Professional Documents
Culture Documents
.89
3. Political skill 3.81 0.45 0.42
0.08 .58
4. Performance 4.26 0.70 0.01 0.05 0.07 .88
5. OCB 3.94 0.63 0.22
0.12 0.21
0.48
.72
6. Supervisor tenure 2.28 2.30 0.14 0.24
8. Organization tenure 5.92 6.18 0.10 0.13 0.02 0.14 0.05 0.58
0.68
0.37
0.42
10. Hours worked 3.86 0.96 0.08 0.14 0.05 0.10 0.08 0.04 0.12 0.12 0.01
Note. Values on the diagonal are the square root of the average variance explained, which must be larger than all zero-order correlations in the row and
column in which they appear to demonstrate discriminant validity (Fornell & Larcker, 1981). OCB organizational citizenship behavior. N 175.
p .05.
p .01.
p .001.
1431
POLITICAL SKILL AND JUSTICE
control variable once all of the variables had been entered. Neither
political skill nor procedural justice was significantly related to
task performance. Finally, procedural justice significantly inter-
acted with political skill when performance was the dependent
variable. On the right half of Table 2, after entering all the
variables the control variable of tenure with supervisor was a
significant predictor of OCB as was the main effect for political
skill. However, the main effect for procedural justice and the
political skillprocedural justice interaction were not significantly
related to OCB.
Turning to Table 3, on the left half of the table after all of the
variables have been entered (i.e., Step 4), organizational tenure
was the only significant control variable when performance was
the dependent variable. Political skill did not have a significant
main effect with performance, but distributive justice did. In
addition, the political skilldistributive justice interaction was
significant. Finally, on the right side of Table 3, tenure with
supervisor was the only significant control variable when OCB
was the dependent variable. Although political skill and distribu-
tive justice did not have significant main effects with OCB, their
interaction was significant.
To determine if the form of the interaction predicted in our
hypotheses was supported, we graphed the significant interaction
results. We did so by plotting two slopes, one at one standard
deviation above the mean and one at one standard deviation below
the mean (Stone & Hollenbeck, 1989). The resulting plots are
Table 2
HLM Results for Procedural Justice as a Moderator and Performance and Organizational Citizenship Behavior (OCB) as the
Dependent Variables
Dependent variable
Performance OCB
Step 1 Step 2 Step 3 Step 4 Step 1 Step 2 Step 3 Step 4
Control variables
Tenure with supervisor .03 .03 .03 .02 .05
.06
.06
.05
Job tenure .01 .01 .01 .01 .02 .02 .02 .02
Organizational tenure .02
.02
.02
.02
.10
.10
.07 .07
Distributive justice .10
.10
.19 .20
Moderator
Procedural justice .03 .05 .10 .11
Interaction
Political Skill Procedural Justice .40
.14
R
2
.04 .00 .00 .01 .06 .03 .01 .00
Note. N 175. R
2
values were calculated following Snijders and Boskers (1999) formulas. HLM hierarchical linear modeling.
p .05.
p .01.
Table 3
HLM Results for Distributive Justice as a Moderator and Performance and Organizational Citizenship Behavior (OCB) as the
Dependent Variables
Dependent variable
Performance OCB
Step 1 Step 2 Step 3 Step 4 Step 1 Step 2 Step 3 Step 4
Control variables
Tenure with supervisor .02 .02 .03 .02 .05
.05
.06
.05
Job tenure .01 .01 .01 .01 .01 .01 .02 .02
Organizational tenure .02
.02
.02
.02
.14
.10 .10
Independent variable
Political skill .01 .02 .00 .18 .19 .18
Moderator
Distributive justice .09 .10
.06 .07
Interaction
Political Skill Distributive Justice .19
.17
R
2
.02 .01 .00 .02 .08 .01 .01 .01
Note. N 175. R
2
values were calculated following Snijders and Boskers (1999) formulas.
p .05.
p .01.
1432
ANDREWS, KACMAR, AND HARRIS
shown in Figures 1 and 2 for performance and Figure 3 for OCB.
Figure 1 illustrates a disordinal interaction much like the one
predicted in Hypothesis 1. Specifically, when procedural justice is
high, the relationship between political skill and performance is
negative. Just the reverse is true when procedural justice is low, as
the relationship between political skill and performance is positive.
The graph in Figure 2 shows essentially the same relationship,
but the interaction is ordinal and weaker. Finally, Figure 3 shows
that the relationship between political skill and OCB is positive for
both high and low distributive justice, but the relationship is
stronger for low than high. Overall, these figures provide support
for Hypotheses 1a, 1b, and 2b. Hypothesis 2a was not supported,
as the interaction between political skill and procedural justice was
not significant for OCB.
Although we were interested in seeing the independent effects
of each of the interactions, we also ran them together in a single
step. These results are presented in the Appendix. Only one of the
interactions was significant. We suggest that these results may be
attributable to the effects of multicollinearity, given that the main
effects results change little.
Discussion
The present study was designed to establish whether political
skill is equally effective under conditions of both high and low
justice. In addition, we sought to determine the conditions under
which a lack of political skill is harmful to performance and OCB.
In addressing these research questions, we used Mischels (1968)
situationist perspective and conceived of high justice environments
as strong situations and low justice environments as weak situa-
tions and uncertainty management theory to describe how weak
and strong situations would impact those with and without political
skill. Specifically, we tested the interaction of procedural and
distributive justice with political skill on both task performance
and OCB. Our findings indicate that political skill allows individ-
uals to overcome situational influences, as highly politically
skilled individuals were rated similarly regardless of the level of
distributive justice. However, we found the ratings for those with
a lack of political skill varied with the level of both procedural and
distributive justice present.
Hypothesis 1 stated that there would be a positive relationship
between political skill and performance when justice is lower (i.e.,
in weak situations) and a negative relationship between political
skill and performance when justice is higher (i.e., strong situation).
We found support for this hypothesis for both distributive and
procedural justice. Looking at the left side of Figures 1 and 2, it
can be seen that there is a dramatic difference in supervisor-rated
performance under high and low levels of procedural and distrib-
utive justice. When there is high procedural or distributive justice,
not having political skill does not deflate ones performance rat-
ings, as supervisors are likely following the performance appraisal
guidelines in place. These rules reflect a strong situation and
ensure that consistent performance ratings are being made. How-
ever, when there is low procedural and distributive justice, low
political skill does in fact seem to be harmful to performance
ratings. The lowest performance ratings occurred for those with
low political skill under conditions of low procedural and distrib-
utive justice. This suggests that political skill may in fact be
necessary to be viewed as an effective performer, particularly in
weak situations.
3.80
3.90
4.00
4.10
4.20
4.30
4.40
4.50
4.60
h g i H w o L
Political Skill
P
e
r
f
o
r
m
a
n
c
e
Low Procedural Justice
High Procedural Justice
Figure 1. Interactive effect of political skill and procedural justice on
supervisor-rated performance.
3.80
3.90
4.00
4.10
4.20
4.30
4.40
4.50
4.60
h g i H w o L
Political Skill
P
e
r
f
o
r
m
a
n
c
e
Low Distributive Justice
High Distributive Justice
Figure 2. Interactive effect of political skill and distributive justice on
supervisor-rated performance.
1433
POLITICAL SKILL AND JUSTICE
The positive slope for the low justice conditions was found in
both Figure 1 and Figure 2. The finding that political skill has a
positive effect on supervisor ratings of performance under condi-
tions of low justice suggests that when the environment is vague or
uncertain (e.g., low justice), political skill can overcome it. Indi-
viduals high in political skill likely thrive in this type of environ-
ment, as they have the ability to understand others and effectively
use influence that enables them to get the job done. Further,
political skill may be helpful in finding a way to make others see
you as a good performer on multiple levels, including both task
performance and OCB. In this same unjust environment, those
who lack political skill were rated lowest in performance. This is
likely due to the lack of policies guiding performance appraisals,
which allowed managers to factor nonperformance aspects (i.e.,
political skill ability) into their ratings. Apparently, an absence of
political skill is only harmful when there is an absence of justice as
well.
The negative slope for the high justice conditions was found for
both Figure 1 and Figure 2. This implies that the behaviors of those
with high political skill may be constrained by the rules and
policies in place, thereby limiting their effectiveness. It is also
possible that the supervisors have difficulty rating subordinates
task performance, as the subordinates political skill is clouding
the supervisors ability to make accurate ratings. Thus, they may
be overcorrecting in a sense by providing lower ratings. Finally,
we examined the interactive effects of procedural and distributive
justice with political skill on the outcome of OCB (Hypothesis 2).
We found support only for distributive justice. This finding is
somewhat similar to the distributive justice finding for perfor-
mance in that the highest ratings of OCB were under conditions of
high distributive justice, regardless of the level of political skill.
However, political skill was again positively related to OCB under
conditions of low distributive justice. This suggests that politically
skilled individuals can (indirectly) affect the distribution of re-
wards. Although by definition OCB is not explicitly rewarded, it is
assumed that political skill will pay off and in some way benefit
those who are politically skilled.
Implications for Practice
The findings of the present study have a number of implications
for practice. First, managers may wish to seek candidates who
possess some level of political skill, as these individuals may be
more likely to perform OCB and are able to effectively adapt to
any work environment. Second, it should be noted that under
conditions of high distributive justice, OCB ratings were strong
regardless of the level of political skill. This underscores the
importance of creating a fair reward system, as the performance of
OCB by everyone (regardless of their level of political skill) is in
the best interest of the organization. Finally, managers and em-
ployees should be aware of the potential problems of staffing
individuals who are low in political skill in situations where justice
is low; low levels of political skill are not necessarily a problem,
but when combined with low justice, negative outcomes are likely
to result.
Strengths
There are several strengths in this study that warrant mention-
ing. First, the data collected were dyadic in nature, with the
subordinates providing the data for the independent variables and
their immediate supervisors providing the data for the dependent
variables. Such a design provides some confidence that the results
are not due to common method variance. Second, we offer a strong
test of the hypotheses by including multiple control variables to
eliminate plausible alternative explanations for our results, as well
as using an analysis technique that controlled for a supervisor
rating effect in our data. Third, we offer a constructive replication
(Lykken, 1968) of our interactive results by testing two different
dependent variables.
Limitations and Future Research
In addition to the above strengths, there are limitations that must
be acknowledged when interpreting our findings. One potential
weakness is that our respondents worked in a state governmental
agency. Empirical evidence suggests that there are differences
between employees in the public and private sectors (Utgoff,
1983). Thus, it is unclear whether the results from the current study
are generalizable to the private sector. Future research examining
these relationships in the private sector is needed to address this
issue. Another possible limitation in our study was the weak or
insignificant relationship found between justice and our outcomes.
Although three of the four justiceconsequence associations were
significant when entered in Step 1, the significance levels dropped
when included in the full model, and in general they are not as
strong as meta-analytic results have reported (Cohen-Charash &
Spector, 2001; Colquitt et al., 2001). One potential explanation for
this difference may be found in how we measured justice. In
3.40
3.50
3.60
3.70
3.80
3.90
4.00
4.10
4.20
h g i H w o L
Political Skill
O
C
B
Low Distributive Justice
High Distributive Justice
Figure 3. Interactive effect of political skill and distributive justice on
supervisor-rated organizational citizenship behavior (OCB).
1434
ANDREWS, KACMAR, AND HARRIS
particular, our procedural justice measure from Parker et al. (1997)
appears to focus most heavily on the voice or decision control
component of procedural justice. Perhaps if we had used a more
general measure of procedural justice our results would align more
closely with extant research.
Finally, the data were collected at one point in time, eliminating
the possibility of exploring causality. We hope future researchers
will examine potential alternative representations of the variables
in our study with longitudinal data, objective performance mea-
sures, and other relevant variables to help determine if there are
other complexities that we did not investigate and if recursive
relationships exist between our constructs. One such complexity
could be that individuals infer justice from the relationship be-
tween political skill and performance. For example, if the highly
politically skilled receive higher performance evaluations than
their less politically skilled counterparts, individuals may conclude
that procedural and distributive justice are low. Similarly, if indi-
viduals lower in political skill receive higher performance ratings
than those who are high in political skill, employees may conclude
that justice is high. Unfortunately, we are unable to test this idea,
but we hope future research efforts will design studies that better
test these causality and alternative model predictions.
Another avenue for additional research is one that explores other
potential contextual and situational variables that may alter polit-
ical skilloutcome relationships. For example, the political skill
performance and OCB relationships could be examined under
varying conditions of uncertainty, such that political skill might
prove more beneficial under conditions of uncertainty and less
beneficial under conditions of certainty. Additional potential mod-
erators include formalization, centralization, and leadermember
exchange relationships.
Conclusion
Overall, this study contributes to the political skill literature by
demonstrating its differential effects in strong versus weak situa-
tions. Specifically, these results draw attention to the importance
of political skill in low justice environments for successful task
performance and OCB. This study makes an additional contribu-
tion by providing empirical evidence of the relationship between
political skill and OCB. Further, these results highlight the condi-
tions under which a lack of political skill can be detrimental to
ones task performance and OCB ratings. As the political skill
stream of research continues to expand, it is important to continue
to identify situations in which political skill enhances performance
and a lack of political skill may harm performance.
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Appendix
Table A1
Results Comparing Interactions Entered Separately and Simultaneously
Dependent variables: Final step
Performance OCB
DJ PJ DJ and PJ DJ PJ DJ and PJ
Control variables
Tenure with supervisor .02 .02 .02 .05
.05
.05
.02
.02
.18
Moderators
Distributive justice .10
.09 .17
.15
Political Skill Procedural Justice .40
.36
.14 .07
Note. N 175. OCB organizational citizenship behavior; DJ distributive justice; PJ procedural justice.
p .05.
p .01.
Received September 5, 2008
Revision received June 12, 2009
Accepted June 24, 2009
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