it was their Law fo to execute whom their Kings
judged deferved it, yet he had no Caufe to hide
it."
So, continues the fame Narrative, Philip kept
his Men in Arms ; and when the Governor of
Plymouth ordered him to difband them, and in-
formed him his Jealoufy was Falfe, Philip re-
turned Anfwer that he would do no Harm, and
thanked the Governor for his Information. And
it was reported
"
that the Heathen might deftroy
the Englilh for their Wickednefs, as God had
65
Indians were great Gamblers, for the Coat.
Roger Williams.
w
Of the Murder of" Saflamon.
66
That is, to get rid .of paying
Philip hears the R. I. Men.
99
permitted the Heathen to deftroy the Ifraelites
of Old. So the Englifh were afraid and Philip
was afraid, and both increafed in Arms."
For four Years' Time, continues Eafton,
"
Reports and Jealoufies of War had been very
frequent," but it was not expected to break out
until about a Week before it did. He then
proceeds :
"
To endeavor to Prevent it, we fent
a Man to Philip, that if he would come to the
Ferry we would come over to fpeak with him."
The Man went over, a Diftance of about four
Miles ;
"
they not aware of it behaved them-
felves as furious," but were fuddenly appealed
when they understood who he was and what he
came for. After Philip had advifed with his
Counfellors, he came unarmed, himfelf, but his
Men, forty in Number, were armed. Then,
fays Eafton,
"
five of us went over, three of
whom were Magiftrates. We fat very friendly
together ; told him our Bufinefs was that they
might not receive or do Wrong. They faid
that was well ; that they had done no Wrong.
The Englifh wronged them. We faid we knew
the Englifh faid the Indians wronged them, and
he Indians faid the Englifh wronged them, but
our Defire was that the Quarrel might be decided
the beft Way, and not as Dogs decide their
Quarrels. The Indians owned that Fighting
was the worft Way. Then they inquired how
Right might take Place ? We faid by Arbitra-
tion. They faid that all the Englifh agreed
againft them, and fo
bv Arbitration they had had
i oo Philip's Conference with R. I.
Men.
much Wrong ; many Miles square of Land fo
taken from them, for Englifh would have Eng-
lifh Arbitrators. Once they were perfuaded to
give up their Arms/
9
that thereby Jealoufy might
be removed. The Englifh having their Arms
would not return them as they had promifed,
until they confented to pay a hundred Pounds.
Now they had not fo much Money ; that they
had as good be killed as leave all their Liveli-
hood."
The Rhode Ifland Men then propofed to Philip
that an impartial Arbitration might be had, by
fubmitting the Cafe to an
"
Indian King " of
their own choofing, and the Englifh might choofe,
on their Part, the Governor of New York. Then
neither Party could complain of Partiality. They
feemed to like the Idea, and faid "we fpoke hon-
eftly. So we were perfuaded that if that Way
had been tendered, they would have accepted
it."
The Indians continued to urge their Grievances,
and the Rhode Ifland Men told them it was not
convenient for them to hear Complaints, but to
find a Way to prevent War. The Indians faid
when any of them fuffered juftly, they could
always fatisfy their Friends, but argued that what
Indians did among themfelves, outlide of Town-
fhips, the Englifh had no Concern with. They
alfo
"
had a great Fear to have any of their
Indians to be called or forced to be Chriftians."
09
Referring to the Treaty of Taunton, as it was called, of 1671.
Indians detail tbei?" Grievances. 101
Such, they faid, were in Everything more mif-
chievous than other Indians. The Englifh, they
faid, took them out of the Jurifdiclion of their
Indian Kings. "We knew it to be true," fays
Eafton, and that the Chriftian Indians wronged
their Kings by lying about them. But Philip
faid it was not honeft in them (the Rhode Ifland
Men) not to hear the juft Complaints of the In-
dians. So they confented to hear them. They
went on to fay they had been the nrft to do good
to the Englifh, and the Englifh had been the
nrft in doing wrong ; that when the firft Englifh
came, Philip's Father was a great Man, and the
Englifh as a little Child ; he prevented other
Indians from wronging them, gave them Corn
and fhowed them how to plant it, and let them
have a hundred times more Land than now the
King [Philip] had for his own People. Then
they referred to the Death of the other King,
his Brother [Alexander] whom the Englifh caufed
miferably to die ; being forced to Court and poi-
foned.
They faid if twenty of their honeft Indians
proved that an Englifhman had wronged them
"
it was Nothing." While if one of their worft
[Chriftian] Indians teftified againft any of their
King's Men, it was fufBcient. Their Kings had
done wrong to fell fo much Land. That the
Englifh made the Indians drunk and then cheated
them. Now their Kings were forewarned not to
part with their Lands, for Nothing was of fo
much Value. They would not own the King
io2 Charges againjl the Englijh.
and Queen of the English, but would difinherit
them, and make a King themfelves, who would
give or fell them back their Lands. Now they
had no Hopes to keep any Land. That the
Engliih Cattle and Horfes had fo increafed, that
when they removed thirty Miles, they could not
keep their Corn from being fpoiled, becaufe they
never being ufed to make Fences. And when
the Engliih bought any Land of them, they
claimed the Cattle that were on it. That the
Engliih would fell the Indians Liquor and get
them drunk, and then they often did Mifchief to
their Cattle, and their King could not pre-
vent it.
Such it appears were fome of the Grievances
of the Indians as fet forth by themfelves. That
they were not fo great as they imagined, may be
true, while on the other Hand the Engliih were
able to fet forth theirs without Fear of Contra-
diction. On the Whole, this Conference between
the Rhode Illand Men and Philip was a very
important one, and in the Hands of an able
Writer, who knew all the Circumftances, would
have formed one of the moll interefting Chapters
of King Philip's War. But
John
Eafton was a
wretched Narrator, and has left us in utter Igno-
rance of much regarding the Conference which
we defire to know. Time,
70
Place, Names of
the Parties, all withheld, or ignorantly omitted.
And this is the Cafe with all he' has left us.
70
In another Part of Eallon's began
"
in a Week's Time after the
Account it is ftated that the War Conference." P. 16.
'Threatening
AfpeSi. 103
CHAPTER IX.
Threatening Afpecl.

Indians in Arms.

Houfe robbed.

Fears at
Sivanfey.

Soldiers fent there.

Bourne's Garrifon.

Benjamin
Church.

Hq/lilities.

Proceedings at Bo/ion.

Various Accounts
of
the Beginning
of
Hofiilities.

Hubbard's.

The old Indian

Chronicle.

fohn
Ea/ion's.

Further Notice
of
the Narragan-
fets.

An
EmbaJJy propofed to them by
MaJJachufetts.
NOTWITHSTANDING
the hoflile Attitude
now aflumed by the Indians, up to the 17th
of
June, 1675,
Efforts were continually made by
the People of Plymouth to keep an Intercourfe
open with them ; and on this very Day, Mr.
Paine (probably Nathaniel) of Rehoboth, and
feveral others, went unarmed to Mount Hope to
feek for Horfes which belonged to them, Philip
having invited them to do fo. But while upon
this Bulinefs they were intercepted by the Indians,
who, prefenting their Guns as if to moot at them,
compelled them to retire. The next Day, or the
Day following,
(June
1 8th or 19th,)
Job
Win-
flow's Houfe at Swanfey was broken open and
rifled by Philip's Men.
Several Angular Incidents occurred at the
breaking out of the War. Thefe have never
been fully collected. One, concerning Mr.
John
Tracy of Norwich, may be mentioned. Mr.
Tracy had married Mary Winflow of Marfhfield,
fome five Years previous. On returning from a
Vifit to the latter Place, he was furrounded by a
104
Commencement
of
Hojlilities.
Party of armed Indians who conducted him to
Philip. He told the Chief that he was only a
Traveller, and on no Delign affeiting the Indians
;
whereupon, after a pretty clofe Scrutiny, he was
allowed to return Home. Not many Days later,
Mr. Jofeph
Tory and Mr. Hubbard fent a Boat
to Wefterly, and brought their Friends to New-
port.
7
'
On Sunday, the 20th of
June,
the Indians burnt
two Houfes at Swanfey which the People had
deferted through Fear.
72
One of the Houfes
probably belonged to Hugh Cole. Two of Cole's
Sons had been taken by Philip's Men and carried
to Mount Hope. Philip immediately ordered
their Releafe, becaufe their Father had always
been his Friend.
73
Thus alarmed, the People of
Swanfey difpatched a Melfenger to Plymouth for
Aififtance. The faid Meifenger reached Plymouth
that Night, and the next Morning proceeded with
an Order from the Governor, to Bridgewater, for
that Town to raife and equip twenty Men. Thefe
were ordered to march for the Defence of Swan-
fey, which they did the fame Night, though but
feventeen were all "which could be got ready,
and were the firfb that were upon their March in
all the Country.
74
Thefe feventeen were fent by
Capt. William Bradford to Matapoifet, a Place
71
See Backus, i, 418-9. fion of the Affair will be feen in
'2
Winflow's and Hinckley's Nar- Church's Indian Wars, Pp.
339,
rative
of
the Beginning and Progrefs
340,
Edition 1827. See the Par-
of
the Prejent Troubles, tsV. ticulars in a previous Chapter.
'3
See Feflenden, in the
Hift.
"
4
Hubbard,
69,
or of the Re-
Warren, R. I. A different Ver- print, 186.
Soldiers
fent
to Swanjey.
105
twelve Miles
75
from Swanfey, to ftrengthen the
Garrifon at one Bourne's Houfe, into which feventy
Men, Women and Children had taken Refuge.
Of this Party only fixteen were Men. "After
they had marched five Miles of their Way, having
Mr. [James] Brown's Son for their Pilot, they
met with fome Swanfey People, newly turned out
of their Houfes (by which they were to pafs) who
having not as yet refilled unto Blood, yet made
doleful Lamentations, wringing of their Hands,
and bewailing their Lofles, very much alfo per-
fuading Bridgewater Men to turn back, becaufe
of the Danger ; but they having fo clear a Call
had alfo more Courage than cowardly to defert
the Caufe of God and his People, left they fhould
thereby betray the Lives of fo many of their
Friends into the Enemy's Hands. And, fo, by
the good Hand of God towards them, came fafe
to Metapoifet that Night."
76
Meantime Gov. Window proclaimed a Fart,
77
to be kept on the Thurfday following
(June
24th,)
and fet about railing what Men he could in and
about Plymouth. Captain
78
Church being at
~
r
>
This Diftance is according to
7?
The Proclamation may be feen
Hubbard. How it was computed in Mr. Blifs's
Hift.
Rehoboth, P.
is not known

perhaps around cer-

79,
being there for the firft Time
tain Eftuaries. According to Mr. printed. See alfo Baylies' N. P/y-
Blifs {Rehobotb,
79.)
the real Dif- mouth, Part v, Pages
47-8.
tance is no more than fix Miles.
7S
Called Captain for his Gallantry
Matapoifet Neck is fince called and focial Standing, but he was not
Gardner's Neck. commiffioned as fuch until fome
7li
Hubbard, Narrative,
69.
Time after this.
o
106
Other Forces concentrate.
Plymouth, at the Requeft of the Governor, con-
ferred to accompany the Forces as a Volunteer
;
and he has left the following Account of the
Affair
:
79
Immediately on the News of the Burn-
ings at Swanfey, by the Meifenger, or Exprefs
jure mentioned,
"
The Governor gave Orders to
the Captains of the Towns, to march the greateft
Part of their Companies and to rendezvous at
Taunton, on Monday Night
(June
21ft,) where
Major Bradford was to receive them, and difpofe
them under Captain (now made Major) Cudworth.
The Governor deiired Mr. Church to ufe his
Intereft in their Behalf, with the Gentlemen of
Rhode Ifland."
8o
This fecond Force marched on the 22d, being
Monday.
"
Major Bradford defired Mr. Church,
with a commanded Party, confifting of Englifh
and fome Friend Indians-, to march in Front at
fome Diftance from the main Body. Their Or-
ders were to keep fo far before as not to be in Sight
of the Army.
81
And fo they did, for by the
Way they killed a Deer, flayed, roafted, and eat
the moll: of him before the Army came up with
them. But the Plymouth Forces foon arrived at
Swanfey, and were chiefly pofted at Major Brown's
and Mr. Miles's Garrifons," where they were
79
Although Thomas, Son of Mr. give us any Idea of the Numbers of
Church, is the Author of the Hif- this Army. Dr. I. Mather, alio,
tory ufually cited as
"
Church's In- denominates the Force an Army.
dian Wars" the Narrative was Brief
Hift.,
P. 3. Afterwards,
doubtlefs dictated by the Father. when iooo Men were to be railed
fc0
Church's Indian Wars, P. 30.
by the United Colonies, Plymouth's
81
None of the printed Accounts J^uota was 158.
Firfi
Bloodped.
107
afterwards joined by the Forces from Maffachu-
fetts.
At the fame Time the Meffenger was fent to
Plymouth, as before mentioned, another was dif-
patched to Bofton, earneftly to folicit Affiftance.
The Government of Malfachufetts at once re-
fponded, and while its Forces were being con-
centrated at Bofton, the Council determined to
make another Attempt to maintain Peace, and
accordingly, on the 23d of
June,
fent two Gen-
tlemen to Mount Hope to intercede with Philip.
At the fame Time, as the Indians had intended,
Hoftilities were commenced by the Englifh, and
in this Manner. One of the Inhabitants of
Swanfey was fo provoked by an Indian's perfifting
in killing his Cattle, that he fired upon, and
wounded him ; and thus was the firft Blood fhed,
and thus was brought on the difaftrous War, upon
the Details of which we are now entering. Al-
though the Indian was wounded, his Wound was
not mortal, yet it ferved to remove the Scruple
which the Indians were under, as to the Refult of
the Conteft ; for they believed that the Party
which fhed the firft Blood would be fubdued.
81
While the Meffengers, defpatched from Bofton
on the 23d, were upon their Way, the Indians
fell furioufly upon the Englifh at Matapoifet,
which, according to a ftricl Comparifon of Ac-
s
-
This Circumftance is mentioned but whether the Indians got the Idea
by feveral early Writers. It feems from their Priefts, or otherwife, he
to have been well known to h^nelt could not fay. Narrative,
24. Pof-
John Eafton, who fays it was fo
;
fibly from the Englifh themfelves.
108 Contemporary Accounts.
counts, was, as Dr. Increafe Mather has it, on
"
Midfummer's-day, June
24th, which was ap-
pointed and attended as a Day offolemn Humili-
ation throughout the Colony of Plymouth, by
fafting and praying, to intreat the Lord to give
Succefs to the prefent Expedition reflecting the
Enemy. At the Conclulion of that Day, as foon
as ever the People in Swanfey were come from
the Place where they had been praying together,
the Indians difcharged a Volley of Shot, whereby
they killed one Man, and wounded others. Two
Men were lent to call a Surgeon for the Relief of
the Wounded, but the Indians killed them by the
Way ;
8
3
and in another Part of the Town fix Men
were killed ; fo that there were nine Englishmen
murthered this Day."
84
The fame pious Author
no lefs coolly than fenfibly obferves, that as the
Sword was drawn on a Day of Humiliation,
"
the
Lord thereby declared from Heaven, that he
expected Something elfe from his People befides
fafting and Prayer."
8
5
The Meifengers which had been lent to Philip,
from Maflachufetts, arrived at Swanfey towards
the Evening of the Day of the Malfacre juft
detailed, and meeting with dead Bodies in the
Road, concluded it would not be fafe for them to
83
The fame mentioned by Church, mendation to his Soldiers in regard
no doubt, (P. 31.)
They were to keeping their Powder in good
killed near Mr. Miles's Garrifon. Condition. And although Crom-
Ibid. well doubtlefs believed as much in
84
Brief Hi/iory, P.
3.
praying as any Man, yet he did not
85
Poffibly Dr. Mather had heard recommend it at the Expenfe of dry
of Cromwell's celebrated Recom- Powder.
Gonjiernation at
Swanfey.
109
proceed further, and thereupon retraced their
Steps to Bottom On their Arrival the Alarm was
fpread, and Drums immediately "beat up for
Volunteers, and in three Hours' Time were muf-
tered up one hundred and ten Men."
To be a little more particular with the Begin-
ning of this War, it will be neceffary to review
feveral other cotemporary Accounts ; and firft,
Mr. Hubbard's. His Narration, though fomewhat
confufed in refpecf to Dates, contains FacT:s not
recorded by others. He relates that a Part of the
Company which went for the Relief of the feventy
People in Bourne's Garrifon, returned as a Guard
to Mr. Brown ; that
"
in their Return they came
fuddenly upon a Party of Indians, about thirty in
all ; that they were within fhot of the Englifh,
who, having no Commiffion to fight till they
were aifaulted, and not being impeached in their
PalTage, returned fafe to their Garrifon at Mata-
poifet ; the Indians drawing off and firing three
Guns (though not with Intent to do the Englifh
any Hurt, as was conceived,) gave a Shout and fo
left them. When this Party of the Englifh drew
near their Garrifon, they met with a Company of
Carts going to fetch Corn from an Houfe deferted
near by, about a Quarter of a Mile off from Mr.
Bourne's Houfe. The Soldiers gave them Notice
of the Indians which they had difcovered ; and
withal advifed them by no Means to venture any
more, becaufe of the Danger ; but they were re-
folved, notwithftanding thefe earneft Perfuafions
of the Soldiers, to have another Turn, which they
no
Other Details.
foon found to be to the Peril of their own Lives,
fix of them being prefently after either killed
right out, or mortally wounded, as foon as they
came to the Barn where was the Corn. Thefe
fix are faid to be the firfl that were (lain in this
Quarrel. The Soldiers at the Garrifon, hearing
the Guns, made what Hafte they could to the
Place, but being moft of them in that Interim
gone to look for their Horfes, they could not
come Time enough to the Relief of their Friends;
yet, upon their Approach, they who had done the
Mifchief prefently fled away. One
Jones,
hard
purfued by two Indians, was by 'their coming
delivered from the Extent of the Enemy's Cruelty,
but, having received his mortal Wound, had only
that Favor thereby, to die in the Arms of his
Friends, though by the Wounds received by his
Enemies."
86
Soon after the Slaughter of the nine Men, juft
related, the People at Bourne's Garrifon, by the
Help of the Soldiers ftationed there, were, with
their Effects, tranfported to Rhode Iiland.
S7
The next cotemporary Account is as follows
:

"
In the mean Time King Philip muflered up
s6
In fome Notes appended to his
24, 1675,)
flain fix Men at Bourne's
Narrative, which he calls "A Table,'' Garrifon, in Metapoifet, (another
&c., Mr. Hubbard makes a Correc- Neck not tar from the Former,)
Hon of, and
Additions to what is and three wounded as they came
extracted in the Text above. He from the Public Meeting, two killed
fays, at thisTime
(1675)
"Swanfey that went for the Surgeon, and
confided of 40
dwelling Houfes, Negro of Mr. Miles's wounded, fo
molt of them very fair Buildings, as he died foon after."
and ftands juft at the Entrance of
37
Hubbard, Narrative,
70.
Mount Hope, where were (June
Philip's Forces. in
about 500
of his Men, and arms them complete
;
and had got about 8 or
900
of his neighboring
Indians, and likewife arms them complete
;
(that
is, with Guns, Powder and Bullets.) The laft
Spring, feveral Indians were feen in fmall Parties
about Rehoboth and Swanfey, which not a little
affrighted the Inhabitants ; who demanding the
Reafon of them, wherefore it was fo ? Anfwer
was made, that they were only on their own
Defence, for they underftood that the Englifh
intended to cut them off. About the 20th of
June
laft, {even or eight of King Philip's Men
came to Swanfey on the Lord's Day, and would
grind a Hatchet at an Inhabitant's Houfe there
;
the Mafter told them it was the Sabbath Day,
and their God would be very angry if he fhould
let them do it. They returned this Anfwer
:
They knew not who his God was, and that they
would do it, for all him or his God either. From
thence they went to another Houfe, and took
away fome Victuals, but hurt no Man. Immedi-
ately they met a Man travelling on the Road,
kept him in Cuftody a fhort Time, then difmiffed
him quietly
;
giving him this Caution, that he
fhould not work on his God's Day, and that he
fhould tell no Lies."
88
"The firft that was killed was
June
23,
a Man
at Swanfey
;
he and his Family had left his Houfe,
amongft the Reft of the Inhabitants, and adventur-
ing with his Wife and Son (about 20 Years old)
s "
Prefent State,
4.
ii2 Treatment
of
the Slain.
to go to his Houfe to fetch Corn, and fuch like
Things; he having juft before fent his Wife and
Son away, as he was going out of the Houfe was
fet on and fhot by Indians. His Wife, being not
far off, heard the Guns go off, went back. They
took her, firft defiled her, then lkinned her Head,
as alfo the Son, and difmift. them both, who im-
mediately died. They alfo the next Day killed
fix or feven Men at Swanfey, and two more at
one of the Garrifons. And as two men that
went out of one of the Garrifons to draw a Bucket
of Water, were fhot and carried away, and after-
wards found with their Fingers and Feet cut off,
and the Skin of their Heads flayed off."
8
?
The next Account of thefe Cruelties is by one
more willing than able to do Juftice to it. He
was, from his Locality, and focial and political
Standing, in the Way of being better informed
than all or any of thole who have left Narratives
or Relations of the Circumftances. This was
John
Eafton of Rhode Ifland, already introduced
to the Reader. And as he may be confidered the
Apologift. of the Indians, his Relation cannot fail
always to excite a deep Intereft, efpecially as it
was evidently dictated by Simplicity and Honeffy.
He was Governor of Rhode Ifland at one Pe-
riod.
The laft Chapter was clofed with Eafton's
Account of a Conference between certain Gentle-
men of Rhode Ifland (one of whom he was) and
*'
Prefent State,
5.
Coercion
refolved upon.
113
Philip and his chief Men. By that Conference
the Rhode Ifland Men hoped to avert Hoftilities.
That Account is here relumed
:
On the Part of
the Englilh of Rhode Ifland at the Conference, it
was argued that
"
all Complaints might be righted
without War." The Indians faid they had not
heard of an Arbitration, fuch as had been fug-
gefted, namely, that an Indian King and the
Governor of New York fhould be the Umpires.
It appears probable that if this Courfe had been
properly propofed to them by the People of Ply-
mouth, that the War might have been prevented;
but no Steps towards it appear to have been taken,
and the Subject began and ended in this Confe-
rence. The Rhode Illand Men endeavored
to
imprefs upon the Indians, the Facf that the Eng-
lish were too ftrong for them, and that they had
better give up the Idea of Redrefs by War. The
Indians faid,
"
then the Englilh mould do as the
Indians did when the Indians were too ftrong for
them."
Here the Conference ended; and fo, fays Eafton,
"
we departed without any Difcourteoufnefs,
and
fudingly had a Letter from Plimouth Governor
that they intended in Arms to conform [fubdue]
Philip," but the Letter gave no Intimation of
what was required of the Indians, or what Philip
had refufed to do, that he was now to be made
war upon. Then, Eafton abruptly continues,
"
Plymouth Soldiers were come to have their
Head-quarters within ten Miles of Philip ; then
P
1
1
4.
Firfl
Atts
of
Hoftility.
moft of the Englifh thereabout left their Houfes,
and we had Letter from Plymouth Governor to
defire our Help with fome Boats if they had Oc-
cafion for them, and for us to look to ourfelves.
And from the General [Cudworth] at the Quar-
ters we had Letter of the Day they intended to
come upon [attack] the Indians, and defired fome
of our Boats to attend. So we took it to be of
NecefTity for our Iflanders one Half one Day and
Night to attend, and the other Half the next, fo
by Turns for our own Safety. In this Time fome
Indians fell a pilfering fome Houfes that the
Englifh had left ; and an old Man and a Lad go-
ing to one of thefe Houfes did fee three Indians
run out thereof. The old Man bid the young
Man fhoot
;
fo he did, and the Indian fell down,
but got away again. It is reported that fome In-
dians came to the Garrifon, afked why they (hot
the Indian. They afked whether he was dead.
The Indians faid, Yea. An Englifh Lad faid it
was no matter. The Men endeavored to inform
them it was but an idle Lads Word, but the In-
dians in Hafle went away and did not hearken to
them. The next Day,
[June
24th] the Lad that
fhot the Indian, and his Father, and rive Englifh
Men were killed. So the War begun with
Philip."
Thus it will be feen, that although thefe Ac-
counts do not exaclly agree, each furnifhes Fadts
not contained in the others; all are important to
make up a full Record of the Beginning of the
War.
Second Day
of
Hojiilities. i
1
5
On the Morning of the fame Day of the On-
flaught at Swanfey, a Man was fired upon at Re-
hoboth, and had the Hilt of his Sword fhot
off.?
The Day following, namely, on the 25th of
June,
Layton Archer and his Son were flain at
Fall River.
9 '
Two Days after,
John
Tifdale, fen.
was killed at Taunton.
It is laid, but on no very good Authority, being
at bert Tradition, that Philip was averfe to begin-
ning the War, but that he could not reftrain his
young Men. Had this been fo,
John
Eafton
would have mentioned it with Emphalis ; while
he only fays

" For concerning Philip we have

good Intelligence that he advifed fome Englifh to
be gone from their out Places or they were in
Danger to be killed."
92
He further adds, that
whether this was to prevent War, or, in Obedi-
ence to his Priefh, that the Englifh might become
the Aggreffors, he could not determine.
Upon the Return of the Meffengers to Bofton,
who had been fent with Inftruclions to Philip, as
already mentioned, the Council was convened,
Hutchinfon,
Hift. Maff.,
I., Fall River, June 24th, but as that
261,
on the Authority of Gov. Narrative is clearly wrong in feveral
Window.
other Points, I am inclined to think
91
This is according to Mr. Hub- there is an Error in this Statement,
bard's Information, obtained after and that Mr. Hubbard is correft.
he had written his original Account, That both are correft is hardly pro-
and therefore believed to be correft. bable.
I am aware that in Window and
!,2
This undoubtedly has Refe-
Hinckley's Narrative it is dated that rence to Philip's Advice to Hugh
Thomas Layton was killed at the Cole, before noted.
1 1 6 Fears
of
the Narraganfets.
and an Embafiy fet on Foot to treat with the
Narraganfets, whom all the Colonies feared, from
their warlike Character, and fuppofed great Num-
bers. As to the Latter, it was
"
affirmed " by
Mr. Thomas Stanton, and his Son, Robert
Stanton,
"
who, having a long Time lived
amongft them, and beft acquainted with their
Language and Manners of any in New England,
that to their Knowledge, the Narraganfet Sa-
chems had 2000 fighting Men under them, and
900
Arms."
93
It was therefore of the utmoft
Importance to prevent them from joining the
Wampanoags. But the Council were not re-
markable for their Forbearance and conciliatory
Tone towards a People fo far from being defpica-
ble in Numbers at this Period, and who had in
the Time of the Pequot War been of fuch efien-
tial Service to the Englifh. Indeed they feem to
have forgotten or overlooked thefe Circumftances,
and commenced their Manifefto in the very
offenfive Language of Recrimination and Infult.
However, it was thought beft by fome of the
Council, or perhaps at the Suggeftion of Capt.
Hutchinfon, to erafe the moft offenfive Words
from their Paper before it was defpatched. Yet
the Tone of it was, notwithftanding the Erafures,
far from what fuch a Paper fhould have been.
That the Reader may judge for himfelf, a fynop-
fis of its Contents here follows
:

"June
2 1 ft,
1675.
The Council of MafTachu-
fetts to Moofuck, Ninigret and Squaw Sachem of
Demand upon.
117
Narrouganfet
9+
Or otherwife the Government
of Maffachufetts mail take themfelves concerned
to ufe all fuch Means as may be neceffary for the
Security of our Allies and fupporting fuch Info-
lencies and treacherous Confpiracy againft them
who have given no Occalion for the fame.That
Philip Sachem of Mount Hope did Yefterday
make Affault upon fome Englifh Houfes, and was
marching on upon the Town of Swanfey, difco-
vering his malicious Defigns againft the Englifh,
to give Difturbance to us. It is alfo informed
that you are confederated with him, and that
befides, feueral of your Men are already gone to
Philip, others are by him fpeedily expected to
come in to his Affiftance : thefe are therefore to
let you know that we look upon thefe Things, if
true to be a high Breach of this our Covenants
made with the Englifh Colonies. And you are
hereby required forthwith to break off all Corre-
fpondence with Philip, to give fpeedy public Com-
mands to call home all your Men that are with him,
and lay a Reftraint upon all your Subjects from
going to Mount Hope, and that you fpeedily give
us the beft Intelligence you can of this wicked
Defign."95
This Embaffy progreffed very flowly, as Hoftili-
'' '
Then followed the obnoxious of them having reached Bofton the
Lines, which, being erafed, leaves Evening of the Day the Paper was
the Reft incomplete. drawn up, Capt. Hutchinfon did
95
Majfachufetts Archives. It is not proceed for feveral Daysnot
not certain that this Paper, that is, a until he could be protected by the
Copy of it,' was fent; for Hoftilities Army, which did not march from
having commenced, and the News Bofton until
June
26th.
n8
Propofed
EmbaJJy
to.
ties were commenced before the Ambaffador bear-
ing the above Defpatch fet out from Bolton.
Indeed he appears not to have arrived at Swanfey
until the Night of the 4th of
July.
He was
instructed to vifit Roger Williams at Providence,
and to confer with him as to the beft Mode of
proceeding. The Council wrote to Mr. Williams
upon the Subject, but the Contents of that Letter
are unknown.
Here it is propofed to clofe the Introduction
to the Hiflory of King Philip's War, with a pretty
confident Belief that it is by far the moft complete
of any yet publifhed. Nothing within the Edi-
tor's Reach, either in Manufcript or Print, which
promifed a Ray of Light on the Work, has been
neglected, or allowed to pafs without a thorough
Examination. That fuch a Work was highly
important to precede -the old Tracts, was the Con-
viction of the Editor, and the Editor will be
gratified if his Readers mail fuftain him in his
Conclufions.
END.
THE
present g>tate
OF
N E W-EN GLAND
WITH RESPECT TO THE
INDIAN WAR.
Wherein is an Account of the true Reafon
thereof, (as far as can be
judged by Men.)
TOGETHER
With moft of the Remarkable Paffages that have
happened from the 20th of
June,
till the 10th
of November,
1675.
Faithfully compofed by a Merchant of Bofton and communicated
to his friend in London.
Licenfed Decemb.
13, 1675.
Roger L'EJlrangt.
LONDON:
Printed for Dorman Newman, at the King's Arms in the Poultry, and
at the Ship and Anchor at the Bridgfoot on Southwark Side,
1675.
[3]
THE
WITH RESPECT TO THE
INDIAN WAR
9
6
'HERE being many and various
Reports concerning the Caufes of
the prefent War amongft us, it
may not be amifs in the Firft Place,
to give you a true Account of the
;afons thereof; which probably may
add Something to the Satisfaction of our ChrifHan
Friends in Old England, Which is thus :
About five or fix Years fince, there was brought
up (amongft others) an Indian in the Colledg at
Cattibridg, named Sofotftan,
97
who after fome Time
6
This Title feems to have
been appropriated, very nearly,
by
Thomas Parkhurft, when, two
Years later, namely, in
1677,
he
publiihed Hubbard's Indian Wars
under it.
Q
97
His Name was generally writ-
ten Saffamon,
and is an Abbrevia-
tion of Woofajjamon, or, as he wrote
it himfelf, WuJJauJ'man. See ante,
P. 89. See, alfo, Hijlory and An-
tiquities
of
Bojlon,
397.
122 Prefent
State
of
New-England.
[3 ]
he had fpent in Preaching the Gofpel to Unkus,^
2l Sagamore
Chriftian in his Territories, was by
the Authority of New-Plitnouth fent to Preach in
like Manner to King Philip, and his Indians : But
King Philip
(Heathen-like) inftead of receiving
the Gofpel, would immediately have killed this
Sofomon,
but by the Perfwaiion of fome about
him did not do it, but fent him by the Hands of
three of his Men to Prifon
;"
who as he was
going to Prifon, Exhorted and Taught them in
the Chriftian Religion ; they not liking his Dif-
courfe,
immediately Murthered him after a moft
Barbarous Manner ; They returning to King
Philip, acquainted him what they had done.
About two or three Months after, this Murther
being
Discovered to the Authority of New-Pli-
moutb,
Jqfiah
W
inflow
being then Governour of
that Colony, care was taken to find out the
Murtherers ; who upon Search were found and
apprehended, and after a fair Trial were all
Hanged.
100
This fo Exafperated King Philip, that from
that Day after, he ftudied to be Revenged on the
5)3
This is probably the only co- the Chief, Watufpaquin

the fame
temporary Authority for the State- called elfewhere Tijpequin

and
ment, and it is not unlikely to be his Son. See Book
of
the Indians,
true. 172,193-8. Alfo Mather's Rela-
99
We have nowhere elfe any tion,
227, 229,
et
feq.
Account that Philip had a Prifon,
'""
This Writer has, no Quef-
or that Saffamon was a Preacher to tion, given a current Rumor of the
him. He preached among a Clan Day, however much unlike it is to
of Wampatuck's People at Namaf what is now received as Hillory.
ket, and refided upon Aflawompfet See Authorities above referred to,
Neck, on Lands given him by and ante,
94-96.
[3
]
Prefent
State
of
New-England. 1 2
3
Englijh, judging that the Englijh Authority have
Nothing to do to Hang any of his Indians for
killing another.
In order thereunto, his firft Errand is to a
Squaw Sachem (i. e. a Woman Prince, or Queen)
who is the Widow of a Brother to King Philip,
101
deceafed, he promifing her great Rewards if me
would joyn with him in this Confpiracy, (for me
is as Potent a Prince as any round about her, and
hath as much Corn, Land, and Men, at her
Command) me willingly confented, and was much
more forward in the Defign, and had greater
Succefs than King Philip himfelf The Place
where this King Philip doth dwell, is on a Parcel
of Land, called in Englijh, Mount Hope,
102
about
twelve Miles long, and judged to be the beft Land
in New England: And it was about thirty five
Miles off of this Place, to the Northward, that
the firft Efigli/lj that ever came there, Landed
;
and by Degrees built Houfes, and called the Name
of the Place New-Plimouth, (becaufe Plimouth in
Old England was the laft Place they were at
there.)
103
The Englijh took not a Foot of Land
101
This
"
Woman Prince" was liam Crowne, made Application to
Weetamo, Weetamoo, Wietamore, Charles II for the Territory in-
as her Name was written by early eluding it, as a Reward for certain
Writers. See ante, P.
45,
57
and
59.
Services of his Father.
John was
102
The Pokanoket of the Indians, an Author of fome Note in his
It has, as is ufual with Indian Names, Time. He was a Writer of Plays,
many Variations. See Baylies's N. but they are of not much Account
Plymouth Index. It is in Briftol, fince the Days of their Appearance.
R. I. A Defcription of it may be See N. Eng.
Hift.
and Gen. Reg.,
feen in the Notes to Tamoyden. v,
307;
vi,
46.
See, alio, Church's
Hiftory of
King
1IJ:J
Plymouth, as is well known,
Philip's War.
John, Son of Wil- was thus named by Capt.
John
124- Prefent
State
of
New-England.
[4]
from the Indians, but Bought all, and although
they bought for an inconfiderable Value
;
yet
they did Buy it. And it may be judged that now
King Philip repents himfelf, feeing what Product
the Englijh
[4]
have made ofa Wildernefs, through
their Labour, and the Bleffing of God thereon
;
All the Land of the Colony of New Plimouth,
was at firft Bought of this King Philip's Grand-
father, Majfafoit,
10
*
by Name, except fome few
Parcels he hath Sold to fome of the Inhabitants
of Swanzy, not far from Mount Hope. There-
upon about five Years fince, took an Occafion to
Quarrel with the Town, partly becaufe he was
vexed he had Sold his Land, and partly becaufe
his Brother died five or fix Years before, and
he thought the Englijh had Poyfoned him, and
thereupon he troubled them, but killed none
;
but the Governour by timely Preparation hindred
them of doing any hurt.
105
Thus after King Philip had fecured his Intereft
in Squaw Sachem, (whom he perfwaded that the
Englijh had Poyfoned her Huiband and thereupon
Smith, in 1614, fix Years before
10
>
The Manner of Alexander's
the Englifh Pilgrims landed there. Death has been reviewed in the
They doubtlefs had Copies of Smith's previous Work. There does not
Charts of the Coaft; and this may appear to be any rtl Foundation
account for the Name being per- for a Belief that he was either ftarved
petuated by them. or poifoned to Death. His Sit-
101
Philip was Son of MafTafoit. uation as a Prifoner, the great Heat
John JofTelyn was the firft, now re- of the Weather, and the Change of
membered, who printed this Error, his Diet, beyond Doubt, caufed his
See his Voyages. Philip's Sales of Sicknefs; that this took a fatal Turn
Land are more minutely referred to is Nothing ltrange in the Hillory of
in the firft Part of the prefent Col- medical Science. See ante, Intro-
leftion.
duilion, Pages 31-36.
[4
]
Prefen
t State
of
New-England.
"
'125
fhe was the more willing to joyn with him)
106
he
privately
fent Meflengers to moft of the Indian
Sagamores and Sachems round about him, telling
them that the Englijh had a Defign to cut off all
the
Indians round about them, and that if they
did not
Joyn
together, they mould lofe their
Lives and Lands ; whereupon feveral Sachems be-
came his
Confederates. And having now five
Years Time,
107
had Opportunity enough to furnifh
themfelves with Ammunition and Arms, which
they did plentifully at Canada, amongfl: the
French; and it is judged that fome Englijh have
alfo Sold them fome Arms through Ignorance of
their Defign.
In the mean Time King Philip Muftered up
about Five Hundred of his Men, and Arms
them compleat ; and had gotten about Eight
or Nine Hundred of his Neighbouring Indians,
and likewife Arms them compleat
;
Io8
( i. e.
100
No other Writer makes any confpicuous. Soon after the War
Intimation of this Sort; neverthe- commenced they run fhort of Am-
lefs, that fuch a Suggeftion was munition, and doubtlefs kept Run-
made it is not unreafonable to ima- ners on the Path between New-
gine.
England and the Inhabitants on
107
It was but four Years fince the Hudfon to procure a Supply of
the Surrender of their Arms at that indifpenfable Article; that they
Taunton. See ante, P.
39.
obtained fome in this Way is pro-
11,8
From what is now to be bable; not fo much, however, as
learned, it does not appear that was imagined; fo that, after all,
there could have been any very their Supply was precarious and
compleate arming of the Indians; fcanty. It was found, that even
on the contrary, they muft have their great Chiefs, killed on their
been very poorly armed as refpefts Retreat to the Nipmuck Country,
Fire-arms; and in all their Onfets on Auguft lft, one "had no more
and Engagements, Bows and Ar Powder but that in his Gun
;"
rows, and the Tomahawk were another,
"
Nimrod" had but three
126 Prefent
State
of
New-England.
[4]
Guns, Powder, and Bullets,) but how many he
hath engaged to be of his Party, is unknown
to any among us. The laft Spring feveral In-
dians were feen in fmall Parties, about Rehoboth
and Swanfey,
which not a little affrighted the
Inhabitants. Who demanding the Reafon of
them, wherefore it was fo ? Anfwer was made,
That they were only on their own Defence, for
they underftood that the Englifh
intended to Cut
them off. About the 20th of
June
laft, Seven or
Eight of King Philip's Men came to Swanfey
on
the Lords Day, and would grind a Hatchet at an
Inhabitants Houfe there ; the Mafter told them,
it was the Sabbath Day, and their God would be
very angry if he mould let them do it. They
returned this Anfwer, They knew not who his
God was, and that they would do it for all him,
or his God either : From thence they went to
another Houfe, and took away fome Victuals, but
hurt no Man. Immediately they met a Man
travelling on the Road, kept him in Cuftody a
fhort Time, then difmift him quietly
;
giving him
this Caution, that he mould not work on his
God's Day, and that he mould tell no Lies.
10
?
Thefe Things happening, with many others of
the like Nature, gave the Rehoboth and
Swanfey
or four Charges of Powder."

the more ironical one about working

Capt. Thomas, in Appendix to the on the Lord's Day and telling Lies
;
Brief Hijlory,
229;
alio
foft,
Page for fuch
-
Examples were doubtlefs
15,
original Paging. very common among the Englifh;
109
There is Nothing furprifing and the Indians were irirewd enough
in the Reply of the Indians refpecling to perceive that preaching and prac-
grinding a Hatchet on a Sunday, or tiring were quite different Matters.
[5
]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
127
Men great Caufe of Jealoufies
;
which occafioned
them to fend to Plimoutb, and to the Bay (i. e.
Bojlon) for fome Amftance, in Cafe they mould
need it. But before any came to them, they of
both Towns were gathered together into three
Houfes, Men, Women, and Children, and there
had all Provifions in Common, fo that they who
had Nothing wanted not. Immediately after,
Notice came hereof to the Governour of the
Majfachitfetts
Colony, [Bojlon being Metropolis,
and the Honourable
John
Leveret Governour
thereof.) Drums beat up for Volunteers, and in
three Hours Time were Muftered up about an
Hundred and ten Men, Captain Samuel
Mofely
being their Commander. This Captain
Mofely
hath been an old Privateer at "Jamaica, an excel-
lent Souldier, and an undaunted Spirit, one whofe
Memory will be Honourable
[5]
in New-Eng-
land, for his many eminent Services he hath done
the Publick.
110
There were alfo among thefe
Men, about Ten or Twelve Privateers, that had
been there fometime before : They carried with
them feveral Dogs, that proved ferviceable to
them, in finding out the Enemy in their Swamps
;
one whereof, would for feveral Days together, go
110
This, doubtlcfs, is Hutchin- into Bofton two Veflels, which
fon's Authority for the Paffage in were ordered to be prized by the
his Hijhry
of MaJJ'acbufetts,\, 287. Governor and Council. The Ap-
Mofcly had been playing the Buc- prizement being dated April 9th,
caneer in the Weil Indies, no Doubt;
1675,
and is in thefe Words:
for not long before this, he brought
"
The Shallop Edward and Thomas,
57
. I
3
. 00
The Shallop that Roads went out in, 1 5 . 00 .
00."
128
Prefent State
of
New-England.
[5
]
out and bring to them fix, eight, or ten young
Pigs of King Philip's Herds. There went out
alfo amongft thefe Men, one Cornellis a Dutch-
man, who had lately been Condemned to die
for Piracy, but afterwards received a Pardon ; he
willing to fhew his Gratitude therefore, went out
and did feveral good Services abroad againft the
Enemy.
111
Plimouth alfo fent out feveral Men
at the fame Time, both Horfe and Foot : Alfo
moft Towns in all the United Colonies there-
about fent out fome more, fome lefs, as they were
in Number. By this Time the Indians have
killed feveral of our Men, but the firft that was
killed was
June
23,
I1Z
a Man at Swanfey, that he
and his Family had left his Houfe amongft the
Reft of the Inhabitants ; and adventuring with
his Wife and Son, (about twenty Years old) to go
to his Houfe to fetch them Corn, and fuch like
Things : He having juft before fent his Wife and
Son away, as he was going out of the Houfe, was
fet on and (hot by Indians
;"3
his Wife being not
far off, heard the Guns go off, went back : They
took her, firft defiled her,"
4
then fkinned her
1 1
'
His full Name is Cornelius fage in Baylies's
Hift.
N. Plymouth,
Conjert. All that I could obtain iii,
33,
that the Name of this Man
concerning him is given in the Book was Jones ; but as this Author gives
of
the Indians. See Pages 208-9, no Authority, a further Elucidation
215, 322.
of the Text mull be fought elfe-
113
It is generally conceded that where,
the firft killed was on the 24th of '
'
' 1 have no Hefitation but that
June.
The Subject of the Com- this was a fall'e Report. At that
mencement of Hoftilities is at- Time any Stories to the Indians' Dif-
tempted to be elucidated in the credit however improbable, were
firft Treatife in this Volume. caught up and circulated, and gene-
1,3
It would feem, from a Paf- rally believed. Mr. Hubbard, who
[5]
Prefent
State
of
'New-England.
129
Head, as alfo the Son, and difmift them both,
who immediately died. They alfo the next Day
killed fix or feven Men at Swanfey, and two more
at one of the Garrifons ; and as two Men that
went out of one of the Garrifons to draw a
Bucket of Water, were (hot and carried away,
and afterwards found with their Fingers and Feet
cut off, and the Skin of their Heads flayed off.
About fourteen Days after that, they fent for
more Help
;
whereupon the Authority of Bojlon,
made Captain Thomas Savage the Major General
in that Expedition, who with fixty Horfe, and as
many Foot, went out of Bojlon ; having preft
Horfes for the Footmen, and fix Carts to carry Pro-
vifions with them : Whereof Mr.
John Morfe
11
$
was Commiffary General abroad, and Mr. Na-
tha?iiel Williams
1
^
Commiffary at Home. They
Travelled Day and Night till they came to their
Garrifons, and within three Days after, marched
Horfe and Foot (leaving Guards in the Garrifons)
towards Mount Hope, where King Philip and his
Wife was; they came on him at unawares, fo
that Philip was forced to rife from Dinner, and
he and all with him fled out of that Land, called
Mount Hope, up further into the Countrey ; they
believed the Indians quite as bad as thaniel Williams of Bofton, Glover,
they were, gave no Credit to Alle- If fo, he was now,
1675,
aged
33.
gations of this Nature. He was Father of the well known
115
Mr. Morfe was a prominent Bofton Teacher of the fame Name.
Inhabitant of Bofton. Rev. Abner His Mother was Mary, Widow of
Morfe has fome Account of him in Jonathan Shrimpton, and Daughter
his Genealogy
of
the Morfes. See, of Peter Oliver. See
Hiftory and
alfo, Savage's DiBionary, iii,
239.
Antiquities
of Bofton, 604, and elfe-
1 '"
He was, I fuppofe, Son ofNa- where.
R
130
Prefent State
of
'New-England.
[6]
purfued them as far as they could go for Swamps,
and killed fifteen or iixteen in that Expedition,
and returned, and took what he had that was
worth taking, and fpoiled the Reft, taking all his
Cattel and Hogs that they could find, and alfo
took PofTefTion of Mount Hope, which had then
a thoufand Acres under Corn, which is fince cut
down by the Englijh, and difpofed of according
to their Difcretion.
Cornellis was in this Exploit, and purfued Philip
fo hard, that he got his Cap off his Head, and
now weareth it."
7
About three Days after, the General (finding
Cornellis to be a Stout Man, and willing to ven-
ture his Life in the Caufe of the
Englift)
fent
him with twelve Men under his Command to
Scout about, with Orders to return in three
Hours on Pain of Death ; in his Way he met
lixty Indians that were hailing their Cannoues
a-fhore, he fet on them, killing thirteen, and took
eight alive, purfues the Reft as far as he could go
for the Swamps ; then he returned and Burnt all
thofe Cannoues, about forty in Number : By this
Time Cornellis and his twelve
[6]
Men (all being
preferved) returned to the Camp, but they were
eight Hours abfent : Whereupon a Council of
117
For this Item, and the Next clofed in the South teaches that little
following, the Writer of this Trail: Reliance (hould be placed on fuch.
is the only Authority yet difcovered. This Author, whoever he was,
What Hutchinfon relates is from doubtlefs aimed to be truthful, but
this Source. They are. probably, he was hurrying up his Difpatches
firft Rumors from the Army; and for England, and had little Time to
the Experience of the War juft make Corrections.
[6]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
131
War was called, who paft the Sentence of Death
on him, for exceeding the Order given him.
Immediately was alfo Pardoned, and received
thanks for his good Service done in that Expedi-
tion
;
and was in a fhort Time fent out on the
like Delign, and brought Home with him twelve
Indians alive, and two Indians Heads (i. e. the
Skin with the Hair on it.)
About the 25^6
of
'July,
the General returned
with twelve Men to guard his Perfon."
8
Captain Mofely
being there, and plying about,
found Eighty Indians, who furrendered them-
felves, and were fecured in a Houfe, provided for
them near Plimouth : Thereupon came to Bojion,
to know the Pleafure of the Authority about
them, and in a Days Time returned with this
Order ; he mould kill none that he took alive,
but fecure them in Order to a Tranfportation : .
Wherefore afterwards there were Shipt on board
Captain Sprague
11
?
an Hundred feventy eight
118
The Commander-in-Chief, by Philip when he and the Men
General Cudworth, feeing that No- with him made their Efcape out of
thing more could be done in the the great Swamp, Auguft ift. See
Vicinity of Mount Hope, and per- [. Mather, Brief
Hifi., 64;
Hub-
haps not being invited to participate bard, Nar., i, 88.
in the Narraganfet Expedition, re- Whether that
"
Captain Sprague"
turned to Scituate, his Place of belonged to England, and was here
Refidence. He feems not to have on a trading Voyage, or whether he
been popular with the other Offi- were Capt. Richard Sprague
of
cers; but not, it is thought, from New England, or another
Sprague,
the Caufe affigned by Mr. Baylies, there appears no Certainty.
There
in New Plymouth, iv,
1
5
; but be- was a Capt. Richard
Sprague of
caufe his Subordinates did not defire Charleft6wn, Son of the Emigrant,
his Succefs. Ralph
;
but Mr. Richard
Soule,
Jr.,
119
Thefe Indians were, it may in his Sprague Genealogy,
though he
be, the Women and Children left gives him the Title of Captain,
132 Prefent
State
of
New-England.
[6]
Indians, on the 28th of September, bound for
Ca/es.
l2
In this Time, the Indians continued daily to
commit many Acfs of Hoftility on the Englijh
;
they Burnt Twenty three Houfes at
Swanfey, and
killed many People there, and took much Cattle,
as alfo Burnt the Hay and Corn in great Quanti-
ties. They Burnt near thirty Houfes in Dart-
mouth,
1 - 1
(a Place in New-Plimouth Colony) killing
many People after a moft Barbarous Manner;
122
as fkinning them all over alive, fome only their
Heads, cutting off their Hands and Feet ; but
any Woman they take alive, they Defile, after-
wards putting her to Death by fome of thefe or
the like Ways. They have Burnt moft of the
Houfes in Rehoboth, Tawiton, and Swanfey; a
Party of Indians came to Mendham, which is
Thirty-two Miles from Bojion, and there killed
derived it from the Land Service. Fire, and barbaroufly murdered
From another Source, however, it both Men and Women ; stripping
appears that this fame Richard the Slain, whether Men or Women,
commanded an armed Veffel on the and leaving them in the Open Field,
Coaft, fitted out by the Colonifts, for as naked as in the Day wherein they
Protection againft Dutch Cruifers, were born. Such alfo is their In-
in 1674.
humanity, as that they flay off the
.120
a Name not found in modern Skin from their Faces and Heads
Gazetteers. It is the ancient Gades, of thofe they get into their Hands,
and fince, Cadiz. and go away with the hairy Scalps
121
The exaft Date of the Maf- of their Enemies."BriefHift., 6 1.
facre at Dartmouth has not been Hubbard gives the Date
"June,
afcertained. It was, doubtlefs, in 1676," which is evidently a Year
the early Part of
July (1675).
See or more out of the Way. See his
ante, Page
64.
Narrative, ii,
41,
where a Angular
122
This very nearly agrees with Incident will be found related of
Dr. I. Mather's Account, who fays: the Humanity of the Indians. See
"
Dartmouth did they burn with ante, P.
64
of the prefent Volume.
[6]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
133
five or fix Perfons, who being purfued, two were
killed, the Reft rled.
I2
3
Some Part of our Forces afterwards fet on
about Five hundred Indians, not far from PocaJ/it,
purfuing them into a large Swamp, not far from
thence ; how many they killed is not known, in
regard the Indians adventured back and took their
dead Men away with them : (as they commonly
do if they can poffibly.) But in this Fight were
killed King Philip's Brother, his Privy Counci-
lor, (being one formerly Educated at Candridg)
124
and one of his chief Captains ; the Heads of
which three were afterwards brought to
Bofton.
There were killed in this Purfuit fix Englijhmen,
and nine or ten wounded
125
123
The Surprife of Mendon was
on
July
14th
(1675),
according to
both Mather and Hubbard. All
the cotemporary Accounts agree
that
five
or
fix
Perfons were killed.
But fome that were fuppofed killed
probably made their Efcape and got
to Rhode Ifland. For fix Years
after, viz., in 1681,
"
Samuell
Reade, late Conftable of Mendon,''
in Anfwer to a Call for Taxes, pe-
titioned for a Remiffion, ftating that
the fame Month he received the
"
Rate," namely,
July, 1675,
"the
Indians fell in upon " them,
"
to
their Ruine; fome Men were flaine,
others fled to Rhoad Ifland, and
their Rate cannot be had." The
Deficiency was
3,
\zj, and the
Government remitted it. John
Rockett, one of the Settlers, fled
with moil of his Family to Med-
field. One of his Sons was killed.
He was foon forced to fly from
Medfield to Milton; having loft all
his Goods and Provifions, and yet
had a Family to maintain, confifting
of a Wife and fix Children. Ori-
ginal Petitions, MSS.
'- 1
As no other Writer of that
Day, to the Knowledge of the Ed-
itor, has mentioned thefe Fails,
they may have been partly fur-
mifes
;
efpecially as refpecls the
Brother of Philip. It feems, how-
ever, that Philip had a Brother,
named Sonconewhew, who was
living in 1668. See a Note in
Hubbard's Narrative, i,
73.
There
were feveral Indians at School at
Cambridge, from Time to Time,
but there was only one that ever
graduated at the College. His
Name was Cbeesbabteaumuk. He
died in 1666, aged 20.
125
The Writer has confufedly
134
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
[7]
This
PocaJJit
Swamp, is judged about feven or
eight Miles long, and fo full of Bufhes and Trees,
that a Parcel of Indians may be within the Length
of a Pike of a Man, and he cannot difcover them
;
and befides, this as well as all other Swamps, is fo
foft Ground, that an Englijhman can neither go
nor ftand thereon, and yet thefe bloody Savages
will run along over it, holding their Guns crofs
their Arms (and if Occafion be) difcharge in that
Pofture.
126
On the Lords Day, the of
July,
an Indian
came to Dorchejier, (within half a Mile of Mother
Georges Houfe) to the Houfe of Mr. Minor
1 *
1
,
in
Sermon Time, and there were then at Home the
Maid Servant and two young Children, me keep-
ing the Door fhut for Safety ; the Indian when
he faw he could not come in at the Door, went
about to come in at the Window, me perceiving
his Refolution, took two Brafs Kettles, under
which fhe put the two Children, me ran up
Stairs and charged a Mufket and fired at the
Indian, (he having fired at
[7]
her, once or twice
detailed as one Affair what hap- Men, when in that hideous Place,
pened at different Times, and in if they did but fee a Bufh ftir,
feveral Places. See Hubbard, i, would fire prefently; whereby 'tis
74-5
; I. Mather, 62-5. verily feared they did fometimes
126
Thofe Swamps have greatly unhappily fhoot Englilhmen inftead
changed fince that Time. Dr. I. of Indians."

Brief Hijiory, 6z.

Mather fays :
"
The Swamp was This Swamp-fight, according to
fo boggy and thick of Bufhes, as Hubbard, was on
July 1 8th.

that it was judged to proceed fur- Narrative, i,

84-5.
ther therein would be but to throw
''-"
"
Mother Georges Houfe"
away Men's Lives. It could not and that of Mr. Minor [Minot],
there be difcerned who were Eng- are fully explained in the N. E.
lifh, and who the Indians. Our Hijl, and Gen. Reg., xvi,
267.
[7
]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
135
and mift her, but {truck the Top of one Kettle,
under which a child was) and mot him into his
Shoulder ; then he let his Gun fall, and was juft
coming in at the Window, fhe made hafte and
got a Fire-fhovel full of live Coles and applied
them to his Face, which forced him to flie and
efcape : But one was found dead within five Miles
of that Place afterwards, and was judged to be
this by his fcalded Face.
128
Thefe Tranfaclions may be computed to end
with
July.
Before any further Progrefs be made
in this Relation, it may not be amifs to give you
fome Account of what concerns our Neighbour
Indians at Peace with us.
There are two Potent Sagamores, that are in
Amity with us : The one is Ninnicroft,
1
^
his Ter-
ritories border on ConneBicot Colony ; the other is
Unkus, the only Christian Sagamore among them.
,3

12S
This Circumftance of the he- of him is in Exiftence, from which
roic Girl of Dorchefter is not, I there is a Copy in the Hijlory and
believe, mentioned in any of the Antiquities
of
Bofton, 215. He
Accounts of the Time. That does was Brother to Quaiapen, the Old
not at all authorize later Writers to Queen of Narraganfet, fometimes
pronounce it untrue; for it is well called Magnus. See Hubbard,
76,
known that at fuch a Time many
153,
and Book
of
the Indians,
131.
Angular Events go unrecorded. In the early Part of the War he
Sometimes they are but vaguely was fuppofed to favor the Caufe of
hinted at, as the Affair at Woburn his hoftile Countrymen; and Prif-
is by Mr. Hubbard; alfo the Mur- oners, taken after the Swamp-fight,
der of Zachary Smith, and many declared that he furnifhed forty
others might be inftanced. Men to them, befides other Relief.
129
Ninigret is the ufual Way of See Col. Records
of
Ct., ii, 401.
writing his Name. He was Sa-
13(
'
Ufually called Uncas. His
chem of the Nianticks, and always Character is given in the Notes to
continued friendly to the Englilh; Hubbard, and the Editor fees no
and few of the Indians of that Pe- Reafon to modify Anything there
riod are better known. A Painting faid concerning him. His Sons
136
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
[7]
This Unkus, and all his Subjects profeffing
Christianity, are called Praying Indians. In the
firft Week in Anguji, the Authority of Bo/ion fent
an Exprefs to him, to require him to come in and
Surrender
himfelf, Men, and Arms, to the Eng-
HJh
;
Whereupon, he fent along with the Meflen-
ger his three Sons, and about Sixty of his Men,
with his Arms, to be thus difpofed of, viz. His
two
younger! Sons, (about thirty Years old) to
remain as Hoftages (as now they do at Ca?nbridg)
and his Eldeft Son to go Captain of the Men as
Affiftants to the Englijh againft the Heathens,
which
accordingly they did. And the Englijh
not thinking
themfelves yet fecure enough, be-
caufe they cannot know a Heathen from a
Chriftian by his Vifage, nor Apparel: The Au-
thority of Bojion, at a Council held there the
30//6
of Auguji,
Publifhed this following Order.
were Owaneco, or Oneko, and At- mentioned

two only by Name;

taivamhood.
This laft was ufually the other two, it is faid, died young,
known by his Englifh Name, Joshua.
Mils Canlkins, in her
Hiflory
of
There is a Pedigree of Uncas ex-
Norwich, feems only to recognife
tant in MS., a Copy of which is the two whofe Names I have
given,
in the Editor's Poffeffion; but it is But Peters, a Writer of very dubi-
not an eafy Matter to make it intel- ous Authority, fays Owaneco had
lioible. It was drawn up in
1679,
a natural Brother, named Abimileck.
apparently for Ufe in Land Claims.
Whether he has miftaken
Abimi-
Owaneco was the elder Son, and leek, Son of Attawamhood,
for a
lived till the Year
1
7 10: in which Son of Uncas is uncertain.
Year his Death is recorded. There Uncas was living in 1680, ac-
is much Confufion, and confequentlv cording to Hubbard, a very old
liability to Error, in attempting to Man. He is fuppofed to have died
defignate
Relationfhips among In- in, or not long after,
1683. He
dians. The chief Objeft of this joined the Army while in Purfuit
Note is to give the Names of the of the Fugitives who efcaped from
three Sons of Uncas. By the Pedi- the great Swamp Fight. This
gree before referred to, four Sons are Writer calls him "Old Unkus,"
[8 ]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
137
Zt a Council #elD tn Bofton,
AUGUST
30, 1675.
131
/J|f*f&3E
(JTouncil iutrging it of absolute TSTeces:=
V\ site for tijc ccuritt> of flje ISnglisl), anb
tlje Inbians tljat arc in ftmitw toitlj us, tljat
tijeg be Kcstraincb tljcir usual (tfominrrrc untlj tlje
ISnglisl), anti punting in tlje fflffiJoobs, outing tlje
ftime of ?$ostilitn uritij tfjosc tljat arc our 3ne=
mics,
0 <rbcr, tijat all tijosc inoians that arc
besirous to Epprobc tljcmsclbcs
jf
aitljful to the
lEnglisi), be (Jtonfincb to tijeir scbcral plantations
unber=bjrittcn, until tlje Otouncil sljall tafce further
rbcr ; anb tljat tijep so orocr tlje setting of their
<&2rtigbjams, tljat tljcjj man stano (JTompact
[8]
in
some one part of tljcir plantations respeetibclg,
tofjerc it mag be best for tijeir oum probision anb
SJcfence. Slnb tljat none of tbcm bo presume to
&rabel abobe oneliflile from the Center of suelj tijeir
Btoclling, unless in ompang toitlj some
Eng-
lifh,
or in tijeir g?crbiec near tijeir Btoellings ; anb
excepting for gathering anb fctcijing in tljcir atom
toitlj one
Engiifhman,
on peril of being taken as
our Enemies, or tljcir abettors : anb in <asc tljat
and fays he and his Men rendered
m
This Order of the Council
good Service. See poji, Page
1
5
was probably circulated in Print on
of
Original. As to the old Chief, a fmall Broadfide; but no Copy of
fee Col. Records
of
Ct., ii,
441.
the Original is known to the Editor.
138 Prefent
State
of
New-England
[8]
ann of tbem sball br tafcrn witijout tbr
ILimits
abobrsaib, crrrpt as abobrsaib, anb bo lose tbrir
ILibrs, or be otbrrnnsr bamniftrb, b
Englifh
or
In-
dians;
Cijr tfounril bo ijrrrbn ZDrrlarr, tijat tijr?
sball arrount tbrmsrlbrs bjijolln Imnorrnt,anb tbrir
13loob or otber IBamagr (bn tijem sustainrb) will
br upon tbrir own grabs', Sllso it sball not be
lawful for ann
Indians
t1jat arr in Hmitij Witlj us,
to rntrrtain ann strangr
Indians,
or rrmbr ann of
our (Pnrmirs ^plunbrr, but sball from imf to
imr makr Bisrobrrn tbrrrof to somr
Englifh,
tbat
sball br appointee for tbat <}?nb to sojourn among
tbrm, on $Jmalti> of bring rrputeb our (Pnemies,
anb of bring liable to br prorrrbeb against as
suri).
also, tobrrras it is tbr iftannrr of tijr l^ratljrn
tbat arr nob) in li^ostilitn witb us, rontrarn to tije
Prartirr of all (fibil Xations, to <*?.rrrutr tbrir
blooby nsolrnrirs iro
traltb, anb Srulfcing in
small ^Jartirs, brrlaring all opm Drrision of
tbrir (Tontrobrrsir, ritijrr bn rratn or bn tije
Worb.
br <ounril bo tljrrrforr Orbrr, 2Ti)at aftrr tbr
13ubliration of tbr ^robision aforrsaib, it sball br
lawful for ann 13rrson, wijrtbrr
Englifh
or
Indian,
tbat sball bub ann
Indians
rabrlling or Srulking
in amj of our owns or Sfcloobs, rontrarn to
fbe
ILimits abobr=namrb, to rommanb
tbrm unbrr tljrir
CSuarb anb (Examination, or to Kill anb brstron
tbrm as tbrn brst man or ran. STIjc (Counrfl
brrrbn brrlaring, bat it Will br most arrrptablr to
tbrm tbat nonr br ISillrb or a&tounbrb tbat arr
stilling to surrrnbrr tbrmsrlbrs into (JTustobn.
2Tijr glares of tbr
Indians
l\rsibmrrs arr,
Natick,
Punquapaog, Nafhoba, Wamefit,
anb
HafTanemefit
:
Rnti if tlfrrr br ann tljat brlong to ann otljrr
[9]
Prefent
State
of
New-England
139
plantations, tijcg are to Mcoatr to some one of
tijese."
2
Ii5|) t\)t Council.
Edward Rawfon. j2>ecr.
[oJWhichCompany ofPray'mgbidians
1
"marched
out of Town, (having faluted the Governour with
three Volleys) and were appointed to march in
the Front, which they did, and met with feveral
Skirmifhes, in which they Killed fome, and
about Forty five more Surrendered themfelves
;
which were fhipt off amongft thofe Captain
Sprague carried away.
Concerning the Narraganfets, Ninnicroft is
their Sagamore ; his Grand-father, and Father,
always kept Truce with the Englijh, but he now
gives furficient Caufe to think otherwife of
him."
4
132
The above named Places may jufl been mentioned. It is not cor-
be now identified as follows : Pun- reft that he was now a Narraganfet,
quapaog or Punkapog was then in- although he and his Tribe were ori-
cluded in Dorchefter, and fince in ginally of that Nation. At the Pe-
Stoughton. Najboba, or Nafbezuay, riod of this War, Ninigret was an
in Lancafter, fince Littleton. Wa- old Man, as he is known to have
mejit, Chemsford, fince Tewkfbury, been a Perfon of mature Years as
and Lowell; Haffa?iamefit
', fince early as
1637.
He took no aftive
Grafton.
Part in the War, and confequently
133
That is the Mohegans under was fufpefted of favoring the Enemy.
Oneko, before mentioned. Some Thofe Sufpicions were groundless,
Praying Indians were joined with and his Inaftivity arofe from his
them, and thus they were all denomi- Age
;
while his Men faved the Day
nated as fuch, which a&ually was for the Englifh on more than one
very far from the Fat.
Occafion. See Book
of
the Indians,
1M
The Standing of Ninigret has and Hubbard.
14-O Prefent State
of
New-England.
[9]
The Squaw Sachem,
1
^
having ran very far in
her Engagements with King Philip, and fearing
left (lie fhould be taken, fhe committed her Per-
fon to the Poifeffion of this Ninnicroft, judging
herfelf fafe by Virtue of his Protection ; where
fhe hath continued ever fmce
"July
laft. Where-
upon a certain Number of Men were fent by
the Authority of ConneBicot Colony
[John Wen-
throp Governour) to the Narraganfets, to require
them to deliver the Queen, and withal to Ratifie
that long Peace they had maintained with the
Englijh: Whereupon the Narraganfets concluded
a Peace with them, and fent a Hundred Men to
ConneBicot for the Affiftance of the Englijh. The
Englijh made this Agreement with them, That
for every Indians Head-Skin they brought, they
fhould have a Coat,
(/.
e. two Yards of Trucking
Cloth, worth five Shillings per Yard here) and
for every one they bring alive two Coats ; for
King Philips Head, Twenty Coats, and if taken
alive, Forty Coats : Thefe went out, and returned
in Fourteen Days Time, bringing with them
about Eighteen Heads in all.
:
3
6
135
Weetamoo. This is the only Old Queen, who, in the Farce of a
Intimation I have found that (he ever Treaty of
July 1
5th, is called Quaia-
fojourned with Ninigret, yet it is pen. See Hubbard,
76, 144, 253.
very probable. By fo doing (he
13j
This important Expedition or
may have hoped to efcape the Ca- the Connecticut Men is not identi-
lamities of the War, knowing that fied with any recorded elfewhere.
Ninigret did not incline to be drawn There were a few Men fent into the
into it. However, it is poffible that Narraganfet Country by Connefti-
the Writer has confounded Weeta- cut, who were prefent at the Treaty
moo with a Narraganfet Squaw Sa- of
July 15
th, mentioned in the laft
chem known to the Englifh as the Note. Nothing however is heard
[9]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
14.1
Several other Sachems of the Countries, called
in Indian, Nipmoog, came
137
to an
Englifi
Town
called Brookjield (but in Indian, Quawbawg, during
the Time our Garrifon was there) and told them
they were Praying Indians; (ie. Chriftians) and
that they would be quiet, and do no Harm to the
Englifi;
but withal, told them, that for their own
Safety they could not deliver up their Arms : But
the Inhabitants of Brookjield thought they would
be Faithful, in regard they were Praying Indians,
took their Words and difmift them.
The Authority of Bojion, with the Advice of
the Governour of Connecticut, as alfo of Plymouth
Colonies, then fitting in Council for feveral Days
together at
Bofton,
For their better Satisfaction,
138
of any great Spoil made, or of any
Captives taken. The Force con-
futed of 60 Englifli and 60 Pequots.
The latter appear to have had for
Leaders, Robin and Momobo. As
they marched into the Narraganfet
Country, they halted near Ninigret's
Fort, and had a Talk with him. The
old Chief appeared in a Coat given
him by King Charles. That, he
faid.had engaged his Heart to the Eng-
lifh. He would give no Hoftages,
but agreed to give up any of Philip's
People that might come to him.
137
The Country of the Nipmoogs,
or Nipmucks, is of very uncertain
Extent. See Book
of
the Indians.
Its Bounds were probably never ex-
actly underftood by Anybody. It
was a general Name for an undefined
Traft of Inland Country between
the Merrimack and Connecticut Ri-
vers. When Commiffioners at-
tempted to eftablifh the Bounds be-
tween Maflachufetts and R. Ifland,
in
174!,
they were bewildered as
to what was meant by "the Country
of the Nipmucks," and decided that
it could not be afcertained. MS.
Indian Geography.
138
This was a Meeting ^of the
Commiffioners of
the United Colonies,
which commenced on Oft. 2d,
1675.
The Commiffioners were,
Thomas Danforth, William Stough-
ton, Jofiah Winflow, Thomas
Hinckley. Among other Afts at
this Meeting, they ordered, that the
"
Plunder and Spoyle lawfully taken,
whether Goods or Perfons, fhall be
to theire owne proper Ufe and be-
hoofe; and that heerafter the In-
dians be allowed four Coates for
each Man, or Boy above fix Yeers
142 Prefent
State
of
New-England.
[10]
fent a Party of thirty Horfe under the Command
of Captain Hutchifo?i
and Captain Wheeler ; when
they were come to Quawbawg, they fent a Party
of Horfe to the Nipmoog Sachems to treat with
them. (For you muft underftand that Captain
Hutchifon had a very confiderable Farm therabouts,
and had Occafion to employ feveral of thofe Sa-
chems there, in Tilling and Plowing his Ground, and
thereby he was known by Face to many of them,)
the Sachems fent this Word they would fpeak
with none but Captain Hutchifon himfelf; Where-
upon Captain Hutchifon and Captain Wheeler,
fent them Word they would come to them
themfelves : Accordingly the Indians appointed
the Meeting at fuch a Tree, and at fuch a Time.
The Time being come Captain Hutchifon, Captain
Wheeler, and his Company, (with fome of the In-
habitants of Brookfield,
who thought them to be
very Honeft, therefore took no Arms with them)
went to the Places, but the Nipmoog Indians were
not there. Whereupon the Guide that conducted
them through the Woods,
1
^
brought them to a
Swamp not far off the appointed Place ; out of
which thefe
[10]
Indians ran all at once and
killed Sixteen Men, and Wounded Several others,
of which Wounds three Weeks after, Captain
Hutchifon died, when his Wife and Son were
old that they bring in of our Enemie; Indians, of whom an Account will
and for Women, and Girles above be found in Gen. Gookin's Hiftorv,
fix Yeers old, two Coates a peece." foon intended to be iffued in this
139
The Guides were Chriftian Series of Chronicles.
[io] Prefent
State
of
' New-England.
143
within twelve Miles of him in their
Journey to
fee him
;
whofe Death is the more lamented, in
that his Mother and feveral others of his Relations,
died by the Hands of the Indians, now near forty
Years lince.'
40
The reft that efcaped, made what Hafte they
could to the Town of Brookfield, they made Choice
of the Strongeft Houfe there, refolved to make a
Garrifon of it ; in Order thereunto, as foon as they
could, got all the People (about eighty in Num-
ber) into this Houfe. The Indians purfued them
clofe, and in four Hours Time had Burnt twenty
and odd Houfes in Brookfield, and abode there about
three or four Days, mooting Day and Night, with
moft dreadful Screechings and Yellings, which
Signified their Triumph. They in this Time en-
deavoured to fet the Garrifon on Fire divers Times,
but by the Providence of God were prevented
;
once by a Shower of Rain, another Time by their
Diligence within. One from within ftept out to
drink fome Water and was killed, and one more
1 ln
The above Statement refpeft- Eliflia Hutchinfon: "Toajorneyto
ing the Mother of Capt. Hutchinfon Naraganfet, one Weeke, 2. Ex-
is correft. See Hijl. and Antiqui- penfes for himfelf and a Man,
ties
ofBofton. 227, 406 ;
alfo I. Ma-
\,\of July,
to a Jorney to Nara-
ther, Brief
Hi}, 66. The Son ganfet, 2 Weekes,
4. To Ex-
who was on his Way with his Mo- penfes for himfelfe and Man,
ther to vifit his Father, was no
2,10/
Auguft, To a
Jorney to
doubt Elifha, afterward a well Quabauge wher he received his
known Merchant of Bofton, and Death's Wound, being three Weekes
Grandfather of Thomas Hutchinfon before he dyed, 6. To his Ex-
the Hiftorian of Maflachufetts. In penfes and Charges ther and at
l678,thefollowingItems of Account Marlborow,
4,lof."

Original
were'given i againft the Country by Paper, MS.
144-
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
[10]
killed within.
141
The Brutes had contrived an
Engine with many Wheels'
42
to fire the Garrifon
ten or twelve Rod off, and had loaded it with Com-
buftibles therefore, (and News was brought to
Bojion that they were all Burnt, but it was not fo)
and had affuredly done it, had not Major Wtl-
lard
1
^
come to their Relief with a flying Army
of Sixty Horfe, at nine or ten a Clock at Night
;
They forced their Way through the Body of the
Indians, and fired Apace on them and in two
Hours Time wholly Routed the Indians thence,
killing feveral. Their Deliverance was wrought
by a mighty Hand for them, when they had no
outward Reafon to expecl: any.
141
"A Son of Serjeant Prichard
adventuring out of the Houfe wherein
we were, to his Father's Houfe not
far from it," was taken and his
Head out off and kicked about "like
a Foot Ball in our Sight." Wheel-
er's Narrative, in zd Vol., Col. N.
Hift.
Soe, 1 2. The Man who went
out to get Water, mentioned in the
Text, Mr. Wheeler, (ib.
13.)
fays,
was
"
one Thomas Wilfon of that
Town, being fent to fetch Water
for our Help, was fhot by the Ene-
my in the upper Jaw
and in the
Neck, the Anguifh of which Wound
was fuch at the firft that he cried
out with a great Noife, by Reafon
whereof the Indians hearing him
rejoiced and triumphed at it; but
his Wound was healed in a fhort
Time, praifed be God." Another
was wounded at the Garret Window
in the Garrifon.
112
This Engine
of
many Wheels
was compofed of feveral Pairs of
common Cart Wheels, which they
had taken from the deferted Farm-
yards of the Englifli, and this De-
vice for burning Garrifons was feve-
ral Times reforted to in the Courfe
of the War. Indeed fuch Engines
were as formidable as they were
terrible.
UJ
Major Simon Willard. He
did not furvive the War. He died
at Charlellown, April 24th, 1676,
aged
71. He was Son of Richard
Willard of Horfmonden, Kent, Eng-
land, and born there, as it feems by
the Record of his Baptifm there of
April
7,
1605. In
1634
he came
to New England, where, by his
Talents, Integrity and Energy he
became one of the Pillars of the
Country. As he was the Father of
feventeen Children, his Pofterity
may be fuppofed to occupy|no in-
confiderable a Place at the prefent
[10]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
145
During the Time thefe People kept themfelves
in that Houfe, two Women were fafely delivered
of two Sons apiece, who in a Months Time
brought them all themfelves on Foot to BoJto?i,
where they were plentifully relieved out of the
Church Stock there.
144
There are alio another Sort of Indians (beft
known to the Commonalty of Bojion) by the
name of Mr. Elliots
1
^
Indians, or Captain Gug-
gins
1
*
6
Indians. This Mr. Elliot, you mud un-
derftand, is the Man that hath by his own great
Labour and Study, invented the Way of Printing
the Indian Language, and hath alfo perfectly
tranflated the whole Bible, with the Singing
Pfalms in Meeter ; the Aifemblies Catechifm
;
the Practice of Piety, into the Indian Language
;
as alfo Written Several Books, very profitable for
underftanding the Grounds of Chriftian Reli-
gion
;
For which Pains and Labour, he deferves
Time. The Rev. Samuel Willard, Roxbury, on the Morning of the
Minifter of the Old South Church 21ft of May,
1690. Orig. Letter
in Bolton, and Prefident of Harvard ot
Judge Sewall, in Baylies's New
College was his Son. See Willard Plymouth, ii, Part iv, P.
89.
Memoir, by the late Jofeph
Wil-
1IG
Whether the Author, through
lard, Efq. Ignorance, wrote the Name of this
144
A very interefling Item in the diftinguifhed Officer as above is not
Hiftory of the War, and would be known. It is hardly poffible but
doubly fo had the Writer told the that he mould have known the real
Names of the Parties. As to the Orthography. The
"
Captain
"
Truth of the Statement there can always wrote his Name Gookin. He
not be much Doubt. was fucceffively, Captain, Major,
1 43
The renowned
"
Apoftle to and Major General. A Fac-fimile
the Indians," who always fpelt his of his Autograph may be feen in
Name ///. Seel. Mather, Brief the
Hiftory
and Antiquities
of'Bofton,
Hi/lory, xxxvi. Mr. Eliot died in 281. See alfo the Brief Hi/L,
229.
T
1
46 Prefent
State
of
New-England, [n]
Honour from all fuch who are well-wiihers to-
Things of the like Nature, whofe Name will
never Die in New-England.
147
A Specimen of his Translation of the Bible into
the Indian Language, is as followeth.
[11]
Ifaiah,
Chap.
23,
Ver. 1,
2, 3.
O O Weanun Tyre. O Onook
kenaau Tarjbijbe kuht oonogquog,
newutcbe mahchimoo, newaj matta
wetuwomunoog, wanne petutteaun :
wutch Cbittimme obheit nag wehte-
duwahuoneau.
2 Chequntippek wadobkeogijb
mun'obhan'ebtu, ken, Zidone ana-
quijbaenuog neg quojbkod teacbeg
keitob, kenumwame cbumubkonuk-
quog.
3
Kab najhpe mij);e nippeajb,
wujkannem Sihor, fepue
kepenumoonk
ne wutteajbegenoom, kab nob tvuteb-
timoinne abhut kod tauwompafimuk.
The burden
of
Tyre. Howl ye
Ships
of
Tarjh'ijh
; for it laid
wafte,
Jo
that there is no entering into it
:
from the Land oj Cbittim is it re-
vealed to tbem.
2 Be /till, ye Inhabitants
of
the
I/Ie ;
thou whom the Merchants
of
Zidon that paj's over the Sea, have
replenished.
3
And by great Waters the Seed
of
Sihor, the
Harveft of
the River,
is her Revenue, and she is a Mart
of
Nations.
This Captain Guggins is a Captain and Juftice
of Peace at Gambridg : He receives Thirty Pound
per annum from the Englijh, to lit as
Judg
among
the Indians, to
Judg
any Difference (not Capital)
among themfelves, or between them and the
Englijh.
Of thefe Ifidians, thus diftinguilhed, it may not
be amifs to give a brief Account, in its proper
Place.
147
For an Account of the In- ghan's American Bibles, 6-12. Me-
dian Bible, fee Thomas's Hijlory
of
cords
of
Commijjionerr
of
the U.
Printing, i, 213, 255.
O'Calla- Colls., ii,
410.,
&c.
[n] Prefent
State
of
New-England.
147
Now it falls in Courfe, to think on what is
done in the Field on both Sides.
On Thurfday, the $th of
Angufi,
being Lecture
Day at Bojlon, was ordered by the Old Church
148
(of which the Governour is a Member) to be
obferved as a Fail: by that Church, which accord-
ingly was done : And at the Contribution was
then collected Sixty Nine Pound, which was for
the diilreifed Families Relief. And on that very
Day was Captain Huichinfon's Company fo de-
feated :
149
Which Thing was taken efpecial No-
tice of, by all thofe who deiire to fee the Hand of
God in fuch fad Providences, which did occaiion
another Fail: to be kept by Mr. Mathers Church,
at the North Meetinghoufe the
Wednefday fol-
lowing.^
On Wednejday, the 12th of Auguji, was ap-
pointed a Fail for Mr. Mathers Church, which
was duly obferved ; that Day being a Court Day for
the Council, no Magiilrate was there, yet not-
withstanding there were gathered at the Contri-
bution iixty eight Pound.
l
By the
"
Old Church," is prife of the Englifh is hardly to be
doubilefs meant the Firjl or oldeft inferred from' his Statement. It
Church in the Town. Mr. James was on Auguft 2d, at Wickabaug
Allen was the Minifter, and John Pond, a Place ever fince made
Leverett was the Governor of the memorable by that terrible Difafter.
Colony. It flood in what is now It is in the Town of Brookfield.
Wafhington Street, nearly oppofite For other interefting Items, fee
the Head of State Street, on the Whitney's
Uift.
Worcejier Co. and
North Side.
Joy's
Building now Barber's
Iiift. Colls.
occupies the Site.
l50
Dr. Increafe Mather, with his
14 '
Although the Writer has given Son Cotton as Colleague, were the
the right Day of the Week to his Minifters of the Second or North
Dates, the correft Date to the Sur- Church, from 1669 to
1723.
14-8 Prefent State
of
New-England.
[12]
Mr. Mather in his Sermon, took Occafion too
in fpeaking of the Benefit of Communion with
God, to tell us that there are in this Colony
feventy nine gathered Churches, and that to this
Day the Indians had not done any Dammage to
any Thing that belonged to any of the Places
where thefe Churches were.
15
'
Auguji coming on, we have now from all Parts
railed more Men, fo that there are now in the
Field in feveral Places, fix hundred Horfe and
Foot :
!
5
2
Moft of the Army were not far from the
Swamp wherein King Philip with all his People
were, they refolved to compafs it, which they did
once : And in their fecond Encounter, forced
King Philip with all his Retinue out of
[12]
the
Swamp, and purfued them
;
in their Purfuit they
killed his Lieutenant General,
1
"
with about twenty
(that they faw) of his Men, and the Englijh had
not the Lofs of one Man, but two wounded.
We having all this while a Party of Unkus's
Indians in the Field on our Side.
154
151
The precife Date of this re- one of thofe who murdered the
prefentation by Dr. Mather is not Clarke Family at Eel River. See
given, but the firft that was burnt Brief HijL,
65, 229. He figned
in this War is faid to be that at the Treaty of Taunton in 1
67
1.
Springfield, on October 5th
(1675.)
See ante, Page
84.
See Brief Hi/L, 96-7.
154
This Story of the Swamp
132
This raifmg of Forces was Affair, is not very favorable to the
in accordance with the Order of Writer's Intelligence, or his Means
the Commiffioners. See Note
43,
for obtaining Information. It was
ante. a complete Failure of the Englifh
153
Suppofed to mean a noted Army to capture Philip when he
Chief whofe name was Woonasbum, was within their Grafp. The very
but to whom the Englifh had given crude Detail in the Text was pro-
the Name of Nimrod. He was bably the firft vague Rumor from
[
1 2
]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
1
49
About the 1 $th of Augujl, Captain
Mofely with
fixty Men, met with a Company, judged about
three hundred Indians, in a plain Place where
few Trees were, and on both Sides Preparations
were making for a Battle ; all being ready on
both Sides to fight, Captain
Mofely plucked off
his Periwig, and put it into his Breeches, becaufe
it mould not hinder him in fighting. As foon
as the Indians faw that, they fell a Howling and
Yelling moft hideoully, and faid, Umh, Umh me
no Straw merre
fight
Engifnon, Etigijmon got two
Hed, Engifmon got two Hed;
if
me cut
off
un Hed,
he got noder, a put on beder as dis
;'5s
with fuch
like Words in broken Englijh, and away they all
fled and could not be overtaken, nor feen any
more afterwards. About a Week after this, Capt.
Mofely
took two Indians, the Father and his Son,
and willing to examine them both apart, pro-
ceeded thus : Took the old Man and bound him
to a Tree, after he was fo bound, he fent away
the Son by a File of Men out of Sight ; the old
Man there confeffed he was a Praying Indian,
and that he was only hunting for Deer therea-
bouts, but faid that his Son was one of thofe Men
that wounded Capt. Hutchinfon : So then, after
they had pumped him as much as they could,
they fired a Gun with no Bullet in it over his
the Scene of A&ion. The Efcape
l55
This Affair is not mentioned
of Philip was on Auguft ift, which by any other Writer of the Time,
was Sunday. The Fafts are col- to the Editor's Knowledge. How
lefted in the Book
of
the Indians and much Romance there is in it, it is
other Accounts of the War. difficult to fay.
150
Prefent
State
of
'New-England.
[12]
Head, untied him, and fent him another Way
with a File out Sight ; then brought they his
Son, bound in like Manner, they telling him
that they had fhot his Father, and would fhoot
him alfo, if he would not confefs what he was,
and what he knew : He fairly told them, that he
was a Praying Indian, but his Father made him
go with him to the Nipmoog Indians, and that
there they Ihot three or four Times a Piece;
whereupon they then brought the old Man and
tied him to his Son, and Examined them toge-
ther, at Length they confefr. they were both
among the Nipmoogs, and that the Son did wound
Captain Hutchifon ; after their Examination, they
were both (hot to Death.
J
5
6
In this fame Week, King Philips Men had
taken a Young Lad alive about fourteen Years
old, and bound him to a Tree two Nights and
two Days, intending to be Merry with him the
next Day, and that they would Roaft him alive
to make Sport with him
;
but God over Night,
touched the Heart of one Indian fo that he came
and loofed him, and bid him run Grande, [i. e.
run Apace) and by that Means he efcaped.
157
15,3
This we conclude to be the Hutchinfon and Wheeler at Wick-
Affair againft which Mr. Gookin abaug Pond. See Book
of
the In-
inveighs in feeling Terms. He dians, 265.
fays the two Indians (Andrew and
157
No Clue has yet been dif-
his Son-in-law) had been on a hunt- covered by which the Names of
ing Voyage towards the Lakes, and the Parties can be known. It is
on returning Home fell among not unlikely that this is the fame
the Enemy at Quabaog, and he was Circumftance as that mentioned by
unwilling to believe they had any the Rev. John
RuiTell of Hadley,
Thing to do in the Ambufh of in a Letter to Dr. I. Mather, and
[13]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
151
Towards the latter End of Augujl, Captain
Mofely
took eight Indians alive, and fent them
Prifoners to Bojion, who were put in Prifon there;
thefe were of the Number of Mr. Elliot's Indians
;
(as alfo many of thole Indians that were Ihipt off
by Captain Sprague, for the Straits and Cales)
thefe Men were at feveral Times tried for their
Lives, and condemned to Die : Mean Time Mr.
Elliot and Captain Guggins, pleaded fo very hard
for the Indians, that the whole Council knew
not what to do about them. They hearkened to
Mr. Elliot for his Gravity, Age, and Wifdom,
and alfo for that he hath been the chief Inftru-
ment that the Lord hath made ufe of, in Propa-
gating the Gofpel among the Heathen
;
And was
their Teacher, till the Time that fome Indians
were brought up in the Univerfity to fupply his
Place. But for Captain Guggins, why fuch a
wife Council as
[13]
they, Ihould be fo over-
borne by him cannot be judged otherwife than
becaufe of his daily troubling them with his
Impertinences and multitudinous Speeches, in fo
much that it was told him on the Bench, by a
very worthy Perfon
1
^
8
(Capt. Oliver) there pre-
printed in his Brief Hiftory. He Conduit feems quite inconfiftent;
fays the Captive was releafed by a for, according to this Writer, he
Natick Indian.

Page 80. encouraged the Mob, and then

13s
Capt. Oliver feems to have caned them for following his Ex-
been a Sympathizer with the Rab- ample. He was a Captain in this
ble, among whom an Indian then War, and led a Company into the
flood no better Chance for Juftice Narraganfet Country in the Winter
than many of the colored Popula- following, and was prefent at the
tion at the prefent Day in many Storming and Capture of the cele-
Parts of the South. Capt. Oliver's brated Fort, Dec. 19th. He was
152 Prefent State
of
New-England.
[ 1
3
J
fent, that he ought rather to be confined among
his Indians, than to fit on the Bench ; his taking
the Indians Part fo much hath made him a By-
word both among Men and Boys. But 0 it was,
that by one and two at a Time moft of thefe eight
Indians (and four more fent afterwards on the
fame Account) were let loofe by Night, which fo
Exafperated the Commonalty, that about the loth
of September, at nine O'clock at Night, there
gathered together about forty Men (fome of Note)
and came to the Houfe of Captain
James Oliver;
two or three of them went into the Entry to de-
fire to fpeak with him, which was to defire him
to be their Leader, and they ihould joyn together
and go break open the Prifon, and take one In-
dian out thence and Hang him : Captain Oliver
hearing their Requeft, took his Cane and cud-
gelled them ftoutly, and fo for that Time difmill
the Company ; which had he but in the leaft
countenanced, it might have been accompanied
with ill Events in the End. Immediately Cap-
tain Oliver went and acquainted Mr. Ting
1
*?
his
a Son of Mr. Thomas Oliver of where elfe to be found. Its Sub-
Bofton, who emigrated from Briftol, ftance is given in the Book
of
the
England, in 1632, and fettled in Indians.
Bolton. The Captain was born
,39
Edward Tyng. He was Fa-
about 1620, and died without IfTue ther of the very di fti ngui (lied Com-
in 1681.

Hift.
and Antiqs. Bojton, modore Tyng, who died in Prifon,
293.
So far as can be judged, in France, having been taken Pri-
there was no Apology for his infult- finer by a French Cruifer, while on
ing Language to the excellent Goo- a Voyage to Nova Scotia ; having
kin. He wrote a long Letter while been appointed Governor of Anna-
upon the Narraganfet Expedition, polis. Some of the Family figured
which contains many Items no in the Witchcraft Delufion of
1693.
[13]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
153
Neighbor, (a Juftice
of Peace) and they both went
next
Morning and acquainted the Governour,
who thank'd Captain Oliver for what he had done
laft Night, but this refted not here ; For the
Commonalty were fo enraged againft Mr. Elliot,
and Captain Guggins efpecially, that Captain
Guggins faid on the Bench, that he was afraid to
go along the Streets; the Anfwer was made, you
may thank yourfelf ; however an Order was iflued
out for the Execution of that one (notorious above
the reft) Indian, and accordingly he was led by a
Rope about his Neck to the Gallows ; when he
came there, the Executioners (for there were
many) flung one End over the Poft, and fo hoifted
him up like a Dog, three or four Times, he being
yet half alive and half dead
;
then came an In-
dian, a Friend of his, and with his Knife made a
Hole in his Breaft to his Heart, and fucked out
his Heart-Blood : Being afked his Reafon there-
fore, his Anfwer, Umh, Umh mi, Me ftronger as I
was before, me be be fo (Irong as me and he too,
he be ver ftrong Man fore he die.
l6
Thus with the Dog-like Death (good enough)
of one poor Heathen, was the Peoples Rage laid
10 "
Executions of Indians was be-
1675,
he fays,
"
yefterday, one
coming frequent about this Time, Little John was hanged here," but
and their Names are not often men- he says Nothing about any extraor-
tioned. The one on whom so dinary Condudl on the Occafion.
much Barbarity was permitted, may This Little John was accufed as the
be the same mentioned by Mr. John Murderer of one Stoughton at Taun-
Cotton of Plymouth, 4n a Letter ton. See Baylies's New Plymouth,
dated at Bofton, September 23d, ii, Pt.
5,
P. 50.
V
154-
Prefent State
of
New-England.
[14
J
in fome Meafure, but in a fhort Time it began to
work (not without Caufe enough). About the
beginning of September, Captain
Hinkfman was
fent out Commander of one hundred Men, and
were to meet together at Roxbury Meeting-Houfe-
Yard, when they were there, ready to March,
they all unanimoufly refolved not to go with him,
but if Captain Oliver would go, they would go
gladly ; whereupon the Council fent for him
Home, and fent Captain Lake in his Room.
161
On Wednesday Augnjl
25,
was obferved a Fail
at Charles-Town whereto feveral of
Bqfion
went,
there was gathered that Day Seventy eight
Pound.
162
King Philip now beginning to want Money
(having a Coat made all of fVampampeag, (i. e.
Indian Money) cuts his Coat to Pieces, and diftri-
butes it Plentifully among the Nipmoog Sachems
and others, as well as to the Eajlward as South-
ward, and all round about. This gives Occaiion
to fufpecl
[14]
that the Narraganfets may alfo be
Bribed, who are out on our Side, in that they
uil
The Hoftility to Capt. Hench- gone on any Expedition, but went
man was becaufe he would not al- not long after to the Kennebeck,
low an indifcriminate Butchery of where, upon Arowfick Mand he had
whatever Indians fell into the Hands large Poffeffions, and was there fur-
of Men under his Command, prifed and flain by the Indians.
Capt. Oliver was not fent probably, See Hijl. arid Antiquities
of Bofton,
as he was thought to be too much
410, 422. Alfo, Hubbard, Nar-
in Favor of what the common Sol- rative, ii, 161-2.
diers defired. Capt. Thomas Lake,
l
'
1
- The Collection was probably
although he took Command on the taken for the Benefit of the Sufferers
Occafion, does not feem to have by the War.
[14]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
155
follow not Orders to purfue King Philip effedtu-
ally.
Captain Lathrop, and Captain Beers, being at
Hadly, and there hearing of an Indian Caftle not
far thence, they marched with an Hundred and
eighty Souldiers thither, who required the Indians
to furrender their Arms
;
the Indians told Captain
Beers, that they would the next Morning.
,6
s
But
the Captains with their Men foon made them-
felves Matters thereof, forcing them into a Swamp,
having killed nine or ten, they retreated.
164
By this Time the Town of
Deerfield
begins to be
in Danger; Whereupon Captain Beers with eighty
Men went to bring away the People, the Inha-
bitants thereof. The Indians having Burnt twenty
five Houfes ; in their Way, they were met with
by a Parcel of Indians of about a Hundred and
Sixty, which the Engli/h got the better of, killing
near Forty Indians, having loft but four or five
Englijhtnen :
l6s
But immediately there did appear
" ,:!
See Hubbard, Narrative, i, Father petitioned the General Court
108-9.
for fome Relief; faying his Son loft
104
"The Englifh were (o pro- the Ufe of his Arm, having been
voiced, that were under Capt. La- (hot in the Elbow Joint, fo breaking
throp and Capt. Beers, that they it to Pieces that the Bones came
purfued after them very early the out
;
"
remained under the Chirur-
next Morning, and overtook them geon's Hands about half a Year,"
about ten Miles above Hatfield." and was ftill unable to do anything
Hubbard, i, 109.
to fupport himfelf. For his Lofs of
161
This was the famous Sugar Time and Chirurgeon's Bill the
Loaf
Hill Fight. It was on Auguft Government allowed him
5,10/
;
26th, 1675.
One Join?
Parke of for his
"
Victuals during his Wound,"
Cambridge, Son of Thomas Parke
3,10/
Twenty-five Years after
was in the Fight at Sugar-Loaf-Hill, this
"
John Parke of New Town"
On the 15th of March,
1677,
his petitioned himfelf for Aid, faying
1
56 Prefent
State
of
New-England.
[14.]
the greateft Body that hath at one Time been feen
by the EnglifJj, and fell upon Captain Beers, im-
mediately killing him and fixty five of his Men,
and fifteen efcaped
;
thefe fifteen ran to Captain
Mofely,
who then was about nine or ten Miles off,
he came with his fixty Men and gave the whole
Body of the Indians Battel (judged about one
thoufand two hundred), for three Hours; where-
upon after having killed feveral of the Indians, he
was forced to Retreat, and continued Fighting
for all the Time that he and his Men were Re-
treating nine Miles ; Captain Mofely
loft out of
his Company nine, and thirteen wounded.'
66
The next Day they came up again, the Indians
were gone, they had ftript the dead Men of all
their Clothes and Arms, and Horfes ;
amongft
which dead, was one who had Life in him, and
was found by a Friend Indian, he took him up
and faid, JJmh, umb poo Ingifmon, mee
fave
yow
Life,
mee take yow to Captain Mofee ; he carries
him fifteen Miles the Day after to Captain
Mofely,
and now this Man is well again and in good
Health.
167
the
"
Joynt of his Elboe" was loft but makes no Mention of his being
by that Wound, and that he had no in the War.
other Calling but Husbandry. The
'
,;
The Writer has jumbled to-
Court ordered that 50/!
per Annum gether here, in this Paragraph, near
be paid him. Orig. Petitions. half a Dozen important Events oc-
Mr. Hubbard afcertained that curring in as many Days. A tolera-
nineteen Men were killed with bly clear Statement of the Occur-
Capt. Beers. Narrative, ii,
44.
rences will be found in Dr. I. Ma-
Jackfon, in his
Hift. of
Newton, ther's Brief Hiftory, 73-81,
and in
383,
gives the Date of the Birth ofa Hubbard's Narrative, 108, &c.
John
Park, (no Doubt this one,)
,67
The Name of this Man, fo
[14.]
Prejhit State
of
New-England.
157
Immediately Orders were taken at Bojion for
the fending out new Relief, as many as to make
up Captain Mofelys Company an Hundred com-
pleat, were forthwith fent away : They are fitting
out an Hundred more from Connecticut, under
the Command of Major Treat, and Captain Whit-
ln
gib%
j^g Minifter of Hartford.
September 10,
Eight Indians came to Bojion from
Ninnicroft, in an Embaffy, having a Certificate
from Captain Smith
1
*")
an Englijhman, that hath a
large Eftate thereabouts ; They difpatched their
Bufinefs, and had another Pafs, tied at the End of
a Stick, that Englishmen may fee it afar off.
They were going out of Town a back Way, two
Men met them and feized on him that had the
Pafs ; thefe two Men were Brothers, and this In-
dian had been among King Philip's I?idians, and
thefe two Men Swore in Court that that was the
Man that killed their Brother, they knew him
;
whereupon two Days after his Trial and Confef-
fion, he was Hanged like the other.
170
wonderfully preferved, was Robert long refided in the Narraganfet
Dutch, well known to Mr. Hub- Country, attended the Treaty of
bard, who was his Townfman. But
July 15th, and was very ferviceable
that Author fays Nothing about the to both Parties on many Occafions.
Agency of an Indian in Dutch's Pre- See liecs. Conunis. United Colonies,
fervation. The Writer of our Text ii,
419,
and Mr. Smith's Petition,
gives a moft unlikely Account, in z'^., 412. Alio pojl, Note 183.
fome Refpefts. Compare him with
'
'"It is remarkable, that Dr. In-
Hubbard i, I 16-17. creafe Mather, writing at the Time
103
Major Robert Treat, and in Bofton, takes no Notice of this
Captain John Whiting. Captain and many fimilar Tranfaclions. He
Whiting was probably afting in the probably confidered, they did not
Capacity of Chaplain as well as come within the Limits of an hifto-
Captain of a Company. rical Work. Hubbard is likewife
109
Richard Smith. He had nearly as delinquent in this refpeft.
158 Prefent
State
of
New-England.
[15]
September
23.
About ten at Night we had an
Allarm given us, and before eleven we had one
Thoufand two Hundred Men in Arms, and dif-
mift by twelve that Night : The Occafion was,
one of the Watch was Drunk about thirty Miles
off at Mendham, and he fired a Gun, fo it came to
Bojlon; the next Morning he paid ten Shillings,
and fate Hours in the
[15]
Stocks for his being
Drunk, and afterwards had twenty Lafhes for
giving a falfe Allarm.
171
On the 28^/6 Day of Auguji, happened here at
eleven a Clock at Night, a moft violent Storm of
Wind and Rain, the Like was never known be-
fore
;
it blew up many Ships together that they
Bulged one another, fome up towards Cambridge,
fome to Muddy-River, doing much Hurt to very
many ; alfo it broke down many Wharffs, and
blew down fome Houfes thereupon. The Indians
afterwards reported that they had caufed it by
their Pawwaw, ( i. e. worshipping the Devil ).
They farther fay, that as many Englijhmen mail
die, as the Trees have by this Wind been blown
down in the Woods : But thefe Heathenifh Sto-
ries are confonant to their Barbarous Crueltie, and
ought to be valued accordingly, by all who own
any Thing fuperiour to it or them.
172
17
'
Omitted by the Bofton Hifto- lifh Neighbors were equally fo.
rian mentioned in the laft Note, for The Indians could never have been
the fame Reafon, no Doubt, as the under greater Delufions than thofe
Faft in the laft Paragraph. Neighbors were almoft twenty Years
172
It is not ftrange that the In- later. If the Reader need Argu-
dians were thus fuperftitious, at a ment he may find it to his melan-
Time when the moft of their Eng- choly Satisfaction in the Wonders
[15]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
159
Several Men, fome whereof are Quakers, will
not go out on Command, and for their Difobedi-
ence thereunto, are forced to run the Gantelop.
17
^
About the i$th of September, the Authority of
Bofton
fent a Party to Ninnicroft, to require him to
come to Bojlon, to treat concerning the delivery
of the Squaw Sachem:
1

He fent word he would

come, provided he might be fafely returned back
;
Captain Smith living near him, offered himfelf,
Wife and Children, and Eftate, as Hofages there-
for.
Ninnicroft feeing this, refolved to fend his eld-
eft Son
175
thither (he himfelf being very aged.)
of
the Invifible
World, &c, lately
elegantly produced by Mr. W. E.
Woodward.
173
Running the Gauntlet is a
Sort of Punifhment inflidted on
Prifoners, and was peculiar to the
Indians. It is defcribed with fome
Variation by many of thofe Cap-
tives who have returned and given
Narratives of their Sufferings. When
a War Party returned to their Town
or Camp, bringing Prifoners, the
Squaws and young Indians, Boys
and Girls, formed themfelves into
two Rows, a few Feet apart, facing
each other. Each Perfon in the
two Rows is commonly provided
with a Scourge, generally a Withe
or Switch from three to five Feet
in Length, according to the Size or
Strength of the Party wielding it.
The Prifoner is then made to run
between the Ranks thus armed,
generally naked, and every Indian
vies with his Neighbor in inflifting
Blows upon his Body. Sometimes
the Viftim dies under the Infliftion;
as heavy Sticks or Clubs, Stones
and other Miifiles are often ufed.
Thus the poor Prifoner is, on fuch
Occafions, ftruck to the Ground,
and the beating continued until
Death relieves him, or he can
regain his Feet and continue his
Flight. See Col. James Smith's
Narrative, P.
7.
174
This was Weetamoo, who it
was reported had fled to Ninigret,
and was harbored by him. See
Note 161, ante, and
poft,
P. 212.
175
There is confiderable Uncer-
tainty as to what was the Name of
this "Eldeft Son" of the Niantic
Sachem. See Book
of
the Indians,
146. If this Writer's Information
is reliable, as given in his next
Traft, the Name of Ninigret's
oldeit Son was Canonjhot. See
poft,
Note
199;
whereas it was
Quinnapin.
1 60 Prefent
State
of
New-England.
[15]
So away they came, bringing Captain Smith with
them
;
when they came to Roxbury, they fent
Word to Bojion they were come, and defired to
know if they might have Admittance into Bojion
:
Word was fent them, that they fhould be very
welcome. In Order thereto, Captain
James Oli-
ver, and Captain Clarke,
176
were ordered with fix
Files of Mufquets to meet on the Neck, to con-
duct them into Town. The Indians meeting thefe
Captains, thought that they were all to die im-
mediately
;
fome were for running away, and
fome not, but Captain Smith being with them,
endeavoured to pacifie them as well as he could.
When they met, they opened to the Right and
Left, and gave them three Volleys, and fo Guarded
them to the Governours Houfe. The next Morn-
ing this Sagamore with all his Retinue, went to
Captain Oliver's Houfe,
177
to give him hearty
Thanks for Yefterday's Kindnefs, in his conduct-
ing them fafe to Town.
The Council fat every Day during their Abode
in Bojion, until they came to an Agreement. The
Narraganfets
l ~< %
by Degrees, came to this Agree-
'"
Thomas Clarke. See Hiftory Odober
(1675),
Capt. O. and Lt.
and Antiquities
of
Bojion,
422,
and Thos. Brattle were ordered by the
341,
where is a Fac-fimile of his General Court to prevent the ex-
Autograph. On the I 3th of Oto- porting of Provifions, "confidering
ber
(1675),
the General Court the great Danger of a Famine.''

ordered,
"
that Maj. Clarke forth- General Court Records.
with ftrengthen Mendon Garrifon,
l7
~
The Writer makes no Dii'inc-
by adding ten more vnto them, and tion between the Nianticks, Nini-
that forthwith."
gret's Tribe, and the Narraganfets.
177
Perhaps at Fort Hill. Oliver Their Pofition and Relation are
Street there was named for the elfewhere defined in thefe Notes.
Family of Oliver. On the 13th of See, alfo, Hubbard,
\, 93,
ii,
46.
[i
6]
Prefent
State
of
New-England. 1 6
1
ment, That they were to deliver the Squaw Sachem
within fo many Days at Bq/ion ; and the League
of Peace was then by them Confirmed, which
was much to the general Satisfaction ; but yet
many had hard Thoughts of them, fearing they
will at laft prove Treacherous : They were dif-
mift out of the Town in Safety, according to
their Delire.
The Governour and Council feeing, and feri-
oufly considering the Mifery that many had already
undergone, and that the Country was like to be
in, Iffued out this following Order for a folemn
Faft all over the Colony ; which was performed
with a very great Show of outward Penitence,
and (no Queftion) with much inward Affection
by very many : The Governour himfelf beginning
the Duty of the Day, with a moft heavenly
Prayer.
[16]
2tt a Council $el& in Boston,
Sept.
17, 1675.
cyi&
please* tfje ?^3L CKB (ail tofjose
"3
1 aUorfcs are ftrutfj anO ijte MEagsJudgment)
^r
for out jE>ins toijcrrtg ije ijati) omt oroOofceir,
in special og tije unticrbaluation of our pleasant
&i)inp
;
swat
untijanfcfulncs* for, ano manifolU
abuses of our toontrerful |Jeacc, antr tijc 13lessings
of it in tijis gooti ILanir, toijici) tlje JLorti ijati) giben
W
1 62 Prefent
State
of
New-England.
[
1
6]
tig ; ill 4?ntcrtainmrnt of tlje fHinistrn of ti)e pre=
nous Gospel of }3caec :
17
?
Heating our first=3Lotic,
Scaling falsely in tlje (Covenant of rlje ILovo our
(Sot : 2T1k
apostacn of many from tlje JEruti) unto
heresies, ant pernicious <J?rrours;
l8

(Great
jf
ormalitw, inortinatr affection, anti sinful (Eon=
formitn to tijis present coil bain SfHorlt: ant
(tcsitc man? torrit ant scantalous jr>ins trcak=
ing forti) among us, for mljirt toe ijabe (Cause to
te grratlij tumtlct tcforc tlje ?Lort) our great 89ns
scnsitlcncss of tlje displeasure of tlje JLort in
suffering tijrse atominations to te perpetrate^,
181
together toitl) our (Carnal Security, ant ffitnquirt=
ness untier tlje Jutgmcnts of (Got upon us ; our
atiting berg mueij unreformetr, nottoitljstanting all
ffiSiarmng&\ ant (Chastisements, toljcrcti) tlje ILort
ijati) teen, ant is still tctating uritij us ; toe tabing
greatly ineenseo 1jim to stir up many atbersarics
against us, not only atroat, tut also at our own
Boors, (rausing tlje l&eatijen in tljis ft&Jiltcrnrss
to te as JJljorns in our jritrs, toljo Ijaiie formerhj
teen, anti migljt still te, a fflSJall unto us therein
;
anti otters also to teeome a jreourge unto us) tije
iLortr ijimself also more immctiatcly afflicting us
ty diseases, mtereof so mamj (Cljiltrcn in some
of our Sotons Ijabe tict tljis Rummer,
182
f&is
not
179
There had been fo much ported and publifhed about the bad
Negleft in Plymouth Colony in Morals of the People here, at the
providing for the Support of Mini- Period under Confideration, had
iters as to call forth Cenfure from too much Foundation, in Faft.
Maflachufetts. See Baylies's New
>*-
1 do not find that the Hifto-
Plfmoutb, i, Pt.
2, P. 26-27. "ans or
~
tne Times take Notice of
i90
A Thruit at the Epifcopalians, this great Mortality among Child-
Baptifts and Quakers.

ren, while they have much to fay
i?i
This is a Sort of Acknow- about Accidents by Thunder and
ledgment that may lead fome Read- Lightning, &c. See an Allufion in
ers to believe that the Stories re- Col. Records, Conn., ii,
431.
[17]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
163
going fortij toitij our Slrmirs
[17] as in former
crimes, but gibing up mann of our ISrrtijrrn to
tbc
Ufloutij of tije ocbouring j^toorti, nra, sijetoing |)im=
self Engrn toiti) tije prayers of bis people, tETijrcat;:
ning us also mifij Scarcity of |Jrobision ano otber
Calamities, especially if tljis present ffl&tar toitlj
tije barbarous i^catben sijouin continue : lntr tijat
tije Eortr of l^osts ijimsclf mitborato not tije OTont=
mission ije ijatij giben to tije jrtootfr, anti otijer
Judgments to prcbail against us.
&ije (Sobernour antr Council of tijis Jurisdiction
tijerefore (being unoer tije ILease of these #bils,
airt also of tlje tiistrcsscb jstatc of tije rest of tlje
Colonies Confederate mill) our selbcs, antr of tije
Ci)urci)cs of Cijrist in otijer ^arts of tlje Christian
fifilorltr, in tijis Bay of rouble, liebuftcs, antr
iilaspljcmy; ano fearing tlje sao Issue, unless
tlje ILortr ijelp us toitij our bjljole ?$eart, anti not
fcigncoly, to turn unto ijimsclf) Bo Appoint, ano
roer tijr sebentij Bay of ti)c next fiflontij, to be a
Bay of ^ubliclv humiliation, ojitij
$
asting ano
grayer, tijrougijout tijis fcoijole Colony; tijat toe
man set oursclbcs sincerely to seek tlje Eoro renTr=
ing our hearts, antr not our (garments before
?$im, antr pursue tlje same toitlj a tborougi) Me=
formation of mijatcber ijatl) been, or is an Image
of Jcalousic before tlje ILortr, to offentr tlje <2?ycs
of l)is dor?) ; if so be tije ILorti may turn from
ijis fierce anger, tijat Ojc perisi) not. fflSie tro
tijerefore require all tije Inhabitants of tijis Juris=
Miction to forbear jr>rrbilc JLabour upon tbat Bay,
ano tijat tljcy apply tijcmselbcs rcspectibcly to ob=
serbc tije same, as is Eppointetr,
33y
tije Council,
Edward Rawfon, >ecr.
1
64
Prefent State
of
New-England.
[18]
[18]
On the iji of OcJober, News came to
Bojhn, that the Indians had Burnt the Farm-
houfe of Major Pinchon, Scituate near
Springfield,
and killed much Cattle, and Burnt much Corn,
which occalioned his Son to abide Still in Bojhn
(he being before provided to go for London, with
Captain
John
JValley
1
*^
in the
John's Adventure,
Mr. Pinchons own Ship). It is judged that Major
Pinchons Dammage may amount to eleven or
twelve hundred Pound Sterling. This Day alfo
came the News to Mr. Purehas that his Houfe
and Goods were Burnt, his Wife and Children
killed ; the Latter proved falfe : He was alfo
bound in Capt. Walley for London, but remained
at Bojlon for Sometime, in order to the fettling
his Family there. His Lofs likewife amounted
to above a thoufand Pound Sterling.
1
**
On the izth of October, a Body of Indians
came to Springfield,
who immediately fired the
Town, and confumed thirty-two Houfes, and al-
moft as many Barns, with their Corn and Hay.
l8
5
The Indians that did this Mifchief, were a
Company of thofe Sort called Praying Indians,
about forty in Number, that always dwelt near to
1 s3
Afterwards the diftinguiftied by Major Pynchon (fo he wrote
Colonel of the Land Forces in Sir his Name), may be feen in the Ap-
William Phip's abortive Expedition pendix to Dr. Mather's Brief Hif-
againft Canada (in 1690).
He died tory. One of them is dated the
in Bofton, January nth, 1712, next Day after the Town was
aged 68. See Hiftory
and Antiqui- burnt.
ties
of Bofton, 491.
185
The Reader will find Copies
184
Several important Letters, of original Letters, detailing this
highly neceflary for the Under- great Difafter, by Reference as in
{landing of thefe Events, written the laft Note,
[
1 8
]
Prefent State
of
New-England.
165
Springfield,
and at that Time were confined to
their Town and about a Mile about it ; but for
their ufual Civility Sake, were permitted daily to
have Converfe with the Town about what Bufi-
nefs they had, and at Mid-night they did their
Exploit. The Neighbouring Towns hearing it,
and that it was done by them, Rofe without any
Commander or Leader, and flew all of them they
could find, which was about thirty.
186
Likewife Tidings came this Day from the
Eafi-
ward, that they have killed twenty Men within
this ten Days ; wherefore here is this 20th of
Oclober, marched forty Men out of Bojlon, for
their Relief.
The Narraganfets, we fear more and more
every Day, will be perfidious to us, the Time
being paft that they fhould have delivered Squaw
Sachem at
Bofion.
1 *
1
Our Fears are the more
increafed, as well in that we underfland feveral of
them appear up and down in Arms ; however
here is a Levie now coming out for a thoufand
186
This Affair, it is fuppofed, is Chriftianize them; and Mr. Hub-
that which took place juft before the bard charitably remarks :
"
Some
Battle in which Capt. Beers was think the Englifh failed in Point of
killed; but the Fafts are fo different Prudence, not managing that Bufi-
in this Account from all others, as nefs fo warrily as they might."
fcarcely to be recognized as the That is, had the Englifh managed
fame Tranfacfion. See the Rev. the Matter as well as they might,
John
Ruffell's Letter in the Brief thefeNipnets or Nipmuckshad been
Hiflory, 73-76. Our Author is prevented from joining the hoftile
rather fwift in claffing theie Indians Party. See Narrative, i, 109.
as Praying Indians ; for it appears
lb7
This has Reference to the
that all the Claim they had to be Promife extorted from Ninnigret;
thus denominated, confiited in fome a Promife he could not perform if he
feeble Attempts of the Englifh to had had the Will. See Note
13;.
1 66 Prefent
State
of
New-England.
[18]
Englijhmen to wait on them, which we hope may-
reduce them to good Order, as well as recover
Squaw Sachem out of their Hands
;
which if fhe
be but taken by the Englijh, her Lands will more
than pay all the Charge we have been at in this
unhappy War.
188
October 28,
This Day by Advice from
Hatfield,
we have this particular Account of what happened
there.
On Wednefday the igth of October, a Party of
Indians about feven Miles off
Hatfield
in the
Woods, made feveral great Fires, to make the
Englijh think they were there, but as foon as ever
they had fet Fire to the Wood, they came di-
rectly towards Hatfield,
and about two Miles from
Hatfield
they lay in Bufhes by the Way Side
undifcoverable, thinking to cut off the Engli/lj in
their Way to the Fires : About Noon, they of
Hatfield
fent ten Horfemen well armed, to fcout
out and fee what is the Matter in the Woods
;
and in their Way the Indians at once fhot down
nine of them, and the other returned to
Hatfield
to carry the News :
l8
9
Capt. Samuel
Mofely
(being
then not far from thence, with fixty Men,) was
immediately fent for, who prefently come. By
four a Clock, there were come into the Town
above feven hundred Indians armed, and imme-
1S8
This Writer mud have had lifh flain, whofe Names are copied
a very ftrange Notion of the Riches in a Note to Hubbard, Page no.
of Indians. They knew little of Mr. Ruffell fays they belonged to
Accumulation until Europeans fet
"
nine feveral Towns," which, as
them the Example. he obferves, is truly remarkable.
180
There were nine of the Eng- See the BriefHijiory,
77.
[19]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
167
diately fet Fire in three Places to the Town, but
by Care were foon quenched ; Capt.
Mofely pre-
fently engaged five hundred of thefe Indians,
whilft two hundred and more other Indians were
[19]
at the other End of the Town endeavouring
to Fire it. There was alfo another Captain,
'9
with about fixty Men not far off, who hearing
the Guns, came immediately thither and fet on
the other Party of two hundred and odd ; but
the two Englifh
Captains foon joyned together,
and they had a Fight with thofe feven hundred
and odd Indians, for near two Hours Time, till
they could fee no longer, in this Fight we loft
only three Men, and we judg we may have killed
above an hundred Indians, we forced the Reft
in great diforder to run away. We forced them
over a large River.
191
who in their Swimming
over, loft all their Arms and Ammunition, and
feveral were Drowned, as was feen the next Day.
This Fight doth much difcourage them, and
encourage our Englijh : there were ten Men
wounded of ours in the Fight, but none Mortally
we hope.
192
Care now is taken to fatisfie the (reafonable)
defires of the Commonalty, concerning Mr. El-
100
Captain Mofely is probably one of Major Appleton's Sergeants,
the Captain meant. See Hubbard, He was (hot down by the Side of
124.
the Major, a Bullet at the fame
101
Hadley and Hatfield are nearly Time pafTed through the Hair of
oppofite on the Connecticut River, the Major's Head;
"
by that Whif-
which is the River meant, perhaps, per," fays Hubbard,
"
telling him
102
One was mortally wounded, that Death was very near, but did
His Name was Freegrace Norton, him no other Harm."
1 68 Prefent State
of
New-England.
[19]
Hot's Indians, and Capt. Guggin's Indians. They
that wear the Name of Praying Indians, but
rather (as Mr. Hezekiah Ufhur termed Preying
Indians) they have made Preys of much Englijh
Blood, but now they are all reduced to their
feveral Confinements
;
which is much to a general
Satisfaction in that RefpecV"
Dated
from
Bofton Novemb. 10,
1675.
193
Mr. Ufher was of Cambridge; accufed of Witchcraft, took fuch
and, judging from this Obfervation fummary Meafures with his Ac-
of his, it is tolerably certain he cufers, that thofe Meafures tended
was no Friend of thofe called Pray- materially to put an End to fuch
ing Indians. He is fuppofed to be Accufations. See More Wonders,
the Gentleman referred to by Mr.
154,
or iii,
159, 196 of Wood-
Robert Calef, who, having been ward's Reprint.
[19]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
169
POSTSCRIPT.
Sir,
I
HAVE here enclofed you as large an Account
as I can at Prefent of the State of this Wil-
dernefs, in Refpecf to the Heathens : I muft con-
fefs, I was the willinger to take a little the more
Pains in the collecting thereof, for the Sakes of
thofe with you, who wifh us well. Which if it
may anfwer its intended End therein, the Labour
in Writing will be well beftowed. You may
expecT; more from me as there is Occafion, mean-
while I am,
Sir,
Tour Friend and Servant.
Pfal.
80,
7, 8, 9,
10, 1
1, 12,
13, 14.
FINIS.
A
CONTINUATION
OF THE STATE
N E W-E NGL A N D
;
BEING A FARTHER ACCOUNT OF THE
INDIAN WARR
AND OF THE
Engagement betwixt the
Joynt
Forces of
the United Englijh Collonies and the
Indians, on the 19th of December
1675.
With the true Number of the Slain and Wounded,
and the Tranfadtions of the Englijh Army lince
the faid Fight. With all other PafTages that
have there Hapned from the 10th of November,
1675.
to the 8th of February
167
1.
Together with an Account of the Intended Rebellion of the
Negroes in the Barbadoes.
Licenfed March 27. 1676. Henry Oldenburg.
LONDON:
Printed by T. M. for Dorman Newman, at the Kings Armes in the
Poultry, 1676.
[3]
B O S T O N
,
FEBRUARY THE 9TH,
1675.
Sir,
MY
Laft to you was of the 10th of No-
vember paft,
1
?
4
(which in regard we have
had much Weflerly Winds fince) I hope
ere this Time you have received ; according to
the befl Information I had or could procure, I
made bold to acquaint you with Sundry Paffages,
that before the Date thereof, came to pafs amongft
us ; I alfo fent you two of our Orders in Print
by Order of the Council here ; The one for the
Confinement of our Neetop (i. e. Friend) In-
dians,
J
95
the other for a general Faft throughout
this Collony
;
196
By the one you may fee the great
Care our Authority hath, as well to make a Dis-
tinction vifible, betwixt our Friends the Chriftian
Indians, and our Enemies the Heathens, as alfo, to
fecure the one from Injuries, and to lay the other
open, and make them liable to the Hand of
Juf-
tice : By the other you may fee what Fear of the
*
Thus it is Clear that this and
19G
The Proclamation for a Faft
the laft Piece are by the fame Hand, has been given in the previous Traft.
195
Their Confinement on Iflands See ante, P. 61-163.
in the Harbor.
174
Continuation
of
the
[4.]
immediate Hand of God upon us our Majiftrates
have ; and only Sir, we have great Caufe to blefs
the Lord for that we have fuch Magiftrates and
Councellors that we are fo well affined do aime
at the Glory of God, and the Peace and Welfare
of his People in this Wildernefs, that however
the mighty Hand of God is lifted up upon us,
and he hath given Commimon to the Sword .to
deftroy, yet we are well fatisfied there is Nothing
wanting that lyeth within the reach of their
Wifdom or Strength : Wherefore in the midft.
of our Troubles we comfort ourfelves in this,
that we are fatisfied they do what in them lyeth:
I hope in fome fhort Time I may hear of your
receipt thereof.
Sir, In my Lafl I alfo gave you (at Firft) an
Account of the Reafons of the Rife and Origin of
thefe unhappy Wars, in which, my Information
was not fo Perfect, but that there was fomewhat
amifs
;
although, at that Time, the Account there
of was generally receiv'd, and the Alteration is
not much, only in fome few particular Circum-
ftances : Wherefore, that you might be the more
[4]
Certain thereof, I fhall give you an Account
wherein I miffed, Thus : About fix Years fince
one Sofoman (an Indian Schollar and Minifter)
having fpent fome Years in the Study of Divinity,
being by that Time judged capable of Preaching
the Gofpel, was by the Authority of Plymouth
1
'*
1
197
We cannot find that Plymouth It feems rather fingular that the
had any Thing to do about John Circumftances of a Character fo
Saffhmon until after he was killed, well known as he mull have been
[4.]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
175
fent to Preach to King Philip ; he with fome
feeming-kind of Devotion, heard him for a while
at feveral Times; and however his Zeal was in
outward Appearance, yet all that Time, and a
good while before, he with feveral of his own
Men, had a Confpiracy to cut off the Engli/h
thereabouts, and fcrupled not to make the Bufi-
nefs known to Sofoman, as fuppofing he might
be of great ufe to him, in carrying on that bloody
Defign
;
Whereupon this Sofoman
foon after makes
this Thing known to the Governor of New Ply-
mouth Collony, Jojiah
W
inflow
Efq, King Philip
fufpecfing he either would divulge, or had already
made known this Secret to the Englijh, took
Councel to kill this Sofoman,
wherefore in Order
thereunto, one Day, as he fat fifhing by a River-
fide,
198
two or three Indians came and barbaroufly
Murthered him in the Place ; Whereupon as
foon as the Governor and Councel of Plymouth
heard thereof, fent and took the faid Murtherers
;
as alfo a fmall Party went to King Philip and
brought him
19
?
and moft of his chief Men to
(hould be fo varioufly reprefented him and purpofed to fend for or to
by Writers. him to appeer att theire next Court
198
This is quite a different Ver- that they might inquire into thofe
fion of the Hiftory of Saffdmon
Reports, came downe
of
his own
from all the others. The Detec- accord to Plymouth a little before
lion, Trial and Execution of the theire Court, in the beginning of
Murderers were firft publifhed in March laft.
[1675]
Att which
the Book
of
the Indians, from ori- Time the Counfell of that Collonie
ginal Records.
,,
vpon a large Debate with him, had
109 "
Sometime after Saffamon's great Reafon to belieue that the
Death Philip haueing heard that the Information againft him might be
Gouernor of Plymouth had re- in Subitance true," &c.

Hazard's
ceiued fome Information againft Hi
ft.
Collecl., II,
532, 533.
176
Continuation
of
the
[4.]
Plymouth, and there Examined them, and had
feveral Meetings in Confultation about the Bufi-
nefs
;
but King Philip behaved himfelf very
uncivilly
200
(like a Heathen) however due Proof
could not be produced againft him, and he nor
his Men not having yet fhed any Englijh Blood,
after his entring into a League of Peace with
the Englijh, was difmift ; only the Murtherers
after a legal Condemnation were Hanged.
201
Here lies the Occafion of our prefent Difference,
which I have made bold to acquaint you of. Sir,
towards the clofe of my Laft to you, I gave you
an Account of what was done at
Hatfield
the
iqth of October laft; in which Fight the Hea-
thens were fo put to it, that they were forced to
go to their laft Refuge, that is, the Narraganfets,
who I wrote you Word we feared every Day
more and more would Prove perfidious to us
;
wherefore the Authority of the United Collonies
having Intelligence that King Philip with his
whole Retinue, as well Women and Children, &c.
did Harbour themfelves under the Protection of
500
We may be allowed to fup- they could have no fuch claim of
pofe that Philip's great Incivility Superiority over a Native and Inde-
confifted in his demanding what pendent Prince."

British Empire
Right the Plymouth Court had to in America, I,
92.
call him or his Subjects to an Ac-
'-'"
Three were Tried and Exe-
count for an Affair of his own cuted. Two of them were hanged
exclufively.
on the 8 June, 1675,
and one was
Mr. Wynne, in fpeaking of Phi- mot a Week or two after.

Manu-
lip's Submiffion at Taunton in 1671, fcripts above referred to. See alfo
animadverts thus: "If the Colony Note 100, ante. Refer likewife as
demanded this, it was unjuft, as in Note
198.
[4]
Prefent State
of
'New-England.
177
Ninicroft,
zo7
-
who is the King of the Narragan-
fets,
as alio hearing that that fame Sachem, that
came to BoJio?i about the End of September laft,
2
3
(being Ninicroffs Eldeft Son) is fince Marryed
to the Squaw Sachem
;
2
4
which Marriage doth
fignifie a near Alliance
;
2
$
and alfo feeing that
what that Sachem did agree unto with our Au-
thority, when in Bojion, is not at all regarded by
them, (for that Sachem fent Word when he came
Home into his own Country, that
Ninicroft would
not agree to what he had done.)
206
Thefe Things fo falling out near the fame
Time, put our Authority then in Councel upon
fome Neceffity of finding out a fpeedy Way to
Remedy the fame, But notwithstanding
their
2tl2
From what has gone before,
it is evident that the Writer was in
Error in this Statement. Ninigret
was Chief of the Nanticks. Na-
nuntennoo, alias Canonchet, was the
"
great Chief" of the Narraganfets.
203
The Chief who came to Bof-
ton and made the Treaty on the
18th of Oftober,
1675,
was Ca-
nonchet. See Book
of
the Indians,
231,
where the Subftance of the
Treaty, and all its Signers are
given.
204
The Sachem who married
the Squaw Sachem is known to
have been Quinnapin. See Mrs.
Rowlandfon's Narrative. Quinna-
pin was probably not at Bofton
when the Treaty of the 18th of
Oftober was made, becaufe Canon-
chet figned
"
Sachem, in Behalf of
Y
himfelf, Conanacus, the Old Queen,
Pomham, and Quaunapoen." It is
quite certain that if Quinnapin had
been prefent, he would have made
his Mark as the Reft did.
205
The Relationship between
Philip and the Squaw Sachem has
already been explained. See ante,
P. 123. The Author has made
divers Miftakes in his Statements,
by Reafon of his confounding one
Sachem with another. Any one,
even at this Day, is very liable to
commit fimilar Errors.
200
This Statement agrees with
what has been detailed in Note
136,
ante, fo far as concerns Hoft-
ages perhaps. He agreed, accord-
ing to Capt. Winthrop's Report,
to give up any of Philip's People
which might come to him.
178
Continuation
of
the
[5]
Perfidioufnefs
hitherto, yet about three Weeks
after, five
Sachems
7
came together from Nini-
croft
to
Bojion, and engaged that our Enemies,
entertained
by them, mould be delivered up
Inftantly;
but Nothing being done of what they
promifed, the Commiffioners of the United Col-
lonies, fitting in Councel here, (the feveral Con-
fiderations
here expreft, with Others moving
them
thereto) in the firft Place published this
following
Remonftrance (here inferted verbatim)
and ordered a Body of Souldiers,
[5]
Horfe and
Foot to march hence
;
in order thereunto, on the
10th of this Inftant December, fix Companies of
Foot and Horfe marched hence unto Seaconck :
The
Number of the Soulders were thus ; Of

Majfachnfetts
and Plimouth Collonies
700
Foot
and 200 Horfe, and Conneclicot Collony having
300
Foot and 100 Horfe
2oS
ready to meet them
at New London,

whereof Governour
Jojiab
Win/low is gone out General : From
Majfachu-
fetts
Collony is gone out in Command, Major
Appleton of Ipjwich, Captain James 0//W%Captain
Samuel Mofely,
and Captain Nath. Davenport of
Bojion,
Captain John/on
of Roxbury, Captain
Gardner of Salem, and Captain Thomas Prentice,
Captain of the Horfe. Thefe were Command-
20 '
The Reader might reafonably
- 08
There were, accompanying
conclude that another Treaty is here the Connecticut Force,
150 Mohe-
referred to than that juft mentioned; gan and other Indians. There
but the Editor does not find any feems a general Pronenefs among
other recorded at the Time corre- the Chroniclers of the Time to
fponding.
omit the mention of the Services of
the Indians.
[5
]
Prefent State
of
New-England.
179
ers of thofe feven Companies that marched
hence.
The 1 6th Inftant we had Advice from them,
that the Enemy had burnt Mr. Jeremiah Ball's
Houfe
20
'
at Narraganfett, and killed 18 Men,
Women, and Children that were in it/
10
and that
they had taken
55
Indians, and killed ten more
and burnt
150
Wigwams with the Lofs of four
of our Men, and as many Wounded. This Ex-
ploit was performed by Captain Prentice, a Cap-
tain of the Horfe. The Weather now being
extream Cold, having both Froft and Snow in
moft Places two Foot, in many Places three Foot
deep, we have as yet had Nothing like to a Field
Battel with the Indians, fave that Fight we had
at Hatfield
of which I gave you an Account in
my Laft, until thefe Soulders went out Laft
;
fince which Time, by feveral Ports coming Daily
thence, as alfo by private Letters, I have this
Account of this Fight in particular. On Satur-
day the 19th Inftant, the General muftered up
the whole Army in November, as before, having
with them three Minifters, viz. Mr. Dudley,
211
Mr.Buckley and Mr. Samuel Noivell, at Capt. Smith's
Jon
The Name of the unfortu- probably, oldeft Child of Governor
nate Man it appears was Jireh, or Thomas Dudley. He married a
Jeriah Bull. See Notes to the Daughter of Gov. John
Winthrop,
Brief Hijlory,
105.
and was fettled at Exeter, N. H.
aio
The Number murdered is At this Time, he was about
65
probably correftly ftated by Hub- Years old. He died 10th Feb.,
bard, namely, ten Men and five 1683. See N. E. H. G. Reg.,
Women and Children; fo that, out x, 134-5.
Mr. Buckley's Name
of 17
Perfons, only two efcaped. was Gerjhom. See Note in Hub-
s' 1
The Rev. Samuel Dudley, bard, Narrative,
204.
180 Continuation
of
the
[5]
Houfe, (the fame Capt. Smith I told you in my
Laft that came to Bojlon with Ninnicroft's Eldeft
Son a Sachem)
212
whofe Dwelling is about four
Miles off the Narraganfetts Dwellings, and is
now the ftrongeft Garrifon in thofe Parts) and
having given Orders for a March, according to
Difcretion, marched towards the Narraganfets
Country (or Town) where finding no Indians,
they were at a Stand, not knowing which Way
to go in Purfuit of the Indians
;
but however
during their Stay, their Capt. Prentice, with his
Company difcovered fome Place under Ground,
wherein was Indian Corn laid up in Store by
them ; this encouraged them to look further
;
Whereupon in their Search they found feveral
good Quantities of that Grain in like Manner,
which afterwards was conveyed to the Garrifon.
In the Afternoon of that Saturday, fome of the
Souldiers accidently efpied an hidian alone, whom
they took and carried to the General, who upon
his Refufal to anfwer to thofe Queftions demanded,
was ordered to be Hanged forthwith
;
2I
3
Where-
upon the Indian to fave his Life, told them where
the whole Body of the Indians were together, as
well King Philip, and all other Confederate Saga-
mores and Sachems with their whole Retinue, as
alfo the whole Body of the Narraganfets, being
212
See Note
175,
ante. threatened with hanging is not men-
213
The Englifh give the Name of tioned by others. Some new and
this Indian as Peter. His Indian important Fafts may be feen con-
Name has not been difcovered. cerning him and his Daughter in
His Refufal to give Information till Appendix to the Brief Hijiory.
[6]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
1 8
1
joyned all in a Body in November, about
4500
In-
dian Men, belides Wives and Children : Where-
upon, keeping this Indian for their Guide, they
having Provilions with them, marched all Night
the Indians being then 16 Miles diftant from
them, and that Night there fell a very hard Snow
two or three Foot deep, and withal an extream
hard Froft, fo that fome of our Men were frozen
in their Hands and Feet, and thereby difabled for
Service :
[6]
The next Day, about Noon, they
come to a large Swamp, which by Reafons of the
Froft all the Night before, they were capable of
going over (which elfe they could not have done)
they forthwith in one Body entered the faid
Swamp, and in the Midft thereof was a Piece of
firm Land, of about three or four Acres of Ground,
whereon the Indians had built a Kind of Fort,
being Palifado'd round, and within that a Clay
Wall, as alfo felled down Abundance of Trees to
lay quite round the faid Fort, but they had not
quite finifhed the faid Work : The General placed
Capt. Mofely
in the Front, to enter the Fort, and
the Reft of the Companies were placed according
to Difcretion : In their March they met with
three Indians fent out as Scouts, whom they fhot
dead at Sight thereof: as foon as ever the Indians
faw our Army coming, they fhot as faft as ever
they could, and fo our Men did the like. Before
our Men could come up to take PorTeffion of the
Fort, the Indians had fhot three Bullets through
Capt. Davenport, whereupon he bled extreamly,
1 82
Continuation
of
the
[6]
and immediately called for his Lieutenant, Mr.
Edward Ting, and committed the Charge of the
Company to him, and defired him to take care of
his Gun, and deliver it according to Order, and
immediately died in the Place ; his Company
were extreamly grieved at his Death, in Regard
he was fo courteous to them ; for he being Com-
mander of that Company, belonging to Cambridge
and Watertown &c. was a Stranger to moft of
them ; and at the fame Time that he came to
take PofTeffion of his Company, he made a very
civil Speech to them, and alfo gave them free Li-
berty to choofe their Serjeants themfelves, which
pleafed them very well, and accordingly did fo
;
and it is very probable the Indians might think
that Capt. Davenport was the General, becaufe he
had a very good Buff Suit on at that Time, and
therefore might moot at him. In a fhort Time
our Forces entred the Fort, Captain
Mofely
being
in the Front, the Indians knowing him very well,
many directed their fhot to him, as he afterwards
told the General that he believed he faw
50
aim
at him : As foon as he and they had entred the
Fort, he efpied a Heap of above
50
Indians lay
dead in a Corner, which the Indians had gathered
together
;
as foon as ever our Men had entred the
Fort, the Indians fled, our Men killed many of
them, as alfo of their Wives and Children,
amongft which an Indian Black-Smith (the only
Man amongft. them that fitted their Guns and
Arrow-heads;) and amongft many other Houfes
[7
]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
183
burnt his, as alfo demolifhed his Forge, and car-
ried away his Tools
;
214
they fought with the
Indians, and purfued them fo long as was advanta-
geous to them ; then the General gave Order to
Sound a Retreat, which was done according to
Order. The Retreat was no fooner beaten, and
the Souldiers were in a Marching Pofture, before
they were got all out of the Fort, a thoufand
21
*
frefh Indians fet on our Men, but in an Hour's
Time the Indians were forced to Retreat and Flie.
Our Men as near as they can judge, may have
killed about 600 Indian Men, belides Women and
Children. Many more Indians were killed which
we could have no Account of, by Reafon that
they would carry away as many dead Indians
as they could. Our Men before they had been
fet on by the frefh Indians, had fet fire to moft of
the Wigwams in and about the Fort (which were
near 1000. in all,) how many
[7]
were burnt
down they could not tell pofitively, only thus
;
That they Marched above three Miles from the
Fort by the Light of the Fires.
2 ' 6
Here is an
31 <
This was probably the Indian fails to make the Enemy appear
called by the Englifh Stone-wall far more numerous than they pro-
Jobn.
See Book
of
the Indians, bably were.
261-2. He was among the killed
21R
Doubtlefs this was the Re-
in a Surprife by the Forces under port
;
and although the Light of
Major Talcot,
July
2d, 1676. the Fire may have been feen three
a,s
Confidering that this Writer Miles, that it afforded fufficient
muft have written from hearfay, Light to march by for that Diftance,
and at the very Time of the Occur- feems like a rather large Story
;
ef-
rences, it is not flrange that he pecially as the Fire was in a denfe
deals fo freely in round Numbers
;
Wildernefs, and a great Snow-ftorm
but it is noteworthy that he never was all the Time prevailing.
184
Continuatio?t
of
the
[7]
Account of the Number of Eng/iJii-M.en flain by
the Indians in this Engagement.
A Lift of the Number of the Englifh Slain and
Wounded in the Battel with the Indians, on the
ioth. [19th] of December,
1675.
Captains Slain.
Capt. Davenport
Capt.
fohnfon
Capt. Gardner
Capt. Marjhal
Capt. Gallop, who Commanded
Uncas's Indians.
Of the Majuchufets.
Slain. Wounded.
In the Company of
Major Appleton 2 22
Capt. Mofely's
9
10
Capt. Oliver's
5
10
Capt. Jolmfon's
3
II
Capt. Gardner's
7
II
Capt. Davenport's
4
15
3
79
Wounded, whereof fome are
fince dead.
Of Connecticot.
Major Treat's Com'y 20
Capt. Sealey's 20
Capt. Marjhafs
14
Capt. Waite's
17
7
1
Of Plymouth.
Capt. Bradford 1
2Q
Capt. Coram'
11
'
j
Troopers 02
Loft in the Woods
05
Wounded.
Captain Bradford, fhot in the
Eye.
Captain Sealy, Mortally as is
Feared.
Captain Mafon.
Captain White.
Lieutenants
Wounded.
Lieut. Savage,
Lieut. Ting,
Lieut. Swan,
Lieut. Upham.
Wounded and Slain in
all
- - - - 207
We wanting good
Accommodation for our
Wounded Men, our General ordered them to be
*John Gorham. See Note
in
Hubbard, Narrative, i, 156.
[8]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
185
removed to Road-IJland, where they have good
Quarters provided, and care taken for their Re-
covery.
217
Ninigret, the old Sachem of the Nar-
raganfets,
hath lately, with a fmall Party of In-
dians feperated himfelf from the Reft of his People,
difowning their Actions, and all that joyn with
King Philip, and profefies himfelf a true Friend
to the Englijh Intereft.
218
[8]
It may not be amifs to acquaint you that the
Night before the Fight was, and all that Day,
and the Night after, there fell fuch an extraordi-
nary Snow that the like hath not been known for
many Years ; and in Regard that we had no Poft
come from our Army for four or five Days, many
Fears arofe amongft us that our Men were loft
either by the Enemy, or the Snow, which made
many an Heart ake amongft us. But fo it was,
that which we feared would fpoil us, did very
much difable the Enemy ; for we having burnt
down almoft all their Wigwams, as alfo all their
Corn that we could find, they thereby have lefs
217
Very little is faid by other ingto (how the Situation of the
Writers about the Hofpital and wounded who were conveyed to
Hofpitality of Rhode Ifland on the R. Ifland. Benj. Craine and John
Retreat of the wounded to that Lovell, with many others were at
Ifland after the fevere Battle of De- the Houfe of Mr. Robert Carr.
cember 19th. Capt. Bradford and Lovell afted as Nurfe. Corporal
Mr. Church found Quarters there Jofeph Ford, William Hawkins,
till their Wounds were fo far healed
John Bool [Bull ?
]
of Capt.
John-
that they could again enter the Ser- fon's Company, &c. &c.
vice. Capt. Bradford remained at
'~
18
Ninigret's Men buried the
Newport over a Month. There Dead after the Narraganfet Fight,
are many original Papers extant go- See Note, pojl,
234.
z
i86
Continuatio??
of
the
[8]
Shelter and lefs Subfiftance left them, which Mi-
fery of theirs is much aggravated by that great
Snow.
The Fight being over, our Men Retreated to
Mr. Smith's Houfe, where the Noble General
gave Order that the Wounded and Sick mould
nrft of all be cared for, which was done accord-
ingly
;
and that they might have the better Ac-
comodation in the Houfe the General himfelf lay
in a Barn belonging to the faid Houfe. Care is
now taken to raife a thoufand Men more to attend
the General, which will fuddenly march ; What
the Iifue will be the Lord knows. King Philip
fuppofing that Hatfield,
a Town on ConeElicot Ri-
ver, was very thin of Men ; he drew together
feven or 800 of his Indians, among which they
had feveral Horfes, and fuddenly entred the Town
on the 19th of OBober,
1675,
which after they
had fet on Fire in three Places, they divided them-
felves into two Bodies, and began to acl: feveral
Cruelties on the Inhabitants :
The Engtijh by
their Diligence foon quenched the Fires ; and
making up a Body of 200 Men, molt of which
were newly come into the Town, they fell on the
hidians with a great Deal of Fury, and after two
Hours Fight, compelled the hidians to leave the
Town with more Haft than they entred ; the
Englijh having flain about 100 Indians,-
1
'*
with
very little Lofs to themfelves, purfued the Reft to
9111
The Numberof the killed In- Quite full Particulars are given in
dians is doubtlefs greatly exaggerated, the Brief Hijiory, 101-3, and ' n
There were perhaps about a Dozer.. Hubbard.
[9]
Prefent
State
of
New-England..
187
the River-fide, where many were drowned that
could not fwim to the farther Side. After this
Fight, Philip and his Indians tied to the Narra-
ganfets, which caufed the Counfel of the
Majfa-
chufets
to publifh in Print this Remonftrance be-
fore fpoken of.
220
[9]
To our Brethren and Friends, the Inhabitants
of the Colony of the Majfachufetts.
Although you cannot be Ignorant how ftudious
this Government hath been to preferve Peace in
this Colony, and hath taken up and Compromifed
diverfe Quarrels that have Rifen between our
Selves, our Neighbours, and the Indians
;
221
And
thereby at feveral Times prevented thofe Calami-
ties wherewith we are now Preffed. Yet to fatisfie
you that the fame Mind, and the fame Endeavours
are continued in the prefent Government, we have
thought it necelfary to let you underftand the
Rife and Progrefs of our prefent Troubles, with
our Endeavours to have prevented the fame.
In
June
laft, we were Certified by our Friends
and Confederates of Plimouth, that Philip the Sa-
chem of Mount Hope was in Arms, and' had
folicited all the Indians to joyn with him againft
--'I do not find that this ex- Brief Hiftory, 217-22;
Plymouth
tremely valuable Paper is anywhere Colony Records, Vol. x, P. 362-3.
elfe preferved. It appears to have
--'
It is Matter of Record that
been drawn up for the fame Rea- Maffachufelts tried hard to avert the
fon that the Plymouth Authorities War, and more than once inlinu-
drew up a fimilar one, in Juftifica- ated that there was fome Fault on
tion of their taking up Arms. That the Part of Plymouth, as well as
by Plymouth is printed in Mather's on that of the Indians.
1 88 Continuation
of
the
[10]
the Englifh ; and withal they defired our Amft-
ance to Supprefs him ; Which we by the Articles
of Confederation could not deny, and therefore
applied ourfelves to Raife fome Force for their
Affiftance : but were ftill defirous to prevent a
War with the Indians ; and therefore upon a
former Experience of a good Effecf wrought
upon the faid Philip, we refolved to ufe the fame
Means, viz. fending Melfengers from hence to
Philip to Treat with him, hoping of the like
IrTue, which upon the like Cafe about four Years
fince
222
we by Gods good Hand obtained. But
our MerTengers arriving at Swanzy, in their Way
towards Philip, found divers Englijh Murthered
on the Road, and were informed by the Englijh
there, of divers HofHlities of the Indians, which
rendered our Defign
[10]
and their Negotiation
hopelefs : Upon which they returned, and in-
formed us as abovefaid, whereupon our Forces
began their March in Aid of our Friends at
Plymouth; and having driven Philip from his
Country, we being informed that the Narragan-
fets
harboured his Women, and aided him with
Men, we ordered our Souldiers to march to Nar-
raganfet, in order to keep them quiet, and prevent
their fuccouring or harbouring the Enemy
:"3
Where, after fome Delay, they were drawn to
confent to our Demands, promifing neither to
222
Having Reference to the Con- the Englilh marched into their
ference at Taunton in 167 I. Country
"
refolved that they fhould
2a3
Referring, probably, to the go to make Peace with a Sword in
Treaty of
15
July,
preceding, when their Hands." See Hub. Nar., i,
75.
[io] Prefent
State
of
' New-England.
189
Entertain nor affift our Enemies, which they fince
confirmed in a Treaty with the Commiffioners of
the Colonies :
"
4
Further engaging that they
would deliver all thofe of Philip's Party, that
upon his Rout near Scatoneck,
7- 2
*
or fince, were
fled to them ; but have failed in every Particular.
You may alfo take notice, That before any of
our Souldiers marched to Mount Hope, we were
very careful to underfland the State of the Nipnet
Indians, to prevent Philip's Defign, and fecure
thofe Indians, and therefore difpatched two Mef-
fengers well known to them, to certifie them of
Philip's Motion and of our Defign to keep Amity
and FriendfiHip with them, according to the
Covenants made with them long fince, no Ways
Violated on our Part. And by the faid Meflen-
gers received fair Returns from the moft of them,
being in 10. or 12. Plantations. Some of thefe
pretended Fear of us : For their further Satisfac-
tion (when our Forces were fent out againfl
Philip) we to fatisfie and fecure them, fent them
by Ephraim Curtice,'
2
-'
16
a Declaration under the
Publick Seal,"
7
that we had no Defign or Intent
to difturb them, or any other Indians that would
remain in their Plantations peaceably : which
221
The Treaty with Nanunten- ing Hubbard's Narrative, i,
105.
noo at Bofton, to which Reference
227
If that Paper is preferved it
is made in Note
203. has not been difcovered by the Ed-
225
Probably Seekonk (as now itor. Its Intereft makes it much
written); referring to the
"
Rout" defired. Perhaps when our Colo-
at Seekonk Plain, on Auguft ift. nial Records are republifhed and
836
Some further Light may be edited as they mould be, it may be
thrown on this Affair by confult- found.
190
Continuation
of
the
[11]
Meflage and Meffenger was evilly treated by
many of them there Aflembled, and the Meflen-
ger much endangered by the Younger Men and
not with any Satisfaction by their Sachems, as
the Event fhewed, though at that Prefent more
moderately received.
[11]
Soon after this Difpatch, and before Philips
flying from Pocajfet, and March up towards the
Nipnet Country
;
Some of the faid Nipnet-Indians
Aifaulted and flew divers of our People at Men-
dam
;
228
whereupon Captain
Hutchinfon with a
fmall Guard, was fent up to the faid Nipnet-
Indians, (if poflible to keep them quiet) who ar-
riving at ^uabaog^ whereabouts was a Rendez-
vous of the Indians, and having fent to them,
they promifed to meet him in a certain Place,
whither he at the Time repairing, found not the
Indians, and being incouraged by the Englijh of
^uabaog, that the Indians were peaceable, &c. he
advanced forward towards the Place of the Indians
Randezvous, to Treat with them : But in the
Way, was by Ambufcado treacherouily way-laid,
by which himfelf, and feveral others were wounded
and flain, the Englijh of Quabaog immediately
Aifaulted, and the Town, except one Houfe,
totally deflxoyed ; at which Time, as we under-
ftand, Philip alio with his broken Party came up
J28
A Nipnet Chief named Ma-
~- 9
Often written Quaboag, but
toonas led in the Attack on Mendon. Quabaog is believed to be the cor-
See Hubbard's Narrative,
86, 97-
reel Orthography. It was at this
8, and Notes. See, alio Note
123,
Time called Brookfield, having been
ante, and Book
of
the Indians. incorporated as early as
1673.
[12]
Prefent State
of
New-England.
191
to the faid Indians, and upon the firft, or imme-
diately before the arrival of the Forces, we fent
up for the Relief of thofe of ^uabaog, Philip and
his whole Crew retreated (as we then feared, and
afterwards were informed) towards Conecficot-
River, from whence Recruiting himfelf with
Ammunition from Albany, and with Men, partly
from the treacherous Indians about Hadly and
Springfield,
to have profecuted his firft Defign to
Ruine and deftroy the Englijh. And notwith-
standing all the Opposition of our Forces, hath
done much Mifchief and fpoil ; and iince the
Repulfe he received at Hatfield, withdrew into
the Nipnet-Country, and fince that (as we under-
stand) towards the Narraganfets, who we do
conclude, have favoured, abetted, and affifted him
therein ; and by entertaining and harbouring our
Enemies, have dealt falfely and perfidioufly with
us ; whereby we find our felves neceifarily Ingaged,
with the Confent, Advice and Affiftance ofthe Reft
of the Colonies in a War with them,
[12]
as well
as with Philip, unlefs they prevent the fame by a
timely Complyance and Performance, and Secu-
rity for the Future : for the managing and carry-
ing on whereof, we hope for, and expecf (as we
have hitherto had) the Affiftance of all his Ma-
jefties Subjects of this Colony in their refpeclive
Capacities, in the juft Defence of the Glory of
God, the Honour, Defence and Safety of our
King, Country, and our Selves, from the Subtlety,
192
Continuation
of
the
[13]
Rage, and Treacherous Attempt of our Barbarous
Enemies.
Dated in
Bqfton,
the 7th of December, Anno
Chrifti,
1675.
Annoque Domini Caroli Se-
cundi Regis Angl. Scot. Fran, et Hiber. De-
fenforis Fidei, &c. 27th.
By the Council
Edward Raw/on, Secret.
[13]
BOSTON
IN NEW ENGLAND,
FEBRUARY THE 8th, 167*.
Sir
MY
laft Letter to you beared Date the 21ft
of December, i6j^,^ wherein I gave you
a true Account of the State of our Affairs in
New England,
particularly of the Engagement
of our Forces with the Indians on the 19th of
December,
1675.
And the Number of the Slain
and Wounded. I mail now continue my Intelli-
230
As will have been feen, no gether without due regard to Chro-
Letter of that Date appears. The nology. That the Writer refers to
Writer has Reference perhaps to the the previous Part of the prefent
Date of the Dijpatcb of his pre- TracT: is certain, as is evident from
vious Letter for England. The the Reference to the Defcription of
Perfon intruded with printing the the great Swamp Fight of Dec.em-
Letters feems to have put them to- ber 19th.
[13]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
193
gence
according to your Requeft, and my Pro-
mife, and give you a true Account of all Trans-
actions here (worth your Information) lince the
forefaid 19th of December.
Our wounded Men (thanks be to God) are mod
of them pretty well recovered, and only Captain
Sealy^
1
is dead that I can hear of. By fome In-
dian-Prifoners, lately taken, we are certainly
informed that they had
355
Men killed out-
right, befides feveral burnt in their Wigwams,
with Women and Children and 180 wounded,
132
many of which are fince dead, particularly Sachem
Quanepins^i Brother, who was a Man of great
Command among the Indians. That Night the
Indians left the Place where the fight was, and
retreated five Miles farther into the Country.
Ninecroft an old Sachem in that Country, who
hath hitherto continued Neuter, and neither
affifted the Indians nor us, fent fome of his Men
the next Day, and Buried the dead Indians, and
231
Capt. Robert Sealy or Seily, 112. Dr. I. Mather fays: "We
was of Stratford in Connecticut, have heard of two and feventy In-
He died fome Days after the Fight, dian Captains {lain, all of them,
I. Mather, Brief Hi/lory, 109. and brought down to Hell in one
232
Some other Writers beat this Day."

Prevalency
of
Prayer,
265.
in eftimating the killed of the In- The Indians told Quanapohit, that
dians. Dr. C. Mather, copying they loft but
40
fighting Men; that in
Hubbard, fays :
"
No lefs than
700
the Wigwams were burnt to Death,
fighting Indians were deftroyed, as 300 old Men,Women and Children.
it was afterwards confefled, in this
a3
3
The Name of this Brother of
defperate Aftion; befides
300
which the famous >uinnapin is not deter-
afterwards died of their Wounds; minedfaid to have been Brother-in-
and old Men, Women and Child- law to Philip. See Book
of
Indians,
nn fans Number."

Brief Hiftory,
239,
241.
Aa
Continuation
of
the
[94.
Continuation
of
the
[14]
as many of the Englijh as were left behind
dead.
2
^
On the
23.
and 24.
of December, the Indians
fent fome Commiffioners to our General to Treat
of Peace, which they had no Mind to conclude;
but we foon perceived it was only to prevent our
falling upon them, and to gain themfelves more
Time to remove their Army and Provifions
twenty Miles farther into the Country, to fome
Rocks where we could not get at them without
great Danger. Although our General knew
this, he was defirous to keep the Treaty on Foot
by Reafon the Forces of the Collony of
[14]
Conneclicot had left our Army,
a
35
and went
Home to Recruit, and thofe Supplies from
Bojion, that are daily expected, not being yet
as*
While Capt. Bradford lay
at Rhode Ifland, where he retired
after the Swamp Fight, to be cured
of his Wounds, he learned by Mef-
fengers from the Army, that Nini-
gret had fent feveral of his Men to
Gen. Winilow, informing him that
his Men had buried the dead Eng-
liflimen left at the Fort, and that
the Number was about
24;
and that
he defired a Charge of Powder for
each. This Information was in a
Letter to Mr. Cotton of Plymouth,
and dated January 20th, a Month
and one Day after the Battle.
235
There was Complaint on the
Part of Maflachufetts, refpefting the
abrupt leaving for Home of the
Connecticut Forces. A tart Letter
was written to Major Appleton
about it, by Order of the Govern-
ment. See
MaJJ~.
Col. Rea., v,
52;
alfo Col. Recs. Ct., ii,
390-3,
396,
40 1 . The Connecticut Forces
had fufFered more than thofe of
either of the other Colonies. Of
her 300 Men, 80 were killed and
wounded, about
40
eventually were
of the Dead. Of her five Cap-
tains, four were killed or mortally
wounded, viz: Seely, Marfhall,
Gallop and Mafon. Major Treat
was the Commander in Chief of the
Connecticut Men, and he judged it
beft to return Home, after they had
fufFered lb feverely. The Council
of Connecticut were fenfible of the
diforderly Conduct of the Men,
and on the 10th of January, wrote
to Major Treat about it. See
Trumbull's Col. Rea.
of
Ct., ii,
394-
[14]
Prefent
State
of
' New-England.
195
arrived,
our Army was not in a Condition to
make any new Attempts on the Enemy
;
but had
not the ConneBicot Forces left our Army, we had
Hopes that we might have compelled the Enemy
to yield to our Mercy. During this Time our
Forces foraged the Country, and brought in
great Quantities of Indian Corn to the Army.
About the beginning of January,
the Forces
from Bojion that were lent to reinforce our Army
arrived at Narraganfet, where our Army then
lay : the extreme Coldnefs of the Seafon had
mightily incommoded them in their March
;
they loft Eleven of their Men on their March,
that were frozen to Death and brought many
others lick and disheartened with the extreme
Coldnefs of the Seafon :
2
3
6
They were joyfully
received by the Army ; and foon after them the
ConneBicot Forces came to the Army, having
reinforced their Companies with fome frefh
Men
;
and brought with them Unkus an old
Sachem, who dwelt in the ConneBicot Jurifdic-
tion ; he brought with him fome Companies
of his own Indians to the Affiftance of the
Englifh.^
The Winter being now broke up, and the Snow
and Ice all gone, our Army confifting in all of
1600 Men began their March to the Rocks,
238
23
'
See Dr. I. Mather, Brief too high an Eftimate of the Englifh
Hijlory, 116. Force. There were but 1,500
237
See Ibid, and the Notes; Men compofing the Army that
alfo Hubbard, Narrative, i,
58.
marched againft the Narraganfet
238
The Writer probably makes Fort. In the Fight, its Ranks were
196
Continuation
of
the
[14]
where the Indians were fled for Protection, but in
their Way, they had Intelligence that
300
Indians
had been at Patuxit, an Englifh Plantation on the
Narraganfet
Bay, where they had burnt Mr.
Carpenters
1
^
Corn and Hay, and all his Houfes,
except his dwelling Houfe, which likewife they
had fet on Fire, but it was again quenched by
fome
Englifh that were in it. They likewife
drove away with them 180 Sheep,
50
Head of
large Cattle, and
15
Horfes : Befides, they took
much Cattel from young Mr. Harris
1
''
and
killed a Negro Servant of his ; and having done
this Mifchief, returned Home with their Booty.
Our Army being arrived in BumhamV
41
Coun-
try, an Indian Sachem, we burnt his Town, and
had a fmall Reincounter with fome of his Indians,
where we wounded his chief Captain Quaqualh
on the Knee, and killed five of his Men, and had
four of our Conneblicot Men wounded.
243,
confiderably thinned, and the Con-
'-
'
' Pumbam, a noted Sachem
nefticut Men had gone Home. It of Shawomet or Warwick, R. I.
is true that another thoufand Men
"
Pumham's Country" was about
were raifed and fent out; but al- what is now "Warwick." The
lowing this Force to be complete, prefent Town of that Name is upon
the Whole fell fhort of 1,600 Men. the Site of Pumham's Town. We
239
William Carpenter,
Jr.,
Son find feveral other Inftances of the
of Mr. William Carpenter of Pro- Ufe of B inftead of P, as in Pay-
vidence. See Note to Hubbard's quage or Bayquage River, now
Narrative, i, 164.
William Car- called Miller's River, in Worcelter
penter and others bought, in
164
1,
Co., Mafs. For the Fafts in Pum-
ofSecononoco, Lands between Wa- ham's Life and dreadful Death, fee
nafquatucket and Patuxet. Other Book
of
the Indians,
92,
1 20, 260,
Particulars will be found in the next and Reterences before referred to.
Tradl. Seepojl, Page 2 of Original.
- 4a
No contemporary Mention of
240
Probably Mr. Andrew Har- the Fafts in this Paragraph has been
ris. See Hubbard, ibid. difcovered.
[15]
Prefent
State
of
New-Kngla?id
.
197
Our Scouts brought in Prifoner one
Tift,
a
Renegadoe Englifh Man, who having received a
deferved Punifhment from our General, deferted
our Army, and fled to the Enemy, where had
good Entertainment, and was again fent out by
them with fome of their Forces ; he was fhot in
the Knee by our Scouts, and then taken before he
could difcharge his Mufket, which was taken
from him and found deep charged, and laden with
Slugs : He was brought to our Army, and tryed
by a Counfel of War, where he pretended that
he was taken Prifoner by the Indians, and by
them compelled to bear Arms in their Service
;
but this being proved to be falfe, he was con-
demned to be hanged and Quartered, which was
accordingly done.
243
Our Army beat the Indians from the forefaid
Rocks, and purfued them almoft as far as Quabog,
in which Purfuit we killed about 60 or
70
of
them, and found many of the Matts fcattered in
the Way, with which they cover their Houfes,
which we fuppofe they could not carry with
them by Reafon
[15]
of our clofe Purfuit. Some
Prifoners taken from them, inform us, that their
Body confifls of
4000,
whereof 1800 were fight-
ing Men, half of which wanted Arms, that they
were in great Want of Powder, and greater want
of Provifions.
244
243
The tragical Story of Joftlua wounded Capt. Nath'l Seely at the
Tift is more fully detailed in Hub- Swamp Fight.

Col. Records Ct.,

bard and the Notes. See Narra- ii, 401;
Book
of
the Indians,
219.
the, i, 162-3. I( was faid, among
- 44
See Nev/sfrozv New England,
the Connecticut Men, that Tift pojl,
3
of original paging.
198
Continuation
of
the
[15]
Provifion growing fcarce in our Army, and the
Enemy having cleanfed the Country of Things
that might tend to our Relief, our General re-
folved to purfue them no farther, but to haften
homewards, which accordingly was done with
what Speed we could
;
but the Scarcity of Victuals
daily encrealing, we were forced to kill feveral
of our Horfes for our Suftenance.
24
?
Our General
difmift the Conneclicot Men, and fent them Home
the neareft Way, and old TJnkus and his Indians
along with them. They proved very faithful in
our Service, and were well treated by us.
246
Our
General having left 60 Men in Garrifon at Mr.
Smiths Houfe at Narraganfet, where the Fight
was on the 19th of December, came Home by the
Way of Marlborough : Many of our Souldiers are
troubled with the Flux, of which our General
is one.
247
King Philip hath not yet been at Narraganfet,
as we feared, but is retired with his Men near
Albany,
248
where he hath kept his Winter Quar-
- 43
This Faft is alfo mentioned Quarters was afcertained to be what
by Mather. Hubbard fpeaks of the is fince Scattacook, though in fome
great Scarcity of Provifions. See of the Gazetteers it is called Schagb-
his Narrative, i, 165.
ticoke, now in RenfTclaer County,
24G
Yet, if the particular Services about 20 Miles North of Albany,
of the Mohegans had been given, four Miles Eait of the Hudfon, and
a much more perfect Narrative of upon the north Side of the Hoofic
this War would be had. All, or River. See Letter of Sir E. Andros
nearly all of the Execution done to Connefticot, in Col. Records
of
upon the Enemy during this Purfuit, Ct.,\\,
397
; Burr's Great Atlas, in
was undoubtedly done by them. which it is fpelt Schaticohe, and
'-
General Jonah Winflow was Scbatecoke. See, alfo, SpafFord's
the Commander-in-Chief. Gazetteer. The Rev. Mr. Sar-
2
The Place of Philip's Winter gent, in Hopkins's
Hift.
Houfatun-
[15]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
199
ters.
We very much fear the Indians falling on
our Out Towns this Spring, which if they mould,
would extremely damnify us.
Our Friend Mr. H. O.
249
went out again into
the Army, before he was cured of his old Wound,
and hath received another on his Elbow-joynt,
which we fear will caufe him to lofe his Arm, if
not his Life. Our Enemies are yet very unmer-
ciful, fparing no Perfons Life that they can Maf-
ter.*5
I fee no likelihood of any Peace, but much
fear our Wars are far from an End : Our Trade
to Virginia is quite decayed, not one Veffel having
gone from here thither fince the Wars began, but
by a fmall Velfel arrived here from thence, we
are informed that .the Indians have fallen unex-
pected on the Englijh, and deftroyed many of
them, and done much harm with very little Lofs
to themfelves, but this Report finds very little
Credit with us
;
2
5
x
by the next (hipping I mall
(God willing) give you a farther Account of our
Affairs, and in the mean Time mall neglecT; no
71uk Indians, P. 28, has Skatekook, about this Time the Council of
and P. 78,
Scattekook. Connecticut fent a MeiTenger to the
249
Poffibly Humphrey OJland. I hoftile Indians with a Propofal for
have no Authority for this Conjee- an Exchange.
ture, only the Fad that a Man of
asl
It was true, neverthelefs, as
this Name, of fuitable Age and Cir- the Hiftories of Virginia bear ample
cumftances, was refident here at the Teftimony. It took Place during
Time. what has fince been known as Ba-
250
Perhaps not entirely true, con's Rebellion. See Force's Trails,
They had not had an Opportunity Vol. I
;
alfo Oldmixon's Britijh
thus far to take many Prifoners. Empire, i, 381-2. See, alfo, Hub-
But it is evident they had fome, for bard's Narrative, Page
274.
200
Continuation
of
the
[16-19]
Opportunity of informing myfelf of the Trans-
actions of thofe Parts, being fenfible how much
you have obliged
Your Friend to his Power
N.
S.*s
[i6]POSTSCRIPT.
I thought it needful to acquaint you that on
the 2 1 ft Day of March, Anno 1621, the Englijh
made a League of Peace with Maifafoit, who was
Grandfather
253
to the prefent King Philip, on the
following Terms and Conditions.
154
[19] B ARBADQE S .
2
55
SPICKES-BAY, NOVEMBER THE 3OTH, 1
675.
MY
Laft to you was an Information of a
bloody Tragedy intended againft his Ma-
jeftie's
Subjecls here in this Ifland, by the Heathen
252
Thefe
Initials anfwer to thofe New England Memorial, they are
of
Nathaniel Saltonftall, as well as here omitted,
to thofe of many other Perfons, but
- 35
Barbadoes,
"
one of the mofl
for whom
they Hand the Editor important of the Caribbee Iflands
can make no Decifion. in the Weft Indies." It is about
-=3For Grandfather,
Ihould be
35
W. of the Cape de Verds. Its
fubftituted
Father. Mr. John JofTe- firft Difcoverers are fuppofed to have
lyn is believed to be the firft who been Portuguefe, who finding no
published the Error. Philip was Inhabitants upon it, thought it not
Son of Maffafoit.
fit for Settlement, but furnifhed it
"-s+As thefe "Terms and Con- with a Breed of Hogs. In 1605
ditions" were copied from Morton's the Englifh found it and erecled a
[19]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
201
the Negroes, which was by the Providence of
God
miraculoufly difcovered eight Days before
the intended Murder fhould have been acted.
The Manner of the Difcovery was thus : A
Negro Man belonging to Mr. Hall Senior, being
abfented from his faid Mafter, among feveral
other Negroes who had a Hand in the Plot : In
a Council among them, they did contrive that
the Negroes belonging to each feveral Plantation,
mould in the Dead Time of the Night fall on at
the Sound of the Allarm, which was to be given
in one Hour, and at feveral Places through the
Ifland, which Negroes fo allotted was to kill their
Mafters and Miftreifes with their Overfeers
; this
forefaid Negroe of Mr. Halls (though one of the
chief Plotters) yet having a Refpecl to his Maf-
ter, would by no Means confent to the killing of
his Mafter, and upon Refufal was much threat-
ened
;
and being afraid of his Life, makes his
Efcape and returns Home ; and one Day, which
was a little before the Profecution of the Murder,
was over-heard (telling the Plot to his Country-
men) by a Negro Woman, who waited and
Crofs where James Town was after- 4to, London,
1700. The [fland is
wards built with this Infcription : of an oval Form, and contains about
"James, King of England and this
106,470
Acres, and lies in Lat.
Ifland." In the Year 1700 it was 13" 18' nearly. Herman Moll
"a Potent Colony, and able to arm fays it was difcovered by Sir Wil-
10,000 fighting Men; which, with liam Curteen, in the Time of
James
the Strength that Nature hath be- I, contained no Beads but Swine,
flowed upon it, is able to bid De- left there by the Portuguefe.

Syf-
fiance to the ftouteft Foe."

Geog. tern
of
Geography, Part ii,
191, Ed.
ReSiified, or a Defcription
of
the 1701. It is curious to compare the
World, &c. By Robert Morden, earlier and later Accounts.
Bb
202
Continuation
of
the
[19]
attended on her Miftrefs, which the Negro Wo-
man immediately reveals. The Negroe Man
being taken to Examination, confeffed the whole
Truth, which was immediately told the Go-
vernour, who appointed fome Captains to raife
their Companies for depreffing the Rebels, which
accordingly was done, and Abundance taken and
apprehended and fince put to Death, and the Reft
kept in a more ftricTier Manner
;
yet Jet/juran-
like, we have kicked againft God, and flighted
the Mercy of fo great a Deliverance^
6
The
Manner of their Proceedings I wrote to you
more at large ; and as the Lord did deliver us
from the Tyranny and barbarous Cruelty of
Savage Heathens, and we ftill remaining obfti-
nate, and refuling to return to him by Repentance
;
the Lord hath taken us into his own Hand to
chaftife us, which Chaftifements lyeth very heavy
on the poorer Sort, and none of the Rich ex-
cepted.
Sir, upon the laft Day of Augujl laft, about fix
of the Clock in the Afternoon, there did arife a
Violent Storm of Wind and Rain out of the
North-weft, and continuing between the North
and the South fo violent, that before the Hour of
Twelve at Night, there was not twenty Houfes
555
The early Hiftory of Barba- Date of our Text. Mr. Oldmixon
does is as replete with Atrocities as has given a good Hiftory of Barba-
any Country in the World, judging does, but he does not notice this
from fuch Hiftories as we have; of Attempt at Rebellion. See Britijh
which Ligon's is the chief; but his Empire, ii, 32. Some recent Atro-
Work does not come down to the cities are unparalleled by them.
[20]
Prefent State
of
New-England.
203
{landing in our Pariih, in which there is above
three hundred Families, and thofe that did {land,
much damnified ; our Neighbouring Parifhes
tailing of the fame Cup. There is killed outright,
(by the falling of Houfes) in this Pariih, thirty-
feven, and many more is fince, with the Violence
of the Wind and Cold, dead, and many lying in
their Beds of Sicknefs ; and as to our Ships,
[20]
all drove Afhore to Pieces, except one of the
Kings Men at War, which went to Sea, and re-
turning next Day after the Storm was ceafed, did
proteft to the Governour, that twenty Leagues off
there was no Storm, for he carried his Top-fail
half Mail high.
1
"
Our Fellow-fubjedls in New-England, have the
28th of the fame Month, tailed of the fame Cup,
and was very hard put to it this lail Summer by
one King Philip an Indian King, who hath Re-
volted without Caufe given him by the Englijh,
neither will he ihew any Reafon why ; but being
by an EmbaiTador from the Governour of Bojlon,
demanded why he would maintain the War, re-
fufed to Treat with the EmbaiTador, telling him,
The Governour was but a Subject, and that he
would not Treat except his Brother King Charles
of
England were there :
*5
8
There is Abundance of
257 "
The Hurricane that hap- (G. W.) probably had had fome
pened the 31ft of Anguft,
1675,
Account of the Troubles here in
was the worft Enemy this Ifland
1671;
and it was no doubt on the
ever knew, except it were the Pro- Occafion of Philip's Vifit to Bofton
jeSlors and Contrivers of Taxes in in that Year, as already recorded,
England."

Oldmixon,\\,
33.
that he made the Speech given in
258
The
Writer of this Letter the Text.
204-
Continuation
of
the
[20]
Families deftroyed, befides thofe kill'd in the
War
;
but it is very much hoped this Winter they
will be Routed ; the Reafon is, becaufe they have
no Woods or, Bufhes to fhelter in, which is a
great Help to a Flying Army, fuch as they are,
for they will not bide any pitch Battel. Our
Brethren in Virginia had been hard put to it this
laft Summer, if it had not been for the Relief of
New-England and New-York, which makes it the
harder with us here : pray God mend it.
2
"
By
the tempeftuous Wind, and the violent raging of
the Sea, which hath much overflowed our Banks,
and incroacht upon the Land, here are many
Houfes loft
;
among which mine was in Number,
where I faved Nothing to cover us from the Vio-
lence of the Storm but what was on our Backs.
Pray God that I may make a fandtified Ufe of
the Chaftifement, becaufe the Lord hath not
given over our Life to Death. So having no
more at Prefent, but my Service to your Self and
good Lady, I reft your humble Servant,
G. W.
26
Iforbear to tell or to write to you
of
the Jlrange
Accidents, as the removing
of
whole Frames, great
Timber Trees many Tards
from
their proper
Sta-
259
What Kind of Aid New Circumftance; neither does Holmes,
England rendered Virginia, I have in his Annals.
not found. It could not have been
260
I have only to acknowledge
much, as the People here had their my utter inability to make any Con-
Hands full of their own Troubles, jeftures refpefting the Perfon repre-
Hutchinfon does not mention the fented by G. W.
[20]
Prefent
State
of
New-England.
205
tions, by the Violence
of
the Storm;
if
I Jhould, it
would be counted Ridiculous, but I leave it to the
Relation
of
others. Wind-mills down in this Par-
ifh 16,
much damnified
12,
indeed none (landing
but ftone Mills in the Parifh, but what muft be
pull'd down. Churches down nine. Such ano-
ther Blow will bring Barbadoes near the Horizon.
FINIS.
A
lE>eto anD ifurtfjer jaxvati\)t
OF THE STATE OF
NEW-ENGLAND;
BEING A CONTINUED ACCOUNT OF THE BLOODY
INDIAN WAR.
FROM MARCH TILL AUGUST 1676.
Giving a Perfecr. Relation of the Several Devafta-
tions, Engagements, and Tranfactions there
;
As alfo the Great Succefles Lately obtained
againft the barbarous Indians, The Reducing
of King Philip, and the Killing of one of the
Queens, &c.
Together with a Catalogue of the Lofles in the Whole,
fuftained on either Side fince the faid War
began as near as can be collected.
Licenfed October
13. Roger
UEftrange.
Printed by F. B. for Dorman Newman, at the King's Armes in the
Poultry,
1676.
FOR
the better underftanding fome Indian
Words, which are neceflarily ufed in the fol-
lowing Narrative, the Reader is delired to take
Notice,
That a Swamp
16
'
fignifies a Moorifh Place,
overgrown with Woods and Buihes, but foft like
a Quagmire or Irifh Bogg, over which Horfe
cannot at all, nor Englifh Foot (without great
Difficulty) pafle.
A Sachem
zil
is a King, Prince, or Chief of an
ancient Family, over whom he is an abfolute
Monarch.
A Squaw Sachem is a Princefs or Queen.
Wigwams^ are Indian Huts or Houfes.
-ci
a Word not found in the
early Englifh Vocabularies conlulted
by the Editor. As late as 1676 it
was not recognized by
"J.
B., Dr.
in Phyfick," in his
"
Englifh Ex-
pofitour," nor in that of 1680,
"
now the fixth Time revifed."
But in Philips and Kerfeys,
1
706,
"
Swamp or Swomp " is defined
"
a Bog or Marfhy Place, in Vir-
ginia and New Eug/ana'." Bailey
has not improved upon this Defini-
tion, nor does either attempt a
Derivation. In Arnold's Tranfla-
tion of Bailey's Dictionary into
German, he defines
"
Swamp,
fin
Uttipf,
s. Bog." Simply a Bog.
Dr. Webfter thinks it is derived
from the Root ftvim.
I have been
thus particular, as it has been gene-
rally fuppofed a genuine Indian
Word ; and from the early Writers
and Lexicographers it is evident
they were of a fimilar Opinion.
But the Word is in Ufe in Sweden,
and fpelt as here fpelt.
302
Sachem, Sachemo, Sagamon
and Sagamore are purely Indian.
The firft appears to have been in
Ufe more particularly among the
Indians in the wefterly Parts of
New England, and the latter among
thofe in the eafterly Parts. It is
not true that Sagamore is an infe-
rior Chief, as is flated in Worcef-
ter's Dictionary. Wood defines
'
Sagamore and Sachem" as the
fame
;
namely, a King. Roger
Williams fays, Key,
106-7, "The
Varietie of their Dialefts and
proper
Speech within thirtie or fortie Miles
each of other, is very great."
See
Book
of
the Indians,
104,
277.
'~
6;i
From Wetu, a Dwelling or
refting-Place, and Wetuomuck,
at a
or the Houfe. The Englifh forced
Wigwam or Wigzuom out of We-
tuomuck is very evident. See Wil-
liams's Key, Trumbull's Edition, P.
59.
But we find
Houfe rendered
in Mohegan,
Weekumuhm.Ed-
wards's Ois., 8.
NBOSTON,
JULY 22, 1676.
Sir,
HAVING
prefumed in Two former Letters
to give you a faithful Account of the
Original Occafion (as near as I could
Difcover) and fad Progreffe of the cruel Wars be-
tween us and our Barbarous Enemies, the Indians;
I thought (having this other Opportunity)
your
Curiojity might expect, at leaft (from that Know-
ledge I have for many Years had of your courte-
ous Difpofition) was aifured your Good Nature
would Pardon, the Trouble, of a Further Rela-
tion of material Occurrences which have fince
happened amongft us, the rather for that I re-
member my felf under the voluntary Obligation
of a Promife
fo to do.
My Laft (which I hope you Received) was of
the 9th of February, 1675-6: And ferioufly at
that Time my Hand Trembled, and my Heart
almoft fainted, when my Mind reflected on our
prefent Miferies, and revolved for the Future
Cc
2 io A New and Farther Narrative
[2]
what might be the Iffue of* that Deluge of Ca-
lamity which threatened us. The Difpenfation
we lay under was Cloudy and Affrighting, Frefh
Meffengers (like
Job's
Servants) howrly arriving
to bring the Doleful Tidings of New Maffacres,,
Slaughters & Devastations committed by the
Brutiih Heathen ; and certainly it cannot but
deferve both Wonder and Commifferation, that
thefe Parts which were not many Months fince
hardly to be Parallel'd for Plenty and Security,
are now almoft destroyed and laid Wafte by the
favage Cruelties of a Bloody (and fometimes
Defplcable) Enemy ; who are now become fo
well furniiht with Arms and Ammunition
(by the bafe Treachery we fear of fome of our
Neighbours)
264
fo inftrudfed in Difcipline by
Experience, and heightened in Pride by unex-
pected Succeffe, That unleffe our God (whofe
tender Mercies are over all his Works) in Compaf-
fion to the Englifh Nation in this Wilderneffe,
wonderfully appear for our Deliverance, Nothing
could be expected but an utter Defolation ; and
of this his gracious Dealing towards us, we have
lately had feveral Instances, our Forces being
crowned with Succeffe, and the Enemy put to
Flight, or fo far divi[2]ded and difcouraged, that
great Numbers have furrendered themfelves when
by our own Strength or outward Circumstances
we could leaft expecl: it.
26s
But that I may fet
264
Referring probably to the
265
The Country were in extreme
bordering Dutch Settlers along the uncertainty, after the Narraganfet
Hudfon River. Swamp Fight, to what Extent the
\_2 ]
of
the State
of
New-England.
211
down Things in fome Method, I (hall reafTume
the Narrative of our Troubles, where I left off
in my laft Letter, and relate the moft confidera-
ble Actions from that Time, in the fame Order
as they happened.
After that fharp Fight on the
19
December,
whereof I formerly gave you the Particulars, our
wounded Men (in Number about
150)
being dreft,
were fent into Rhode
IJland, as the beft Place for
their Accommodation, where accordingly they
were kindly received by the Governour and others,
only fome churlifh Quakers were not free to
entertain them, until compelled by the Govern-
our.
266
Of fo inhumane, peevifh and untoward a
Difpolition are thefe Nabals, as not to Vouchfafe
Civility to thofe that had ventured their Lives,
and received dangerous Wounds in their Defence.
Enemy had fuffered. They were fary for their doinineering Neigh-
indeed more terribly crippled than bors to ajk Favors of them, they
was imagined. Their lofs of Provi- perhaps, in Accordance with their
fions, at fuch a Seafon of the Year former Deportment, rather
infifted
was irreparable, and it was not for that they mould accommodate the
feveral Months that their real Weak- wounded without Ceremony. We
nefs was actually realized. do not know that this was the Facl,
saii
It was not Inhumanity which but it is not altogether improbable,
occafioned them to retufe their kind Nor can I ftate with certainty, that
Offices to the wounded, but it was the well informed Rhode-Iflander
neceffary for them to withhold all of this Day believes the War of
Afts which might be conftrued into 1676 to have been a juft one; but,
taking Part in the Conteft. They it is confidently believed that one
knew that their Colony was looked of that Day would not have been
upon, as holding a Place very infe- eafily made to believe it. That the
rior to that of the Reft, and had fick and wounded were kindly
been haughtily neglected when the cared for on the Ifland, there is
Confederation was entered into by abundant Evidence in unpublimed
the other Colonies. And when the Documents already referred to in
Events of the War made it necef- previous Pages of this Collection.
212 A New and Farther Narrative
[2]
As for the Indians that furvived the Battell, they
forfook their New-built Fort, and that Swamp
where the Fight hapned, and potted themfelves
in a Swamp twenty Miles diftant from thence
;
The Weather being extreme cold, and the Snow
fo deep, that we could not for fome Time march
in Purfuit of them : yet {till kept Scouts abroad
daily to obferve their Motions, and thereby hin-
dered them from coming to the Sea-fide
;
killed
and took Prifoners divers of them, as they were
found flxagling ; and burnt great Numbers of
their Wigwams (or Houfes
:)
And being rein-
forced with fome Additional Forces from Bojion
and Plimouth, together with a Bark laden with
Provifion, we relblved to fet upon them again
with the firfi: Opportunity ; and in Order there-
unto marched to Patuxit, where we underftood,
that two Nights before the Indians had aflaulted
a Gentleman's Houfe about Break of Day with
much Violence, and wounded two Men in it,
fixiving to Fire the Houfe
267
feveral Times, by
tying Pine-fplinters on long Poles, In a Bunch
fired, and held upon the Shingles ; but thofe
within prevented that Stratagem from taking
Effect, beat off the Aifailants, and found one of
them left dead upon the Place
;
But the Out-
Houfes and Hay the Indians burnt, and drove
away all the Sheep and Cattell : we marched
after them with all convenient Expedition, and
267
This has Reference to the tion, already detailed. See Note
14.4,
Affair at Mr. Carpenter's Planta- ante. But here are additional Fails.
[3 J f
t^}e State
of
New-England.
213
came to the Swamp where they had been, but
moft of them were then fled, having by their
Scouts difcovered the Advance of our Men, yet
our Horfe killed, and took many of them, follow-
ing the Purfuit, till our Horfes were tired, our Men
faint, and our Victuals fpent :
l68
Infomuch that
feveral Horfes were killed and eaten, whereof the
General (the worthy
Jojiah Win/low, Efquire, Go-
vernor of New London) [Plymouth,] eat his Part,
and in all, as well hardfhips and dangers, was not
wanting to encourage his Men by his own valiant
Example : but finding it both vain and hazard-
ous to march farther after this flying Rabble of
barbarous Heathens, who we heard were then
got together, about
5000
Men, Women and
Children, towards Quoboge
;
269
our Army left the
Chace, and having placed a Garrifon of about
feventy Men, in Captain Smith's (a flxong) Houfe,
within four Miles of the Narraganfets Dwellings,
marched homewards to Marleborough, and from
[3J
thence to Bojion, where they were difbanded
in December.
110
.268
See laft Tra&, Page
15,
of at any Time found together, and
Original. their fighting generally confifted in
269
The Author has here enlarged attempts at Surprife. When they
his Figures. At Page
15
ante, he could not fucceed in this, they kept
fet the Number of Indians at 4000,
out of the Way as well as they
of which 1800 were confidered could.
Fighting Men. Whatever their
Number was, they were in a fam-
27n
Inftead of December it mould
ifhing Condition; and the able Men
be February. See pojl, News from
among them had quite enough to do N. Eng.
3
, Orig. paging, and Re-
to keep the Reft from Starving; in- ferences. See alfo, ante, Note 162,
fomuch, that but few Warriors were and Text.
214
ANew and Farther Narrative
[3]
But upon this, the Indians began to appear
abroad again, as mifchievous as ever ; For the
very next Week they fet upon Lancajier Town,
271
killed feveral People, and carried away many
Prifoners
;
fuch Houfes as were fortified, defended
themfelves, but the greatefl Part of the Town
they fired and plundered ; and had deftroyed the
whole Place, had not Captain . Wad/worth, upon
hearing of the Guns, come with great Expedi-
tion from Sudbury, with a Party to their Relief;
272
After this they cut off a Farm-houfe near Sud-
bury, killed feven People in a barbarous Manner,
and carried fome away captive :
273
Three hundred
of them fet upon the Town of Maidesfield,
7
-
and
'
J71
The Surprife of Lancafier
was on Feb. ioch. Seepojf, News
from N. England, as above. Whit-
ney's Hijiory
of
Worcefter Co.,
38
;
True Account,
pof,
1-2; Hubbard's
Narrative, i, 165-6; ii, 260; /.
Mather,
117;
Willard, in Worcef-
ter Magazine, i, 280; ii,
257.
272
For this Exploit of Captain
Wadfworth, fee Hubbard, ib., 167.
27:i
This was the Family of Tho-
mas Eames. The Deftru&ion of
his Houfehold was on the Night of
the lft of February, 1675-6;
and
was one of the fevereft Defolations
of the War. In a Petition on the
following Odtober, he prayed for
Land, being that Part of Natick
formerly owned by ten Indians, fix
of whom had murdered and car-
ried off his Family; "feeing the
ten Owners are not now extant, fix
of them burned my Houfe, three
of whom have been hanged, the
others all fled to the Enemy. My
Condition how Sad ! Suppliant,
lamentable, afrMed, diftreffed, in-
digent, miferable, and deplorable it
is; who am at Prefent 60 Years of
Age. Witnefs the late and lament-
able Devaluation of my Family and
Eftate by Fire and Sword, where
feveral of my dear Children went
into Captivity, fome of whom are
not yet returned, and others of
them fhot down dead : yea, the
Wife of my Bofom," Sec.
By another Petition, feveral Years
later, made by
"John
Eames and
his Brethren,'' Sons of Thomas, it
is dated that befides their Mother,
five Children were flain
;
and that
of thofe carried away only four ever
returned. Thefe
"
Brethren
"
were
John, Nathaniel and Samuel.

Ori-
ginal Papers. See, alfo, Hubbard's
Narrative, i, 222-3.
2
"
Medfield. The Attack was
[3]
of
the State
of
New-England.
215
burnt at leaft fifty Houfes, killed and took divers
of the Inhabitants, being all furprifed before they
were aware : For the fubtle Indians near Day-
break, came about the Houfes privately and lay
clofe in the Fences ; And as People came out of
their Houfes fhot them down. Upon this the
Governour of Maflachufets fent out about Five
hundred or fix hundred Men under the Conduct
of Major Thomas Savadge and Captain
Mofely, as
next in command to him, who, having Intelli-
gence by a Girl that had made her Efcape,
2
"
that
the Indians were in three Towns beyond Quoboge,
marched thither, where they joyned Major Treat
with the Connecticut Forces ; but the Enemy
were fled : only, fkulkingly out of the Woods,
they fhot one of Capt.
Mofely s Men and wounded
one or two more. But their main Body being
clofely purfued, difperfed and ran into Woods and
Swamps, fo that it was impoflible for our Men to
come up with them, and therefore marched away
for Hadley and Northampton, to fecure them and
the other Towns in thofe Parts, and by a fpecial
Providence came very feafonably ; for within two
Days after his Arrival, Northampton (though for-
tified round) was afiaulted, the Centinel Surprifed
and (lain, and the Enemy entered the Fortifica-
tions : Being ignorant (as it is fuppofed) of any
on the 21ft of February. See /. Mary Sbeppard. She was captured
Mather, 1
19-20;
Hubbard, i, 167- on the 12th of February. At the
71. fame Time two of her Brothers
275
See Hubbard's Narrative, i, were killed. Two of her Brothers
223. The name of the Girl was were killed when the was taken.
2 1 6 ANew and Farther Narrative
[4.]
Recruits newly come thither, but found fuch
warm Entertainment, that though they had kin-
dled their Fire, they durft not ftay to roaft their
Breakfaft, but were forced to fly with great Con-
fulion ; we having loft only three Men, and the
Enemy above twenty, as was judged, though the
Number could not be certainly known ; it being
their Cuftom to carry off their Dead always with
them, if poifible : The next Day they appeared
about a thoufand ftrong, whereupon the Major
drew out his Forces, and purfued them to their
ufual Place of Rendezvous near
Deerfield;
But
they would not abide his coming up with them,
but fled difperfedly into the Woods, where he was
able to do little or no Execution upon them.
The Council of Bofon
(to the great Surprife of
many People) refuting to maintain the Narra-
gatifet
Garrifon railed by the United Colonies,
lodged as aforefaid in Mr. Smith's Houfe, they
having eat and deftroyed what they could, quitted
the faid Houfe, thofe of the Soldiers that belonged
to Connecticut hiring a Boat to tranfport them
to Pawcatucke,-
16
fearing to march through the
Narraganfet Country and thofe of
Maf'achufets
and Plimouth went to Seacunicker
11
But
[4]
the
very next Day after their Departure, the Indians
came and burnt the faid Garrifon-houfe
(one of
the moft delightful Seats in New England) and
another Houfe of the faid Capt. Smiths
278
at Saw-
- ;,i
On the River of the fame Ifland and Connecticut.
Name, which River forms a Part
- 7 "
Seakonk.
of the Boundary Line of Rhode
27fl
Richard Smith, often men-
[4]
of
the State
of
New-England.
217
gaw^
79
together with all the Houfes at Narragan-
Jet;
and the Dav following aflaulted Warwick
with fo unhappy a Succefie, that they burnt moft
of the Houfes there, and indeed ruined all but
four, which during the prefent Danger were kept
by their Owners with their Friends and Servants
as Garrifons ; out of which there was a Sally
made with twenty Men, who with the LofTe of
one of their Number, killed ten of the Indians,
yet could not preferve the Reft of the Town, nor
hinder them from carrying from thence a con-
fiderable Booty of Cattel.
280
The 14th of March, the favage Enemy fet
upon a confiderable Town called Grougbton, and
burnt Major Wtlberds
%%1
Houfe firft (who with
his Family removed to Charts Town) and after-
wards deftroyed lixty-five Dwelling-houfes more
there, leaving but fix Houfes ftanding in the
whole Town, which they likewife furioufly at-
tempted to fet on Fire ; But being fortified with
Arms and Men as Garrifons, they with their Shot,
tioned before. The Lot of this Note, ante,
264.
Gentleman and his Family was an
-''''
Sawgoge, between Wickford
exceeding hard one. "He had and Devil's Foot. See Parfons, 26.
left fair Poffeffions in Gloucefter-
2S0
I find no other Mention of
fhire, and adventured with his Re- this
"
Sally," and killing ten Indians,
latives and Eftate to New England,
- 31
Major Simon Willard. The
.... was a prime leading Man in Date of the Attack on Groton is
Taunton in Plymouth Colony
;"
but given by Mr. Hubbard, March
on Account of Matters of Con- 13th. See Narrative, i,
196. Dr.
fcience,
"
he left and came to the I. Mather agrees with Mr. Hub-
Narraganfet Country," &c.From bard. In the News
from New
an original Letter of Roger Wil
-
England, Page
4,
the Date is March
liams. See Backus, i, 421 ;
alfo 7th.
Dd
2 1 8 A New and Farther Narrative
[4]
killed feveral of the Enemy, and prevented fo
much of their Defigne ; Nor do we hear that
any Perfon on our Side was here either flain or
taken Captive ; But the very next Day two Men
coming from Malbury to Sudbury, were fet upon
in the Woods by a great Number of Indian Wo-
men armed with Clubs, Pieces of Swords, and the
like, who by their Numbers having over-maftered
the two poor Travellers, that had Nothing but
fmall Sticks to defend themfelves with, beat out
their Brains, and cut off their privy Members,
which they carried away with them in Tri-
umph
;-
82
lb vain it is to expedl any Thing but
the moft barbarous Ufage from fuch a People
amongft whom the moft milde and gentle Sex
delight in Cruelties, and have utterly abandoned
at once the two proper Virtues of Womankinde,
Pity and Modefty.
Their next Attempt (I mean of any conlidera-
ble Body of the Indians) was upon a Town called
Nafoaway,
which they fet Fire to, and burnt down
to the Ground ; there was little Reiiftance made
here, People endeavoring rather to efcape their
Fury by Flight than Oppolition ; and yet they
killed many, burnt the Town down to the
282
The Indian Women at this in the Form of Guns." But favage
Time feem to have participated in Atts were not peculiar to Indian
the warlike Aftions of the Men. Women. Dr. /. Mather gives an
It is related by Mr. Gookin, MS. Account of fome Englim Women
Hift., 108, that in the Attack on in Maflachufetts, who beat feveral
Sudbury,
"
were many Women Indian Men to Death for no other
among the Warriors, whom they Reafon than that they were Indians,
had fitted with Pieces of Wood cut See, alfo, Note in Hubbard, ii,
237.
[5]
j
the State
of
New-E?tgla?id.
219
Ground, and took no lefle than five and fifty
Perfons into their mercilefs Captivity. And that
you may perceive the malicious Hatred thefe
Infidels have to Religion and Piety, it may be
obferved, how they endeavored to fignalize their
Cruelty, and gratifie their enraged Spleen, chiefly
on the Promoters of it ; For of thefe
55
Captives,
the Minifter of the Towns Relations made up no
lelfe than feventeen, viz : Mrs. Rowlinfon the
Minifter's Wife, and his three Children, and two
Sifters of her own, with feven, and the other
with four Children. As they were leading them
away in this lamentable Condition, one of the Sif-
ters being big with Childe, going into the Woods
to be privately delivered, the Indians followed and
in a jeering Manner, they would help her, and
be her Midwives, and thereupon they barbaroufly
ript
[5]
up her Body, and burnt the Child before
her Face, and then in a merciful Cruelty, to put
her out of her Pain, knockt her o'th Head
:
There was a Report that they had forced Mrs.
Rowlandfon to marry the one eyed Sachem, but
it was foon contradicted ; for being a very pious
Woman and of great Faith, the Lord wonder-
fully fupported her under this Affliction, fo that
ftie appeared and behaved her felf amongft them
with fo much Courage and majeftick Gravity,
that none durft offer any Violence to her, but on
the contrary (in their rude Manner) feemed to
fhow her great RefpecT: ; But who can exprefle
the Sorrows of her Hufband, the Minifter and
his Brother, when returning from Bojion, prefently
220 ANew and Farther Narrative
[5]
after the Engagement, they found all their Goods
deftroyed, their Houfes laid in Allies, and their
dear Wives and Children thus miferably capti-
vated : this was a fit Scene for Faith and Patience
to be exercifed in. In fuch a Junction of Affairs
a Man had need have a God to go to for Sup-
port, and an Intereft in Chrift to yield him
Confolation. Mr. Rowlinfon, after much Pains
and Trouble ranfomed his Wife for Twenty
Pounds, and got her out of their Hands, but his
Children and the Reft (if living) remain ftill in
that moft wretched Slavery.
283
About the fame Time
284
one Mr. Clarke's
Wife, Children, and all his Family at his Farm
Houfe two Miles from Plimouth were furprized
and killed, except one Boy, who was knock
down, and left for Dead, but afterwards taken
up and revived. The Houfe they plundered of
Provifions and Goods to a great Value. Eight
compleate Arms,
30
lb. of Powder, with an-
fwerable Quantity of Lead for Bullets, and
150^
in ready Money ; the faid Mr. Clark himfelf
narrowly efcaping their Cruelty by being at that
Inftant at a Meeting.
Sunday the 26th of March was fadly remark-
able to us for the Tidings of a very deplorable
Difafter brought unto Bofton about
5
O'clock
that Afternoon, by a Poft from Dedham, viz.,
28;

Further Details of the Sack- lars of" the Eel River MafTacre will
ing of Lancafter will be found in be found detailed from original Re-
two of the fucceeding Trafts, cords, in the Book
of
the Indians,
- 84
March 12th. The Particu- and in Mather, Brief
Hi/lory,
25
1.
[6] of
the State
of
New-England.
221
that Captain Pierce [of] Scituate, in Plimouth
Colony, having Intelligence in his Garrifon at
Seaconicke, that a Party of the Enemy lay near
Mr. Blackftones, went forth with
63
Englifh and
twenty of the Cape Indians, (who had all along
continued faithful, and joyned with them;) and
upon their March, difcovered rambling in an
obfcure woody Place, four or five Indians, who,
in getting away from us, halted, as if they had
been lame or wounded. But our Men had pur-
fued them but a little Way into the Woods,
before they found them to be only Decoys to
draw them into their Ambufcade : for on a Sud-
den, they difcovered above
500
Indians, who in
very good Order, furioufly attacqued them, being
as readily received by ours. So that the Fight
began to be very fierce and dubious, and our
Men had made the Enemy begin to retreat ; but
fo flowly that it fcarce deferved that Name, when
a frefh Company of about
400
Indians came in
;
fo that the Englifh and their few Indian Friends
were quite furrounded, and befet on every Side.
Yet they made a brave Refiflance, for above two
Hours : during all which Time they did great
Execution upon the Enemy, whom they kept at
a Diftance, and themfelves in Order. For Cap-
tain Pierce cart his
63
Englifh and 20 Indians
into a Ring, and
[6]
fought Back to Back, and
were double-double Diftance, all in one Ring,
whilft the Indians were as thick as they could
ftand, thirty deep. Overpowered with whofe
Numbers, the faid Captain, and
55
of his Englifh,
222 ANew and Farther Narrative
[6]
and ten of their Indian Friends were flain upon
the Place ; which, in fuch a Caufe, and upon
fuch Difadvantages, may certainly be ftiled The
Bed
of
Honour. However, they fold their worthy
Lives at a gallant Rate ; it being affirmed by
thofe few that (not without wonderful Difficulty,
and many Wounds,) made their Efcape
;
that the
Indians loft as many Fighting Men, (not counting
Women and Children,) in this Engagement, as
were killed at the Battle in the Swamp, near
Narraganfet, mentioned in our laft Letter, which
were generally computed to be above three
Hundred.*
8
*
The fame Day, fome Chriftians going to a
Meeting at Springfield, with a fmall Guard, were
ambufcaded by eight Indians, and a Man and
Woman flain
;
and the Reft, (fuppofing the Ene-
mies Number to have been greater than it was,
for in Truth, our Men were twice as many, yet
ftruck with Terror, fled, and left two Women
and two Children to the Enemies Mercy, whom
they carried away Captive, greatly infulting, [ex-
ulting] that fo few of them Ihould make fo many
Englifh fly. Of this Accident Major Savage of
Hadley, being immediately advertifed by a Poft
fent fpecially on that Occafion, difpatched a Party
of Horfe to purfue the Enemy, and the next
285
Jf t (fog other cotemporary borough, little elfe can hardly be
Hiftories of Pierce's Fight, the new expe&ed. The Names of Pierce's
Light be added, contained in Mr. Men may nearly all be gathered
BlifTe's Hiftory
of
Rehoboth, and from the Plymouth Colonial Re-
Judge
Daggett's
Hiftory of
Attle- cords now in Print.
[6] of
the State
of
New-England.
223
Morning found their Trad:, and foon after dif-
covered them ; who, feeing our Men approach,
took the two poor Infants, and in the Sight
both of their Mothers and our Men, tolfed them
up in the Air, and dafhed their Brains out againft
the Rocks, and with their Hackets [Hatchets]
knokt down the Women, and forthwith fled.
The Place being exceeding rocky, and a Swamp
juft by, our Horfe could not follow them, and on
Foot were not able to overtake them ; fo that
the bloudy Villains, for the Prefent, efcaped de-
ferved Vengeance
;
yet it pleafed God, that both
the Women revived, and being come again to
their Understanding, one of them declared that
fhe knew every Particular Perfon of thefe eight
Indians, and that they advifed them to put all
the Men they could light upon, to Death but to
fave as many Women and Houfes as they could,
for them.
286
On Tuefday following, the barbarous Infidels
deftroied fixty and fix Houfes, befides Barns and
Buildings in Seaconicke,
287
but we do not hear of
any Perfon there flain. On Wednefday, they
ftormed Providence, and confumed a greater Part
of the Houfes ; but without taking away the
Life of any Perfon, except one Wright, of whom
it is reported, that he was a Man of a lingular
and fordid Humour
;
of great Knowledge in the
286
In the Notes to the new Edi-
S87
That Part of Seakonk called
tions of Mather and Hubbard will Rehoboth. It was burnt on the
be found all the additional Fads we 20th of March, 1676.

Hubbard,
are in PofTeffion of. 1
80,
Mather, 131.
224
d
New and Farther Narrative
[7
]
Scriptures, but of no particular profeffed Seel; or
Perfuafion ;
one that derided Watches, Fortifi-
cations, and all public Endeavours and Admin-
iftrations for the common Safety
;
infomuch, that
after all Alarms round about, he refuted to bring
in any of his Goods, (which were of confidera-
ble Value,) or to fhelter himfelf in any Garrifon,
but prefumed he mould be fafe in his own Houfe,
where the Enemy found and butchered him. It
is further credibly related concerning him, that
he had a ftrange Confidence, or rather Conceit,
that
[7]
whillt he held his Bible in his Hand, he
looked upon himfelf as fecure from all kinde of
Violence ; and, that the Enemy, finding him in
that Pofture, deriding his groundlefs Apprehen-
fion, or Folly therein, ripped him open and put
his Bible in his Belly.
But indeed the Reafon that the Inhabitants ofthe
Town of Seaconicke and Providence generally ef-
caped with their Lives, is not to be attributed to
any
Companion or Good Nature of the Indians,
(whofe very Mercies are inhumane Cruelties,) but,
(next to God's Providence,) to their own Prudence
in avoiding
their Fury, when they found themfelves
too weak and unable to refill; it, by a timely
Flight into Rhode Ifland, which now became
the
common Zoar, or Place of Refuge for the
Diftrefled
;
yet fome remained till their coming
to diftroy the faid Towns ; as, in particular, Mr.
Williams,
288
at Providence, who knowing feveral
'
'~
See Colonial Records
of
Conneclicut, ii,
436.
[7
] of
the State
of
New-England.
225
of the Chief Indians that came to Fire that
Town, difcourfed with them a confiderable Time,
who pretended their greateft Quarrel was againft
Plimouth
;
and as for what they attempted againft
the other Colonies, they were conftrained to it,
by the Spoil that was done them at Narraganfet.
They told him that when Capt. Peirce engaged
them near Mr. Blackftone's they were bound for
Plimouth. They gloried much in their Succefs,
proifing themfelves the Conqueft of the whole
Country, and rooting out of all the Englifh.
Mr. Williams reproved their Confidence; minded
them of their Cruelties, and told them that the
Bay, viz., Bofton, could yet fpare ten thoufand
Men
;
and if they mould deftroy all them, yet,
it was not to be doubted, our King would fend
as many every Year from Old England, rather
than they fhould fhare the Countrey. They an-
fwered proudly, that they fhould be ready for
them, or to that EffecT: ; but told Mr. Williams
that he was a good Man, and had been kinde to
them formerly, and therefore would not hurt
him.
28
?
About the latter End of March came Advice
jr9
There is a different Account aged Men faw him, they came out
of Mr. Williams's meeting the In- and met him, and told him, that
dians extant, which runs thus
:

though thofe who had long known

"
When the Indians appeared on him, would not hurt him, yet their
the high Lands, North of the Great young Men were fo imaged, that it
Cove, Mr. W. took his Staff and was not fafe for him to venture
walked over towards them, hoping among them; upon which he re-
likely to pacify them, as he had turned to the Garrifon." See Backus,
often done ; but when fome of their Hijlory New England, i.
Ee
226 ANew and Farther Narrative
[8
]
from New York, that the Indians, in a Bravado,
had releafed two Englifh Captives, and fent them
down thither to give Information of what they
had feen, which was, that being carried with a
Party three Days Jouurney towards the North-
Eaft, from the Place where King Philip lay,
(which was between thirty and fourty Englifh
Miles from Albany. He came up to an Indian
Rendezvous, made by a mighty Sachem near
Homcke-River, towards Canada, where one of
them told one and twenty hundred Men, compleat
;
and the Indians themfelves drawing out into
three Ranks, (that he might view them the Bet-
ter,) made him tell them over three Times
;
who,
he laid, were generally well armed, with good Fire-
arms, and moft of them young Men
;
few fo old
as forty. And, that amongft them there were
about
500
of thofe with Straws about their Nofes,
commonly called French Indians. That neither
King Philip nor that Party, confirming of about
four Hundred, were then with them and that
the faid Philip's own Men were not above one
Hundred
;
himfelf being very fickly, and having
but little Efteem or Authority amongft them.
One of the faid releafed Prifoners declared
further, that from that Rendezvous he returned
with the Reft towards Albany, being afterwards
given by the North Indians to the Mahicanders
or River Indians, (who have been
[8]
always
fufpecled to be too kinde to thofe bloody Ones of
the North.) And alfo affirms that the faid North
Indians, at the faid Rendezvous, in a vapouring
[8] of
the State
of
New-England.
227
Manner, declared, that their Intent was, firft to
deftroy Connecticut this Spring, then Bofton in
the Harveft, and afterwards the Dutch, (meaning
what the Dutch had here.)
About the fame Time alfo, there was much
Difcourfe and Confultation about a Project for
giving thefe Northern Indians that thus infefted
and harralfed New England, a Diversion, by en-
gaging the Mohucks (another Sort of Indians,
inhabiting towards New-York, and formerly in-
veterate Enemies to thefe,) againft them on the
other Side. And it was certainly reported, that
the Governour of New York, would, upon re-
queft, and reafonable Propofalls, freely make ufe
of his Intereft amongft that People, (which is
very great,) for effecting fo good a Delign.
29

Yea, the Pequod Sachem, who always has con-

tinued friendly and faithful to the Englifh, ven-
turing his Men on all Occafions, (who have done
very good Service,) feemed much to wonder that
we did not carry it on
;
affirming that the faid
Mohucks were the only Perfons likely to put an
End to the War, by hindering the Enemy from
Planting
;
and forcing them down upon us. But
this Counfell, (for I know not what good Rea-
fons of Some amongft us,) was not thought fit,
(at leaft for the Prefent,) to be fo vigorously pur-
fued, as Some expected : But to proceed with the
Narrative.
200
The Correfpondence between ment of the Mohawks againft him,
the Authorities of Connecticut and may be feen in the Colonial Records
Gov. Andros relative to the where-
of
Connetlicut, ii,
436,
&c. Not
abouts of Philip, and the Employ- very creditable to either.
228 ANew and Farther Narrative
[8
]
On the fecond of April, Maj. Savage, Capt.
Mofely, Capt. William Turner, and Capt. Whit-
poll
2
?
1
with
300
Men, marched from Marle-
borow to Qoboge, where they had ordered the
Connecticut Forces to attend their coming. And
accordingly the Parties being joined, endeavored
to finde out the Enemy, and give them Battel
;
but thefe Heathens being like Wolves, and other
Beafts of Prey, that commonly do their Mifchiefs
in the Night, or by Stealth, durft not come forth
out of the Woods and Swamps, where they lay
fkulking in fmall Companies, being fo light of
Foot that they can run away when they lift,
and pafs Boggs, rocky Mountains and Thickets,
where we could by no Means purfue them.
Only now and then we met with fome Stragglers
before they were aware. And one Time march-
ing towards Northampton, had a brifk Difpute
with a fmall Party who fell upon our Rear ; but
we quickly repelled them, and killed about
20,
in a hot Purfuit after them, without the Loffe of
one Man on our Side, and but one wounded.
About the fame Time, Maj. Palmer,
2
?
2
having
been fcouring the Narraganfetts Country, brought
in
30
of the Enemy, and 60 of Ninnicrofts People,
which were about
30
fighting Men, who de-
livered up themfelves to our Protection. We
kept their Wives and Children fafely, as Hofta-
ges, and made the Men go abroad with our
sal
There was a Captain John
in the Text.
Whipple in the Service againft the
29a
Maj. Edward Palmes. See
Indians. He is doubtlefs intended Hubbard, ii, 61.
[9]
of
the State
of
New-England.
229
Parties, who did us great Service in clearing the
Woods. Likewife the Pequods and Mohegins,
(who proved a good Guard to New London,
Norwich, and the River's Mouth,) brought in
27
of the Enemy and much Plunder.
April the 6. John
Winthrope, Efq. a Member
of the Royal Society, and Governour of Con-
necticut Colony, having like a faithful Patriot,
ferved his Country, dyed at Bofton, of a natural
Diftemper, after about eight Days Sicknefs, and
was there interred in his Fathers Tomb, with an
univerfal Lamentation, and all the Honours that
our Diftreffes and Diffractions would
[9]
allow.
And, though it be ufually faid Inter arma
Jilent
Mufee,
yet could not all our martial Confufions
wholly ffrike our Mufes dumb, upon fo worthy
an Occafion, (enough to make our Country bathe
itfelf in Tears, as it hath lately done in Blood,)
but they appeared in Publique to pay a Funeral
Tribute to his honourable Dull, in a no lefle
ingenious than pamonate and mournfull Elegy
upon him, printed here at Bofton.
The next Day the Governour intended to have
marched out with about three hundred Englifh
of his own Colony, and
50
Cape-Indians, and all
Things were in a Readinefs accordingly
;
but not
being fupplied with any Affiftance from us, he
wanted Soldiers to fecure his own Towns, if they
fhould be attacqued fuddenly by the Indians, (who
lie in Wait for fuch Opportunities,) during his
230
A New and Farther Narrative
[9]
Abfence, and therefore was forced to let fall his
Defigne, and continue at Home.
2
"
The 11th of April, Capt. Denifon, with an
100 Engliih Volunteers, belonging to Connecticut
Colony, and as many Indians, of whom fome
were Mohegins, fome Pequods, and fome of
Ninnicrafts Men, that had revolted from him
;
2
94
the faid friendly Indians being commanded by
the young Sachem Unkus, whofe Father, (the
only Chriftian Sagamore,
29
$
) hath during all this
War continued faithful
;
upon their March,
ranging the Narraganfet Countrey near Potuxit,
they fell upon a Party of the Enemy, commanded
by that famous but very bloudy and cruel Sa-
chem, Quononihot, otherwife called Myanton-
omy, whom the Engliih formerly prefented with
a rich Lac't Coat. They fought very obftinately
a conliderable Time, but at laft, our Men, with
very fmall Lofle, obtained the Victory ; killed
above
50
of the Enemy on the Place, and took
40
more alive ; and amongft the Reft that info-
lent Sachem, Myantonomy himfelf, together with
another Sachem, and feveral other of his chief
'2'J3
l n wnat Direction the Go-
2fl4
The Author was mifinformed
vernor expe&ed to find the Enemy, with Regard to the Nianticks (Ni-
it does not appear, provided he had nigret's Men). They had been
marched out. The
"
fore Defeat
"
true to the Englifh all the War.
of Capt. Pierce, the Burnings at Ninigret himfelf being old, took no
Rehoboth and Providence, had fent adlive Part, as has been already
Confternation into every Mind mentioned.
throughout the Land; hence it is
2SS
Of the Chriftian Character
not ftrange that Indecifion was feen of Uncas, enough has been faid in
among the military Commanders. an earlier Note.
[9]
of
the State
of
New-England.
231
Counfellors and Friends. The faid Myanton-
omys Carriage was flrangely proud and lofty,
after he was taken. Being examined why he
did foment that War, which would certainly be
the Deftruclion of him and all the Heathen In-
dians in the Country, &c. ? He would make no
other Reply to any Interrogatories, but this;

That he was born a Prince, and if Princes came

to fpeak with him he would anfwer, but none
prelent being fuch, he thought himfelf obliged
in Honour to hold his Tongue, and not hold
Difcourfe with fuch Perfons, below his Birth and
Quality. He told them he wifht rather to die
than to continue under Confinement ; that all
he defired was not to be tortured, but prefently
be put to Death
;
which he requefted might be
done by young Unkus, that aided us
;
as acknow-
ledging him his fellow Prince
;
yet, withall,
threatned, he had 2,000 Men would revenge his
Death feverely. Wherefore, our Forces, fearing
an Efcape, put the ftoutefr. Men to the Sword,
but preferved Myantonomy till they returned to
Stonington, where our Indian Friends and moll
of the Englifh Soldiers, declaring to the Com-
manders their Fear, that the Englifh mould,
upon Conditions, releafe him, and that then he
would, (though the Englifh might have Peace
with him,) be very pernicious to thofe Indians
that^now afTifted us. The faid Indians, (on thefe
Confiderations, and the Mifchiefs, and Murthers
he had done, during this War,) permitted to put
him to Death. And, that all might fhare in the
232
ANew and Farther Narrative
[10]
Glory of destroying fo great a Prince, and come
under the Obligation of Fidelity each to other,
the Pequods fhot him, the Mohegins cut off his
Head and quartered his Body, and the Ninni-
crafts Men made the Fire and burned his Quar-
ters
;
and as a Token of their Love and Fidelity
to the Englifh, prefented his Head to the Council
at Hartford.
2
?'
5
[10]
About the fame Time we had Informa-
tion from an Indian Spy, taken by our Army,
that the Enemy had a Defigne, on the next Day,
to fall upon the Garrifon, and fome few Houfes
that remained at Marlborough, to revenge the
Death of one of their eminent Men that was
(lain when they were laft there : (His Name
being concealed.) Upon which, our Major Gene-
ral, who was fent to meet Major Savage, and
accompany him and his Forces to Bofton, com-
manded Capt. Mofely and another Captain, with
their Companies, thither, to abide and expect the
Enemy,
24
Hours ; but they not coming in that
Time, our laid Forces were called Home and
difbanded, to the Diffatisfaction of fome People,
who thereupon feared the like fatall Confequen-
ces, that but a little before attended the like
Occafion. Nor were fuch their Apprehenlions
vain, for within four Days afterwards News ar-
298
This graphic Defcription of Hiftorian of the War. Our Au-
the Capture and Death of the great thor is erroneous in fome' minor
Chief of the Narraganfets is not Points, and mould be read in Con-
furpafled but by one contemporary neilion with Hubbard. He was
Writer. The Reader will not be Son of Myantonimo, and was by
at a Lofs to defignate him; the beft this Author fuppofed the fame.
[
i o]
of
the State
of
New-England.
233
rived at Bojion that all the Houfes in the faid
Town of Marleborough (except the Garrifon)
were deftroied.
April 20. Capt. Wadfworth of
Dorchefter^
1
being defigned with an 100 Men to repair to
Marlborough, to ftrengthen the Garrifon, and re-
move the Goods, &c. there ; did accordingly
this Evening march with about
70
Men from
Sudbury the Reft of his Men not appearing
:
The Enemy who were about a 1000 ftrong lay
near his Palfage, but kept themfelves undifco-
vered, and permitted him to pafle them in the
Night, but in the Morning,
298
aifaulted and
-> 7
Captain Samuel Wadfworth.
He was of Milton. This Town,
though originally a Part of Dor-
chefter, had been taken from it
14
Years previous to 1676. Its In-
dian Name was UncataquiJJit.
-') ~
Thus is explicitly given the
Date of Sudbury Fight, namely,
April 2 1 ft, 1676. Mr. Hubbard
accidentally miftook the Time, and
gave the Date April 18th. Hence
the Origin of the Error, no Doubt,
on the Monument erefted by Pre-
fident Wadfworth, many Years after
the Fight happened. When the
old Monument was replaced by a
new one, in 1
853,
the old erroneous
Date was alfo retained. The Edi-
tor, in one or more Interviews with
the principal Manager of the new
Monument, mowed him by the
beft cotemporary Authority that the
Date of the Fight was April 21,
and not April 18, as on the Monu-
ment. He refufed to be fet right
Ff
in the Matter, which caufed the
"Editor to put the Proofs into Form,
and to publifh them in the New
England Hijhrical and Gen. Reg-
ifler.
See Vol. vii, P. 221-4 (July,
1853).
This did not fatisfy the
Manager (Hon. G. S. Boutwell),
who publiihed a Defence of the old
Infcription, in not very courteous
Language. As everybody, who had
given the Subjeft due Attention,
was fatisfied (except Mr. Boutwell)
that the 21ft was the true Date, the
Matter was difmifled as deferving
of no further Attention. But a
Member of the N. E. Hift. and
Gen. Society being inclined to have
a Report on the Subjeft, under the
Sanction ot the Society, brought it
before that Body, and a Committee
was appointed to thoroughly invefti-
gate it. The Committee confifted
of Frederic Kidder, Efq., and Gen.
A. B. Underwood. The Refult of
their Inveftigations may be feen in
234
dNew and Farther Narrative
[
i o]
burned moft of the Houfes in Sudbury (fave thofe
that were ingarrifoned
:)
Upon which the Town
of Cow^wt/ receiving the Alarm, 12 refolute young
Men haftened from thence to their Neighbor's
Relief, but were waylaid, and 1 1 of them cut off;
But by the Time Capt. Wad/worth was come to
Marlborough, the Alarm and News of this Dif-
after overtook him, and although he had marched
all the Day and Night before, and his Men much
wearied, yet he haftened back againe and was
accompanied by Capt. Brocklebank Commander
of the Garrifon at Marleborough, with what fmall
Number he durft fpare out of his Garrifon, when
they arrived within a Mile and a half of Sud-
bury
;
the Enemy having hid themfelves behind
the Hills, fent forth two or three to crofs the
March of our Forces, and being feen, to coun-
ihe April Number (1866)
of the banke, I ferved under him untill he
N. E.
Hift.
and Gen. Regifter.
It was flaine, which was the 26th of
is fufficient to fay that the new April] hit.'' This Statement is in-
Fadts brought to Light by the In- troduced, partly to fhow how un-
duftry of thefe Gentlemen are com- certain one's Memory may be about
pletely overwhelming, independent Dates, and partly to notice here
of previous Proofs, that the true the Name of a Man, who had ieen
Date in Oueftion is April 21. It the hardeil kind of Service in a
is hoped the Town will take the moil terrible War. He was four
Matter in Hand, and no longer lie Times " impreffed," ferved four
under the Reproach of perpetuating Months in the Nipmuck Country
;
an Error, knowing it to be fuch. then in Narraganfet ; nine Weeks
Notwithstanding the great Amount under Maj. Appleton; and having
of the hitherto unpublifhed Mate- received Nothing for his Services,
rial, refpefting the Sudbury Fight, now petitioned for his four Months'
there remains much yet untouched. Pay, and the
"
Value of a new
Here is a Specimen : Jofluia
Bointon Carfee [Kerfey] Coate," which he
of Rowley. In a Petition, dated loft at Narraganfet while he was
March 5th, 1676-7, he fays

"
imployed in fetching in of Corne."
"
Going out under Capt. Brocle-

Original Petition.
[
1 1
] of
the State
of
New-England.
235
terfeit themfelves affrighted and fly, thereby to
trapan our Men into their Ambufcade, which
mifchievous Defigne fucceeded according to their
Wilhes, for our Men purfuing them, and being
not above 80 in Number, and thofe miferably
tired as well with tedious Marches as for want
of Sleep, were fuddenly fet upon, and on every
Side encompaffed with the Enemy, being about
a 1000 ftrong
;
yet not at all difmaid with their
Numbers, nor difmal Shouts, and horrid Yellings,
ours made a mod couragious Refiftance ; and
having gained the Top of a Hill, they from
thence gallantly defended themfelves with the
Lofs of five Men near four Hours
;
the cowardly
Savages difheartened with the Sight of fo many
of their Fellows (lain in the firft Attacque, not
daring to venture clofe upon them, yet (that we
may not think thefe Barbarians altogether unac-
quainted with Stratagems, nor fo filly as to neglect
any Advantages,) at lafl; they fet the Woods on
Fire to the Windward of our Men, which by
Reafon of the Winde blowing very hard and the
Grafs being exceeding dry, burnt with a terrible
Fiercenefs, and with the Smoak and Heat was
like to choak them ; fo that being no longer
able at once to refift the approaching Fire, and
the cruel Enemy, they were forced to quit that
advantagious Pofl in Diforder
;
which the Indians
taking Advantage of came on upon them like fo
many Tigers, and dulling their active Swords
[11]
with exceflive Numbers, obtained the Difhonour
of a Victory ; our two Captains after incompara-
236
ANew and Farther Narrative [n]
ble Proofs of their Refolution and Gallantry,
being flain upon the Place ; together with moft
of their Men ; but thofe few that remained,
efcaped to a Mill, which they defended till Night,
when they were hapily refcued by Capt. Prentice,
who coming in the Day haftily, though fome-
what too late to the Relief of Capt. JVadfworth,
having not above Six Troopers that were able to
keep Way with him, fell into a Pound or Place
near Sudbury Towns End, where all PafTages were
ftopt by the Indians
;
and had not Capt. Cowell
7
-^
(who in his Return from Quoboge) had avoided
the Common Rode providentially, at that Inftant
come thither with about thirty Dragoons (who
were forced to fight their Way through) and two
Files of Men fent from a Garrifon to fecure
another Pafiage, which the Enemy haftned to
flop againft Capt. Cowell, both the faid Capt.
Prentice and his Men ; and the Remainder of
the faid Captain Wadfworths Men in the Mill,
had been all killed or taken alive : nor did Cap-
tain Cowell lofe above fix or feven of his Men in
this Engagement : but fo infolent were the In-
dians grown upon their firft Succefie againft
Captain Wad/worth, that they fent us Word, to
provide Store of good Chear, for they intended
to dine with us upon the Election Day.
But for preventing any Danger that might
happen on that Occafion, the following Order
was printed and publifhed.
2n9
Edward Cowell, of Bofton. See Hubbard, i,
224.
[12] of
the State
of
New-England.
237
At a Council held at
Bofton,
April 21
1676.
For the Prevention
offuch Mifchiefs
as may be de-
figned
by the common Enemy, and the Securing
of
the
feveral Plantations upon the Day
of
Publicke Elec-
tion now drawing near:
It is Ordered, 'That the Committees
of
Militia in
each Town, do take
effectual
Care that the Trained
Soldiers be in Arms upon that Day, and keep Watch
and Ward with all Diligence, under the Command
of
one Commifjion-Officer
at
leaf,
or
fome
other meet
P
erf
on where no GommiJJion- Officer
is to be had.
Which Cofnmander
fo
employed
for
that Day in
every Town, is
alfo Jlricfly required to forbid
and
prevent all Rudenefs by Playing, Drinking, or other-
wife ;
and
for
the better Execution
of
this Order,
The Committees
of
Militia
of
or
ef
aid /hall take
fome
meet Courfe for
the
feafonable
Publi/ljing the
fame
to their feveral Towns ; that
fuch
of
them as are
Freemen, may [as many
of
them as may be) timely
put in their Votes by Proxy, which
for
this extra-
ordinary Seafon is mojl advifable, and hereby recom-
mended to them to do : All Soldiers and Inhabitants
being hereby enjoyned and Commanded in all Refpefis
to yield Obedience accordingly.
By the Council,
Edward
Rawfon, Sec'r.
[12]
April 26. Captain Hinjkman*
00
having
30a
Daniel Henchman, a good and died there, Oft. 15th,
1685
Soldier and brave Officer, but was See a Notice of him in Hiftory and
not fanguinary enough to be very Antiquities
of Bofton,
647 ;
alfo,
popular. He fettled at Worcefter, Lincoln's
Hiftory of Worcefter.
238
ANew and Farther Narrative
[12]
received Commiffion and Inftrucfion, did then
march for Major Wilberds Funerall (who died in
his Bed in Peace, though God had honoured him
with feverall fignal Victories over our Enemys in
War) to C/jar/ef-Town, and from thence to
Concord, the Place of Rendezvous. From Mr.
Woodcock's Garrifon we hear that himfelf and
two of his Sons, and fome other Men being gone
out to Labour in the Field, were, about this Time
furprifed ; one of his Sons and another Man
being killed, and himfelf and the other Son dan-
geroufly (though it pleafed God, not mortally)
wounded ; fo that there were only five found
Perfons left to keep Garrifon, befides the old
Woman and three Daughters, and yet (through
Mercy) it has always held out.
301
301
At the Time of the Attack, ther, and burned his Son's Houfe."
which was about April 26th
(1676),
Dr. I. Mather is more explicit.
Woodcock's Sons were at Work in He fays {Brief HiJ}., 139): "A
a Corn-field near their Houfe, which fmall Number of them [the In-
was a Garrifon. The Indians were dians] near Woodcocks who keeps
concealed in a woody Swamp, now the Ordinary in the Road to Re-
the Meadow on the Eafl of the hoboth, killed his Son and another
Turnpike below the Bridge, ad- Man, and greatly wounded another
joining faid Corn-field, and from of his Sons, and (hot [Mr. Wood-
this Covert fired upon the Work- cock] himfelf through the Arm, and
men. The Son was killed, and then burnt his Son's Houfe." Mr.
the Father wounded, but efcaped. Mather gives the Date, April 27th.
With their aceuftomed Barbarity in The Name of the Son who was
fuch Cafes, they cut off the Son's killed was Nathaniel.
Head, which they fet upon a long Woodcock's Garrifon was on the
Pole which they eretted on a Hill old Stage Road leading from Bofton
fome Diftance from the Houfe. to Providence, and was licenfed as
Mr. Hubbard fays (Narrative, i, an Ordinary by Plymouth Court in
209),
"they affaulted Mr. [John] 1670. It flood till 1806, when it
Woodcock's Houfe, killed one Man, gave Place to a commodious Edi-
and one of his Sons, wounded ano- fice, long known to Travellers as
[
1 2
] of
the State
of
New-Engla?td.
239
May the Firft, Captain Dennifon with his Vol-
unteers and Indians fell upon a Party of the
Enemy, and killed Six and 20 of them, and took
fifty Captives ; Alfo we had Advice, that the
Pequods and other friendly Indians, had carried
many Prifoners to New-London ; that fome had
voluntarily furrendered themfelves to the Magif-
trates of Connecticut- Colony, and more came in
from the Sachem of Penny-cook.
^
About a Fortnight afterwards, the foremen-
tioned Captain Turner,33 by Trade a Taylor, but
one that for his Valour has left behinde him an
Honourable Memory, hearing of the Indians be-
ing about Twenty Miles above them at Connecticut
River, drew out a Party at Hadley and Northamp-
ton, where there was a Garrifon, and marching
all Night, came upon them before Day-break,
they having no Centinels or Scouts abroad, as
Hatche's Tavern. It is about
30
known as Pawtuckets. This Tribe
Miles from Bofton. See Daggett's included the Penny-cooks. Thefe
Attleborough,
47;
Blifs, Reboboth, inhabited about Concord, New
77-8, 102;
Barber's
Hift.
Volls., Hampfhire.
iu-12; and Baylies's New Ply-
303
This Writer feems more dif-
moutb. A Succefhon of Refidents poled to do Juftice to Capt.Turner,
at the old Woodcock Houfe would than his Contemporaries. His Son
be interefting. I find one Stearns fettled in Swanfea, and his Pofterity
therein 1760;
T.Daggett, to
1782;
were in Rhode Ifland in Mr. Back-
Carpenter,
1 791;
Holmes,
1809;
us'sTime. This Son was alfo named
Hatch, 18
1
4 to
1829,
when the William, and well known as Capt.
Almanac Hops printing the Names Turner. He removed to Newport,
of Landlords. where he died in
1759.
He in-
3oj
Wanalanat was the Chief herited Lands in Fall-Town, which
then and for fome Time previous, were granted to the Heirs of thofe
The Indians along the Merrimack who ferved in the Fall Fight.
River, from about Haverhill to The late Lieut. Turner of the U.
above Concord, N. H., were early S. Navy was a lineal Defcendant.
240
ANew andFarther Narrative
[12]
thinking themfelves fecure, by Reafon of their
remote Diftance from any of our Plantations
:
Ours taking this Advantage of their Negligence,
fell in amongft them, and killed feveral hundreds
of them upon the Place; they being out of any
Pofture or Order to make any formidable Refift-
ance, though they were lix Times fuperior to
us in Number : But that which was almoft as
much, nay in fome refpecf more confiderable than
their Lives. We there deftroied all their Am-
munition and Provifion, which we think they
can hardly be fo foon and eafily recruited with,
as poffibly they may be with Men. We like-
wife here demolifht Two Forges they had to
mend their Armes ; took away all their Mate-
rials and Tools, and drove many of them into the
River, where they were drowned, and threw two
great Piggs of Lead of theirs (intended for mak-
ing of Bullets) into the faid River. But this great
Succefs was not altogether without its Allay, as
if Providence had deligned to Checquer our
Joys
and Sorrows ; and left we fhould Sacrifice to our
own Nets, and fay, Our own Arms or Prowefle
hath done this, to permit the Enemy prefently
after to take an advantage againft us ; For as our
Men were returning to Hadley, in a dangerous
Paife, which they were not furRciently aware of,
the fkulking Indians (out of the Woods,) killed
at one Volley, the faid Captain and Eight and
Thirty of his Men
;
but immediately after they
had difcharged, they fled.
In
June
Major Talkot Hew and took Captive
[
1
3
]
of
the State
of
New-England.
241
Four and Twenty of the Enemies in one Weeks
Time, and alfo killed the Old Queen of Narra-
ganfet,^
and an arch Villain of their Party, that
had been with them at the facking of Provi-
dence, famoufly known by the Name of Stone-
wall, or Stone-Layer
'John,
for that being an
active ingenious Fellow he had learnt
[13]
the Mafon's Trade, and was of great Ufe to the
Indians in building their Forts, &c. Likewife
Potucke, the Great Indian Counfellour, (a Man
conlidering his Education of wonderfull Subtlety)
was brought Prifoner into Rhode IJland.^
^
In
July,
we had very confiderable Forces abroad,
who took and killed above 200 of the barbarous
bloudy Indians, and that cruell Infidel Puncham^
06
among the Reft.
The Squaw Sachem,^ King Philip's Sifter, who
at Firft fo much promoted this Warr, and was
fince by Treaty with Ninnicroft, Sachem of the
Narraganfetts, to be delivered up, hath lately
furrendered herfelf, and is come into the Plim-
304
She was known by various next Trail, Page z, original paging.
Names, as Magnus, Matantuck, His Refidence was at or near what
>uaiapen, Sunk-Squaw, Sec. This is fince Point Judith. Other Fails
laft was, in Part applied errone- will be found as indicated in the
oufly : Saui-Squzw was meant by laft Note, Page 260-1.
the Indians; Sauk meaning a Sa-
30G
Pumbant his Name is ufually
chem's Wife. See Note, in /. Ma- written. See Page
196,
ante, and
tber,
1 74.
She had for Hufband, References.
a Son of Canonicus, and Ninigret
307
This Author here confounds
was her Brother. See Book
of
the Awajbonks with Weetamoo. Some
Indians,
24.
modern Compilers have fallen into
305
Other Particulars will be the fame Miftake. The Latter, as
found concerning this Chief in our will be feen, never furrendered.
242 ANew and Farther Narrative
[13]
mouth Army, having fubmitted to the Mercy of
Major Bradford, who with a fmall Party fome
Time fince feparated himfelf from the Reft of
his Narraganfetts, (pretending when he found
they could not Profper) that he difapproved of
their Doings, in breaking their Treaty with the
Englifh, hath likewife taken Shelter under our
Forces at Stonington, to fecure his Life at prefent:
For not only thofe of his Men that continue in
Rebellion ftill, but likewife thofe that formerly
furrendered themfelves to us, threaten to cut off
his Head ; the Firft pretending that by his
treacherous Councils he drew them into this
Warr, and then bafely deferted them : and the
Second, charging him as a Traytor and Truce-
breaker to the Englifh. Thus abominable is
Treachery and Violation of ones Faith, even
amongft the moil barbarous and favage Infi-
dels.3*
King Philip and fome of thefe Northern hidians
being wandered up towards Albany, the Mohucks
marched out very ftrong, in a warlike Pofture upon
them, putting them to Flight, and purfuing them as
far as
HoJJicke
River,which is about two Days March
from the Eaft Side of Hudfotis River to the N.
E. killing divers, and bringing away fome Pri-
foners with great Pride and Triumph
;
which ill
Succefie on that Side where they did not expecl
303
This Charge of Vacillation fo circumftanced that he was, at
on the Part of Ninigret is entirely Times, probably, obliged to waver,
too ftrongly ftated in View of what or be taken for an Enemy by one
has been published. Ninigret was Party and the other, alternately.
[13] of
the State
of
New-England.
243
any Enemy, having lately endeavoured to make
up the ancient Animofities, did very much daunt
and difcourage the faid Northern Indians
;39
fo
that fome hundreds came in and fubmitted them-
felves to the
Englifi
at Plimoutb- Colony ; and
Philip himfelf is run fkulking away into fome
Swamp, with not above ten Men attending him
;
Nor doubt we fhortly to have a good Account
given of that Prime Incendiary ; there being
feverall of our Troops daily abroad in Queft of
him.
It is computed by moft judicious Men, That
the Indians that were killed, taken, fent away,
and now of Late come in by Way of Submiffion,
cannot in all, (Men, Women and Children,)
amount to fewer than Six Thoufand, befides vafi
Quantities of their Corn, Houfes, Ammunition,
and other Necelfaries, without which they can-
not long Subfift, in Hoftility, taken and de-
ftroyed.
30:1
It was reported at the Time, the true Account of the Matter. It
that the Reafon of the Mohawks is neceffary for the Reader to re-
falling upon Philip was becaufe he member that this Story is not well
had killed or attempted to kill fome attefted, and that the Mohawks
of that Tribe which he met in the needed no fuch Offence to caufe
Woods, endeavoring to make their them to repeat their daily Mode of
Friends believe it to be done by the Dealing with the Eaftern Indians,
Englifh, that the Mohawks might from Times long paft. The true
join him in the War againfl: them. State of Affairs between Philip and
But that a Mohawk who had been the Mohawks is now well under-
left for dead, revived and returned Hood. See Notes in Hubbard, i,
to his Countrymen and gave them 217-18.
244-
-dNew and Farther Narrative
[14]
A True but Brief Account of our Loffes fuftained
fince this Cruel and Mifchievous War began,
take as follows
:
In Narraganfiet
not one Houfe left {landing.
At Warwick, but one.
[14]
At Providence, not above three.
At Potuxit, none left.
Very few at Seaconicke.
At Swanfey,
two, at moft.
Marlborough, wholy laid in Afhes, except two
or three Houfes.
Grantham'*
10
and Nafhaway, all ruined but one
Houfe or two.
Many Houfes burnt at
Springfield,
Scituate,
Lane
after, Brookfield
and Northampton.
The greateft Part of Rehoboth and Taunton de-
ftroyed.
Great Spoil made at Hadley,
Hatfieldand Chelmfi-
ford.
Deerfield
wholy, and
Wejlfield
much ruined.
At Sudbury, many Houfes burnt, and fome at
Hingham, Weymouth, and Braintree.
Befides particular Farms and Plantations, a
great Number not be reckoned up, wholly laid
wafte, or very much damnified.
And as to Perfons, it is generally thought, that
of the Englifh there hath been loft, in all, Men
Women and Children, above Eight Hundred,
310
Probably an Error; a Mif- was no Doubt intended. See ante
reading of the original MS. Groton {News from New-England,?.
^).
[14]
of
the State
of
New-England.
24.5
fince the War began :
3 "
Of whom many have
been deftroyed with exquifite Torments, and moil
inhumane Barbarities
;
the Heathen rarely giving
Quarter to thofe that they take, but if they were
Women, they firft forced them to fatisfie their
filthy Lufts and then murdered them ; either
cutting off the Head, ripping open the Belly, or
fkulping the Head of Skin and Hair, and hanging
them up as Trophies ; wearing Men's Fingers as
Bracelets about their Necks, and Stripes of their
Skins which they dreffe for Belts, They knockt
one Youth of the Head, and laying him for dead,
they flead (or fkulp'd) his Head of Skin and
Hair. After which the Boy wonderfully re-
vived, and is now recovered, only he hath Nothing
but the dry Skull, neither Skin nor Hair on his
Head.
3
' 2
Nor have our Cattle efcaped the Cru-
elty of thefe worfe than Brute and Savage Beafts
:
For what Cattle they took they feldom killed
outright : or if they did, would eat but little of
the Flefh, but rather cut their Bellies, and letting
them go feveral Days, trailing their Guts after
31
'In an enfuing Tradt {News 600 of the Englifh Inhabitants either
from
New-England), it is ftated that fell in Battle, or were murdered by
"
the Number of Chriftians flain the Enemy. The whole Land was
fince the Beginning of the laft Wars in deep Mourning, as there were
in New England, are
444.
Taken few Families which had not loft one
Prifoners, 55." This Eftimate is or more near Relatives. The fame
probably much too low. Refpeft- Author fays, that by an accurate
ing the Lofs of the Indians that Enumeration, about 600 Buildings,
Writer fays :
"
the Number men- chiefly Dwelling Houfes, were con-
doned herein is 910.".
P. 6,
ori- fumed by Fire.
Hift.
Connecticut,
gina/ paging. Dr. Trumbull, after i, 350-1;
alfo poji.
a careful Survey of the Materials
ai
-
Believed to have been one of
at his Command, judged that about the Children of Thomas Eames.
246
ANew and Farther Narrative.
[14]
them, putting out their Eyes, or cutting off one
Leg, &c.
But to reckon up all their Cruelties, would be
no leffe burthenfome to companionate Christians
Ears, than too tedious for a Letter, which is
already fwelled too big ; and therefore I think it
now high Time to conclude, with hearty Thanks
to Almighty God for our late Succeffes againft
this bloudy Enemy, whereby though not wholly
freed from Appreheniions of future Dangers
;
yet
we have Grounds to hope, that their Fury is much
quafht and abated ; fo that (if our Sins obftrucT:
not fo great a Bleffing) we may fhortly once again
fee Peace and Safety restored to our (lately dif-
confolate) Habitations in this Wildernefs, For
which, as I doubt not of the Concurrence of
yours and all good Chriftians Prayers : fo I fhall
not fail to recommend you and yours to the fame
Almighty Protection, and with my hearty Re-
fpecls prefented, remain,
Your affectionate Friend and Servant,
N. S.3'3
313
Thefe Initials being the fame England it is only neceflary to
as thofe to the previous Traft A obferve that no new Light has been
Continuation to the State
of
New flied on them.
FINIS.
A
TRUE ACCOUNT
OF THE MOST
Confifcerable fiuurretues
THAT HAVE HAPPENED IN THE
W A R R E
BETWEEN THE
ENGLISH AND THE INDIANS
IN NEW-ENGLAND,
[From the Fifth of May,
1676,
to the Fourth of
Augufi
laft ; as alfo of the SuccefTes it hath
pleafed God to give the Englijh againft. them
:]
As it hath been communicated by Letters to a Friend
in London.
The moft Exaft Account yet printed.
Pfal.
76. 4.
Thou art more glorious and excellent than the
Mountains of prey.
V. 10. Surely the Wrath of Man (hall praife thee : the
Remainder of Wrath that thou reftrain.
Pfal.
9. 15. The Heathen are funk down into the Pit they
made
;
in the Net they hid, is their own Foot taken.
Licenced, Oftober 1
1, 1676. Roger L'Eftrange.
LONDON,
Printed for Benjamin Billingjley, at the Printing Prefs in
Cornbill.
1676.
[i]
A TRUE ACCOUNT
Of the moft Confiderable Occurrences
that have hapned in the Warre between
the Englijh and the Indians in New-
England, &c.
ALTHOUGH
the Defign of the Publica-
tion of this enfuing Narrative be to give
an Account of the Principal Occurrences
that have happened in the War betwixt the Eng-
lijh and the Indians in New-England, from the
fifth of May to the fourth of Jugujl laft, yet
considering that the Reader may perhaps urge
the Entrance upon it a little abrupt, unlefs fome
preceding Aclions be premifed ; as alfo being
affured that what hath been made Publick from
the Beginning, relating to that Affair, hath not
been reprefented fo exactly as it might have
been;
3
'
4
I fhall therefore upon a Review of
fome Papers lying by me CollecT: and Communi-
3,4
Having Reference, probably, that this Writer was the Author of
to the preceding Trails in this them ; but his Language renders it
Collection ;
by which it may feem uncertain.
Hh
250
A True Account
of
the
Moft
[1]
cate in a few Lines fo much of that Affair as
may give a fair Introduction to what in the Pro-
cefle of this Paper may be depended upon as
true, without Partiality to either Side.
After the Naroganfetts had involved themfelves
in the War of Sachem Philip, and our Englijh had
engaged them at their chief Port the nineteenth
of December,
1675,
with considerable Lofs to us,
but much more to the Enemy, they withdrew
and fecur'd themfelves in the Faftnefles of the
Woods, having out fome Parties at Times doing
Mifchief, and ours Retaliating with them in like
Kind ; our Forces alfo retreated Home, and it
was near a Moneth before they were recruited
for any further Expedition againft them ; it was
hard Service, they had endured, in the Depth of
Winter, though it pleafed God to moderate the
Extremity of the Seafon in the Month of
Jan-
uary : about the latter End of which Month the
Soulders march'd into the Woods in Purfuit of
them, having got Intelligence of the Place of
their Rendezvous, but the Enemy having alfo
their Scouts abroad, and thereby coming to the
Knowledge of our March, they fled more to the
North-weft : ours purfued them, but the moft
efcaped, (except about
70
of them, Men, Women
and Children,) which the Mohogin Indians of
Vncus his Subjects our Friends and Allyes flew.
Our Men miff'd very narrowly of furprizing their
main Body in their Purfuit, but God's Time was
not come for fo great a Mercy, and they faved
themfelves from that Encounter : whereupon our
[i] Conjiderable Occurrences^ &c.
251
Forces retired Home to their feveral Quarters,
being neceffitated thereunto by the Hardships of
the Seaibn, and the Impoffibility at that Time of
the Year to carry Provifion for any long Continu-
ance abroad. About a Fortnight after, we having
gained Intelligence of the Quarter the Enemy
then abode in, we fent out about
300
Horfe and
Foot under the Conduct of Major Savage, to at-
tacque them ; but before that could be effected,
the Enemy vifited us, and affaulted Lancafter, a
fmall Town, in which the Inhabitants having
retired into fome fortified Houfes and deferted
the Reft, the Indians burnt thofe, and affaulted
the Garrifoned Houfes, but were not able to carry
any of them but one, wherein were
42
Perfons,
1 2 Men, the Reft Women and Children of whom
they flew feveral, and carried the Reft Prifoners
:
the Houfe was the Minifters, one Mr. Rowland/on,
whofe Wife and Children they carried Captive,
(which are fince returned to us.) About four-
teen
3
'
5
Dayes after this, the Enemy affaulted
Medfield, and burnt about half the Town, and
flew fome ; and though there was a Company of
Souldiers, Horfe and Foot there
;
3
' 6
yet they were
315
Lancafter was furprifed on the cumftantial in Gookin's MS. Hi/}.
loth of February, and Medfield on Praying Indians, 84.-6. It was on
the 21ft. this Occafion that the Indians ex-
310
This Attack was in that Part ulted over their Victory by a bra-
of Medfield fince called Sherborne, vading Placard which they pofted
the Indian Name of which was up on a Bridge Poft, to this Effedt:
Boggeftow. The Surprife was on "Know by this Paper, that the [n-
the 21ft of February
(1675),
and dians that thou haft provoked to
is pretty fully detailed in Hubbard, Wrath and Anger, will war this 21
i, 167-8,170-1; but ft ill more cir- Years, if you will. There are
252 A True Account
of
the Moji
[2]
fo quick and fudden in their Mifchief, that ours
could hardly get into a Pofture to meet them,
before they were retreated.
In the Beginning of March our Forces under
Major Savage went towards the Enemies Head
Quarters, but their Scouts had prevented his
coming by their Vigilance, fo that they
[2]
fled
into the Woods, we having only the gleaning of
about feventeen of them that could not fly fo fail
as the RefU
1
?
On the 1 3th of March, before our Forces could
return towards our Parts, the Indians fent a ftrong
Party, and aflaulted the Town of Growton about
forty Miles'
18
North-weft from Bojion, and burn'd
all the deferted Houfes : the Garrifon'd Houfes,
which were about ten, all efcaped but one, which
they carried, but not the
Englifo
in it ; for there
was but one {lain and two wounded. Quickly
after they aflaulted Marlborough, and burnt the
Houfes the Inhabitants had deferted, but the
Garrifons defended the Reft : In that Town the
Houfes were built very fcatteringly, and the Ene-
mies divided themfelves into fmall Parties, which
executed their Defign of Firing at once, and
many Indians yet. We come
300
notice it. The Englim fell into an
at this Time. You mud confider Ambufh, and had one Man killed;
the Indians loft Nothing but their and Mr. Bulkley, the Chaplain,
Life. You muft lofe your fair was wounded.
Houfes and Cattle."
3I *
The Deftruftion of Groton is
317
Thefe were, doubtlefs, all minutely detailed by Mr. Hubbard,
Women and Children, or old Peo- who probably had his Information
pie. The Expedition is more fully fromMr.Wiliard.the Minifterofthe
noticed by Mather {Brief Hiji.), Place. Later Writers have not been
121, while Mr. Hubbard does not able to add much to that Account.
[2]
Conjiderable Occurrences^ &c.
253
though there was a Company of the Country
Militia there, they could not prevent it.
March the 18th we had Letters from Hadley,
of a great Party of the Enemy that affaulted
Northampton ; in the Prefervation of which, there
was an efpecial Providence of God. For befides
that Major Treat and Capt. Turner were quar-
tered there, it was fo that our Forces under the
Command of Major Savage, being in Want of
Victuals, marched up to Hadley and the Towns
adjacent upon the River, which was ordered by
the Wifdom of Divine Providence, without their
Foreiight, to preferve that Town, although the
Enemy left behind them fome Remembrance of
their Attempt, having killed two Townf-men,
and one Souldier, and wounded Six, and alfo left
dead upon the Place Eleven of themfelves.
319
March the 26th we had News of the Defeat
of Capt Pearfe,
with about forty
Englifi,
and
eleven of our Indian Friends, near Secunck alias
Rehoboth ; who were furrounded with a great
'
Party of the Indians, and overpowered
;
yet God
was pleafed to refcue feveral of them, who made
a fafe Efcape.
The 2<)th of March the Enemy burnt the de-
3,9
Mr. Backus complains that them, were made Inftruments of the
Capt. Turner has not received the Prefervation of one Town from the
Credit due to him in the Preferva- Rage of the Heathen, who vio-
tion of Northampton :
"
He was a lently broke into it.

Hiji. New
very worthy Man for Soldiery
;
and England, i, 427-8. There is much
Edward Drinker [his Lieutenant] of Detail in the other Hiftories.
by the Prefence of the Lord with To thofe Reference mult be made.
254-
A True Account
of
the
Moft [2]
ferted Houfes in Secunck or Rehoboth, but the
Garrifon'd Houfes were not carried by them.
The 30//6
of March Part of the Town of Pro-
vidence was alfo burnt.
The 6th of April, an Indian MefTenger, fent to
his Country-men to the Southwards, againft the
Enemy there :
32

Belides the flain and taken, there

fell into our Hands one >uinancet, alias Mianto-
ni??io, the great and proud Sachem of the Narra-
ganfetts, a Ringleader in this War with them,
and one who had been notorioufly treacherous,
both in Signing renewed Articles of Peace with
us fince the beginning of the War, and breaking
the fame again : He was carryed by our Forces
to New-London, and there beheaded, which Exe-
cution hath had a mighty Influence into the
Diforder and Confufion the Enemy hath fince
fallen into.
Yet had we fince a fad Providence that befell
us, God feeing it good further to Exercife us, to
our Humbling, that he may (as we hope) do us
good in the latter End : For upon the
21J?
of
April,^
1
the Enemy with a very great Body
(fome think they were not lefs than
1500,)
af-
faulted Sudbury, and burnt feveral of the deferted
Houfes, but prevail'd againft none that were
Garrifon'd : To relieve which, Capt. Wadfworth,
3311
Something feems to be want-
3
'-'
1
Here is another Evidence that
ing here. The "Indian Meflenger the Tale of the Sudbury Difafter is
fent Southwards'' does not appear truly given before. See Note, New
to have any Connexion with what and Farther Narrative, P. 10. ori-
follows.
ginal paging
; or P.
233-4
of this.
[3]
Co?ifiderable
Occurrences, &?c.
255
with about fifty Men, iffued out from Marlbo-
rough, ten Miles diftant, and with him Capt.
Bracklebanke went with the fame Party, intending
to march to Bojlon, to fpeak with the Council
;
the Enemy being Numerous, and the Englifh
too
Adventurous, were fo far engaged that mofr. of
them were cut off: The two Captains dyed in
the Service ; Men, for Piety, Prudence and
Courage eminent, and much lamented; about
fifteen of the Souldiers efcaped to a Garrifon'd
Houfe within a Mile from the Place of this
Tragedy. Yet this we have to fay, (as the fol-
lowing Succeffes evidence that we have great
Grounds to hope) that this laft Attempt of theirs
was but the Rage of an Expiring Enemy
;
for
the Cutting off the above-mentioned Quinancet,
to whom the young fighting Men did adhere did
put the Indians to fuch a Stagger, that they have
not been able to recover themfelves fince, fo as
to effed Anything againft us that is much confi-
derable.
I am credibly informed that in that Fight at
Sudbury, an elderly Eng/i/hman endeavoring an
Efcape from the Indians by running into a
Swamp, was overtaken by an Indian, and being
Destitute of Weapons to defend himfelf or offend
him, the Indian infulted over him with that
Blafphemous Expreflion [come Lord
Jefus, fave
this poor Englijhman
if
thou canjl, whom I am now
about to ki//.] This (I even Tremble to
[3]
relate
it) was heard by another Englifljman, who was
hid in a Bufh clofe by: Our Patient Long-fuf-
256
A True Account
of
the Moji
[3]
fering Lord permitted that Bloody Wretch to
knock him down and leave him dead. We
hope the Lord is arifen to Avenge thofe Blaf-
phemies.
Upon the th of May,^
z
-
our Forces under the
Command of Captain Henchman, and with them
about
40
of the Natick or Praying Indians, dis-
covered a Body of Philip's Indians at Hajfana-
majkett and fought them, wherein they flew 1
1
of the Enemy, and took two Prifoners, and not
one of the Souldiers were (lain or wounded.
323
Divers of our Men had probably been flain, but
that it pleafed God to fend a Storm of Rain
which did fo wet the Indians Guns, that they
became unferviceable to them.
324
Six Indians at
once in that fcattering Encounter (for the Enemy
flood not to a Fight) meeting an Englijhman
would have fhot him, but could not make the
wetted Powder fire in the Pan ; which feldom
32a
The Date given by Dr. I. could reconcile the Dates in Hub-
Mather is May 6th. He makes no bard with thofc of this Author, and
mention of Capt. Henchman. the Places of the Encounter. Mr.
323
Henchman was marching to Hubbard fays feven were killed and
form a Junction with Forces from 29
made Prifoners.
Connecticut at Brookfield. He was
3 - 4
No mention is made by other
piloted by a praying Indian fami- Hiftorians of ihis Advantage af-
liarly known by the Name of Tom forded the Englifh by an uncontrol-
Doublet, but whofe Indian Name lableC'ircumftance. Dr.Matherfays:
was Nepanet. This Indian Captain
"
our Forces had probably deftroyed
was at the Head of his
40
Naticks. many more of them, had not an
The Company of Nipmucks which Englifh Man unhappily founded a
they fell in with were rifhing in Wejb- Trumpet, whereby the Enemy had
akom Pond, and were taken by fur- Notice to efcape. The Praying
prife, and were in no Condition to Indians did good Service at this
defend themfelves; if, indeed we Time."

BriefHift., 143.
[3
J Conjiderable Occurrences
,
&Pc.
257
failed at other Times ; our
Englifi
by their Gar-
ments and other Guards for the Locks of their
Mufkets were better provided than the Indians,
and fo had the Advantage and put the Indians to
a Rout and Flight.
This was the firft Time that our Natick Indians
were employed in any fuch Body by the Govern-
ment here ; and they proved Faithfull and Emi-
nently Serviceable at that Time, and fuccefsful
fince : thereby they have gained much in the
Affections of the
Efiglifi,
who have had fome
Jealoufie about them. Nor is it to be wondered
at, confidering the Hurry this War hath put us
into ; the Difappointment we have met with by
the Treachery of feveral of that Nation, on whofe
Friendfhip we thought we might have depended,
as having deferved other Things at their Hands:
and that fome few of the praying Indians have
been carried away with the prefent Outrage of
their Nation : I fay it is not to be wondered at,
that they were under a Jealoufie by us : however
we have Caufe thankfully to acknowledge God's
Goodnefs in making Ufe of them, wherein they
have done us confiderable Services : they ferve
efpecially for Spies and Scouts to ftart the fkulk-
ing Enemy, and drive them out of the Swamps
and Woods, and then the Englijh can the better
fight them, and indeed our greatefl: Exercife
hath been to find the Enemy rather than to
Ii
258 A True Account
of
the
Mofl
[3]
Fight them
325
,
unlefs they be very much Superior
in Numbers. But now the Indians dread our
Approaches with thofe Indian Vancourriers, and
the Lord hath caufed much of his Terror to fall
upon themJ
26
On the nth of May two of our Captives were
returned by Ranfom from the Indians, who had
been taken at the Deftrucfion of the Town of
Lancajier
;
' the one of them the Sifter of the
Wife of Mr. Rowland/on, Minifter of the Place
;
and another Woman taken out of the fame
Houfe.*
3
?
The next Day a Youth of about 1 1 Years of
Age, made his Efcape from the Indians, who was
taken Prifoner when his Father's Houfe
was
burnt, and his Mother murthered on the firft
of February laft : and though the Boy knew not
a Step of the Way to any Englijh Town, and was
in continual Danger of the fkulking Indians in
31:5
This was Cassar's Complaint Englifh out of the Country,
againft the Barbarians which he
:)
'->?
Dr. Mather mentions the
made war upon

"It was harder to Return of a large Number of Cap-

find than to foil them." tives, under Date of May nth,
320
Here then is another Reafon immediately after a Faft,
"
yea at
for the Difpiritednefs difcovered by leaft 16 of our poor fighing Prifon-
the Nipmucks in the Summer of ers who were appointed to Death,
1676.
When they faw that the did the Lord loofe unto us, within
Praying Indians had begun to per- eight Weeks after this Day, and
form the Part they were fatisfied Divers of them within three Days."
was the only one that could fucceed Brief Hijl,,
145.
The Names of
againft them, they gave up all as many of the Captives are given by
Loft ! So long as they could entice Mr.Cobbett in his Narrative
of
New
away the Praying Indians, or fo England's Deliverances,
in the New
long as they ftood Neutral, they Eng. Hift. and Gen. Regijier, vii,
had fanguine Hopes of driving the 217.
[3]
Conjiderable Occurrences,
&c.
259
the Woods, and far from the
Englifi, yet God
directed him aright and brought him to the Sight
of Plantane, (the Herb which the Indians call
Engliih-foot, becaufe it grows only amongft
us,
and is not found in the Indian Plantations) where-
upon he concluded he was not far from fome
EngliJJj Town, and accordingly following of the
Plantane he arrived fafe amongft us.3
a8
The 18th
of the fame we had another of our Captives (an
ancient Man) returned upon Ranfom, and one
very eminent for Piety.
Upon the 24th of May, Captain Brattle was
fent forth with his Troop towards Rehoboth, where
we had Intelligence of a Body of Indians, where
12 of them were flain, and but one of the Eng-
lifh
llain, and one flightly wounded.
329
Upon the fame Day" we had Newes by a
Poft, of a Fight upon Connecticut River between
Deerfield and Squakheig, there were about an
32a
A Son of Thomas Eames. bably there had been a greater
The ancient Man, mentioned in the Slaughter of the Enemy, who hailed
next Sentence, was probably
John
out of the River again and fled
Morfe of Groton. into a Swamp where there was no
320
Mr. Hubbard and Mr. Ma- purfuing ofthem."

:
/. Mather,
73.
ther Place the Date of this Affair Brattle was joined by fome of the
on 23d. A Party of about
50
In- People of Rehoboth, who probably
dians were timing "in a River were his Pilots. See Hubbard,
85.
thereabouts
"
News of their Sit- Neither of thefe Authors mention
uation coming to the Head Quar- that one of the Englifh was wounded,
ters of the Englifh, Capt. Brattle
330
The Fight at the Falls was
was defpatched, &c "The In- 19th May. It was ever after called
dians betook themfelves to a River, and known as The Fall Fight,
and had not fome Foot Soldiers on and the Falls where it happened
the other Side of the River, too Turner's Falls, after the brave
fuddenly'difcovered themfelves, pro- Commander of the Expedition.
260 A True Account
of
the
Moft
[4]
hundred and lixty of our Souldiers under the
Command of Captain Holyoake, and Captain
'Turner : The Occaiion of the Engagement was
this, The Indians having ftolen and driven away-
much Cattle from
Hatfield
and thofe Towns ad-
joining, and our Men perceiving by the Track
which Way they went, learned at laft where the
Indians' Rendezvous was
;
and picking out of the
feveral Garrifons, as many Souldiers as could con-
veniently be fpared, refolved to Attacque them, it
being a great Fifhery Place called
Deerfield
Fal/sJi
1
Our Souldiers got thither after an hard March
juft about break of Day, took molt of the Indians
fait aileep, and put their Guns even into their
Wigwams, and poured in their Shot among them,
whereupon the Indians that durft and were able
did get out of their Wigwams and did fight a
little (in which Fight one Englijhman only was
flain) others of the Indians did enter the River
to fwim over from the Englijh, but many of them
were fhot dead in the Waters, others wounded
were therein drowned, many got into Canoes to
paddle away, but the Paddlers being (hot, the
Canoes overfet with all therein, and
[4]
the
Stream of the River being very violent and fwift
in the Place near the great Falls, moft that fell
331
The Name of Turner's Falls fettled the Name forever; but the
has now fully obtained. The fine Antiquary will always feel Mifgiv-
View of it among the Plates to Dr. ings when his Mind recurs to it,
Hitchcock's Geological Survey hav- becaufe the original Indian Name
ing been (lamped with the Name of (Squamscot) was rejected re-
Turner, which, in Connection with jefted, perhaps, becaufe it was
Gen. Hoyt's Hifiory, has probably generally unknown.
[4]
Conjiderable Occurrences, &c. 261
over Board were borne by the ftrong Current of
that River, and carryed upon the Falls of Water
from thofe exceeding high and fteep Rocks, and
from thence tumbling down were broken in
Pieces ; the Englifh did afterwards find of their
Bodies fome in the River and fome cafr. a-fhore,
above two hundred.
332.
But as the Englifh were coming away with the
Plunder they had got, there was a Noife fpread
among fome of them of Sachem Philip's coming
down upon them with a thoufand Men : which
not being weighed as it might have been by the
Englifh,
whether it were true or falfe ; a Fear
polfelfed fome Part of the Englifh whereby they
fell into a Diforder, and thereby Captain Turner
and feveral of his Souldiers were flain, and others
to the Number of two and thirty. But Captain
Holyoake exhorted them not to be terrified, faying
God hath wrought hitherto for us wonderfully,
let us truft in him fUll ; and reducing his Men
into clofe Order made a fafe and a valiant Retreat,
and preferved the Souldiers under him
;
that there
33i
This is far more probable as another affirmed that he told near an
to the Manner of afcertaining the hundred and forty fwimming down
Number of flain of the Indians, the Falls; none of which were ob-
than as recorded by Mr. Hubbard; ferved to get alive to Shore fave
he fays, ftrange as it may feem, that one." It is not a little ftrange that
there were thofe Perfons among the a Man of Mr. Hubbard's Sagacity
flying Englifh, who found Time to fliould give Credit to fuch Reports;
count the dead Indians in the Time had fome others made fuch a State-
of the Fight. His Words are :
"
It ment we fhould not have noticed it.
is confidently reported by fome that It is fince well known that the In-
were there prefent at this Engage- dians were the Viftors, and that
ment, that one told above ioo In- the Englifh claimed what they were
dians left dead upon the Place, and not entitled to.
262 A True Account
of
the
Moft
[4.]
were but few of them {lain, and the Souldiers fo
cut off were furprized by a Party of the Enemy
belonging to the Indians at Deerjield-falls, who
having gotten before our Forces had laid in
Ambufh, the chiefeft Execution of which was
through too much Fear of our Men whereby
they difordered themfelves ; thus God by this
Mixture of his Providence would hide Pride from
our Eyes, who perhaps might have been too
much lifted up by our Succefs : feveral Loads of
dryed Fifh the Englifh found, and were forced to
confume there.
They alfo found and demolifhed the Indian
Smiths Forge, which they had there fet up for
the mending of their Guns. Some Indian Wo-
men (iince that taken Prifoners) do fay and affirm
that there were flain in that Engagement with
them four hundred, of which Number were
feventy of the Wampangs, or Philip Sachem's
Men : and that he had of his own proper Com-
pany not any great Number left, and that were it
not for him and one Sachem more, the Indians
would gladly yield to any Terms of Peace with
the Englifh."3
Upon the 9th of
June
by a Port from our
Forces with forty or fifty of our Friends, Indians,
under the Command of Captain Henchman, we
333
That one Sachem more was Forces under Capt. Charles Froit.
Megunneway, an Eaftern Chief, What his after Fate was is not
who, later in the Seafon, returned mentioned; but that he was im-
to his own Country, where he was mediately put to Death is probable,
taken Prifoner by fome Englifh

Book
of
the Indians,
302-3.
[4]
Cotijiderable Occurre?ices^ &c.
263
were informed of their taking feven and twenty-
Indians, moftly Women and Children, and the
flaying of fix Indian Men, about twelve Miles
from Lancafter,"
4
and not one of our Souldiers
flain or wounded : one of the fix was a Revolter
as alfo one of the Prifoners, and another of them
was the Wife of the Sagamore of Najhola, who
was wounded at Sudbury Fight, and is fince dead
of his Wounds
;
335
in this Service our Friend In-
dians got very valuable Plunder in Fifh and Guns,
and which is alfo very obfervable, that Captain
Henchman, did by one Captain Andrews^ and
his Indians which he commanded, offer the In-
dians in their own Language Peace, and to affure
them that if they would furrender themfelves,
they fhould have no hurt from the E?iglijh : which
was accordingly tendered to them, but the Anfwer
they made was a Volley of Shot, whereof one
Bullet ftroke and broke Captain Andrew's Gun
in his Hand, but did no other Hurt.
331
Dr. Mather places the Event Praying Indians named Tom Dub/et,
under June
7th. His Account is before mentioned. The captured
brief: "Our Forces now abroad Party were furprifed while fiftiing in
came upon a Party of Indians not Wefhakom Ponds. See Hubbard, i.
far from Lancafter, and killed feven
333
The Sagamore of Nafiaway
of them and took nine and twenty was the well known Sam Sachem,
of them captive; fome of which or Sagamore Sam. The Author
not long fince had Englifh Captives was under a Miftake about his being
under them. Thus did they that dead. He was hanged.
"
at the
had led into Captivity, go into Towns End," fays Hubbard, Sept.
Captivity
;
and they that killed 26th, 1676.
with the Sword were themfelves
33fi
This was Andrew Pitome, one
killed with the Sword.
"-

Brief of the Praying Indians, who ren-

Hiji.,
154.
The Succefs of this dered many other important Ser-
Exploit was owing to one of the vices to his white Allies.
264- A True Account
of
the
Mofi
[4.]
Upon the fame 9th of
June
alfo, we were in-
formed of a fmall Party of ConneSiicot Souldiers,
under the Command of Major Talcot, who ex-
pected to joyn our Forces at ^uaboug, that they
had near to that Place killed nineteen Indians,
and taken two and thirty Prifoners in one En-
gagement with the Enemy ; and that without
the Lofs of one Englishman : our Forces alfo
marching to joyn them, took fome Prifoners, and
amongft the Reft on[e] Captain To;//,
337
a Revolter
who is a Prifoner in Bojlon at Prefent, who hath
been of fome Remark amongft the Indians and
Englifh.
The 14th of
June
we were informed of Wa-
ralancet, (the Sachem of Wagmejfet and one of
the old Pajfa-Canaway's Sons) his coming in with
about an hundred Indians with him and under
him at Pafcataway fubmitting himfelf to Major
Waldron, defiring Peace with the Englifh, and
337
Capt. Henchman, in a Letter that many of the Enemy hearing
to the Council of MafTachufetts, that there was like to be a Treaty
dated Marlborough, 1 1 June, 1676,
with Samuel did intend to go in to
fays :
"
Some Indian Scouts fent out him. Mr. Scott alfo coming from
this Dav have brought in Capt. Tom, Concord Yefterdav informs me, that
his Daughter, and two Children, one of the old Squaws there doth
being found about ten Miles to the not queftion but that if fhe may
South Eaft of this Place. There have Liberty to go to Samuel, he
were more of them, viz. two that and his Company will come in to
were gone a fifhing, fo not lighted of. the Englifh."
This Company, with fome others Capt. Tom was afterwards tried,
at other Places, of which James condemned and executed, againft
Printer is one, did as they fay, the Judgment of all the Commu-
leave the Enemy by Times, in the nity, except the Indian Haters. A
Spring with an intent to come in to Specimen of the fwearing againll
the Englifh, but dare not for Fear him may be feen in the Book
of
the
of our Scouts. Thefe Prifoners fay Indians,
698.
[5]
Co?iJiderable Occurrences,
&c.
265
declaring his Innocency during this War, as not
having defigned attempted or done any Mifchief
againft the Englifh. He brought in with him
fix Englifh Captives, a Widdow and her five
Children"
8
( her Hufband having been flain in
this Warr by them ) this Sachem Waralancet
bought them of their Indian Mafter, and de-
livered them freely to the Englifh, as a Teftimony
of his good Affection and Fidelity to the Englifh,
at the fame Time challenging all the Indians
thereabout to accufe him (if they could) of the
leaft Wrong or Plot on his Part againft the
Englifh, notwithftanding that he had been urged
with many Sollicitations unto it, and incur'd the
Hatred of divers Sagamores and Indians, becaufe
he would not joyn with them againft the Englifh :
but not one of the Indians (whereof fome were
no good Friends to him,) could accufe him, he
then told them all : that his old Father (Sachem
Pajfa-Connaway, the great Sagamore
[5]
of thofe
33
^This was the Family of Tho- was deterred from refiding at her
mas Kimball of Bradford. He was Houfe in Haverhill, by the former
killed on the 3d of May preceding. Threats of Simon, the Chief who
His Wife and Children were car- killed her Hufband and led her
ried off at the fame Time. See Captive. Her Petition to the Go-
Cobbett's MS. and Hubbard,
85.
vernor and Council for Protection
At the fame Time was delivered up againft him may be feen in Mr.
alfo Philip Eaftman of Haverhill. Myrick's Work as above cited. His
Cobbetfs MS. In the very credit- Threats were that
"
he would kill
able Hi/lory
of
Haverhill by Mr. me and my Children if ever I went
Myrick (i2mo. 1832),
are the to my own Houfe." Her Petition,
Names of Mrs Kimball and her ib. See, alfo, Book
of
the Indians,
Children; and from the fame Source 281,
295;
alfo Notes to I. Ma-
it feems (P.
5
3)
that for fome Time ther's Brief Hi/lory,
142. The
after their Return, Mrs. Kimball End of Simon's Career is unknown.
Kk
266 A True Account
of
the
Mofi
[5]
Northern Parts of the Countrey) when he lay a
dying (as he had often alfo done before) had
charged him with his other Brothers that they
mould never be Enemies to the
Eng/ift)
; but love
them and love their God, alfo becaufe the God
of the Englifh
was the true God, and greater than
the Indians Gods. And this faith he, I have re-
membered, and kept my Father's Charge, and
will do fo while I live ; but was willing to keep
out of the Way till the Storm was over. The
Council hath fent him fome Prefents by Way of
Gratuity.
The 1 6th of the fame Month, came in three
Children of the Englijh taken Captive by the
Indians ; and were freely delivered to us by fome
Indians which did alfo refign up themfelves to the
Englifh at Norwich
:"
9
this was upon Proclama-
tion made of receiving to Mercy fuch as were fo
qualified as was therein fpecified : the moil of
them Women and Children about
70
in Number.
We do hear alfo fince, that at that Engagement
at Deerjield-Falls there were about four of the
hidian Sachems flain ; which hath amazed and
difheartened and divided them.
339
Major Talcott mentions thefe named
"
Jofeph Joflyn and John
three Captives in a Letter, dated Jacus " [Jacobs?]. Talcott alfo
Norwich, May 31ft
(1676):
"The mentions a female Captive, but not
Day before [that is, May 30th], her name, and had "giuen an Or-
18 Wabaquaflet Indians, with 70
der to fhip the two Lads and the
Women and Children came in to Mayd for Bofton."

Colonial Re-
Norwich, bringing with them two cords, Conn., ii, 450-1. The Wa-
young Englilh Captives, of 10 and baqua/fet Indians inhabited in the
1 2 Years of Age, belonging, one to Forks of the guinebaug, in and
Sudbury, the other to Nafhway," about Woodftock, Connecticut.
[i;]
Confiderable
Occurrences, &c.
267
On the 2 2d of
June
was Executed at Bojion
Captain Tom, alias Watafoc
amponum, and another
with him.
3+
This Captain Tom was taken by
our Indian Scouts, having been with the Enemy
this laft Winter ; they both dyed (as is to be
hoped) penitent, praying to God not like the
Manner of the Heathen.
Upon Account of thefe Great and undeferved
Mercies of God conferred on us, the Councill
ordered a Day of Publick Thankfgiving to be
obferved in the Colony of the Matachufets, which
was accordingly attended
June
the 29th : Which
the Lord hath been pleafed fo to accept, as that
from the Time of the Refolve upon it, ever iince
we have experienced little elfe than renewed
Mercies and Smiles of Providence. God himfelf
hath lent from Heaven and faved us (for we
fee Nothing of Man, but God to be all in all)
by wafting them with Sicknefs, flarving them
through Want of Provilions, Leaving them to
their own Divifions, Taking away their Spirits,
putting the Dread of us upon them, Cutting off
340
The other with him was called Gookin, Henchman and Hunting,
John
Oultuck. The Cafe of Capt. tried hard for Juftice, but it was of
Tom was one of painful Intereit, no Avail. His Death Wa pain was
and will be ever deeply regretted; figned June Z2d,
1676, and direfted
inafmuch as the Evidence againft to
"
Edward Mitchelfon, Marfhall
him, fo far as has been difcovered, General;" who was ordered to fee
would not, in a Time when Reafon that "Captain Tom Indian and
could have had its Courfe, con-
Jno.
Oultuck, Indian Enemys, be
demned a Party in the Payment of hanged on this Day after the Lec-
a Shilling. Mr. Eliot the younger ture, till they be dead."The Ori-
exerted himfelf to obtain a new ginal Warrant. Such are the Deeds
Trial; and other good Men, as of a Reign of Terror.
268 A True Account
of
the
Moft
[5]
their Principal Men, Sachems and others.
Blejfed
be his great and glorious Name.
About the Time of that Thankfgiving, the
Son and
Daughter of that worthy Minifter of
Jefus
Chrift, Mr. Rowland/on, who had been
Captives fince the Burning of Lancajler, were
returned by Ranfom. She wandered with an
Indian Woman from the Reft of the Indian Com-
pany (by whom fhe had been detained) three
Days in the Woods, having Nothing to eat all
that Time but green Hurtleberries ; with which
ihe was fuftained till fhe and the Woman arrived
at our Englijh Town of Providence, and fo got
Home.'
11
Upon the 30th of
June,
we had a Poft from
our Forces bringing Newes of about 28 Indians
killed and taken by them, in their March home-
wards, between Quaboag and Marleborough : and
this without the Slaughter or Hurt of the Indians
our Friends ; one of thofe that were flain being
a Chief Counfellor to one of the Sachems, and
nine of thofe Indian Prifoners,Women and Child-
ren, were brought down to Bojlon.
July
the firft, Capt. Brattle was fent forth with
our Frces to joyn with Major Bradford of Ply-
mouth, and the Forces under his Command in
that Colony (hearing of Sachem Philip's Intent
of Mifchief to that Colony.) The next Day
341
The Thankfgiving was on June
Seaconke by a captive Squaw, that
29th. The fame Day, Mr. Row- got away from the Indians.

Cob-
landfon's Daughter was brought to bett.
[5]
Conjiderable Occurre?ices, &c.
269
following we had Newes of fix of the Enemy
kill'd, and twenty taken Prifoners by our Breth-
ren of Pli?nouth and our Indian Friends, and one
of ours (lain.
The fame Day alfo we had Newes of the Squaa
Sachem's of Seconnet's furrendering herfelf and
fourfcore of her Men to the Engli/h of Plimouth,
which was upon the Day of our Thankfgiv-
ing.^
Upon the 2d of
"July
there were about four-
teen of the Enemy furrendered themfelves to the
Mercy of the Englijh in the Bay Colony, whereof
was one James
called a Printer, as having been
employed about the Work of the Prefs in Cam-
bridge : A Revolter he was, and a Fellow that
had done much Mifchief, and ftaid out as long
as he could, till the lafl Day but one of a Pro-
clamation fet forth, to encourage fuch Indians as
had a Defire to return to the
Englifi,
and another
of his Comrades one of Capt. Tom's Son, (whofe
Father was hang'd at Bojion, the 22d
June,
having been a Revolter, and a bloody Fellow
;)
they had all of them their Lives given them.
Upon this 2d of
July
alfo it was, that Major
Talcott with the Connecticut Forces neer to Pau-
tuxit, did take and flay
170
of the Enemy, without
the Lofs of any of our Brethren, and onely three
wounded.
July
the 6th, an Indian Port (with a white
342
This was Awajhonh, who by came to Pocaflet and fubmitted to
the Interceffion of Capt. Church Major Bradford, June 29th.
270
A True Account
of
the
Mofi
[6]
Flag) was fent from Sagamore Sam of
Najfoway
(a proud Salvage, who two Months lince infulted
over the Englijh, and
[6]
faid, if the Englijh
would firft begge Peace of him, he would let
them have Peace, but that he would never afk it
of them;)
343
This Indian was fent from him
with Letters, defiring Peace of us, and expreffely
praying us in the Name of
Jefus
Chrijl, and for
his Sake to grant it whofe holy Name they have
fo much blafphemed. Thus doth the Lord Jefus
make them to bow before him, and to lick the
Duft. And having made mention of his Letter
it will not be unacceptable to Tranfcribe fome
Copies of the Letters fent by him and others on
this Subjedt, which take as followeth. The Reader
muft bear with their Barbarifms, and excufe the
omimon of fome expreffions in the.m, that can
hardly admit of good Englifh.
The Firft Letter,
July
the 6tb,
1676.
344
"
Mr.
John
Leverett, my Lord, Mr. Waban,
"
and all the chief Men our Brethren, Praying
"
to God :
[
This Mr. Waban is a Praying In-
"
dian,
faithful,
and a Ruler atnongjl the?n ; by
"
their Brethren praying to God, they mean
thofe
of
"
thefa?ne Nation.] We befeech you all to help
3-13
This was probably the Lan-
34
'
The Tenor of the following
guage held by the Chiefs to the Letters, is very different from thofe
MefTengers firft fent to them to ne- in April previous, which I had dif-
gotiate Terms of Ranfom for Mrs. covered in MS. and printed in the
Rowlandfon and other Captives, Book
of
the Indians. Thefe were
about two Months before. See then unknown to me, and their Im-
Book
of
the Indians,
274, 331.
portance will not be queftioned.
[6]
Confiderable
Occurrences',
&*c. 271
"
us ; my Wife (he is but one, but there be more
"
Prifoners, which we pray you keep well : Mat-
"
tamuck his Wife, we entreat you for her, and
"
not onely that Man, but it is the Requeft of
"
two Sachems, Sam Sachem of
Wefoakwn,
and
"
the Pakajhoag Sachem.
"
And that further you will confider about the
"
making Peace : We have fpoken to the People
"
of Nafhobah (viz. Tom Dubler and Peter,) that
"
we would agree with you, and make a Covenant
"
of Peace with you. We have been deftroyed
"
by your Souldiers, but ftill we Remember it
"
now, to fit ftill ; do you confider it again ; we
"
do earneftly entreat you, that it may be fo by
"
Jefus
Chriji, O! let it be fo! Amen, Amen."
It was figned
Matta?nuck, his Mark N
Sam Sachem, his Mark
'P.
Simon Pottoquam, Scribe.**
6
Uppanippaquem, his C.
Pakajkoag his Mark
ip.
Superfcribed, To all Englifhmen and Indians,
all
of
you hear Mr. Waban, Mr. Eliott.
345
This furpaffeth any Thing, the Effeft of an Offer of uncondi-
in Supplication, that we have, tional Submiffion ! This Letter,
from the poor Indians. They were however, muft not be regarded as
truly fenfible of their deplorable the Language of the Warriors; it
Condition! Little to fubfift upon

was the Language of the Chriftian

the northern and weftern Wildernefs Indians, in behalf of them and them-
fo full of their native Enemies, that a felves.
Retreat upon thofe hunting Grounds
346
The fame who wrote the next
was cut offall the fifhing Places Letter; thefe give Bojhokum.
In
near and upon the Coaft watched other Places, it is Betogkam, Be-
by their fuccefsful Enemy

hence tokam, and Peticom.

See Allen's
Nothing now remained but to try Hijlory
of Chelmsford, P. 161.
272
A True Account
of
the Mojl
[6]
Second Letter.
"
My Lord, Mr. Leveret at
Bofton,
Mr. Waban,
"
Mr. Eliott, Mr. Gookin, and Council hear yea.
"
I went to Conneiticot about the Captives, that
"
I might bring them into your Hands, and when
"
we were almoft there, the Englifo
had deftroyed
"
thofe Indians : when I heard it, I returned back
"
again ; then when I came Home, we were alfo
"
deftroyed ; after we were deftroy'd, then Philip
"
and >uanipun went away into their own Coun-
"
trey againe ; and I knew they were much
"
afraid, becaufe of our offer to joyn with the
"
Englifh, and therefore they went back into their
"
own Countrey, and I know they will make no
"
Warre ; therefore becaufe when fome Eng/i/Jj
"
Men came to us, Philip and Quanapun fent to
"
kill them ; but I faid, if any kill them, I'll kill
"
them.
347
Sam Sachem.
Written by Simon Bofhokum Scribe.
34 '
This Letter will be regarded Limits of a Pardon offered in the
as an admirable Specimen of Indian Proclamation ! When Meffengers
Sentiment; and its Value is much were fent to treat with the Indians
enhanced, as it unfolds Truths of for the Redemption of Prifoners,
great Value; Truths that lay open to prevent the Evil fuch Negocia-
the Situation of Things at this Pe- tion was calculated to produce, and
riod that will be gladly received, which Philip doubtlefs forefaw, he
Sam was a magnanimous Sachem, ordered fuch to be fummarily dealt
So was Monaco. We doubt if any with. Quanapobit was fufpedted for
Thing can in Truth be brought a Spy, and Philip had ordered him
againft either, that would not com- to be killed; but Monaco faid, "I
port with a Warrior of their Time, will kill whomfoever (hall kill Qua-
but they did not come within the napobit." See Book
of
the Indians,
[7]
Confiderable Occurrences,
Wc.
273
Third Letter.
"
For Mr. Eliot, Mr. Gookin, and Mr. Waban.
"
Confider of this I entreat you, confider of
"
this great Bufineffe that is done ; and my Won-
"
der concerning Philip ; but his Name is
"
Wewefawannit,^ he engageth all the People
"
that were none of his Subjects : Then when I
"
was at Penakook, Numpho
John,
Alline^ Sam
"
Numpho, and others who were angry, and Num-
"
pho very much angry that Philip did engage fo
"
many People to him
;
and Numpho faid it were
"
a very good Deed that I mould go and kill him
"
that joyned fo-many to himfelf without Caufe :
"
In like Manner I faid fo too. Then had you
"
formerly faid be at Peace,
[7]
and if the Coun-
"
cil had fent Word to kill Philip we mould have
"
done it : then let us clearly fpeak what you and
"
we fhall do. O let it be fo fpeedily, and an-
"
fwer us clearly.
Pumkamun,
Ponnakpukun,
or,
Jacob Muttamakoog.
268. Shofhanim afterwards faid the cords, Wewafowanuett. See Book
fame when vifited by Mr. Hoar and
of
the Indians, 200.
Nepanet, who were fent to treat for
34!
'
There is fome Error concern-
the Ranfom of Mr. Rowlandfon's ing this Perfon's Name.
John U.
Family.
" If any kill them, I will Line means the fame Perfon, I think
kill them;" that is, he would kill in Gookin's MS. Hiftory. See Book
the Murderer. But thefe kind Of-
of
the Indians, 268
;
an Account of
fices were forgotten in the Days of feveral others here mentioned may
Terror ! there alio be found. See Gookin's
3
This Hands in the MS. Re- Hiji. Praying Indians, MS.,
71.
LI
27+
A True Account
of
the
Mofl
[7]
The Anfwer the Council made them, was,
'That treacherous Perfons who began the War and
thofe
that have been barbaroujly bloody, muji not ex-
peB to have their Lives
J
pared, but others that have
been drawn into the War, and acling only as Soul-
diers fubmitting to be without Arms, and to live
quietly and peaceably
for
the Future Jhall
have their
Lives /pared.
Thus could thefe bloody Wretches plead for
themfelves by that facred Name, which they had
Blafphemed, and in the Blood of whofe Servants
they had embalmed their Hands.
The 9th of
July
two young Maidens Captives,
wandered away from the Indians that kept them,
and got to an Englifh Garrifon at Marlborough."
The fame Day alio we had Tidings of the good
Succeife of fome of our Scouts, the moft of them
of our Indian Friends, the chief of whom were
William Nehawton, and
John
Hunter, who near
to Mendhatn flew feven of the Enemy ; whereof
one was a great Captain of the Indians, and ano-
ther was called Caleb, who had formerly been a
chief Inftrument in burning Mendham, when the
Indians had firft (hot at the Engliih, an Englifh
Souldier in Company with our Indian Friends,
making hafte to fire, had forgot to pull out the
Wadd of Tow which was in the Pan of his Gun,
35CI
"
About
July
1 ith, Goodwife bot's Boy of Andover was brought
Kcile's [Kettle] elder Daughter, Home almoft ftarved, by a poor
about
17
Years old, got away from Squaw that had always been tender
the Indians to Marlborough, bring- of him whilft in Captivity."Cod-
ing her little Sifter upon her Back, bett. See alfo Hubbard, Nar., 22
1,
almoft ftarved; and Goodwife Ab- and Mather, Brief Hiji.,
133.
[7]
Confiderable Occurrences,
&c.
275
which William Nahawton efpying told him of,
and wifhed him to take it out and fire ; the Eng-
lifhman told him he judged the Indian (whom
he could but juft defcry, by Realbn of the Dark-
nefs of the Morning, and his Diftance from him)
was too far to be reached by his Mufket ; try,
faid Nahawton, and God fhall direcl: the Bullet,
which he immediately did, and he faw the Indian
who was running from them, tumble down
;
who
proved to be one of their great Captains above
mentioned : afterwards the Indian Nahawton
made a very ferious Prayer in Acknowledgement
to God for the Succelfe.
Upon the 10th Day of
July
there were about
300
Indians at the Eaftward, that furrendered
themfelves to the Englifh and their Sachems with
them, befides Waralancet (who hath all along this
War kept himfelf clear) one Squando, that which
did haften them in, was the Dread of the Mo-
hawks who have killed feveral of them in thofe
Quarters, and a Rumor they had of a great Party
of that Nation coming down upon them.^i
July
the 13th, we had News from Major Tal-
351
The 300
Indians who
"
fur- on equal footing with the Englifh;
rendered at the Eaftward," were but they were all taken by Major
thofe that came in to Dover. They Waldron by Stratagem, under the
came in under the Belief that they Deception of a Sham Training,
could treat with the Englifh and The Fear of the Mohawks was
return to their Country. They occafioned, no Doubt, by a Revival
had been encouraged in this Belief of the old Alarm; while it does
by Wanalancet and other friendly not appear that there was any Caufe
Indians. They therefore expefted at this Time; or none is heard of
to make a Treaty to this Effeft, and fince Philip's Men were fallen upon
thought themfelves able to negotiate the laft Winter, about Hoofack.
276
A True Account
of
the
Moft
[7]
cot, that in his return Home from Pautuxat, he
killed and took another Party of the Indians, in
Number 60, and had the Plunder of all their
Guns and other Things, and this alfo without
the Loife of any of our Countrymen.
July
the 1 6th, we had News from the Forces
which went from us to the Southern Parts that
they have taken and killed fince their March
from us, about 120 of the Enemy, with the
Loffe only of one Man of ours, who neglecting
to keep up with the Reft of our Forces, and
being bewildered in a Wood, hallowed and was
heard by the Enemy, and was taken and flain
before Relief could reach him
!
We fince hear that Pomham, (one of the great
Sachems of Narrowgancet) is one of thofe that
were flain, but we are not yet fo certain thereof
as pofitively to affirm it to be undoubtedly fo,
but great Probabilities there are of it ; and if fo
the Glory of that Nation is funk with him into
the fame Pit, (of this Circumftance, the Reader
will receive farther Satisfaction, in the enfuing
Narrative.)
351
On the 17th of
July
two Sachems with four
Indians to wait on them, came down to Bqjion
from Wadjuflet,353 where Sagamour Sam, and
others are, with renewed Defires of Peace, they
were difmifled the next Day from the Council!,
with this Anfwer to them, that we would firft
352
The Fate of Puinham was
3M
No other Record has been
fealed before the Clofe of this Let- found of this Overture for Peace on
ter, as will prefegtly be feen. the Part of the Indians.
[8]
Confiderable Occurrences^
&c.
277
have our Captives out of their Hands, and then
talk of a Peace. And foon after they returned
with a Scalpe of one of our Enemies (which is
their ufual Way where they kill) and a fignifica-
tion of Sagamor Sam's Purpofe to furrender him-
felf to the Mercy of the Englifh.
The 1 8th of
July,
we had the News of four-
teen more Indians taken and killed by our Forces,
and one of ours alfo flain
;
and two Dayes after
of Sixteen more Indians killed or taken by them
in their return Home, without any LofTe of our
Men.
On the 29th of
July
we had an Account by
Letters from Plimouth, that the Forces of that
Colony (viz. two and twenty of the Englifh
with twenty of our Friend-Indians
[8]
under the
Command of Lieutenant Church had killed and
taken
79
of the Enemy, and that without the
Death or wounding of any of ours. And by
the fame Poft that Sachem Philip had come down
to his own Country of Mount Hope, near Dart-
mouth, as one that now was reduced to a few
Hundreds of the Thoufands he began this War
with, and that our Forces were looking out after
him, and had confiderably diminifhed his bloody
Remnant, whofe Defperation had engaged their
Adherence to him, and amongft the Reft >uina-
pins Brother, that fucceeded Quinancet, the Sa-
chem before mentioned, executed by us.
What I mentioned in my Laft about Pomham,
(one of the greateft Sachems of the Narraganfets)
you may take now as followeth. Upon the 27th of
278
A True Account
of
the
Mofl
[8]
July
it was, that about 20 Indians were flain, and
thirty taken Prifoners;. (we had five and twenty
Engliih, and twenty of our Indian Friends in this
Exploit
;)
one of thofe that were flain was Pom-
ham ;
after he had received a deadly Shot in his
Back, he withdrew himfelf from his Men, (for
they were all his Relations and Subjects that were
flain and taken at this Time) and thought to hide
himfelf in a bufhy Hole, but was found out by
an Englifhman, who as he went to apprehend
him, found that the flout Sachem was unwilling
to fall into the Hands of the Englifh, for he gave
him a ftunning Blow with his Hatchet which
he had referved of all his Weapons, and perhaps
had flain the Englifhman, but God ordered it fo
that he had a fudden Revival and took Courage
and grappled with him, and threw him under
him, and others coming in to his Affiftance,
Pomham was foon difpatcht. There was about
twenty Pound of Indian Money found in their
Bafkets, which was given to our Friends the
Indians; the Guns, &c. the Engliih took to
themfelves, who loft not one Man in the En-
counter.
The fame Day likewife there came in 160
Indians, Men, Women and Children, who fur-
rendered themfelves up to the Mercy of the
Engliih
;
fome of thefe belonged to Sagamore
Sam of
Lancafier,
(though he himfelf dare not fo
Adventure) but the moft of them to two Nipmug
Sachems, and one Sagamore
John:
This Saga-
more
John
came down in Perfon about fourteen
[8
J
Conjiderable Occurrences; &*c.
279
Days fince to Bojion, to furrender himfelf and his
Men to the Englifh, promifing for the Future to
be faithful, declaring that he was forry that he
had fought againfl the Englifh, and promifed to
give fome Testimonial to the Englifh foon of his
Fidelity to them ; and at his Return now with
his Men, Women and Children, he brought
down bound with Cords, old Mattoonus and his
Son Prifoners. This Mattoonus his eldeft Son
had been tryed at Bojion and executed about five
or fix Years ago, for an execrable Murther by
him committed on a young Maid of the Englifh
near Wodburn, and his Head fattened to a Pole,
at one End of the Gallows.
354
This old Mattoonus Father had given it out
that he would be avenged of us for his Son's
Death, which comming to the Knowledge of
the Council, he was fent for and examined about
it : and having denyed it, and there not being
fufficient Evidence of it, he was difmifl: ; having
only confefj this, that confidering the Death of
his Son, he found his Heart fo big hot within
him, but that he refolved to abide a faithful Friend
to the Engifh, and fo that Accufation ended.
But after Sachem Phillip had begun his Mur-
thers in Plimouth Colony, this Salvage firfr. ap-
peared an Enemy to us, and flew the two firft
Ki
The Son of Matoonus was perpetrated in 1671, our Author
executed for the Murder of Zacary has blended them together. The
Smith. See ante,
Page 67. The Indian who murdered the Maid was
Name of the Indian who murdered
"
executed and hung in Chains,"
the Maid near Woburn is not men- September 8th, 1671. The Mur-
tioned, but as both Murders were der in 1676 is elfewhere noticed.
280 A True Account
of
the
Mofl
[8]
Men that were killed within the Limits of our
Colony,355 (to wit at Mendham) and in that cruel
and outragious Attempt at Quaboag, this old
Mattoonus was the Principal Ringleader, being
now brought a Prifoner to Bq/ion, he was by the
Council the fame Day adjudged to be fhot to
Death, which was executed in Bojion Common, by
three Indians : and his Head cut off and placed
upon a Pole on the Gallows oppofite to his Sons
that was there formerly hanged.
356
His Son
brought along with him remains ftill a Pri-
foner.
On the laft of
July
there were about 26 In-
dians, moft Women and Children brought in by our
Scouts, as they were Ranging the Woods about
Dedham, almoft ftarved : We are alfo informed,
that moft of Sachem Philip's Men have deferted
him, and furrendered up themfelves to the Englijh
of Plimouth Colony at their Mercy, and that he
himfelf with his Remains are gone to Dartmouth:
in Chafe of whom Major Talcot with. our Friend
Indians are at Prefent.
357
Auguft the 3d, we hear this Morning by a Poft
from Bridgewater in Plymouth Colony, that not
far from that Place a. Party of our Souldiers met
with a Company of the Enemy,
25
in all ; who
355
See I. Mather, Brief Hiftory, Book
of
the Indians, 266.
63, 113, 117,
233 ;
Hubbard,
:!57
Major Talcott's Expedition
Narrative, i,
86,
97;
ii,
42.
againft Philip was between the 15th
356
It was underftood by Judge
of
July
and Auguft 19th, as appears
Sewall fas entered in his Diary,) by the Records of the Governor
that Sagamore John fired the firft and Council of Connecticut; he be-
Gun, at Quabaog, which mortally ing at the Council at thofe Dates,
wounded Capt. Hutchinfon. See See Col. Recs. Ct., ii,
464, 469.
[9]
Conjiderable Occurrences^
&c. 281
though prepared to make the firft Shot at the
Englifh in their March, yet when they came
within ihot and were defcried by ours, they nim-
bly prevented the Indians, and killed Eight of
them, and took the other
17
Prifoners, with [out]
any Lofs on our Side. Some of the Indians
acknowledged that their Arms fhook and
[9]
trembled fo, that they could not fo readily dis-
charge their Guns as they would have done.
We are certainly informed, that Philip Sachem
is again fled from Dartmouth in Plymouth Colony,
into ours, and that he is not far from Marlebo-
rough. We are not without Hope that he may
ere long be caught
; which (in probability) would
quench the remaining Coals in this Warre. But
we defire to wait upon God's Will, and attend
his Work in this Thing, which will at Laft give
us Caufe to fay, Homo great is his Goodnefs ! and
how great is his Beauty !
Thus has God dealt gracioufly with us which
I was defirous to acquaint you with
;
and there-
fore have (for fome of the later!: Occurrences)
took an Opportunity of a Ship not failing direclly
for London, to give you this Account, which is a
true One, as far as the Diftance of Times and
Places where the Actions have been, will admit
:
every Aclion muft have Allowance with refpecT:
to humane Infirmities, and the various Reporters
who may encreafe or diminifh according to their
own Judgement of the Matter of Facl. But
otherwife there is Nothing reprefented, but what
Mm
282 The True Account
of
the Moji
[9]
confifts with Truth : and alfo my great Defign
is, to defire you to acquaint our Chriftian Friends,
that have prayed for us in England, with thefe
Things. For as we have obferved, fince we
heard of their inftant Prayers for us, we have
been much encouraged, and have received emi-
nent returns of our joynt Prayers ; so alfo we
begge, that they would Praife and Magnifie the
Name of the Moft High with us, and in our
Behalfs, for we cannot fufficiently exalt him.
For befides thefe Mercies in Reference to the
Indian Warre, we had many other very great
and feafonable, cart in over and above, to our
great Aftoniihment. We had an Epidemical
Sicknefs that hath fwept away feveral worthy
Gentlemen amongft us, befides many Others
which God hath rebuked.
We have alfo had a great and fore Drought,
which Threatened the Spoiling of our Harveft,
and thereby an Encreafe of the Scarcity that hath
been amongft us
;
But this 4th of Augujl, God
hath given us an Abundance of Rain, BlefTed be
his Name, and we have our Englifh Corn gene-
rally Houfed with us, and divers have gone to
the Towns that were burned down, to Reap the
Wheat, and what they had there Sown laft Win-
ter : which in the laft Spring they expected to
have fain into the Enemies Hands. And the
Hufbandman goes out with more Safety than
could be imagined on his Employments. Our
Indian Harveft is like to be very Fruitfull, that
Grain is now fold at two Shillings Sixpence the
[9]
Conjiderable Occurrences^ &c.
283
Bufhell ; befides the Supplies we have had from
other Parts.
Yet (hall we not fay, the Bitternefs of Death is
over
;
the Enemy hath feveral fkulking Parties
abroad, which yet do little Mifchief, being dif-
appointed by the Providence of God through the
Vigilance of our Scouts. Maybe God will ftill
go on to fulfil that Promife,
Ifa. 62,
8, 9.
Surely
I will no more give thy Corn to be Meat
for
thine
Enemy, and the Sons
of
the Stranger Jhall not drink
thy Wine,
for
the which thou hajl Laboured ; but
they that have gathered it
Jhall
eat it, and
praife
the Lord.
But ftill we beg that you would not forget to
pray for us, that we may not again provoke God
by breaking his Commandments, leaft he be
Angry with us until he have confumed us. And
we fhall not ceafe to pray for you, and all the
Churches of Chrift that call upon the Name of
our Lord and yours, that you may obtain the like
Mercy in Time of need.
SIR,
Pardon the Prolixity
of
this Narra-
tive
from
Tour
Affectionate
Friends.
For a Clofe of this Narrative, I fhall beg the
Readers Patience to perufe the Subftance of fome
Letters which I fhall Contrail under one, relating
284- A True Account
of
the
Mofi [10]
to the Indians known to us here and to our
Countrymen there, under the Name of the Pray-
ing Indians ; that is, fuch as called upon the
Name of the Lord Jefus
Chrift, as being per-
fuaded that there is a Concernment of God's
Glory depending thereupon ; A Vindication due
to them who have been reprefented as Hypocrites
or Apoftates, for the Generality of them
;
which appeares to be otherwife as I hope the
enfuing Letters communicated from Perfons of
known Integrity will Evidence : which take as
followeth :
SIR,
Although it has pleafed God to deprive us of
feveral Ufeful Inftruments, whom he had fitted
for carrying on the Work of the Gofpel amongft
the Indians, by
[10]
removing them from their
Labours to their Reward ; which may be looked
upon as a Forerunner of the Occurrences which
have happened in the Indian Warre
;
which hath
to the Eyes of many, paifed as it were a Sentence
of Death upon the Work
;
yet (as I believe I
fpeak) that the Light of the Gofpell that hath
mined upon thofe poor Gentiles in thefe Parts,
as it is a real Work, fo will the Lord in due
Time make it more evidently appear to the
Glory of his Grace by Jefus
Chrift.
And in Truth (to my understanding) the Gofpell
hath gained an Advantage, rather than otherwife,
[10]
Co?iftder
able Occurrences^c.
285
for the greateft Part of the Praying Indians have
been kept fteddy in following their Profeffion
and witnefling to the Excellency of the Gofpel,
by much Faith, Patience, Self Denial and Cou-
rage
;
which I hope will give a Conviction upon
the Minds of all more and more among us. I
mail not give you the Trouble of an Apology
for them, nor deduce Particulars how Honeftly
and Faithfully they have (the Moll: of them)
acquitted themfelves during this Warre, though
their Temptations and Tryals have been great,
for it is in Matter of Fact evident, that (fince the
Englifh have abated of their Fears about them,
and have employed them in this Warre) they
have had mofl manifeft Proofs of their Fidelity
and Valour : and withal have had the Bleffing of
many Succelfes, in which the Chriftian Indians
have had their Share
;
though not of Conduct,
yet of great Ufefulnefs and Serviceablenefs, as far
as they have been entrufted, which I could not
but communicate to you, as that which I judge
is due to them
;
and which is more to the Glory
of God, and that good Work which he hath
been pleafed to carry on by his Servants who
have Laboured among them, and I hope will
Perfect ftill more and more to his own Praife.
Your Affectionate Friend."
8
358
probably Mr. John Eliot, failed to mention one fo famous for
Another Perfon would hardly have his Labors among the Indians.
FINIS.
THE
W A R R
NE W-E NGLAND
VISIBLY ENDED.
King PHILIP that barbarous Indian now
Beheaded, and moft of his Bloudy Ad-
herents fubmitted to Mercy, the Reft
fled far up into the Countrey, which
hath given the Inhabitants Encourage-
ment to prepare for their Settlement.
Being a True and Perfect Account brought in by
Caleb More, Mailer of a VefTel newly Arrived
from Rhode
IJland.
And Publifhed for general Satisfaction.
Licenfed November
4.
Roger
L'Eftrange.
LONDON:
Printed by F. B. for Dorman Newman at the King's Arms, in the
Poultry,
1677.
MNEW-ENGLANDS WARR
VISIBLY ENDED.
Sir,
IN
my laft, which I hope you received, I muft
acknowledge what I writ (though Truth) yet
I had not that comfortable Satisfaction in my
Spirit, to give me Hopes, that our publique Ca-
lamities were fo near an End as now I have,
which God in Mercy fanclify to us, that we may
fee the Rod, and wherefore it is come.
We have been, and ftill are ready to put dif-
ferent Reflections upon the Murders and Spoils
that have been made upon us by this Deftrudtive
War : Various are Men's Thoughts why God
hath fuffered it, all acknowledge it was for Sin
;
many wifh there hath not been fome Leaven of
that Spirit in the Provocation for which we left
Old England. I am in great Pain while I write,
to remember how fevere fome of us have been
to Diffenters,
3 59
making Spoil without Pity, but
God is teaching us Moderation.
339
If the Author's Grandmother done fo with more Equanimity than
is referred to in this Paflage, he has her Defcendants are likely to do in
Nn
290
The War in New-England
[1]
That black Cloud (God be thanked) begins to
wafte almoft to Nothing, which may not only-
give us an hopeful Opportunity of repairing the
Spoils made by our barbarous Neighbors, but
alfo, deliberating upon the true Caufes of thefe
great Diftraclions : for now we have no vilible
Appearance of an Enemy : Terrour is fallen upon
very many, who come in dayly with Submimon,
and the Reft withdraw into Places remote, hiding
their Weapons of War, and flying from Juftice in
fmall Numbers.
King Philip, who hath been a peftilent Ring-
leader, that had once three hundred Men (Bar-
baroufly inclined) as I told you in my laft,
36

was
reduced to ten, but now is killed, in this Manner.
He being hid in a Swamp on Mount Hope Neck,
with his little Party, one of his Indians being
difcontented with him made an Efcape from
him, and came to Rhode-Ifland, and informed
Capt. Church a Plimouth Captain of a Company
that was in Search after this faid King Philip, (the
Captain being at this Time on the faid Ifland,
refrelbing his Men with Necessary Provifions)
but underftanding where King Philip was, and
that he intended very fpeedily to remove far off,
to provide his Winter-quarter, retaining ftill the
fame Barbarous Spirit and Purpofes, without the
this and fucceeding Ages. It is Traft, his Memory did not well
fufficient here to note, that the ferve him ; for I do not remember
Writer is fuppofed to be the Grand- that he fpeaks of Philip's having
fon of Mrs. Anne Hutchinfon.
300 Men anywhere in that Com-
30(1
If this Author wrote the laft munication.
[2]
Fifthly
ended.
291
leaft Appearance of Reluclancy or Offers of Me-
diation, towards his Surrender to Mercy
;
where-
upon
[2]
the faid Captain and his Company with
fome Khode-Ijiand Men went in Purfuit and
Search after him, taking an Indian Guide with
them, and befet a Swamp where they heard he
was, which was very miry, and the Ground fo
loofe, that our Men funk to the Middle in their
Attempts to come at this fculking Company
;
but all in vain, the Palfage was too difficult.
While we were thus befet with Difficulties in
this Attempt, the Providence of God wonderfully
appeared, for by Chance the Indian Guide and the
Plimouth Man, being together, the Guide efpied
an Indian and bids the P/imout/i-man Ihoot, whofe
Gun went not off, only flamed in the Pan
;
with
that the Indian looked about, and was going to
moot, but the Plimouth-man prevented him, and
mot the Enemy through the Body, dead, with a
Brace of Bullets ; and approaching the Place
where he lay, upon Search, it appeared to be King
Philip, to their no fmall Amazement and great
Joy.
36
'
This feafonable Prey was foon divided,
301
The Fall and Death of Philip where its Skeleton was to be feen
fent a deep Thrill of
Joy
and Gra- near thirty Years after. Dr. Cotton
titude throughout the whole Land. Mather vifited Plymouth about the
It was according to the Laws of Year 1700, at which Time, he
England, to quarter the Body of fays, he
"
took off a
Jaw
from the
Traitors. Philip was called a Trai- expofed Skull of that blafphemous
tor; and in purfuance of the Law, Leviathan." One of Philip's Hands
his Body was quartered, and hung had been mattered by an accidental
upon four Trees. His Head was Difcharge of a Gun, fome Time
carried to Plymouth and placed before, by which it was well known,
upon a Gate-poft of the Fort, This Hand was given to the In-
292
The War in New-England
[2]
they cut off his Head and Hands, and conveyed
them to Rhode-Ifland,
and quartered his Body,
and hung it upon four Trees. One Indian more
of King Philip's Company they then killed, and
fome of the Reft they wounded, but the Swamp
being fo thick and miry, they made their Ef-
cape.
This is the Subftance of this Enterprize, and
the fmall Remnant we left as inconfiderable, who
muft either fly up into the Countrey, or perifh in
the Place.
There is one Potuck, a mifchievous Engine,
and a Counfellour, taken formerly, faid to be in
Goal at
Rhode-Ifland, is now fent to Bofton, and
there fhot to Death. One ^uonepin a young
lufty Sachem, and a very Rogue is now in Goal
at Rhode-IJland,
who was there fome Years ago
for his Mifdemeanours, but broke Goal, and
run away, and could never till now be laid hold
on.
God be thanked, many Indians come in daily,
and fubmit themfelves with much Dejection,
crying out againft King Philip, and other ill
Counsellors, as the Caufes of their Misfortunes.
The Englifh go many of them now to their
Old Habitations, and Mow down their Ground,
and make Hay, and do other Occafions neceflary
for their refettling : All which gives us comfort-
able Hope that God will gracioufly repair our
dian who (hot him. He exhibited Colonel Church, " got many a
it about the Country, and, fays Penny by it."
[2]
Vijibly ended.
293
Breaches, and caufe this Bloody War to End in a
lafting Peace, fo prays,
Your faithful Friend,
R. H.3
6 *
32
That thefc Initials ftand for
Richard Hutchinfon, there can be
little Doubt, according to a State-
ment made by Governor Thomas
Hutchinfon, his Relative. He fays
that this Richard was a Son of
Mr. Richard Hutchinfon, a wealthy
Ironmonger of London. Richard,
the Father, was Brother of William
Hutchinfon, whofe Wife was the
celebrated Anne, fo arbitrarily and
barbaroufly perfecuted by Gov.
John
Winthrop and his Followers,
almoll as foon as Ihe had landed on
thefe Shores. But her Story does
not require to be dwelt upon here.
Whether Richard Hutchinfon
was the Writer of fome of the pre-
ceding Trafts in this Volume is not
pofitively known, though he refers
to previous Letters on the fame
Subjedt. He returned to England
fome Time after this War, and
Nothing further is known of him.
FINIS.
NEWS FROM
N E W-ENGL A N D,
B EING
A True and laft Account of the prefent
Bloody Wars carried on betwixt the
Infidels, Natives, and the Englifh Chrif-
tians, and Converted Indians of New-
England, declaring the many Dreadful
Battles Fought betwixt them:
As alfo the many Towns and Villages burnt by
the mercilefs Heathens.
And alfo the true Number of all the ChrifHans
llain fince the Beginning of that War, as it was
lent over by a Factor of New-England to a
Merchant in London.
Licenfed Aug, I. Roger UEjlrange.
LONDON:
at the Sign of the Black Raven, in Duck-Lane,
1676.
PREFATORY.
HE original Trad, of which this is a Re-
print, is of exceeding Rarity
; fo much fo
that, not long fince, but one was known to
be in this Country. This is reprinted from a
Copy of one in the Library of
John Carter
Brown, Efq., of Providence. To the Politenefs of
that Gentleman I am indebted for Permiffion to
make a Tranfcript. The Original is, without Excep-
tion, one of the worft printed Tracts of the Day in
which it appeared. The Type on which it was printed
was wretched, efpecially the Italic
;
fome of the Let-
ters in many of the Words not being diftinguifhable,
and others entirely wanting. I have adhered, in this
Reprint, as clofely to the Original, in Refpect to
Orthography, Capitals, and Italics, as poffible. Of
its comparative Value, in an hiftorical Point of View,
it is unneceflary to remark. It is republifhed as a
curious Record of one of the moft important Periods
in the Hiftory of New-England. The Antiquary,
and Student in our Hiftory, will readily perceive its
Value, while to the general Reader it will be almoft
as unintelligible as though it were in an unknown
Language.
To whom belongs the Authorftiip we have no Data
Oo
298
Prefatory.
on which to found even a Conjecture. A few Notes
feemed neceflary. Thefe, and the Words in the Text
included in Brackets, are added to this Edition. The
Figures in Brackets, as
[2]
on Page
300,
denote the
Pages of the original Edition.
Editor.
M&
Crue anto Haft &ccompt
Of the Prefent Bloody Wars carried on
betwixt the Infidel Natives and the
Englifh Chriftians and converted In-
dians
of
New-England, &c.
THOSE
Coals of Difcention which had a
long Time lain hid under the Ames
of a fecret Envy ; contracted by the
Heathen Indians of New-England, againft the
Englifh
;
and ChrifKan Natives of that Country
brake out in
June 1675.
both Armies being at a
Diftance without doing any Thing remarkable
till the
1
3 of December following
;
at which Time
the Mathufets and Plymouth Company marching
from Seconk, fent out a confiderable Number of
Scouts, who kill'd & took
55.
of the Enemy,
returning with no other Lofs but two of our
Men difabled
5
s63
about three Days after came a
perfidious Indian to our Army pretending he was
fent by the Sachems to treat of Peace,
36
*
who was
383
This has Reference, probably, Mather's Brief Hift.,
105;
Book
to all the Captures made before the
of
the Indians, 218.
bloody Fight of the 19th. See I.
364
He was well known to the
300
News
from
New-England.
[2]
indeed no other but a Spy and was no fooner
conduced out of our Camp but we had News
brought us that 22 of our Stragling Souldiers
were Slain and divers Barns and out Houfes, with
Mr.
Jer.
Bulls dwelling Houfe burnt by him
and his Trecherous Confederates which waited
for him.'
6
*
The next Day, as the ConneBick
Army under the Conduct of Major Treat was
Marching to
Joyn
with the Mathufets, and Ply-
mouth Company ; they were affaulted by the
Indians, but without any Lofs, they taking eleaven
of the ArTailants Prifoners.3
66
The 8it/>
[18]
of December, our whole Army
being united under the Conduct of Major Genr;
Winflow, went to feek out the Enemy, whom we
found (there then hapening a great Fall of Snow)
fecuring themfelves in a difmal Swamp, fo hard
of Accefs that there was but one was [Way] for
Entrance, which was well lin'd with Heathen
Indians, who prefently went out to affault us
;
but we falling in Pel-mell with them, with much
Difficulty gained the Swamp where we found
above
1500
Wiggwams, and by Night, had
Pofleffion
[2J
of the Fort of which we were
difpofleft foon after by an unexpected Recruit of
frefh Indians out of an adjoining Swamp/? but our
Englifh, who gave him the Name See Book
of
the Indians,
262, and
of John; and as he had worked Authorities.
as a Stone-layer, that Calling was
30li
Killing four and taking Prifon-
fuperadded to it, and he became ers fix.

Letter of Capt. Oliver in

known as Stone-wall-John, or Stone- Ibid.
layer-John.

Book
of
the Indians,
3t> 7
They were probably from
261, and ante,
183. "Pumham's Town," as mentioned
365
This was on December 16. by Church,
17.
[2]
News
from
New-England.
301
Noble Generals infatiable Defire of Victory
prompted him to fuch brave Adtions, that we
following his Example to the Enemies Coft,
made ourfelves abfolute Mafters of the Fort
again.
368
Although we purchafed our Succefs at
fo dear a Rate that we have fmall Caufe to Re-
joyce at the Vicfory
;
yet when we confider the
vaft Difadvantage
3
6
9
they had of us in Number,
whom we collected
370
to have
4000 fighting
Men, and we not much more than half fo many,
we have great Reafon to blefs God we came of
fo well, our Dead and Wounded not a Mounting
to above 220, and the Enemies by their own
Confeffion to no lefs than 600. the chief Offi-
cers kild on our Side were Capt. Davenport,
Capt. John/on,
Capt. Marjhal, Capt. Gardner.
Capt. Gallop
.J?'
Captains wounded were
4.
vizi, Sealey, Major
Wats, and Bradford, Lieutenants wounded were
4.
viz. Savage, Ting, Vpham and Wain.v*
In this bloody Battle we gave fo bitter a Relifh
of our Engliih Valour and our converted Indians
Refolutions, that they dreaded our Neighborhood
and thought themfelves unfafe till fecur'd by fix
368
After Capt. Gardner was bly meant,
killed, Church discovered that the
370
Calculated.
Englifh in the Fort were killed by
371
See ante, Page
184.
concealed Indians outfide of it
;
372
Swain, no Doubt. He was
whereupon
"
with his fmall Com- afterwards a Captain. See
Hiftory
pany he haftened out." This is and Antiq.
of Bofton,
414;
Book
probably the Circumftance alluded
of
the Indians,
696;
Hubbard, i,
to in the Text.

Entertaining
Hif-
245
;
and prefent Volume, P. 184.
tory,
14.
He belonged to Capt. Appleton's
3ti9
The exat Reverfe is proba- Company.
302
News
from
New-England.
[3]
or feaven Miles Diftance from our remaining
Army, where they remain'd near a Month not
attempting Anything confiderable till the firft of
Feb. at which Time a certain Number of them
made defperate through Hungar came to Palick-
fet,
a Little Town near Providence and at-
tempted the Houfe of one Mr. Carpenter,* from
whom they took 20 Horfes
50
Head of Cattle
and 180 Sheep. And fet Fire on a Houfe at
South-bury'
7
*
wherein were two Men, one Wo-
man and feaven Children;'
76
on the \th. of Feb-
ruary the Chriftians received private Intelligence
from the Indians who had Sculked ever fince the
laft Battle in certain Woods fcituate about
30
Miles from Malbury, that they were drawn up
into a Body, and encamped in a well fortified
Swamp, where, notwithftanding the Indian\s\
affaulted the Rear, wounded four of our Men,
and we killing fo many of theirs that they
thought fit to forfake their Refuge, and leave
both it and their Wigwams to our Difpofal, who
lodging in their Rooms that Night, fet Fire to a
150
of their Wigwams next Morning, and by
this Light, purfued them fo clofe that we kill'd
divers of them, whom Age or Wounds rendered
incapable
[3]
of keeping up with their Com-
panions, and refolving to continue the Queft
3'3Patuxit.
r!76
The Family of Thomas
3
See The Prefent
State,
14,
Eames is, doubtlefs, referred to.
in this Volume. Alfo Hubbard, \,
The Attack and Deftrudlion was
164.
on the lit of February, 1675-6.
375
Sudbury.
See Hubbard, Narrative,
\, 222-3.
[3]
News
from
New-England.
303
with all the Celerity imaginable, they led us to
another Swamp whofe Rocky Afcent propounded
fo great a Difficulty to attain it, as would have
Staggar'd the Refolution of any but a refolved
Mind ; but we attempted it with the like Refo-
lution and Succefs as we did the Laft ; the Enemy
by a fpeedy Flight leaving us in full PofTeffion of
all they left behind them.
377
We Perfued them two Dayes after this En-
counter, but then (which was on the iStb Febr.)
finding our Men wearied with Speedy Marches,
our Provifion fcarce through continual Expence
and no Recruit, our Horfes tir'd, and our felves
hopelefs of overtaking them, who had great Ad-
vantage of us in paffing over Rocks and through
Thickets, which our Foot, not without much
Difficulty, could, and our Horfe were altogether
incapable to do
;
our Commanders, after a Coun-
cel of Warr, refolved to fend the
Majfathufets
and Plymouth Company to Malbury, and the Con-
neElicks Army to their own Homes which was
accordingly done.
378
And Major Genr. Winjlow,
only with his Troops to Bojlon, leaving the Foot
at Malbury and South-bury, who came Home on
Munday following, and were all difmifr. to their
feveral Habitations, except Capt. Wadworth, who
was left at Malbury in Perfuit of the Enemy, of
377
The Expeditions, of which 115-16.
this Author makes fo much Ac-
count, are but faintly defcribed by
378
Feb. 5th, the Army returned
the other Writers. See The Pre- to Bofton, not having obtained the
fent
State,
13
and
14;
alfo, I. Ma- End of their going forth. /. /(fa-
ther, Brief Hijl., and Authorities, ther, 116.
304
News
from
New-England.
[4.]
whom he deftroyed about
70,
Old Men, Women
and Children, who wanted Strength to follow
the fugitive Army.*"
The
Defperate Heathens takeing Advantage
of the Difmiffion of three Difbanded Compa-
nies, ftudied Nothing but Maflacres, Outrages,
and
treacherous Hoftillitie, which within two
Days after thofe faid Companies were difperf't,
they found Opportunity to commit, in a Town
called Nqfhaway,^
which they fet Fire to, and
burnt to the Ground, taking no lefs than
55
Perfons into their Mercilefs Captivity, and be-
caufe the Reader mail underftand the Damnable
Antipathy they have to Religion and Piety, I
would have him take Notice how they endeavour
to Signallize their Cruelty, and gratifie their en-
raged Spleen, chiefly on the Promoters of it ; for
of thefe
55
Captives, the Minifter of the Town's
Relations made no lefs than
19
of them; viz.
Mrs. Rowlonfon, the Minifter's Wife, and three
of his Children, her Sifter and feaven Children,
and her Sifter Drew and four Children. The
Minifter himfelf with his Sifters Hufbands re-
turning from Bojion a little after the Engagement,
[4]
to their infinite Grief, found their Houfes
burnt to the Ground, and their Wives and
Children taken Captive, nor was this Crueltie
committed, as the Extent of Nepolus Vltra of
379
If this were fo, who will won- tion was on February loth, 1675-6.
der at the Fate of Capt. Wadfworth See I. Mather, Brief Hijlory, and
and his Men ?
Authorities in Notes, 117-18. See
330
Lancafter. This Depreda- alfo Pages
214, 244,
and
25 1,
ante.
[4]
News
fr
077i
New-England.
305
their Vengeance, but rather as an Earneft of their
Bearbarity.^
1
For no longer than the next Day
after, three Men going out, with the Cart, were
feiz'd on by thefe Indians, one of them killed,
and the other two not to be found; the Day
following at Coxcord [Concord] they burnt one
Houfe and murder'd three Perfons.3
82
In fhort, their Outrages are fo many and dif-
ferent, that I muft intreat the Reader, fince they
will not be brought into a fluent Narration,
to
accept them plainly and dyurnally, according to
the Time, Place, and Manner, as they were
committed, which is the only Way to avoid
Omimons, and confequently to Satisfie the In-
quifitive, who, I fuppofe, would willingly hear
of all the Extremities [that] have happened to,
the fuffering Chriflians in this New England
War.
On the
17
of Febr.&i therefore, ye muft know
that the Town of Medfeild was begirt with a
Regiment of refoleut Indians, who affail'd it fo
brifkly, that maugred all the Refiftance made by
Capt. Jacobbs,
who was then Ingarrifon'd there
with a hundred Souldiers for its Security, the
351
This Writer appears to have named, was on Feb. 12. The
been better informed upon the Dif- other Narratives of the Time' do
after at Lancafter than upon any not give the Date, and but one
other of which he treats. For fome (Hubbard) mentions it at all.
of the Particulars no other Au-
383
The Attack on Medfield, ac-
thority is found. cording to Dr. I. Mather,
Brief
352
This refers to the Attack on Hijl., 1
19,
was on Feb. 21ft. See
the Sheppard Family; which At- A NewandFurther Narrative, Sec,
tack, if it occurred in the Order ante, Page 214-15.
306
News
from
New-England.
[4]
enraged Heathens never defifted their defperate
Attempts, Battering the Walls, and powering
Showers of Arrows into the Bofome of the Town,
they had diftroyed above
50
of her Inhabitants,
and burnt
30
of her Houfes.
The jth. of March following thefe bloody In-
dians march't to a considerable Town called
Croaton,^ where firft they fet Fire to Major
Willards Houfe, and afterwards burnt
65
more,
there being Seaventy two Houfes at firft, fo that
there was left Standing but fix Houfes of the
whole Town ; the next Day after, two Men
coming from Malbury to Southbury were flain :
385
and the Sabboth Day enfuing, thefe deftroying
Indians came to Plymouth, where fixing only on
, a Houfe of one Mr. Clarks, they burnt, and
murthered his Wife and all his Children, himfelf
Narrowly efcaping their Crueltie by happily at
that Juncture
being at a Meeting.
386
On the fecond of April, 1676.
Major Savage,
Capt. Mofeley,
Capt. William Tumor, and Captain
VVhipal,^
1
with 300.
Men marching from Mal-
384
Groton. The C may be an
'
385
This was on the 8th of March,
imperfect G in Copy. In a previ- if the previous Date is correct. No
ous Tract, Page
244,
it is fpelt Mention is found of the Ambufh and
Grantham. There were various Death of the two Men elfewhere,
Attacks on Groton, and at different as yet.
Times, from the 2d to the 13th of
'
JQC
This Affair took Place in an
March. See /. Mather, 113; Hub- Outfkirt of Plymouth, and will be
bard, i,
195, 199.
In the latter's found circumftantially detailed elfe-
Accounts there is much Confufion, where in this Volume,
owing doubtlefs to the conflicting
,s7
Probably Capt. John
Whip-
Relations with which he was fur- pie. See Hijhry and Antiquities
nifhed. of Bofion, 417.
[5]
News
from
New-England.
307
borow to Quabury
\^
%
where they had ordered the
Conneclick Army to remain in Readinefs againft
their coming, which being effected, accordingly
they joined Forces, and began
[5]
their March
towards Northampton, but by the Way were af-
faulted by the Indians, whom they repelled
without any other Damage, then only Mr. Buckly
wounded, killing about 20 of the Enemies in a
hot Purfuit after them.s
8
?
The tenth Ditto, about
700
Indians encom-
paft Northampton on all Sides where they fought
very refolutely for the Space of an Hour, and
then fled, leaving about
25
Perfons dead upon
the Place, the Chriftians loofing only
4.
Men
and 1. Woman, and had fome Barnes burnt;
390
on the 12th Inftant they affaulted Warwick with
fo unhappy a Succefs that they burnt all the
Town, except four Garrifon Houfes which were
left ftanding,"
1
fix Days after, Captain Pierce,*
Brother to Captain Pierce of London, with
55
Men and 20 Christian Indians went to feek out
their Enemies, the Indians whom according to
their Intelligence, they found rambling in an
obfcure Wood ; upon his Approach they drew
into Order, and received his Onfet with much
Difficulty, being in the End forced to Retreat,
but it was fo flowly that it fcarcely deferved that
Name, when a frefh Company of Indians came
3S?
Quabaog. Brookfield.
390
Fully detailed in Hubbard, i,
""
n
More minutely detailed in 205.
3!u
See Ibid,
179.
Hubbard, and the Notes. See Vol.
392
Capt. Michael Pierce of Scit-
i,
204,
of that Work. uate. See ante, P. 220-2.
308
News
from
New-England.
[5]
into their Afliftance, befet the Christians round,
Killed Captain Pierce and
48.
of his Men, befides
.8. of the Chriftian Indians. The Fight contin-
ued about five Hours, the Enemy bying the
Victory very dearly, but at Last obtained it fo
abfolutely, that they deprived us of all Means of
hearing of their Lofs.
393
At Malbrow on the \ith Ditto, were feveral
Houfes burnt whilft the miferable Inhabitants
were at a Meeting, and at Springfield the fame
Lords Day, thefe devillifh Enemies of Religion
feeing a Man, Woman, and their Children, going
but towards a Meeting-houfe, Slew them (as they
faid) becaufe they thought they intended to go
thither.
The 28M, of the fame Inftant, April laft, Cap-
tain Denifon
collecting a Regiment of
500,
and
200 EngliJJj
Paquet Nimerafs
394
Indians, marcht
out of New London in Search of that Grand
Fomenter of this Rebellion. Anthony the Se-
chem, whom at Laft near the Town call'd Provi-
dence he recovered, and after a hot Difpute,
wherein he kill'd
45
of the Sechems Men, Took
him their Commander Prifoner, with feveral of
his Captaines, whom they immediately put to
Death
;
but were at ftrong Debate whether they
fhould fend him to Bojlon, but at Length they
393
This was one of the moft tive, ante, P. 220-1.
defperate Fights of the War, and
3;I4
Pequots and Ninigret'i Men,
perhaps the moft Bloody. See is doubtlefs what is meant.
Hubbard and the Notes, \, 173-8.
3;
'
3
Nanuntenoo, unqueftionably is
Alfo A New and Farther Narra- intended.
[6]
News
from
New-England.
309
carried him to
[6]
New London, and began to
examine him, why he did foment that War which
would certainly be the Diftru&ion of him and
all the Heathen Indians in the Country, to which,"
and many other Interogatories he made no other
Reply, but that
^
6
[he was born a Prince, and if
Princes came to fpeak with him, he would an-
fwer them, But none of thofe prefent being
Princes, he thought himfelf oblig'd in Honour
to hold his Tongue.] This Anfwer, though it
might Challenge their Admiration, was not fo
prevalent as to obtain their PittyJ'
7
Notwithstanding, the Surviveing Sechems were
not long in revenging his Death, for, on the Sixth
of May, they burnt all Malborow, except three
Garrifon Houfes, kill'd Capt.
"Jacob/on
and Lieu-
tenant Prat^
9
and two Dayes after burnt
24
Houfes in Southbury, kill'd feveral of the Inha-
bitants who vainly expected Capt. Wedwortb and
Capt. Brookwe/i" to their Relief for thefe un-
fortunate Gentlemen were intercepted by
700
Moors, with whom they fought for the Space of
four Hours, till not only they two, but Capt.
Sharp and
51
Chriftians more lay dead upon the
Place.*
00
3!)(i
The Printer's quotation Mark.
39 ^
Sergeant Pratt and
John Jacob
397
The moft maiterly Account were killed on the 1 6th of May.
of the Capture and Death of Ca- See Additions to Baylies's N. Plym.
nonchet, or Nanuntenoo as he was
52.
Alfo /. Mather,
135.
laft named, is that by Hubbard.
3ao
The Printer was probably
See his Narrative, i, 82, ii,
55-7;
puzzled to make any Thing of his
but that given ante (New and Far- Copy. Brocklebank is the Name
ther Narrative) P. 231-2, is not intended.
much Inferior.
400
Thus fummarily is the cele-
310
News
from
New-England.
[6]
At Woodcock\s\ 10 Miles from Seconch, on the
1 6th May*
01
was a little Skirmage betwixt the
Moors and Chriftians, wherein there was of the
Later three flain and two wounded, and only two
Indians Kild.
May 28. 1676. Capt.
Denifon and Capt. Evry
[Avery] with
50
Englifh and about
150 Paquet
Indians, Scouting among the Woods, in eight
Days Space kill'd
25
Indians and took
5
1 Prifon-
ers ; one whereof was Grand-child to Dunham*
*
who was kill'd by Capt. Peirce in the Engage-
ment on the 26
May.>i
The Number of Chriftians flain fince the Be-
ginning of the late Wars in New England, are
444.
Taken Prifoner,
55.
The Number of Indians Slain in this War is
uncertain, becaufe they burn
4

4
their Dead, keep-
ing their Death as a Secret from the Chriftians
Knowledge, but the Number mentioned herein
is 9io.
45
brated and important Sudbury Fight They did not generally burn their
difpofed of. It was on April 21ft, Dead.
1676. See Additions to Baylies's
*05
This Eftimate was made fome
New Plymouth,
55-64.
Alfo N.E. Time before the War clofed. About
Hi/i. and Gen. Reg'r, xx,
341-52;
eighty Years later, the Rev. Mr.
and ante in this Volume. Backus Remarks on New England's
101
The Surprife at Woodcock's Lofles in that fearful Struggle
:

was on or previous to April 26,

"
The Summary of that Bloody
according to the New and Farther War, I have carefully colledted from
Narrative,
238.
a great variety of Hiftories and Ac-
402
Pumham. See Mather's Brief
counts. And, upon the Whole,
Hi/}. 140. B. I. 260. it was faid that there were flain, 12
J03
March 26 was the Date of Captains, and about 600 Men; that
Pierce's Fight. See /. Mather,
183,
about 1200 Houfes were burnt,
and ante, 221-2. 8000 Head of Cattle, and many
404
This is new and untrue, thoufand Bufhels of Grain deftroyed;
[6]
News
from
New-England.
311
We
-
have Received very late News that the
Chriftians in New England have had very great
Vidtory over the Infidel Natives.
There has been a Treaty between them,
4
6
the
Indians proffer to lay down their Armes
;
but the
Eng/i/h are not willing to agree to it, except they
will give up their Armes, and go as far up into
the Country as the Court of Bojion fhall think
fit.*
?
and alfo 3000
Indians." The Lois
computed in Money, "was 150,-
000 Sterling."

Hiji. N. Eng., i,
433.
See other Eftimates, ante, P.
244-5.
4on
The Treaty has Reference to
the Negotiations to redeem or re-
leafe Captives. See Mrs. Row-
landfon's Narrative.
407
Some Copies of the Original
Traft have not this laft Paragraph.
Mr. Brown's Copy has it, but that
in Harvard College Library is with-
out it. By comparing the Proofs
of this Edition with that belonging
to the College, feveral Corrections
have been made, and uncertain
Words made out, which could not
have been done by the other Copy.
And here we would return our
Thanks to the obliging Librarian,
Thadeus William Harris, M. D.
for his Kindnefs in affording us an
Opportunity to make our Copy
more Perfeft than either of the
others.

Note to Edition
of 1850.
A FARTHER
^rtef an* Crue
j&arratton
OF
THE LATE
WARS
RISEN IN NEW-ENGLAND,
Occafioned by the quarrelfome
Difpofition
and perfidious Carriage of the barbarous
and favage Indian Natives there ; with
an Account of the Fight, the 19th of
December laft,
1675.
London, Febru-
ary 17th, 167I.
Licenfed, Henry Oldenbargh.
LONDON:
Printed by
J.
D. for M. K. and are to be fold by the Bookfellers,
1676.
21 farther brief and true Narration
Of the late Wars rifen in New-En^
occafioned by the quarrelfome Difpofi-
tion and perfidious Carriage of the
barbarous and favage Indian Natives
there
j
with an Account of the Fight,
the 19th of December laft,
1675.
408
Sir,
Bojion, December 28th,
1675.
T
]IS verily believed with us, that all gener-
ous Minds in both Englands, which
concern themfelves to inquire after our
Affairs in thefe Parts of the World, and wifh as
well, have a longing Delire. the Indian Wars
might be ended ; and we prefumed e're this,
that the Powers of Perfuafion or Force would
have made a happy Change, by altering the
408
Yet Nothing of" the Kind will
be found in this Treatife, which
caufes a Conclufion that the Traft
was not entire from which the
the
"
Narrative " breaks ofF ab-
ruptly where the Proclamation or
"
Manifefto," as it is called, is in-
troduced, and was evidently con-
Editor of the Harleian Mijcellany tinued.or intended to be. No Copy
printed this. It will be feen that of the firfl Edition is known to me.
316
Afarther brief
Minds, or retraining the Malice of our Heathen
Foes.
But fo it is, the Rod of God's Anger is ftill
upon us ; for the Pocanaket Sachem Metacom,
alias Philip, frill lives ! he lives to be Vexation to
us in all Places where he comes : Yea, he lives,
and by his Subtlety proves a more forcible and
perillous Enemy to us than ever we could have
imagined. He hath drawn into his Confederacy
all the Indians from Cape Sables
^
Eaftward to
the Mohawks, which is about three hundred Miles
or upwards : And our Fears are (which would to
God they were but Fears) that fome Traders of
Europe, for Love of Gain, have from Time to
Time fupplied them with Ammunition.
At the Eaftward, the Indians have ruined Fal-
mouth, black Point, and Saco, and flain in thofe
Towns thirty Perfons : Some they took alive, and
fat them upright in the Ground, ufing this Sar-
cafm
:
'
You Englijh, fince you came into this
Country have grown exceedingly above Ground,
let us now fee how you will grow when planted
into the Ground.' At Kitterey they have flain
fourteen Perfons, and burnt fundry Houfes : At
Dover they alfo have killed fome, and fired two
or three Houfes. Our Enemies proudly exult
over us, and blafpheme the Name of our Blefled
God, faying,
'
Where is your O God
?
' Taunting
400
This is giving rather a wide tain; but that this Hoftility was
Scope to the Influence of Philip, remotely owing to Philip's Diplo-
That the Indians, very far Eaft, macy is not very clear; yet it is pro-
became immediately hoftile, is cer- bable.
and true Narrative.
317
at the poor Wretches, which, to make themfelves
Sport with, they cruelly torture to Death : But
our Affiance is in the God that made Heaven and
Earth, who, when he arifes, will fcatter our Ene-
mies.
It hath been the great Care of our Council to
diftinguifh between Friends and Enemies ; for
moft of our Mifchiefs have flowed from pre-
tended Friends, who have demeaned themfelves
exceedingly fairly with us, till they have had the
Opportunity fecretly and fuddenly to endamage
us, and then they fly to our avowed Adverfaries.
Many of our Commonalty would have all Indians
[quatenus fuch) declared Enemies : But our fo-
bereft Sort juftly fear to condemn the Innocent
with the Guilty
;
knowing that
Juftice
eft
Jirmitas
Regni ; nor would they draw on themfelves the
Guilt of blotting out the Intereft of the Gofpel
amongft the Indians, remembering New-England
was originally a Plantation more famous for Re-
ligion than Trade; and to this Day the
Majfa-
chufets, in the Imprefs of their Publick Seal, have
an Indian engraven with thefe Words, Come over
and help us ; alluding to ABs xvi.
9.
Much in-
terline Heartburnings and Complainings, not to
fay Mutinies, have been about thofe Matters ; to
quiet which, Eleven of the moft Notorious, with
whom fome Englijh Plunder was found, were
arraigned, Six whereof being evidently found
Guilty, were foon after executed
;
410
and at the
410
The Names of the Indians Book
of
the Indians,
264. They
here referred to may be feen in the were feized in the Nipmuck Country.
3
18 Afarther brief
Defire of the honefteft of them, all the profeffing
Indians are placed and provided for on certain
Iflands, where they are out of Harm's Way
;
and
by an Act of the General Court, which is our
Parliament here, 'tis Death for any of them to
come off thence without Licence from the Ma-
gistrate. Our People, fince the Lofs of Captain
Lothrop of Beverly, with about Sixtv Men by
furprife, and the burning of
Springfield,
are grown
not lefs valorous, but more cautious : Experience
is the Mother of Prudence, and little Good comes
of defpifing an Enemy. Yet let not the World
cenfure too much Captain Lathrop : He in the
Pequot Wars,
4"
had done Exploits
;
nor in this
would have been behindhand, if the narrow Paf-
fage or Caufes, whom his unexpected Enemies fet
on him, would have given him Leave to have
drawn up his Men. But, however, this may be
faid, to ufe the Words of a wife Man ;
'
There
was never Cenfor that judged, Senator that or-
dered, General that commanded, Council that
executed, Orator that perfuaded, nor any other
mortal Man, but fometimes he committed Errors.'
Let fuch as are too apt to cenfure the Conduct of
fome Affairs here, remember this.
On the 19th of Odlober, Philip affaulted
Hatf-
field,
a Town on ConneBicut-River, with about
eight hundred Men : But there were two hun-
dred of ours then in the Town, which in two
Hours Space, with the Lofs of one Man only,
411
This is the only Mention having ferved in the Pequot War;
I have found of Capt. Lothrop's yet the Statement is not queftioned.
and true Narrative.
319
put the Indians to a total Flight, and killed about
an hundred of them, Sixty of whofe dead Bodies
the Indians carried with them on Horfes, &c.
(for they had feveral Horfes amongft them).
After which Philip and the Nipnet Indians fled to
the Narraganfets ; which caufed the Council of
the Majfachufets,
to publifh in Print this Mani-
fefto
:
[The Proclamation or Manifefto here refer-
red to is contained entire in our fecond Trad:
(Pages
161-3), and is therefore omitted here.
The prefent Trad: ended with that Paper. Yet
the Letter feems imperfed and to have no End
;
but Nothing further is contained in the Harleian
Mifcellany, whence we extrad it. It is evidently
only a Fragment of the original Trad, and I
have been unable to hear of a perfed one. See
Harleian
Mifcellany, Volume V, Page 400.
Editor.]
FINIS.
INDEX
A BBOT, Timothy, efcapes from
"^
the Indians,
274.
Abel, Nehemiah,
91.
Abimileck, Son of Uncas,
136.
Accomintus, under the Pawtuckets,
53-
Acufhena, fold by Maflafoit, 60.
Agawam, attacked by Taratines,
2;;
under the Pawtuckets,
53.
Ahaz, Charles,
91.
Akkompoin (Unkompoin),
71, 87.
Alarm, falfe one,
158.
Alden,
John, 87.
Alexander, Son of Maflafoit,
3
1
;
when fo named, ib,
; informed
againft,
32;
Capture and Death
of,
34-40 ;
another Account, 41-
2; another,
42;
his Death greatly
mourned,
43.
Allen, John, 62.
Alline, John U.,
273.
Almey, John,
75,
81.
Amoret, kidnapped, 12.
Annawan, Counfellor to Philip, 60,
87.
Appleton, Nathan, vi.
Appleton, Samuel, Major, at Hat-
field,
167;
marches for Narra-
ganfet,
178, 194, 234.
Arnold, Benedict, Governor,
78.
Aflacumet, kidnapped by Wey-
mouth, 12; taken by Spaniards,
13-
Rr
Aflafamoogh
(John Gibbs), 60.
Aflawomfets, difarmed,
73.
Aflbwetough, Daughter of Safa-
mon,
91.
Attawamhood, Son of Uncas,
136.
Attleborough [SeakonkJ burnt, 223.
Avery,
James, Captain, Exploit of,
310.
Awafhonks, Squaw Sachem of Se-
conet,
74;
reconciled to Ply-
mouth's Courfe, 80; Letter from,
81;
Family of, 82; little con-
trol over her People, ib. ; con-
founded with Weetamoo, 201
;
furrenders,
269.
DAGNAL, Walter, murdered,
25 ;
one hanged as his Mur-
derer,
27.
Baker, Samuel,
75
; Scribe to Awa-
fhonks, 81.
Barbadoes,
200-3, 204.
Beers, Richard, Capt.,
155;
killed,
.56.
Betogkam, Betokam, Bofhokum.

See Pottoquam.
Bible, the Indian,
145-6.
Bilboes, an Indian put in, 26.
Black Hawk, Tradition of,
45.
Black Sachem.See Watuspaquin.
Black Will.See Poquanum.
Boggeftow.See Medfield.
322
Index.
Bointon, Jofhua, in Sudbury Fight,
234.
Bool [Bull], John, 185.
Boutwell, George S.,
233.
Bradford, William, Captain, fent
againft Alexander,
33:
his Ac-
count of the Capture and Death
of Alexander, 41-2
;
marches
againft Philip, 104;
wounded,
184;
removed to Rhode Ifland,
185,
301.
Braintree, Houfes burnt,
244.
Brattle, Thomas, 68 : ordered to
prevent Exportation of Provi-
fions, 160; Exploit,
259;
in
Plymouth Colony, 268.
Brenton, William, buys Mattapoi-
fet,
59,
87.
Broadfaced Will, fteals a Gun,
81.
Brocklebank, Samuel, Capt., killed,
234, 255,
309.
Brookfield, befieged,
143,
further
Account,
147, 244.
Brown, James,
Mr., 62
;
at a
Treaty,
69, 78;
his Son a Pi-
lot,
105.
Brown, John
Carter,
297.
Buckley, Gerfhom, Mr., Chaplain,
179;
wounded,
252,307.
Bull, Jireh, his Garrifon taken, and
People flain,
179,
300.
CALEB,
kilied,
274.
Canonfhot, eldeft Son of Ni-
nigret,
159.
Canonchet.See Nanuntenoo.
Canonicus, comes to the Maflachu-
fetts Indians to engage them to
aid him in a War with the Pe-
quots, 26 ;
Proceedings on the
Arrival of the Pilgrims,
50;
Death of,
51.
Cape Sables, Indians there ftirred
up in the War,
316.
Captives, Return of Some,
258-9,
265-6, 268,
274.
Carpenter, Wm.,
Jr.,
Lofs by the
War,
196, 212, 312.
Carr, Robert, Mr., 185.
Cafhawaihed, alias Tatamumque,
61.
Caunbitant, difpleafed at the com-
ing of the Pilgrims, 2 1 ;
dies of
Small Pox, 27.
Cawatoquiflet, River, 61.
Challons, Henry, Voyage to New
England,
13.
Chelmsford, Houfes burnt,
244.
Cheefhahteaumuk, the only Indian
Graduate at Harvard,
133.
Chemaughton,
87.
Chikataubut, joins Canonicus, 26.
Chriftian Indians.See Praying
Indians.
Church, Benj., Colonel, 88
; vifus
Weetamoo,
97
;
other Employ-
ment, 106; wounded,
185;
Ex-
ploit of,
277
;
in Search of Philip,
290;
furprifes him, 290-1.
Church, Caleb, of Dedham,
65.
Churches, fpared by the Indians,
148.
Clarke, Thomas, Captain, efcorts
Indians to Bofton, 160; ordered
to Mendon, ib.
Clarke, William, Family murdered,
220, 306.
Coaxet, fold by Maflafoit, 60.
Cole, Hugh, a Friend of Philip,
57,
62,
87 ;
Houfe burnt,
104.
Colier, William, of Plymouth,
41.
Concord, Men cut off,
234, 305.
Coneconam, kidnapped by Harlow,
14.
Connecticut, its Forces cenfured,
194;
Lofs at the Swamp Fight, ib.
Confert, Cornelius, his Exploits,
128, 130.
Cotton,
John,
Letter of,
41.
Index.
323
Cowell, Edward, Captain, narrow
Efcape of, 236.
Cowfumpfit [in Plymouth Colony],
59-
Cradock, Matthew, 25.
Craine, Benjamin, 185.
Croflman, John, 70.
Cudworth, James,
Major, 106, 13
1.
Curtice, Ephraim, MeiTenger, 189.
F)ANFORTH, Thomas, Mr.,
-L/
at Plymouth, 82, 141.
Dartmouth, Houfes burnt, 132.
Davenport, Nathaniel, Captain,
marches for Narraganfet, 178;
killed, 181; his Coftume, 182,
301.
Davis, William, 68 ;
at Plymouth,
82.
Deane, Walter,
87.
Dedham, purchafed of Philip,
59.
Deerfield, Houfes burnt,
155;
wholly ruined,
244.
Denifon, George, Captain, his Suc-
ceffes,
239,
308-9.
Dermer, Thos., Captain, Voyage
to New England, 16.
Devil, decoyed the Indians into
America,
46;
alarmed at the
coming of the Englifh,
47
; de-
vifed the Religion of the Indians,
48 ;
cannot counterfeit Indian
Money,
58;
inftigates the Indians
to make War,
67;
a Murderer,
ib.
; Powwaws worfhip the, 158.
Dorchefter, a Houfe attacked,
134.
Dover, Indians furrender there,
275.
Drew, Mrs., a Captive,
304.
Drinker, Edward, Lieutenant,
253.
Dublet, Tom.See Nepanet.
Dudley, Samuel, Mr., Chaplain,
179.
Dutch, Robert,
157.
THAMES,
Thomas, his Family
killed and captivated, 214;
Petition of his Sons, ib. ; a Son
efcapes,
259,
302.
Eaftham, Indians kidnapped,
7.
Eaftman, Philip, a Captive, 265.
Eafton, John,
his Narrative,
97
;
Interview with Philip,
99
; fur-
ther Account of his Narrative,
112-14.
Eel River, MafTacre, 220.
Eleftion Day, Indians fend Word
that they will dine in Bolton
then, 236.
Eliot, John,
Mr.,
89;
his Indians,
145;
pleads for fome condemned,
151, 267, 271-3, 285.
Epenow, kidnapped by Harlow,
14;
crafty Exploit of,
15.
Ephraim, Peter, 271.
I^ALL Fight,
239, 240, 259-62.
1
Fall River, People killed,
115.
Fall-Town, granted to the Fall-Fight
Soldiers,
239.
Fall proclaimed, 105 ;
another,
147;
at Charleftown,
154;
one
by the Governor and Council,
161.
Felix, Son-in-law to Saflamon,
91.
Force, Peter, vii.
Ford, Jofeph, 185.
Fofter, Hopeftill, Captain,
87.
Frances, makes a Treaty,
43.
Freeman,
John, 78.
French Ships deltroyed and Crews
murdered,
17.
Froft, Charles, Captain, 262.
Froft, Nicholas, whipt and ban-
ifhed for felling Arms to Indians,
27.
Fuller, Samuel,
35
;
Matthew, ib.,
39-
3
2
4-
Index.
(~1ALLOP, John,
Captain, killed,
^
184, 301.
Gardner, Jofeph, Captain, marches
for Narraganfet, 178 ;
killed,
184, 301.
Gauntlet, running, defcribed,
159.
Gibbs, John,
Indian Preacher, 60.
Gilbert, Raleigh, 13.
Gookin, on the Origin of the In-
dians,
44-6;
Tribes in N. Eng-
land,
49;
the Peftilence,
52;
his Indians,
145 ;
Judge among
them,
146;
infulted for taking
the Part of fome,
151;
in Fear
of the Mob,
153;
Letter to, from
Indians, 272-3.
Gorges, Ferd., Sir, on the Origin
of New England Colonization,
10, 131.
Gorham, John,
Captain, in Narra-
ganfet Fight, 184.
Grantham [Groton], burnt,
244.
Groton, attacked and burnt,
217,
244, 252, 306.
ILIADLEY, attacked, 186;
Houfes
burnt,
244.
Harlow, Edward, Captain, Voyage
to New England,
1 3
;
kidnaps
Indians,
13, 14.
Harris, Andrew, Lofs, 196.
Harris, Thaddeus William, 311.
Harvey, William,
87.
Haflanamefit, location of,
139;
Fight there,
256.
Hatchet, Story of grinding one on
Sunday, 126.
Hatfield, Men of, ambufhed and
flain, 166, 176;
attacked and
fired, 186; Houfes burnt,
244,
3.8.
Hawkins, William,
185.
Henchman, Daniel, Captain, Sol-
diers refufe to march with,
154;
why unpopular,
237;
Exploit at
Haflanamefit,
256;
another near
Lancafter, 263.
Hiacoomes,
John, 91.
Hinckley, Thomas,
78, 141.
Hingham, Houfes burnt,
244.
Hoar, John, Mr.,
273.
Hobfon,
,
Captain, Voyage to
New England,
14.
Holman,
John, 27.
Holyoke, Samuel, Captain, 260-1.
Hooficke River, 226.
Hopkins, Richard, whipt for felling
Guns to Indians, 26.
Hubbard, Samuel, Mr.,
104.
Hudfon, William, 68.
Hunt, Thomas, kidnaps Indians,
6, 7,
10; one returns, 20.
Hunter, John,
Services of,
274.
Hurricane, at Barbadoes, 202-3.
Hutchinfon, Anne, barbaroufly
treated,
290-3.
Hutchinfon, Edward, Captain, 1 16,
117;
furprifed and mortally
wounded,
142-3 ;
other Particu-
lars,
147.
Hutchinfon, Richard,
293.
Hutchinfon, Thomas, Governor,
H3.
293-
INDIANS, Land fairly purchafed
of,
3, 5;
fome kidnapped,
6;
Apology for,
7,
10; Population
in New England,
8,
9;
others
kidnapped, 12,
13 ;
capture
French Ships,
17;
great Pefti-
lence among, 1 8 ; Places occu-
pied by,
19;
War declared
again!):,
22 ; bad Lawyers,
24;
War between Narraganfets and
Pequots, 26
;
Small Pox among,
27 ;
Origin of,
44-6 ;
their own
Fables of it, ib.
; Religion,
48
;
Authority of Chiefs,
49
; doomed
Index.
325
to be fwept away,
54;
Nature
of their Government,
63 ;
Ef-
forts to prohibit felling them Li-
quors, 88;
Ammunition allowed
to be fold them,
96
;
great Want
of Ammunition,
125 ;
Device
for firing Places,
144;
one bar-
baroufly executed on Bofton
Common,
153;
another,
157;
in great Want of Ammunition,
197;
a defpicable Enemy, zio;
Device to fire buildings, 212;
fome Women murder two Eng-
lishmen, 218; Exultation after
Sudbury Fight,
236;
LofTes in
the War,
243
;
Cruelties,
245 ;
many furrender at Dover,
275;
burn their Dead,
310;
Number
killed in the War, ib. ; Philip's
Defection wide fpread,
316;
taunt the Englifh about their
God, ib.
JACKSON,
Thomas, executed,
27-
Jacobs, John, a Captive, 266
;
killed,
309.
Jacobs, Richard, furprifed, 305-6.
James-the-Printer, 264, 269.
Jenkins, Reynold, murdered, 26.
Johnfon, Ifaac, Captain, marches
for Narraganfet,
178;
killed,
184,
301.
Jones, ,
killed at Swanfea, 1 10,
128.
Joflin, Jofeph, a Captive, 266.
JofTelyn, John, defcribes King Philip,
58;
Error, 124.
K
EHTEHTICUT.Tehticut,
Kettle, , Mrs., efcapes from
the Indians,
274.
Kidder, Frederic,
233.
Kidnapping of Indians,
6,
7 ;
caufed the fettling New England,
10.
Kimball, Thomas, killed, and Fa-
mily carried off",
265.
Kittery, People killed,
316.
T AKE, Thomas, Captain,
154.
-L<
Lancafter, nearly deftroyed,
214, 244;
afTaulted,
251, 304.
Land, not the Caufe of War,
3, 4.
Lathrop, Thomas, Captain, attacks
the Indians,
155
;
his Fate,
318.
Layton, Archer, and Son, killed,
115.
Leonard, Thomas,
87,
Letters, Indian,
251, 271.
Leverett, John, Governor at Ply-
mouth, 82; Letter to,
270, 272.
Line, John,
273.
Little-John, barbaroufly executed,
153-
Long Ifland, partly under the Pe-
quots,
49 ;
partly under the Nar-
raganfets,
50.
LofTes by the War,
243-5,
3
l
"
11.
Lovell,
John, Nurfe,
185.
Lynn, Alarm there,
24-5.
A/TACEY, George, Lieutenant,
Magnus, Old Queen, Quaiapen,
135,
241.
Mamanewa, Son of Awalhonks, 82.
Manedo, kidnapped by Weymouth,
12; taken by Spaniards,
13.
Marlborough, burnt,
233, 244,
252,
308-9.
Marlhall, Samuel, Captain, killed,
184, 301.
Martha's Vineyard.See Nope.
Mafbn, John, mortally wounded,
184.
326
Index.
MafTachufetts, Nation of, and Coun-
try, 5Z-3.
MafTachufetts, Government, tried
to avert the War,
187.
Maflafoit, vifits the Pilgrims, 20-1
;
his Name changed,
29
; Time
of his Death,
30;
Error con-
cerning, 1
24,
200.
Matakees, Wampanoags,
51.
Matantuck.See Old Queen.
Matapoifet, fold by Philip, 61
;
War begins at,
105.
Mather, Cotton, D.D., on Indians,
46-7, 147;
on King Philip's
Skull,
291.
Mather, Increafe, D.D.,
4
;
unfair
Statement of,
40 ;
on the Found-
ers of New England,
47;
on
Difcovery of a Murderer,
95
;
on Eafton's Narrative,
97
;
keeps
a Faft,
147 ;
Sermon,
148.
Matoonas, hanged,
65 ;
attacked
Mendon,
190; bound, 279-80.
Mattamuck, Letter of,
271.
Mattapoifett, fold by Philip,
59.
Medfield, attacked and burnt, 214-
15;
Boggeftow, 251
;
further
Account,
305.
Megunneway, in the Fall Fight, 262.
Mendon, burnt,
132-3, 190,
280.
Metacomet.See Pometacom,
59,
8
7-
Miantonimo.See Nanuntenoo.
Mohawks, towards New York,
227
;
Report of their murdering fome
of Philip's Men,
243 ;
great Fear
of,
275.
Mohickanders, River Indians, 226.
Minot, Mr., his Houfe attacked,
34-
Mohegans, injuftice to by Hiftori-
ans, 198
;
make flaughter of
Philip's Men, 250.
Monhiggon, early vifited,
13,
20.
Monnamoyk, Indians Wampanoags,
Monoco, magnanimous,
272.
Monopet, kidnapped by Harlow,
Montowampate, dies of Small Pox,
27.
Mooanam, afterwards Alexander,
31-
Moofuck, a Narraganfet Chief,
116.
Morfe, John, Mr., Commiffary,
129;
one a Captive,
259.
Morton, Nathaniel,
87.
Mofely, Samuel, Captain, an old
Privateer,
127, 131 ;
Story of
his Wig,
149;
kills two Indians,
1
50-
1
;
captures others, 151
;
defeated at Sugar-Loaf-Hill,
156;
refcued by Maj. Treat,
157;
at
Hatfield, 166; fights there,
167;
marches for Narraganfet, 178
;
enters the Fort, 182; faw fifty
Indians fire on him at once, ib.
;
ordered out again,
215 ;
at
Quaboag, 228
;
marches again,
306-7.
Mount Hope, defcribed, 123.
Munponfet, a Pond in Halifax,
34.
Muttamakoog, Letter of,
273.
XTAAMKEEKS, under the Paw-
^
tuckets,
53.
Nahawton, Services of,
274-5.
Namumpum.See Weetamoo.
Nananuntuew (Nanuntenoo), 61
;
Chief of the Narraganfets,
177 ;
Capture and Death, 230-1
;
Quanonihot, ib.,
254;
his Death
greatly difcourages the Indians,
255;
SucceiTor of,
277;
further
Account, 308-9.
Nantucket, under the Wampanoags,
5
1
; Philip there, 60.
Index.
327
Nanufkooke (Wootonakanufka),
62.
Narraganfet, burnt,
244.
*
Narraganfets, War with the Pe-
quots, 26; Small Pox among,
27;
their Numbers and Country,
49-
50;
had Caufe to hate the Eng-
lifh,
63-4
; fuppofed great Num-
bers, 116; infulting Meflage to,
by Maflachufetts, 1 16-17; f me
join Connecticut Forces [thofe
were Ninigret's Men],
140;
Fight and Fort,
179-84;
Fort
defcribed, 181
;
burnt,
183;
Numbers killed,
193;
the Swamp
Fight, 300.
Nafhaway, Indians, Maflachufetts,
52;
Nafhoba,
139;
burnt,
244.
Nafhaway, burnt, 218, 304.
Natick Indians, great Services of
to the Englifh, 256-7.
Naufet, Indians of, kidnapped,
7
;
Numbers of, 2
1
; under the Wam-
panoags,
5
1 .
Nemafkets, Arms taken from,
73.
Nepanet, Services of,
256, 263,
271.
Neponfet Indians, Maflachufetts,
52.
New England, claimed and peopled
by the Devil,
46-7
;
principal
Tribes in,
49;
relieves Virginia,
204;
LofTes by the War,
243-
5,
310-11.
Nianticks, 160
;
Services of, againft
Philip,
308.
Niles, Samuel, Rev., his Hiftory,
42.
Nimrod (Umnathum, &c), 60,
62, 71, 87;
killed,
148.
Ninigret, 116; in Amity,
135;
fome Account of, ib.,
139
;
fends
Men to Connefticut to fight for
the Englifh,
140; a Coat given
him by King Charles,
141 ;
Em-
bafly from, at Bofton,
157;
or-
dered to appear at Bofton,
159;
Promife extorted from,
165
;
King of the Narraganfets,
177;
oldeft Son marries Weetamoo,
ib. ; feparates from the Enemy,
185;
fends Men to bury the
killed at the Swamp Fight;
193 ;
demands a Charge of Powder
for each,
194;
many of his
People taken, 228; his Men at
the taking of Canonfhot,
230
;
Brother to Magnus,
241 ;
Accu-
fations againft,
242.
Nipmucks, partly under the Wam-
panoags,
5
1
;
under the Mafla-
chufetts,
52 ; under the Paw-
tuckets,
53
;
the Narraganfets,
50;
in Difpute between the Nar-
raganfets and Wampanoags,
64
;
under the Command of Philip,
66 ; Limits of their Country un-
defined, 141 ;
furprife Englifh at
Brookfield, 142;
MefTengers fent
among, to prevent their joining
the Enemy, 189-90.
Nipnets.See Nipmucks.
Nobfquafit, under the Wampan-
oags,
;
1.
Nonantum, Indians, Maflachufetts,
52.
Nope, under the Wampanoags,
51.
Northampton, burnt,
244, 253 ;
violent Attack on,
307.
Norton, Freegrace, Sergeant, killed,
.67.
Nowell, Samuel, Mr., Chaplain,
179.
Numpho, Sam,
273.
Nuncompahoonet (Nimrod),
87.
Nunuit, Peter.See Petananuet.
328
Indi
QLDENBURG, Henry, Li-
^"^
cencer, 171.
Old Queen, Magnus, Quaiapen,
135,
140 ;
killed, 241.
Oliver, James,
Captain, Conduft
inconfiftent, 151-2; a Favorite
of the Soldiers,
154;
conduces
Indians to Bofton, 160; marches
for Narraganfet, 178.
One-eyed Sachem [One-eyed John,
John
Monoco], 219.
Oneko, Son of Uncas, at Bofton,
136.
Ofland, Humphrey,
199.
Oultuck, John, executed,
267.
Oufamequin, 61.
Ovvaneko, Son of Uncas,
136.
PAKACHOOG (in Worcefter
r
and Ward),
65.
Paine, Nathaniel, 103.
Pakfkoag, Letter of, 271.
Palmes, Edward, Major, 228.
Pannakpukun, Letter of,
273.
Park-; John,
wounded,
155.
Pafcataways, under Pawtucketts,
53.
Paffaconaway, delivers a Murderer,
26.
Patuxit (in Narraganfet), depreda-
tion there,
196,
212.
Patuxit, Indians of, kidnapped,
7;
Pilgrims fettle at, 20; another,
burnt,
244.
Pawfaquens, Counfellor to Philip,
61.
Pawtucketts, the fifth great Sachem-
fhip of Indians,
53;
the Extent
of their Country, ib.
Peach, Arthur, murders an Indian,
27.
Peebe, Chief under Philip, 60.
Pechmo, kidnapped by Capt. Har-
low,
13.
Pekanimne, kidnapped by Captain
Harlow, 13.
ex.
Peirce, Michael. See Pierce.
Pennacooks, under the Pawtuckets,
S3-
239-
Pemaquid, Indians kidnapped at, 10
Pequot War, Allufion to,
24, 30
War with the Narraganfets, 26
influence the Narraganfets, 28
Territory of,
49
; Services againft
Philip, 308.
Perkins, John, Serjeant, of Aga-
wam,
25.
Peftilence among Indians,
18; Ac-
count of, by Samofet,
20; by
Gookin,
52.
Petananuet, Hufband of Weeta-
moo,
43.
Peter, captured, and made a Pilot,
180.
Philip, Lands bought fairly of,
5,
6;
his Name changed from Me-
tacomet to Philip,
3
1
; nicknamed
King Philip,
35;
ordered to the
Court at Plymouth,
43
;
makes
a Treaty, ib. ; affecled by Alex-
ander's Death,
55;
did not in-
tend a general War,
56;
la-
mented its Occurrence,
57;
calls
King Charles his Brother,
58,
203;
his Indian Name,
59;
that
of his Wife, ib.; at Nantucket,
60 ; fells other Lands, 6
1
; charged
with engaging the Narraganfets
with him againft the Englifh,
63;
Plymouth complains to Mafta-
chufetts, 66 ; Treaty at Ply-
mouth,
67;
fharpening Knives
and grinding Hatchets,
68 ; treats
at Taunton and confefles a Plot,
7
1 ;
reproached with Cowardice
by one of his Chiefs,
72;
charged
with making falfe- Reports,
76;
again fummoned to Plymouth,
78;
goes to Bofton,
79;
makes
a Treaty at Plymouth,
83 ;
Let-
ter of,
87 ;
Interview with Rhode
Index.
329
Ifland Men, 99-102;
how he
obtained Arms, &c, 125;
flies
from Mount Hope,
129;
his
Cap taken,
130;
Brother killed,
133;
Reward for his Head,
140;
forced from a Swamp,
148;
cuts
his rich Peag Coat to Pieces,
154;
ordered Saflamon to be
killed,
175;
flies to the Narra-
ganfels,
1 76
; attacks Hatfield,
186;
flies to the Narraganfets,
187;
obtains Ammunition from
Albany,
191;
goes towards Al-
bany, 198 ;
not a Grandfon of
Maflafoit, 200; obliged to fkulk
in Swamps,
243
; Wewafowan-
nett,
273;
killed,
291;
one of
his Hands exhibited, 292.
Piants, Thomas, 61.
Pierce, Michael, Captain, Expedi-
tion, Defeat and Death, 221-2,
2
53-4,
307-8.
Pigs of Lead, feized, 240.
Pilgrims, Arrival at Plymouth,
18;
Samofet appears to them,
20;
twenty die of Small Pox,
27
;
difturbed by the Narraganfets,
50-1.
Pitome, Andrew,
263.
Plymouth, why fo called,
123;
cenfured by Maflachufetts for
neglecting to provide for Minis-
ters, 162.
PocafTet, Swamp Fight,
133;
de-
fcribed,
134.
Pokanokets.See Wampanoags.
Pokomptuck, claimed by Maflachu-
fetts Indians,
52.
Pometacom, a Name of King
Philip,
59,
61.
Population of the Indians,
8, 9.
Poquanum, taken and hanged,
27.
Potok, taken Prifoner,
241
;
put to
Death,
292.
Pottaquam, Simon, Scribe, 271-2.
Ss
Powwows, their Efforts to drive
,
away the Englifh,
19;
have Fa-
miliarity with the Devil,
48
;
caufed a great Storm,
158.
Pratt, Serjeant, killed,
309.
Praying Indians, Order confining
them to certain Limits,
137-9;
fome prove treacherous,
141
;
furprife the Englifh at Brookfield,
142-3 ;
farther Account of,
1
45-
7
; two put to Death by Mofely,
149-50;
others captured,
151;
charged with burning Springfield,
164;
many furprifed and flain
at Springfield,
165;
Order to
confine to the Iflands,
173;
great
Service of,
256;
Jealoufies con-
cerning,
257;
an Exploit, 262-
3
;
Defence of,
284-5.
Prence, Thomas, Governor,
32,
69.
Prentice, Thomas, Captain, marches
for Narraganfet,
178; Exploit
of,
179;
difcovers Indian's Corn,
180; at Sudbury,
236.
Pritchard, John, killed,
144.
Providence, burnt, in Part,
244,
254.
Pumham, his Town burnt,
196;
killed,
241,276,
278;
his Grand-
child" taken,
310.
Pumkamun, Letter of,
273.
Punkapog, where located,
139.
Pumetacom.See Pometacom.
Punkapaog, under the Maflachufetts
Tribe,
52.
Purchafe, Thomas, Family mafla-
cred,
164.
Pynchon,
John,
Houfe, Sec., burnt,
164.
QUABAOG, in Brookfield,
141,
ZC
9-
Quaiapen, Magnus, Old Queen,
135, 241.
33
Index.
Quakers, made to run the Gauntlet.
159;
referred to, 162
;
com-
pelled to receive the wounded,
21 1.
Quanapohit, 272.
Quaqnalh, wounded, 196.
Quinnapin, marries Weetamoo,
177;
Brother killed,
193;
Qua-
nipun,
272;
in Jail, 290.
Quittacus [in Middleborough], 91.
Quononfhot.See Nanuntenoo.
DAWSON, Edward, 163, 192,
IV
237-
Reade, Samuel,
133.
Rehoboth, burnt,
223, 244, 254;
Indians flain at,
259.
Rhode Ifland, a Propofition to ad-
vife with,
77-8;
confirms Ply-
mouth's Sufpicions of Philip,
80;
great Hofpitality to Refugees and
Wounded,
185;
wronged, 211;
a common Zoar, 224.
Richmond, John, 87.
River, Indians, Mahickanders, 226.
Rocket, John,
133.
Rowlandfon, Jofeph, Rev., Family
captured,
219 ;
ranfomed his
Wife, 220
;
further Account,
251, 268, 304.
CACHEM, Definition of, 208.
^
Saflacomet, kidnapped by Wey-
mouth, 1 2.
Sagamore, Definition of, 208.
Sagamore-John, furrenders,
279;
fired the firft Gun, 280.
Sagamore-Sam,
263
; Infolence of,
270-2
;
fends Ambafladors to
Bofton,
276-7;
his People fur-
render, 278.
Sakawefton, kidnapped by Harlow,
14.
Saltonftall, Nathaniel, 200, 246.
Sam-Sagamore,
263.
Samofet appears to the Pilgrims,
19.
Sampointeen, alias Tom, 61.
Sampfon, empowered to fell Land,
6i.
Sanfuweft (Sawfuett), 61, 62.
SafTamon, Counfellor to Philip,
34,
38;
John,
ib.,
43, 59;
murdered,
89;
Account of,
89-95 ;
Eallon's
Account,
98;
another, 121-3;
another,
174-5.
Saukatucket, under the Wampan-
Savage, Perez, Lieut., wounded,
184, 301.
Savage, Thomas, Captain, at Swan-
fea,
129;
ordered in Purfuit of
the Enemy,
215;
at Quabaog,
228; in the Nipmuck Country,
251-2; at Hadley,
253;
marches,
306.
Sawfuett, an Interpreter, 6
1
; San-
fuweft, 62.
Scattacook, Philip's Retreat, 198.
Scituate, Houfes burnt,
244.
Scott, [Richard?] 264.
Seakonk, [Attleboro'] , burnt,
223,
244, 254.
Sealy, Robert, mortally wounded,
184,
193,
301;
Nathaniel,
197.
Seconets, Arms taken from,
73, 75.
Seikins, Thomas,
91.
Sharp, John,
Lieut., killed,
309.
Sheppard, Mary, her Efcape, 2
1 5
;
her Brothers, killed,
305.
Shofhanim, a Nipmuck Chief,
273.
Sicknefs, a great, 162, 282.
Simon, his Depredations, 265.
Skikowaras, an Indian, kidnapped
by Weymouth, 1 2 ;
fent out
with Raleigh Gilbert,
13.
Slaine, John, Mr., of London,
zo.
Slavery, how formerly viewed,
7.
Slinnings, Richard, executed, 27.
Small Pox rages,
27.
Index.
33
1
Smith, John,
Captain, in New
England,
7;
Ouarrel with In-
dians,
9.
Smith, Richard, Mr.,
1 57;
a Hoft-
age,
159;
comes to Bolton,
160;
his Garrifon, 180, 198;
rein-
forced,
213 ;
abandoned and
burnt by the Enemy, 216; No-
tice of him, 217.
Smith, Zachary, murdered,
65,
279.
Somagaonet, a Seconet Chief,
75.
Sonkanuhoo,
84, 133.
Southworth, Conftant,
61; at a
Treaty,
69,
78, 87.
Sowamfet (Warren, R. I.),
33.
Sprague, Richard, Captain, tranf-
ports Captives to be fold,
131,
139-
Springfield, burnt,
164,
244;
Peo-
ple killed,
308.
Squamfcot, Falls in the Connefti-
cut River, 260.
Squando, furrenders,
275.
Squanto, introduced to the Pil-
grims,
20;
interprets Canonicus's
Challenge, 50.
Squawbetta [in Middleborough]
,
91.
Squaw Sachem, of Narraganfet,
116; a Princefs, 208.
Standifh, Miles, Expedition againft
the Indians, 22.
Stanton, Thomas, 116; Robert, ib.
Stonewall-John, at Narraganfet
Fight,
183, 300.
Storm, terrific one,
158;
at Bar-
badoes, 202-3.
Stoughton, William, Commiffioner,
141.
Sudbury, Murders at,
214;
defpe-
rate Fight there,
233-4;
Monu-
ment to commemorate, errone-
oufly dated, ibid.
; Houfes burnt,
244, 254;
Incident of the Fight,
255
;
another Account,
302,
39-
Sugar-Loaf-Hill, Fight there,
155-6.
Sunk-Squaw.

Old Queen,
241.
Swamp, not an Indian Word, 208.
Swain, Jeremiah, Lieut., wounded,
184, 30 !.
Swanfea, People killed at, no, 128-
9,
188; Houfes burnt,
132, 244.
Symonds, John, Indian Preacher,
91.
'"TAHANEDO, kidnapped, 12.
1
Talcott,
John, Major, fuccefs-
ful, 240-1; in Nipmuck,
264,
266, 269, 276, 280.
Tatamumaque, alias Cafhewaihed,
61.
Tatuckamna, Son of Awafhonks,
82.
Taratines, attack Agawam,
25
;
murder five Englifh, ib.
Taunton, partly burnt,
244.
Tavofer, a Chief under Philip,
7
1
.
Tempeft, at Barbadoes, 202-3.
Tetehquet (Titicut),
42
; Kehtehti-
cut,
91.
Thankfgiving, proclaimed,
267.
Tift, Jofhua, taken and executed,
197.
Ting, Edward, 151-2; wounded,
184.
Tifdale,
John, killed,
115.
Tifpaquin. See Watuspaquin.
Tifquantum.See Squanto.
Titicut.See Tetehquet.
Tokamahamon, brings Canonicus's
Challenge to Plymouth,
50 ;
another
(?),
82.
Tolony, Hufband to Awafhonks, 82.
Tom, alias Sawfuett, 6 1
.
See Wat-
TASACOMPONOM.
Tom, alias Sampointeen, 61.
332
Index.
Tory, Jofeph, Mr., 104.
Tototatomct, a Seneca Chief,
75.
Tracy, Mr. John, 103.
Trark, William B., 87.
Treat, Robert, Major,
157 ;
at
Narraganfet Fight,
184, 194;
at
Quabaog,
215;
at Northampton,
253;
aflaulted,
300.
Treaty, with MafTafoit, 2
1
; with
Philip,
43, 67;
at Taunton,
70;
at Plymouth, 83-4.
Tuckerman, Edward, vi, vii.
Turner, William, Captain, at Qua-
baog, 228
;
Expedition and
Death,
239-40,
260-2
;
faves
Northampton,
253;
March to
Ouabaog, 306-7.
Turner's Falls, Indian Name, 260.
Tyng, Edward, wounded, 301.
T JMNATHUM.See Nimrod.
Uncas, 122; fome Account
of,
135-6;
his Men in the Field,
148;
joins the Army,
195;
re-
turns Home, 198 ;
the only
Chriftian Sagamore,
230;
Ser-
vices,
250.
Uncompawen,
61, 71.
Underwood, A. B.,
233.
Upham, Phinehas, mortally wound-
ed,
184, 301.
Uppanippaquem, Letter of, 271.
Ulher, Hezekiah, Pun on the Pray-
ing Indians, 168.
TflRGINIA, Indian War there,
199;
relieved by New Eng-
land, 204.
W
G., 204.
v T
Waban, warns the Englifh
that the Indians intend War,
97;
Letter to,
270, 272.
WabaquafTets, return Captives, 266.
Wachufett,
276.
Wading River,
87.
Wadfworth, Samuel, Captain, re-
lieves Lancafter, 2
14;
marches
to relieve Marlborough,
233;
ambufhed and flain,
233, 255,
309;
an Exploit of,
303-4.
Waite,
[John?]
in Narraganfet
Fight,
184.
Waldron, Richard, Major, 261
;
feizes Indians at Dover,
275.
Walker,
James, Mr.,
78, 87.
Walker, Richard, Serjeant, of Lynn,
24.
Walley,
John,
Captain,
164.
Wamefit, where located,
139.
Wampumpeage, what it is,
58.
Wampanoags, an independent
Power,
33;
Numbers and Coun-
try, 50-2
;
great Slaughter of, at
the Fall Fight, 262.
Wamfutta, afterwards Alexander,
31,
61.
Wanalancet, a noted Chief,
239,
264-5;
at Dover,
275.
Wanafcattaquett River, 61.
War, firft Declaration of, 22.
Warwick, burnt,
217,
244, 307.
Watts, Thomas, wounded,
301.
Watuckpoo, empowered to fell
Land, 61.
Watufpaquin, Counfellor to Philip,
59,
90.
Waweyewet, a Hufband of Awa-
fhonks, 82.
Way, Henry, his Son murdered,
25
; indemnified,
27.
Weetamoo, gueen of PocafTet,
43
;
vifited by Church,
97;
Sifter-
in-law to Philip,
123;
flys to
Ninigret,
140;
demanded of him,
159 ;
to be delivered at Bolton,
161; Time expires and no De-
livery,
165;
Value of her Lands,
166
;
marries Ninigret's oldeft
Index.
333
Son, Quinnapin,
177 ;
Error
concerning, 241.
Wenape, fails with Hobfon,
14.
Wefhacom, Indians captured there,
263.
Weftfield, much ruined,
244.
WefTagufcus, fettled, 2
1
; Indians
of, Maflachufetts,
52.
Wewafowanuett,
273.
Weymouth, Geo., Captain, kidnaps
Indians, 10-13; Houfes burnt,
244.
Wheeler, Thomas, Captain,
142.
Whipple, John, Captain, at Qua-
baog, 228, 306-7.
White, [Whiting?] wounded, 184.
Whiting,
John, Captain,
157.
Whitpoll.-See Whipple.
Wigwam, Derivation of, 208.
Willard, Samuel, Rev.,
145.
Willard, Simon, Major, relieves
Brookfield,
144;
Houfe burnt,
217, 306;
dies, 238.
Willett, Thomas, Captain,
32;
Marinus, ib.,
36, 41, 61, 62.
Williams, Nathaniel, Mr., 129.
Williams [Richard], at a Treaty,
69, 78, 87.
Williams, Roger, on Religion of
Indians,
48
;
prevents War be-
tween Tribes,
64;
applied to for
Counfel, 118; Interview with
the Indians,
225.
Wilfon, Thomas, wounded,
144.
Winflow,
Job,
his Houfe robbed,
103.
Winflow, Jofiah, Letter of, de-
fending Plymouth,
4,
5
;
fent
againft Alexander,
33
;
at a
Treaty,
69 ;
Governor, 122
;
General, marches for Narragan-
fet,
178;
lodges in a Barn, 186;
eats Horfe-flefh with his Men,
213;
returns to Bofton,
303.
Winthrop,
John, at Plymouth,
82;
his Father,
179;
dies,
229;
the
Father a Perfecutor,
293.
Wifpoke, Captain,
71.
Wittuwamat, a Maffachufetts Chief,
killed, 22.
Woburn, Murder there,
279.
Wohkowpahenitt (Unkompoin),84.
Wollomonopoag (Dedham),
59.
Wonohaqueham, joins Canonicus,
26;
dies of Small Pox,
27.
Woodcock,
John,
his Garrifon at-
tacked,
238, 310.
Woonafhum,'(Nimrod),
84.
Woonkaponehunt (Unkompoin),
71, 84.
Woofanfamon.See Sassamon.
Woofpafuck, alias Captain,
84.
Wootonekanufke, Wife of King
Philip,
59.
Woofamequin, a Name of Mafla-
foit,
29.
Wrentham, bought of Philip,
59.
Wright,
,
a Fanatic, murdered,
223-4.
Wuttakoofeim,
84.
Wuttafacomponom (Capt. Tom),
264;
executed,
267;
his Son
furrenders, 269.