Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Type 1 352 m
2
Type 2 316 m
2
Type 3 128 m
2
(McEnroe 1982, table 1, p18).
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Chapter 2. Earth: The Minoan archaeological landscape.
McEnroe also makes some mention of local traditions. Architecture at a particular site
may well have been influenced by the availability of local resources. This is evidenced,
for example, at the island site of Pseira where although some walls were constructed of
limestone boulders many are dry walled of schist and limestone slabs. This factor of local
tradition has also been used to explain the difference between buildings on Kea which are
also of schist slabs and the use of ashlar blocks evidenced at Akrotiri (Barber 1987, p12).
Thus the apparent Minoan influence at Akrotiri may actually be due to availability of
resources biasing the archaeological record.
Another interesting conclusion of McEnroe's work is that of the 46 excavated buildings at
Gournia, all but the 'palace' are of Type 3. This may be a construct of tradition, and when
a new house is built it is modelled on those around it and has a similar layout, thus
restricting the innovative element and proving that the extrapolation of data over limited
sites is viable.
Hallager (1990) specifically looked at the question of roofs and upper stories and proposed
a reconstruction for two buildings from Chania. He agreed with McEnroe's division of
Minoan domestic housing but made a significant point about the area of the ground floors,
with his opinion being that this area is too large for a normal dwelling space. This is
coupled with the lack of open areas in LM I sites. He used five criteria to reconstruct the
second story.
1. Staircases
2. Different construction and thicknesses of ground floor walls
3. Preserved fragments of roof/ceiling construction
4. Architectural remains , such as thresholds fallen from above
5. Drainage systems connected to the upper story
From this his main conjecture was that much of the second story space was not devoted to
sealed rooms but was rather an open space which would be used for a variety of activities
including storage, preparation and cooking (Hallager 1990, p289).
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Chapter 2. Earth: The Minoan archaeological landscape.
Plate 2-1 Roof construction from a building in Tunisia abandoned in the 1960's.
The actual data on roof construction is limited but is probably relatively similar to the
method used in the area up to the introduction of concrete. The greatest amount of
evidence comes from Santorini where timbers used in the construction process are
preserved as voids. Floors and ceilings were supported by beams across which were laid
slabs, or probably more commonly reeds or branches. These were then overlaid by
vegetation such as hay or spiny burnet on top of which there was a thickness of earth. If
this was the roof then the earth would be waterproofed in some fashion (Rackham 1978).
Plate 2-1 illustrates this type of roof construction from a house in Tunisia which was
abandoned around 1960. Some of the roof has collapsed revealing in section how the roof
is constructed. Timbers support a layers of reeds upon which is a layer of leaves; this is
then sealed by a number of earth layers providing the waterproofing.
Graham assessed the palace roof structures and believed it unlikely that there would be
three stories to the main Knossos complex (Graham 1979). The stresses combined with
the tectonic nature of the area would not have made this viable. Rather he suggested that
the riser that Evans identified as leading up to a third floor forms a stairwell leading to the
roof of the second story. He conjectured that from here views could again be gained of the
Central Court activities. Small structures over such a stairwell to protect them from the
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Chapter 2. Earth: The Minoan archaeological landscape.
elements would explain the attic-like structures visible on the Town Mosaic (Morgan 1988,
fig 53, p68).
A problem with Graham's interpretation is an over emphasis of the religious and
ceremonial nature of the palace structures and the fact that reconstructions are based on an
ideal rather than the practical. Klynne (1998) discussed the appearance of the palaces in
graphical reconstruction's. He suggested that the cleanliness of the sites and the aesthetic
are over emphasised also that the architecture is often a concrete blankness with sharp
lines. They are a construction as much of a modern viewpoint as of reality and based fairly
rigidly on Evans work, which was of its time, but also was necessary to be able to excavate
the areas underneath (Klynne 1998, p207). The inability to recognise palatial structures in
Minoan iconography may be linked to a fixed view of their appearance, central courts with
tripartite shrines topped by horns of consecration. The proposal put forward by Klynne for
a reconstruction of Knossos is for a much less sterilised site (Klynne 1998, fig 9, p223).
Individual elements are emphasised so that sections of the building are painted and
decorated differently and it is obvious that some were built at different times. He
emphasises the importance of the roof space as an activity centre with projections, parapets
and temporary coverings.
Seen in this context the roof area becomes more vulnerable to tephra fall. Parapets and
obstructions may have led to a drifting of material which might have increased the chance
of roof collapse. Tephra could also have blocked drainage channels from the roof, which
depending upon the time of year may have increased risk of collapse. Also food stuffs and
preparation areas on the roof may have been contaminated by the tephra.
2.5.1.2 Iconography
The iconographic evidence for buildings is limited to a number of sources, namely
frescoes, seals and sealings, house models and furniture inlays. The most important of
these are fresco depictions and in particular the Miniature Fresco from Akrotiri which
shows two towns (Morgan 1988). Seals and sealings provide limited evidence mainly
because the small scale of the media predicated against many buildings being shown. The
tripartite shrine appears to be the most popular form shown in this medium. The House
model from Archanes is a clay model of a Minoan house that confirms in the round many
of the details outlined by the archaeological evidence, in particular the flat roof area and
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Chapter 2. Earth: The Minoan archaeological landscape.
parapet. The Town Mosaic is a series of faience plaques discovered by Evans at Knossos
which may have been from an inlaid piece of furniture (Evans 1921, fig 226). They show
individual houses and buildings from a front-on 2-Dimensional perspective with the viewer
placed centrally and suspended in mid air.
The depiction of multiple buildings and by inference a town or village needs a particular
medium, which is influenced by scale. It needs to be large enough to depict a scene, but
the individual buildings also need to be reduced in size. So called miniature frescoes
depicting buildings exist from Ayia Irini on Kea and there is a fragmentary example from
Tylissos but the best example is the Miniature Fresco from the West House at Akrotiri
which depicts two towns as well as other structures.
All these sources confirm the individual nature of many buildings. There is great detail on
the Miniature Fresco but distinguishing between stories and different buildings is difficult.
Colour appears to be used in registers on the buildings reflecting different plasters and
white washes. Some ashlar details can be distinguished but much detail such as mud brick
is hidden beneath plaster facade.
The elements that are most important for this study are that the buildings are 2 or 3 stories
and have flat roofs which must have been accessible because people are watching from
them. There are parapets and stairwells as well as small dome-like features.
2.5.1.3 Summary
Using the general principles outlined by Blong for tephra fallout a number of conclusions
can be drawn about the fallout of tephra on buildings (Blong 1984, p206). It is likely that
there would have been sufficient wind to create uneven distribution of fallout; many of the
Minoan sites are coastal sites which have significant changes of sea breeze during the day.
The parapets and structures on flat roofs combined with wind drifting would probably lead
to asymmetrical loads on roofs. However, as was noted above it appears that the Minoan
roof space was a fully functioning part of the building structure. If areas of the roof were
used for storage then the amount of weight that these structures could bear may have been
significant. The depth of 10 cm of tephra fall should thus be seen as a minimum depth of
tephra that could cause some structural collapse in buildings. In areas experiencing more
than 10 cm of deposit then structural collapse of some buildings is more likely. The roof
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Chapter 2. Earth: The Minoan archaeological landscape.
space appears to be an integral part of a functioning Minoan community and was probably
used for storage, food preparation and some industrial activity. Tephra fall of less than 10
cm may have contaminated some foodstuffs and caused minor damage but such an amount
was probably disruptive rather than catastrophic.
2.5.2 The coastal littoral and maritime zone
The coastal littoral or maritime zone components include ships, harbour installations and
cultivated land. These components of Minoan sites situated on the north coast of Crete
could have been at risk from tsunami inundation. A number of articles from Marinatos
(1939) to Antonopoulos (1992) stress the massive destruction that could have been caused
by tsunami waves, but these arguments are usually a gross simplification of not only the
area at risk but also of the possible damage caused. To be able to assess if this threat from
tsunami inundation was a significant one I feel it is necessary to draw up some conclusions
about how the Minoans interacted with the sea, the types of ships that they used and how
they secured these vessels.
The main difficulty with trying to reconstruct the potential damage to this littoral zone is
that the evidence is very fragmentary and poorly researched. There are a number of
reasons for this but a breakdown of some of them is given by Raban in his discussion on
Minoan and Caananite harbours (Raban 1991, p136).
1. The preconception that harbours were only naturally sheltered bays where ships could
be drawn up onto sandy beaches and were lacking in any man made features.
2. The interaction between earth sciences and 'traditional archaeology' was limited in the
region and ignored by a number of major excavations which could have carried out this
type of study.
3. The cost of involving expertise from other areas and expensive equipment to examine
both land and near shore sites was too much for most excavations when well preserved
in-situ deposits were available inland.
4. The regulations and different permits required to investigate land and sea zones work
against a holistic approach to this problem.
5. The significant change in topography means that the search for a harbour site is
difficult and will not always be successful.
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Chapter 2. Earth: The Minoan archaeological landscape.
These factors need to be borne in mind when trying to assess this important and poorly
understood zone. The change in sea level since the Late Bronze Age is particularly
relevant and this is dealt with in depth in chapter 5. The main conclusion though is that the
north coast has dipped into the sea on the eastern side, but has been raised out of the sea on
the western side.
The evidence for maritime subsistence products is dealt with below in section 2.5.3.1. The
coastal zone would have been at risk from tsunami inundation with many sites situated on
the low-lying coastal plains. Inundation of fields and wells may have occurred leading to
saline poisoning but such an event cannot be quantified. Driessen and Macdonald
(Driessen and Macdonald 1997, p100) state that a number of wells went out of use or were
freshly dug in this period but there is no direct evidence of a link to Santorini.
2.5.2.1 Ports and harbours
The only Minoan port site to have been examined in depth is Kommos on the south coast
which serviced the Messara plain (Shaw and Shaw 1996). The reconstruction drawings of
Building J/T and Building P which are presented in Shaws paper on Aegean harboursides
reveal a sophistication and scope lacking from the excavated remains (Shaw 1990, fig 8,
p424 and fig 9, p425). A combination of change in sea-level, tectonic forces and winter
storms has battered this poorly preserved resource. Whilst it may be that some sites used
lighters and beached vessels to unload supplies, the Arrival town with its double harbour in
the Miniature Fresco from the West House and the unloading of produce shown by the
Miniature Fresco from Kea (Morgan 1990, fig 2, p255) are indicative of a more
sophisticated harbour arrangement. Chapter 6 shows walls and structures of probable
Minoan date at a number of coastal sites on Crete that were noted during fieldwork on the
island in 1999 and 2000.
2.5.2.2 The Minoan Thalassocracy
The question of the Minoan relationship with the sea has become intimately bound with a
description by the Classical writer Thucydides. He mentions a Minoan thalassocracy, or
rulership of the sea, when the legendary king of Crete, Minos, kept the sea lanes free of
pirates and colonised the Aegean islands (Book 1:4 and Book 1:8). This has meant that
many discussions on Minoan interaction with other areas have focussed on concepts of
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Chapter 2. Earth: The Minoan archaeological landscape.
domination and whether trade was based on the state or the individual. Cherry (1999) in a
recent introduction to the Minoan economy stated that we were a long way from,
"..naively unproblematized charaterisations of the Minoans as a nature-loving
folk, under the beneficent rule of priest-kings, enjoying the fruits of a pax
minoica and the Minoan thalassocracy."
(Cherry 1999, p18).
I am not sure that this has filtered through to disciplines outside archaeology and it is
obviously difficult to get away from the term when discussing the interaction of the
Minoan heartland of Crete with that of other Aegean centres. A recent in-depth
scientific study of Late Bronze Age pottery was termed 'The Minoan thalassocracy
reconsidered: provenance studies of LH IIA/LM IB pottery from Phylakopi, Ay Irini
and Athens' (Mountjoy and Ponting 2001).
In my opinion the term should not be used since it creates the image of a large centrally
organised fleet for which we have no evidence. In terms of the present discussion this is
important since the eruption cannot have destroyed a brittle, centrally controlled,
politically dominating fleet if we have no evidence that such a construct existed.
2.5.2.3 Ships and shipping
No actual shipwrecks of the period have been identified but there are some wrecks from
which some conclusions can be drawn. The Dokos wreck has Early Helladic II pottery and
other items but the lack of preserved timbers and the findings of material on both sides of
Cape Myti Komeni have raised doubts that this is a wreck (Wachsmann 1998, p205). Cape
Iria, the other shipwreck found in Greece dates to the 13
th
century BC as does the wreck
from Cape Gelidonya off Turkey (Wachsmann 1998, p205-208). The shipwreck of Ulu
Burun off the Turkish coast is the most impressive and the best preserved (Bass 1986; Bass
1987; Wachsmann 1998). A number of absolute dates for some dunnage from the wreck
have been published (e.g. Kuniholm et al 1996; Manning 1999, p345), the latest published
date is of 1327 +4/-7 BC (Manning et al. 2001, note 38). The extraordinary wealth and
preservation raise fundamental questions about the nature of Late Bronze Age trade. The
layout of the cargo could be reconstructed (Bass 1987, p694) and enough timbers were
preserved to show the construction was by pegged mortice and tennon, pushing back our
knowledge of this technique by a thousand years (Wachsmann 1998, p206).
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Chapter 2. Earth: The Minoan archaeological landscape.
The iconographic evidence is the largest comprising many depictions on seals, models and
frescoes and in particular the Miniature Fresco from Akrotiri (Wachsmann 1998, Chapter
6). The Miniature Fresco provides many details on Minoan ships and has been studied
and interpreted by a number of different researchers and there are issues of its cultic
significance and the role of a water procession (Morgan 1988; Wachsmann 1998 for
summary). The main issue from the point of view of this study is that there were a wide
variety of seagoing craft from small fishermens boats to large merchant ships. These
boats represented a great deal of effort and wealth in an area where timber was a limited
resource. The loss and wreckage of boats and ships by tsunami inundation could have
caused a long term damage to both large and small communities that relied on shipping
and trade to function and survive.
2.5.2.4 Trade and interconnections
An unusual element of Minoan shipping is that there is little evidence for anchor devices.
Most cultures at the time used large drilled stones for attachment to hawsers to anchor their
ships at sea. A small number have been found at Minoan sites (one at Akrotiri, two at
Kommos for example), but not enough when compared to other Mediterranean areas.
They may have used smaller unworked stones encased in wicker as a substitute and these
leave little evidence behind. Stone anchors have been used to track the ports of call used
during the period (McCaslin 1980). However a review of McCaslins thesis on stone
anchors and maritime trade routes by Knapp (Knapp 1985) criticises this study for still
being reliant on an object orientated approach to archaeology. Knapp states that any study
of international trade at this period should draw upon ethnographic studies and theories of
economic anthropology, (whether the dominant paradigm be Substantavist, Formalist or
Marxist is unimportant), to enhance the object approach.
This difference in approach is emphasised in the Aegean sphere by two books on trade
both of which call upon Homeric echoes to alert the reader to their subject matter. Ulysses'
Sail (Helms 1988) examines the ethnographic ideas behind trade and the power that long
distance trade can generate, whilst Sailing the Wine Dark Sea (Cline 1994) essentially
catalogues the artefacts that define long distance trade for the Late Bronze Age Aegean.
Cline's work shows the problem of only relying on archaeological object evidence, the Ulu
Burun shipwreck for example is so rich that it provides anomalous data. Table 60 (Cline
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Chapter 2. Earth: The Minoan archaeological landscape.
1994, p99) shows the incidences of Canaanite Jar for all sites in the Aegean totalling 93 for
the Late Bronze Age; this compares with a figure of over 140 recovered from Ulu Burun
alone.
In a study based on Helms' approach Broodbank has used point analysis between islands
and the geological sourcing of materials to show that there was complex interactivity
between Cycladic islands in the Early Bronze Age (Broodbank 1993). He concludes that
the physical result of trade, i.e. artefact exchange, might not be the only justification for
distance travel and the use of boats but might equate with a social or psychological need as
well. Whilst such a discussion is beyond the remit of this work it does show that by the
time of the Late Bronze Age there may well have been a multi-faceted complex tradition of
interaction between Cycladic islands, and by this stage the Helladic and Minoan spheres as
well, and that the disruption caused by the Santorini eruption may have had not just a
physical manifestation, the loss of Santorini, but also a social and psychological blocking
and disruption of interaction.
2.5.2.5 Summary
The fragmentary nature of the evidence in the coastal zone has meant that it has been little
studied. Rather, many works have concentrated on issues of trade and interconnection at
the object level or on the issue of the Thalassocracy of Minos from Classical literature
(Hgg and Marinatos 1984; Wiener 1990; Knapp 1993). It is my opinion that this zone
which provided food, tradable items, contact and identity was at risk from the Minoan
eruption. Because of the disruption caused by the possible destruction of shipping, food
supplies and coastal buildings this effect may have continued for a number of years and
possibly caused some communities to fail.
2.5.3 Crops and subsistence
The third major zone that would have been at risk from the Santorini eruption was the food
supply of the Minoan settlements. This threat could have come from a number of sources,
including tephra falling on crops and destroying them, tsunami inundation of coastal and
low-lying areas leading to destruction and salt pollution, sulphur content from the eruption
creating noxious gasses and affecting animals, climatic change leading to a loss of crops.
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Chapter 2. Earth: The Minoan archaeological landscape.
All of these ultimately have the same result; possible starvation of the Minoan population.
This in turn could lead to stress in the community leading to internecine conflict. It will be
shown however that there was great diversity both of the agriculture exploited and of the
ecological zones.
2.5.3.1 Subsistence evidence
Our evidence for crops and animals exploited during this period is limited. There are two
main direct sources of archaeological evidence; excavated sites producing animal bones
and seed remains and pollen cores. Other sources of information include ethnographic
information, processing tools and equipment from archaeological contexts and some
elements from Linear B texts. Rackham and Moody in their work on the Cretan landscape
detail the difficulties of reconstructing the wider landscape during the Late Bronze Period,
with fragmentary archaeological evidence and no pollen cores from Crete for the period
(Rackham and Moody 1996, p125).
The mainstays of Bronze Age agriculture have been seen as a supposed triad of three cash
crops; cereals, the vine and the olive (Renfrew 1972). These cash crops allowed the build
up of a stratified society and dedicated craftsmen through the redistribution of surplus
crops. Sarpaki would add legumes to this list as a mainstay of the economy, but one
masked by poor preservation (Sarpaki 1992). Although there have been discussions about
whether certain crops could be regarded as being domesticated in the Early Bronze Age
(Hansen 1988; Halstead 1996), by LM IA the use of the olive and the vine seem
established.
The subsistence economy of the Minoans appears to be based on a suite of crops
supplemented by animal produce. Some of the crops grown or harvested, such as carob or
vetch, could have been used as a fodder crop for animals. Animals could be used as a
supplementary food source in times of stress, effectively acting as a walking larder.
Agricultural resources would also produce products for more than just sustenance, they
would also have provided a major input into craft specialisation and provided tradeable
goods. Thus sheep would be kept for wool and leather as well as milk and meat. Linen
could be grown for cloth, the deposit of over four hundred loomweights from the West
House at Akrotiri illustrating the factory nature of some of these products (Schofield 1990,
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Chapter 2. Earth: The Minoan archaeological landscape.
p210). Many of these goods may not survive in the archaeological record and their loss on
a society may not be immediately catastrophic but could place considerable strain on a
redistributive society.
For the period of the Late Bronze Age the site of Kommos on the south coast provides the
most comprehensive and well studied site on which to base an analysis of agricultural
resources (Shaw and Shaw 1996). This is due to a dry and wet sieving regime of
excavation and sampling backed up by a range of specialist studies encompassing oft
neglected groups such as small mammals and fish (Reese et al. 1996). The range of groups
and species found at Kommos is probably typical for Neo Palatial coastal sites.
In their table 4.11 Shay et al. (1996, p123) show the charred seeds recovered from
Kommos and their frequency by period. This illustrates the problem of data preservation
with, for example, only two cereal grains recovered from the MMI to LM III. The data
that have been collected however, combined with the charcoal wood data, suggest a mixed
environment of natural, semi-natural and planted communities in the vicinity of the site.
This confirms the use of olive, cereal, vine and legumes as the main crops but these are
supplemented by such items as bean trefoil, almonds, carob, lentisc and pear. Table 2.3
shows the modern harvest times for some of the crops that might have been exploited by
the Minoans (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations 1959, p12). The
crops could be for immediate consumption or stored for later human use or animal fodder.
Table 2.3 Table showing a variety of crops and the months over which they are harvested and the
main harvest period (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations 1959, p12).
Crop Harvest period Main harvest period
Wheat May-August June-July
Barley June-July June-July
Onions May-August May-July
Dry beans July-October July-September
Dry peas June-July June-July
Lentils June-July June-July
Chick peas June-July June-July
Vetch May-July June-July
Grapes, table July-October August-October
Grapes, wine September-October September-October
Carobs August-September September
Olives, table October-December November
Olives, oil October-May November-January
Almond July-August July-August
Flax May-June May-June
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Chapter 2. Earth: The Minoan archaeological landscape.
The animal bone assemblage from Kommos compares with sites across Greece and is
dominated by the three main species of sheep/goat (53%), pig (31%) and cattle (16%)
(Reese, et al. 1996, p165). The sheep/goat bones indicate that many are slaughtered
young, which is consistent with exploitation for meat. Pigs likewise show that they were
bred for meat, whilst the cattle were probably mainly used for traction and ploughing and
only partly as a food resource. These main animals were probably supplemented by other
species such as deer and hare.
Kommos also provides important information on the rarely recovered marine resources. In
all over a thousand fish bones and otoliths were recovered from MM IB to LM IIIB
contexts (Reese et al. 1996, p204). The majority of the fish bones come from shallow
coastal waters and the assemblage is dominated by small sea bream. There are some
remains from fish found in slightly deeper water, such as grouper or cardinal fish. The
presence of one tunny and one jack could indicate open water fishing. Nets and hooks
were used to capture the fish. There were also a number of marine invertebrates, of which
98% come from rocky, shallow water shore locations.
2.5.3.2 Storage
The element of storage within Neo Palatial society is crucial. Christakis outlines three
types of food storage during this period (Chistakis 1999, p2). Intra-corporeal is the
accumulation of fat to help survival during a lean period. This does not really work for
humans but livestock can be fed with fodder crops and surplus which is then retrieved
when the animal is eaten. Social storage is where food is exchanged for social obligation
which can be reconverted in times of stress. Material storage is where the food is directly
stored at the household level. The range of foods listed for material storage include wine,
water, salted olives, meat and fish, dried fruits, butter, cheese, carobs, beans, raisins, honey
and beeswax (Chistakis 1999, p4). These were stored in a variety of containers, of which
pithoi are the most prevalent. Christakis used the division of households developed by
McEnroe (1982) and noted that there was a large range of storage potential, but that 76%
of households had storage facilities for no more than a productive season (Christakis 1999,
p14). However, insect pests have been found within stored products on Santorini and these
may have reduced further the amount of edible produce (Panagiotakopulu and Buckland
1991). Christakis found no evidence to support the contention made by Driessen and
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Chapter 2. Earth: The Minoan archaeological landscape.
Macdonald (1997, p54) that there was a decrease in the palatial storage capacity and an
increase in household storage in the LM IB phase possibly as a reaction to the Santorini
eruption (Christakis 1999, p15).
2.5.3.3 Summary
Parts of the Minoan subsistence economy would have been at risk from the eruption of
Santorini. Crops in the field could be have been damaged by tsunami inundation or tephra
fallout, marine resources may have been decimated because of the tsunami or shock caused
by the eruption. Processing or storage facilities may have been destroyed or damaged.
Any short term effect such as the destruction of a crop in the field could probably be dealt
with by the society as it would be used to crop failure from other sources. What might
have been more serious was if there were a combination of factors such as destruction of
storage buildings, damage to crops and then a climatic down-turn for the next year which
meant another failure. It is probably this synchronicity of factors which is the most
harmful but also the hardest to assess. These effects will not be uniform across all Minoan
sites however, and widespread destruction is unlikely, rather there might be some loss of
life across sites and maybe the abandonment of particular sites which fail.
2.6 Conclusions
This chapter has attempted to define what is meant by the Minoan civilisation and culture
so that any analysis of its capacity to deal with a natural hazard of the size of the Minoan
eruption can be ascertained. This touches upon a number of areas, it is necessary to know
when the eruption took place, what was the nature of the society that the eruption was
interacting with and how the eruption could effect that society.
It now appears that the relative position in time of when the eruption occurred within
Minoan society was the mature LM IA. It has also been shown that the absolute date of
the eruption is still a matter of intense debate and is not fixed. The consequence of this is
that any wider syntheses looking for evidence of the eruption in Levantine and Egyptian
contexts are open to interpretation and question.
The island of Santorini has been demonstrated to be of major influence in the trading
system of the region and had links with the major culture areas in the Eastern
Mediterranean. The site of Akrotiri appears to have been the dominant settlement in the
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Chapter 2. Earth: The Minoan archaeological landscape.
Cycladic culture and its loss, which was the minimum effect of the eruption, would have
had far reaching impacts. These would have been multi-facted and are not always obvious
and direct, possibly affecting society on levels such as the influence of elite groups and the
religious beliefs of the Minoan culture.
For the Minoan heartland I have illustrated the three main areas which I have identified as
being most at risk of disruption from the eruption and have shown how paucity of survival
within the record has often meant that these areas have been poorly investigated. I have
attempted to illustrate that the impact of the Santorini eruption on these areas may have
affected Minoan culture on a number of different levels. The impact may have had both
short and long term influences that in themselves are not necessarily catastrophic, and
preserved in a discrete horizon, but that these factors could have had a significant influence
on Minoan society for a number of years as it entered the LM IB period.
The main conclusion must be that there is no simplistic collapse of the Minoan culture
following the eruption and that the majority of sites survive. The final abandonment of a
site may follow a gradual wind down of activity with very limited acquisition of the latest
artefacts, this may present a problem with the dating of a site. I feel that some of the sites
which do not appear to survive from the LM IA to the LM IB may be as a result of either
particular collapse in a micro region or a re-entrenchment of an organised society leading
to an abandonment of isolated and marginal sites.
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