logos 17:1 wi nter 2014

Jacob D. Rhein
How Dawson Read
The City of God
To examine how the twentieth-century English historian Chris-
topher Dawson read St. Augustines City of God brings to the fore-
ground the problem of method, since one must ask whether any
apparent inuences came directly from The City of God or were de-
rived from other sources. Augustine and Dawson had several texts
in commonthe letters of St. Paul, for instanceand it is likely
that Dawson took ideas from many scholars who were inuenced
by Augustine. Nevertheless, what I intend to do in this article is to
consider the ways in which Dawson developed the themes treated
in City of God to illuminate modern issues while trying to indicate
evidence of direct inuence where possible. As Dawsons biographer
Bradley Birzer writes, Dawson admitted that nearly all of his ideas
were an attempt to reinterpret and reapply the Augustinian theory
of history.
1
And in his private notes Dawson calls The City of God
the urgent work of the greatest father on the most important sub-
ject.
2
Knowing how Dawson read that work is therefore central to
grasping the signicance of his own writings.
The basis for this article will be two of Dawsons essays, The Dy-
ing World and The City of God, published together as St. Augus-
tine and His Age in Dawsons coauthored Monument to St. Augustine
how dawson read the city of god 37
(1931). Using these two essays as an outline, this article will com-
prise, rst, a comparison of Augustines view of his age with Daw-
sons perspective on the twentieth century presented in Progress and
Religion (1929); and second, a comparison of Augustines response to
the sack of Rome in the City of God with Dawsons response to World
Wars I and II in Judgment of the Nations (1943). In this second section,
I will refer to Dawsons own copies of the City of God, which contain
his original markings and annotations. Dawson found in the City of
God a vision of history as the birthing process of a universal spiritual
society that transcends time and that is created by charity, which
alone unites humanitys religious and social instincts.
I. Augustines Age: The Dying World
Augustines writing of The City of God was prompted by the sack
of Rome by Alaric and the Visigoths in 410 a.d. But this particular
catastrophe was only one episode in a collapse of Roman civilization
spanning several centuries in both directions. That collapse was in
part due to economics. As Dawson points out in Progress and Religion,
Rome was an agrarian state from the beginning: The foundation of
her power and of her very existence was the peasant-soldier citizen.
3

While possessing no higher culture of their own, these peasant-
soldiers adopted the Greek ideal of paideia, which sought to produce
a higher type of man through a process of intellectual and moral
education.
4
And, although Rome had only negligible contributions
to make to the content of Greek thought, holding itself slightly aloof
from the speculative character of Greek philosophy, it far surpassed
the Greek mind in its ability to organize the materials of the world
to embody its cultural principles. The Roman attitude is summed up
nicely by Quintilian: if the Greeks bear away the palm for moral
precepts, Rome can produce more striking examples of moral
performance.
5
Indeed, the great agrarian republic produced some
outstanding cases of classical pagan virtue. One thinks for example of
Marcus Regulus, of whom Augustine writes in the City of God that he
logos 38
was so conscientious in his worship of the gods that he kept his vow
to return to captivity in Carthage where he was put to a torturous
death.
6

But with the conquest of the Mediterranean, writes Dawson,
all this was changed.
7
At the end of the Punic Wars and the destruc-
tion of the republics habitual enemy, Carthage, Rome found itself
master of the whole of the Mediterranean, and the rural Latin so-
ciety was transformed into an Empire. A progressive degeneration
and transformation of the characteristic Roman types took place.
8

This was due largely to the movement of Roman society from rural
to urban forms and to the inuence of oriental luxuryworse than
any enemy[that] crept into Rome for the rst time.
9
A citizen of
Imperial Rome would have enjoyed an extraordinarily comfortable
life: attending public baths and gymnasiums, conversing in the forum
and in public libraries, eating grain provided by state taxation, and
engaging in ceremonial festivals in honor of the gods.
10
But what this
meant for the conquered empire was that it was required to sup-
port an entire city living beyond its means. Despite its infrastructural
glory, the city of Rome was for the most part . . . entirely unproduc-
tive, an enormous leech on the economy of the agrarian peoples it
ruled.
11
As Dawson writes,
It was literally Rome that killed Rome. That great cosmopolitan
city of gold and marble, the successor of Alexandria and
Antioch, had nothing in common with the old capital of the
rural Latin state. It served no social function, it was an end
in itself, and its population drawn from every nation under
heaven existed mainly to draw their Government doles, and
to attend the free spectacles with which the Government
provided them. It was a vast, useless burden on the back of
the empire which broke at last under the increasing strain.
12
Centuries before Augustine, classical civilization had lost its roots in
the human soil and was growing more and more empty and sterile.
13

The situation was unsustainable.
how dawson read the city of god 39
But in addition to economic factorsand both Dawson and Au-
gustine would say, more important than economic factorsRoman
society collapsed because of the burnout of its spiritual and moral
capital. In the rst several books of the City of God, Augustine careful-
ly traces this moral collapse through the writings of Roman histori-
ans who mourned the loss of the earthy Roman pietas after the end of
the Punic Wars: the Roman commonwealth was so overwhelmed by
a host of evils arising from the prosperity and security of her affairs
that the sudden overthrow of Carthage is seen to have harmed Rome
more than did its prolonged enmity.
14
Indeed, Cicero contends . . .
that in his day [the commonwealth] perished entirely, and nothing at
all remained of [it].
15
Rome did not have the moral or spiritual in-
tegrity to adapt to the increase of wealth and power, and the virtuous
pagan culture was overwhelmed by the cult of material pleasure and
success.
16
As Dawson writes, all the vast development of material
prosperity and external display [of Rome] had no spiritual purpose
behind it. Its ultimate end was the satisfaction of corporate selsh-
ness.
17
Augustine corroborates Dawsons verdict:
Only let it stand, [the Romans] say; only let it ourish with
abundant treasures, glorious in victory orwhich is better
secure in peace, and what do we care? . . . Let the poor serve
the rich because of their abundance, and let them enjoy under
their patronage a senseless idleness; and let the rich abuse
the poor as their clients and the appendages of their pride.
. . . Let nothing unpleasant be required; let no impurity be
forbidden; let kings care not how good their subjects are, but
how docile.
18
Perhaps the most signicant result of this moral failure within
Roman civilization was the general withdrawal from social life by its
citizens. This was expressed not only in the secular entertainment
and idleness already mentioned, but also in mysticism and asceticism
throughout the subject territories. Dawson notes that the popular
religious movements of the time were marked by the desire to nd
logos 40
spiritual life outside the life of the city and of society in an esoteric
ideal of individual salvation. . . . The reigning culture had become
almost completely secularized, and the religious and the social in-
stincts were becoming opposed to one another, with disastrous im-
plications for the culture.
19
He continues:
The Roman Empire, and the Hellenistic civilization of which
it was the vehicle, became separated in this way for any living
religious basis . . . and thereby, in spite of its high material and
intellectual culture, the dominant civilization became hateful
in the eyes of the subject Oriental world. Rome was to them
not the ideal world-city of Virgils dream, but the incarnation
of all that was anti-spiritual, Babylon the great, the mother of
Abominations, who bewitched and enslaved all the peoples
of the earth, and on whom at last the slaughter of the saints
and the oppression of the poor would be terribly avenged.
20
Christians certainly had a share of the mystical-ascetic impulse,
but Nicene Christianity remained, along with Judaism, the only re-
ligion that managed to avoid the trend of pursuing individual salva-
tion and abandoning social life. Instead of forsaking the public world
for the sake of a private Nirvana, Christians created in the midst of
the collapsing secular civilization a new spiritual society, populated
especially by the poor, and pastored by bishops such as Sts. Ambrose
and Augustine, who preserved in their own persons the best of clas-
sical culture, blending and integrating it with the faith.
21
This new
society, the Christian Church, was the one living creative force in
the social and spiritual life of the age and to a great extent an al-
ternative and appealing substitute for the communal life of the city-
state.
22
Thus, writes Dawson, the Church stands out in this dark
age as the one hope of humanity both spiritually and materially. It
saved the individual from being entirely crushed under the pressure
of the servile state and it opened to him a new world of social and
spiritual activity in which the free personality had room to develop
itself.
23
This was true to such an extent that by Augustines day, The
how dawson read the city of god 41
vital centre of the society of the future was to be found, not in the
city-state, but in the Christian ecclesia.
24
Constantine was at least dimly aware of this horizon, as was Theo-
dosius who in 380 a.d. made Christianity the ofcial religion of the
Roman Empire and stopped all state support for the former pagan
religionthe culmination of a series of religious reforms in which
Christianity came to acquire civil recognition. But the legislation of
Christianity was not enough to stave off the collapse of the empire.
If Christianity was a revolution in religious and cultural terms, the
revolution did not extend to institutions.
25
And it seems from Au-
gustines writings that even the Roman society of his day, though
Christianized, [was] not one where Christian values prevail[ed].
26

The building of a new civilization on Christian principles would be
the task of the next eight centuries. And, in the decades immediately
following Theodosiuss rule, Rome continued to slump into its de-
cline while Christianity became the scapegoat for the social ills that
plagued the empire. The sack of Rome by the Visigoths was thus the
edge of a storm that was to last, not for decades, but for genera-
tions, until the very memory of peace was gone. It was no ordinary
political catastrophe, but a day of the Lord such as the Hebrew
prophets describe, a judgement of the nations in which a whole civi-
lization and social order which had failed to justify their existence
were rooted up and thrown into the re.
27

II. Dawsons Age: Progress and Religion
Dawsons own time had profound parallels to the age of Augustine.
He too was living at a time when the dominant civilization was
undergoing what seemed to be the violent throes of death: most
signicantly exhibited by the two World Wars, during the latter of
which Dawson brought forth much of his best historical work. While
the nations of Europe soaked each other in blood, Dawson would
have seemed, as Augustine must have seemed in his own day, to be
engaging in a futile task, much like the activity of an ant which works
logos 42
on while its nest is being destroyed.
28
Why argue about the meaning
and motor of history while civilization itself was collapsing? Yet
Dawson had discoveredor at least claimed to have discovered
the cause of the European civil war: Like Rome, Europe had run
out of its spiritual and moral capital just at the time when it was
experiencing the greatest material advances it had ever known. He
writes in 1929:
The economic and social changes of the last century have
produced a revolution in the relations of man to nature and
in the vital structure of society itself. They have destroyed the
biological equilibrium between human society and its natural
environment. . . .
We have only to look back to the age of Roman world
organization, which in many respects bears so striking a
resemblance to our own, in order to see how rapidly the
process of urbanization may change the character of a culture
and affect its social vitality. . . . The danger to civilization
came, not from any lack of vital energy, but from a sudden
change of conditionsa material revolution, which broke
down the organic constitution of society.
29
And Dawson had no qualms about drawing more explicit paral-
lels between the two periods. Signicantly, he compares the Indus-
trial Revolution, which was carried out especially in England and
America, to the conquest and unication of the ancient world by
Rome in the rst and second centuries b.c.
30
While the expansion
of the Roman Empire was due primarily to force of arms, the re-
organization of the modern world was due above all to economics,
with military actions playing a subordinate role. Nevertheless, he
says the builders of the Roman roads were doing the same work as
the English engineers who planned the rst railways, and the Roman
publicans and nanciers played somewhat the same part in the ex-
pansion of the Empire as the European capitalists and bond holders
of modern times.
31
Both had organized the world to exploit it, and
how dawson read the city of god 43
both acquired wealth and power through the endeavor.
32
So on the
whole the economic transformation of capitalist Europe was quite
similar to that of imperial Rome: modern Europe and America
appear as the heirs and continuators of the old Roman tradition of
world pacication and organization on a far wider stage than that of
the Mediterranean world.
33
The cultural result was similar, too. Dawson speculated in 1929
that Europe had entered upon a new phase of culture . . . in which
the most amazing perfection of scientic technique [was] being de-
voted to purely ephemeral objects, without any consideration of
their ultimate justication. It seems, he writes, that a new society
[has been] arising which will acknowledge no hierarchy of values, no
intellectual authority, and no social or religious tradition, but which
will live for the moment in a chaos of pure sensation.
34
Dawson
connected this prediction of secular social decay to its ancient coun-
terpart . . . the great cities of the Roman Empire, which lived for the
games of the amphitheater and the circus.
35
But while the material aspects and cultural effects of the two pe-
riods were comparable, the spiritual dynamics were markedly differ-
ent. The situation that Christians have to face to-day [sic], Dawson
wrote in 1943, has more in common with that described by the
author of the Apocalypse, than with the age of St. Augustine.
36
And
the reason for this is simple: the collapse of ancient Rome was the
collapse of a pre-Christian civilization, whereas the collapse of Eu-
rope was the collapse of a post-Christian one. And it is perhaps one
of Dawsons most important insights that neither collapse was caused
by Christianityneither by its rise, as Edward Gibbon claimed had
happened in the ancient world, nor by its fall, as many of Dawsons
contemporaries might have supposed was happening in the modern
world. For the dominant religion of modernity, Dawson said, was not
Christianity but the religion of Progress, or Liberalism, which has
been, in fact, the working faith of our civilization.
37
The religion of
Progress was characterized rst in the writings of Rousseau, whose
political philosophy had a distinctly eschatological avor, and later
logos 44
in the philosophical-historical writings of thinkers such as Hegel.
38

The catastrophic events of the twentieth century were largely caused
by the failure of this eighteenth- and nineteenth-century religion to
suit to the needs of human life the new industrial world it had pro-
duced. Europe had achieved a paradise of material production at the
cost of human ourishing: Our civilization is becoming lifeless and
moribund, says Dawson, because it has lost its roots and no longer
possesses vital rhythm and balance. . . . The rawness and ugliness
of modern European life is the sign of biological inferiority, of an
insufcient or false relation to environment, which produces strain,
wasted effort, revolt or failure.
39
This was not the kind of progress
that the cultural architects had promised, and the twentieth century
turned with rage on the very societies that had produced it.
In some ways this should have come as no surprise since the lib-
eral religion of Progress was intrinsically revolutionary, born during
the age of secular revolutions in Europe following the religious wars
that were sparked by the Protestant Reformation. And, according to
Dawson, The revolutionary attitude[which] is perhaps the char-
acteristic religious attitude of Modern Europeis in fact nothing
but a symptom of the divorce between religion and social life caused
by the secularization of Christian Europe during the eighteenth cen-
tury.
40
But whereas the religious instinct of Romes imperial age was
social withdrawal, the religious instinct of the modern world would
be that of social upheaval, since the dominant religion had taken up
the apocalyptic vision of Christianity while rejecting its theological
claims. The liberal faith, says Dawson, owed its strength to the ele-
ments that it had derived from the religious tradition that it attempt-
ed to replace. Thus, in so far as it succeeded in secularizing European
culture, it undermined the foundations on which its own existence
depended. Instead of uniting Europe in a new spiritual unity, it had
helped to destroy the spiritual tradition to which European culture
owed its unity and its very existence.
41
The intrinsic weakness of
this religion of revolution is that it could cope with neither success
nor failure. Where it fails it ends in despair; where it is successful,
how dawson read the city of god 45
the nitude of its goals becomes apparent and the movement ends
in disillusionment, having cut out the ground on which it stood. And
when the process of disillusionment is complete, warns Dawson,
this religious impulse that lies behind the revolutionary attitude may
turn itself against social life altogether, or at least against the whole
system of civilization that has been built up in the last two centu-
ries.
42
The nal result is that the religious impulse that had been
denied its normal expression, and driven back upon itself, would
become an anti-social force of explosive violence.
43

III. Augustines Response: The City of God
In Dawsons view, Augustine was the founder of the philosophy of
history because he was the rst person to write a metahistory,
that is, a work concerned with the nature of history, the meaning
of history, and the cause and signicance of historical change.
44

Augustines aim in the City of God, however, was pastoral. As Gerard
ODaly writes, It is more in keeping with what Augustine actually
says about his aims to think of the works readers as Christians
or others closely concerned with Christianity, who require[d]
uent and convincing rebuttals of pagan views, both for their own
satisfaction and as weapons to be used in arguments with defenders
of paganism.
45
Indeed, nearly half of the City of God deals with
defeating the specious claim that the sack of Rome was a punishment
for a failure to worship the traditional deities.
46
So Augustine did
not write history in the sense of compiling a chronological series
of past events. Rather, what Augustine presents in the City of God is
a synthesis of universal history in the light of Christian principles.
His theory of history is strictly deduced from his theory of human
nature, which, in turn, follows necessarily from his theology of
creation and grace.
47
It would be impossible to elucidate every strain of inuence that
this theory of history had on Dawson. But the marginalia in Daw-
sons own copies of the City of God provide a useful indicator of how
logos 46
one might narrow in on some passages of Augustines work that he
thought were especially important. Dawsons library contains two
copies of the book, one in Latin, which he likely purchased as a stu-
dent from Parker and Son Booksellers, and the other translated and
abridged, which was given to him as a gift in 1931 by Ernest Barker,
the medievalist and professor of political science who was Dawsons
tutor at Trinity College, Oxford.
48
There are markings in both cop-
ies, comprising for the most part marginal lines that appear to have
been made in haste with a blunt pencil.
49
These markings generally
highlight passages that have to do with providence, time, and human
naturenot a bad summary of Dawsons preoccupations.
What Dawson means by Augustines theory of human nature
is perhaps best indicated by the two passages he highlighted in both
copies of the text (corresponding in Dysons translation to Book XI,
chapter 28 and Book XII, chapter 28). And if this indicator is ac-
curate, then Dawsons appropriation of Augustines anthropological
theory can be reasonably divided into two major aspects: human be-
ings are social creatures who are moved by love. Thus, in his defense
of the goodness of bodily existence against the Platonists, Augustine
writes, and Dawson doubly highlights, that
our true religion rightly afrms [that God is] the Maker both
of the world, and all creatures therein, bodies, and souls, of
which, in earth man, the chief piece was made alone, after
His image . . . yet was he not left alone, for there is nothing in
the world so sociable by nature, and so jarring by vice, as man is;
nor can mans nature speak better either to the keeping of
discord whilst it is out, or expelling it when it is entered; than
in recording our rst father, whom God created single (from
him to propagate all the rest), to give us a true admonition to
preserve a union over greatest multitudes.
50
Dawson also doubly highlights Augustines treatment of mans
creation as a rational being in the image of God. If we were stones,
water, wind, re, or so, says Augustine, we should want sense and
how dawson read the city of god 47
life, yet should we have a natural appetite for our due places, for
the motions of weights are like the bodys loves, go they upward or
downwards: for weight is to the body, as love is to the soul.
51
It is from these two principles of human nature that Augustine
builds his sociological theory that every human society nds its con-
stituent principle in a common willa will to life, a will to enjoy-
ment, above all, a will to peace.
52
Thus, says Dawson, The sociology
of St. Augustine is based on the same psychological principle which
pervades his whole thoughtthe principle of the all-importance of
the will and the sovereignty of love.
53
Augustine denes a people
as an assembled multitude of rational creatures bound together by a
common agreement as to the objects of their love.
54
Consequently,
if we are to discover the character of any people, we have only to
examine what it loves.
55
But the objects of love ultimately reduce
to two alternatives: the love of self extending even to the contempt
of God, which is what creates the City of Man, or the love of God
extending to the contempt of self, which creates the City of God.
56

From this generalization, says Dawson, springs the whole Augus-
tinian theory of history, which Augustine then applies as he traces
out the earthly courses of the two cities.
57
Dawson further points out that Augustines theology of creation
and grace underlies these anthropological claims. For although his
anthropology is reasonable, it is rooted not in reason but in revela-
tion. And this is what makes Augustines work unique in the history
of history-writing. The idea of Creation enabled Augustine to break
out of the dominant Hellenistic conception of time as an eternal
recurrence.
58
Because God is an eternal Creator, time itself can be
recognized as a creature. As Augustine writesand, again, Daw-
son takes special noteif eternity and time be well considered,
time never to be extant without motion, and eternity to admit no
change, who would not see that time could not have being before
some moveable thing were created; whose motion, and successive
alteration (necessarily following one part or another) the time might
run by? . . . Before it is time past, after it is time to come: but no time
logos 48
passed before the world, because no creature was made by whose
course it might pass.
59
Moreover, unlike all other religions besides Judaism, Christianity
from the rst based its teaching on a sacred history with a clearly de-
ned direction.
60
The religion of the Hebrews looked forward to the
coming of the Messiah, while Christianity claimed that he had come
and would come again. The Incarnation was thus for Augustine the
single most important event that had happened or that would hap-
pen in created time, the one event that gave meaning to the whole of
history. The signicance of the Incarnation was that it contained the
promise of eternal life for the faithful; or rather, that Christ himself
was Eternal Life for those who would believe in him.
61
Christ came to
call to himself from fallen humanityfrom the massa damnatathose
who were predestined by grace to eternal life.
62
Thus the whole of
the redeemed City, he writes, that is, the congregation and fellow-
ship of the saintsis offered to God as a universal sacrice for us
through the great High Priest Who, in His Passion, offered Himself
for us in the form of a servant, so that we might be the body of so
great a Head.
63
History therefore has an organic unity
64
and an ultimate goal.
65

It is the process of development and growth of a spiritual society that
is trans-temporal because it is in relationship with an eternal Being,
who gives eternal life to its members. On account of this insight,
Augustine was in Dawsons view the rst man in the world to dis-
cover the meaning of time.
66
What he had recognized before anyone
else was that The measure of time is not to be found in things, but
in the soultime is spiritual extensiondistentio animae.
67
If time
were mere motion, then the past and the future would not exist;
but they do exist because all times are present to Gods eternity,
and consequently are present to those spiritual beings who are in
relationship with him. The City of God can thus be older than the
world, since its rst and truest citizens are the angels and as wide as
humanity since God has become a human being.
68
It is co-extensive
with the spiritual creation in so far as it has not been vitiated by sin.
how dawson read the city of god 49
It is, in fact, nothing less than the spiritual unity of the whole uni-
verse, as planned by the Divine Providence, and the ultimate goal of
creation.
69
This meta-historical vision was an extraordinarily effective re-
sponse to the double crisis of Augustines age. On the one hand, it re-
sponded to the crisis of despair by relativizing the importance of the
state. For it places God, not Rome, at the center of human history:
Thus, when illustrious kingdoms had long existed in the East, God
willed that there should arise in the West an empire which, though
later in time, should be more illustrious still in the breadth and
greatness of its sway.
70
Then, says Augustine, He who gave power to
Marius also gave it to Gaius Caesar; He Who gave it to Augustus also
gave it to Nero; He Who gave it to the Vespasii, father and son, the
gentlest of emperors, also gave it to Domitian, the cruelest; and . . .
He Who gave it to the Christian Constantine also gave to the Apos-
tate Julian.
71
I entirely fail to see what difference it makes, aside
from the most empty pride and human glory, that some men should
be conquerors and others conquered.
72
On the other hand, and perhaps more important, Augustines his-
torical vision united the religious and the social instincts, which were
being pulled apart by the secularization of the empire. In a passage of
which Dawson was particularly fond, Augustine writes,
For as long as this Heavenly City is a pilgrim on earth, she
summons citizens of all nations and every tongue, and brings
together a society of pilgrims in which no attention is paid
to any differences in the customs, laws, and institutions by
which peace is achieved or maintained. She does not rescind
or destroy these things, however. For whatever differences
there are among the various nations, these all tend toward
the same end of earthly peace. Thus she preserves and follows
them, provided only that they do not impede the religion by
which we are taught that the one supreme and true God is
to be worshiped. And so even the Heavenly City makes use
of the earthly peace during her pilgrimage, and desires and
logos 50
maintains the co-operation of mens wills in attaining those
things which belong to the mortal nature of man. . . . Indeed,
she directs that earthly peace towards heavenly peace. . . .
This peace the Heavenly City possesses in faith while on its
pilgrimage, and by this faith it lives righteously, directing
towards the attainment of that peace every good act which it
performs either for God, orsince the citys life is inevitably
a social onefor neighbor.
73
Dawson explains that for Augustine, although the kingdom for
which the Christian hoped was a spiritual and eternal one, it was not
a kind of abstract Nirvana but rather a real kingdom which was to
be the crown and culmination of history and the realization of the
destiny of the human race.
74
Consequently, he writes,
St. Augustine never separates the moral from the social life.
The dynamic force of both the individual and the society is
found in the will, and the object of their will determines
the moral character of their life. And as the corruption of
the will by original sin in Adam became a social evil by an
hereditary transmission through the esh which unites fallen
humanity in the common slavery of concupiscence, so too the
restoration of the will by the grace of Christ is a social good
which is transmitted sacramentally by the action of the Spirit
and unites regenerate humanity in a free spiritual society
under the law of charity.
75
The upshot is that, while it is impossible to identify the City of
God with the Church, it would nevertheless be an even more
serious error to separate the two concepts completely. . . . Certainly
the Church is not the eternal City of God, but it is its organ and
representative in the world.
76
The Church is, despite all its apparent
imperfections, the most perfect society this world can know,
and, indeed, the only true society since it alone has its source in
a spiritual will.
77
In other words, the Church is actually the new
humanity in the process of formation, and its earthly history is
how dawson read the city of god 51
that of the building of the City of God which has its completion
in eternity.
78
Viewed from this eternal perspective, history is not
an external process of events, but an internal spiritual development
to which every individual contributes in proportion to his spiritual
powers.
79
As Dawson explains, the result of this historical vision was that,
unlike the more socially-static East, which was inuenced by Ori-
gens conception of time as a continuous process with no denite
goal,
80
the Western Church would be preoccupied in the following
centuries with the concrete problems of its corporate life.
81
During
this time, the European civilization would be born, which owed
its origin neither to racial unity nor to political organization but to
the spiritual forces which united Romans and barbarians in the new
society of Christendom.
82
Augustines desacralization of the state,
combined with his insistence on the importance of social life, largely
made possible the ideal of a social order resting upon the free per-
sonality and a common effort toward moral ends. And thus, Dawson
concludes, the Western ideals of freedom and progress and social
justice owe him more than we realize.
83
IV. Dawsons Response: Judgment of the Nations
Just as Dawsons interpretation of the twentieth century made
explicit reference to Augustines understanding of the downfall of
Rome in the City of God, so his response to the ruin of modernity
reected Augustines reply to his own age. Yet, as was already noted,
Dawsons analysis of the spiritual dynamics of the World Wars
suggests that the modern situation was fundamentally different from
that of the early fth century. Dawson writes in The Judgment of the
Nations: In [Augustines] day the world was falling, and the gates of
the Church stood open as a city of refuge for a defeated humanity.
To-day [sic] the world is strong; and it has no pity for weakness and
suffering. It has no use for Christianity which it despises as the most
dangerous form of escapism and defeatism.
84
Given Dawsons earlier
logos 52
characterization of Christianity as a movement that combined the
religious and social instincts, this latter statement should strike the
reader as strange. Why, after fteen hundred years, was the religion
that had built Europe viewed by Europeans as a kind of escapism?
The historical answer to this question has two stages: rst, the
dividing of Europe by the Reformation; and second, the rise of
the liberal religion of Progress, which pushed explicitly Christian
ideas and institutions out of public life. We [Christians], Dawson
admitted, must ourselves take our share of the responsibility for
the present world crisis. We have failed to make our voices heard
before the nations. We have allowed the blessed vision of peace,
the City of God whose king is Truth, whose law is Charity, whose
frontier is Eternity, to be hidden behind the dust of controversy and
narrowed to the eld of our own feeble and partial sight.
85
During
the Reformation, a new belief had arisen, particularly in Puritan
circles, in the possibility of the realization of the Holy Community
on earth by the efforts of the elect, and this belief was the single
most important inuence on and the immediate predecessor of the
modern Western belief in progress, in the rights of man and [in]
the duty of conforming political action to moral ideals.
86
This new
ideology, which can be called both Progress and Liberalism, was
largely conceived rst as a means to end the religious wars in post-
Reformation Europe, and so prepared the way for the complete
secularization of society by making a sharp division between the
public world of economics and politics and the private world of
religion and intellectual culture. It conned planning to the lower
sphere and left the higher entirely free and entirely unorganized.
87

Christianity was thereby forced out of its public role as the unify-
ing principle of society and was reduced to the realm of personal
opinion and feeling, whose expression often took forms of escapism
from the rising secular culture.
Nevertheless, Dawson observes that because it is the religious
impulse which supplies the cohesive force which unies a society
and a culture, it follows that a society which has lost its religion be-
how dawson read the city of god 53
comes sooner or later a society which has lost its culture.
88
And this
was just what had happened to Europe. The various liberal parties
failed to give adequate expression to the ideology of Liberalism and
to the still deeper social tradition that lay behind it, with the result
that while the liberal movement in the wider sense transformed the
world by an immense liberation of human energies, such as the abo-
litionist movement and the recognition of the political equality of
women, liberalism in the narrower sense proved incapable of guid-
ing the force it had released.
89
During the two centuries when Lib-
eralism or Progress was the dominant creed, the nations of Europe
and North America made great strides in organizing and mechaniz-
ing the world. But the dominant creed subsequently failed to give
that new mechanical world a spiritual direction that could encourage
true human ourishing. As Dawson put it in 1943, the revolution-
ary tendencies in modern civilization which were originally inspired
by a positive humanitarian optimism have become perverted into a
Revolution of Destruction.
90

Europe was from its foundation primarily a spiritual rather than
a political or economic community. And the loss of awareness of this
fact, let alone the earlier loss of Europes spiritual unity, was con-
sequently the cause of its internal conict.
91
The crisis manifesting
itself in the two World Wars was therefore
not the breakdown of the traditional culture of Christendom,
[but] the catastrophe of the secular culture. . . . For the failure
of our civilization to satisfy mans deeper needs has created a
spiritual vacuum, a heart of darkness and chaos beneath the
mechanical order and the scientic intelligence of the modern
world. Hence the demand for a new order, for a total solution
of our social problems, for a replanning of society which will
transform human life and remake man himself. They are,
in fact, symptoms of the fundamental religious needthe
need of salvationmanifesting itself in new forms which
correspond to the purely secular culture in which they have
arisen.
92
logos 54
The World Wars were being waged not between the inhabitants
of the City of God and the city of man, but between rival versions
of the self-sufcient earthly city, each of which claimed to possess a
divine or ideological sanction as the fulllment of history. The Euro-
pean civil war was being fought out between two rival forms of the
libido dominandi, that is, the attempt of the mind to dispense with
the Spirit to build a world that should be entirely in mans power
and should nd its end in him, which, as St. Augustine showed,
[is] a universal tendency that runs through the whole of history and
takes on different forms in different ages.
93
Therefore, says Daw-
son, while the fundamental Augustinian principle of the Two Loves
and the Two Cities retain their validity, they have assumed a new
form in these times, unlike anything in the previous experience of
the Church. For to-day [sic] a deliberate attempt is being made to
unify and energize human society from its lower depths: to bring
Jerusalemthe spirit of Man as the vessel of the Spirit of Godinto
servitude to Babylonthe spirit of man degraded into the blind in-
strument of a demonic will to power.
94
He goes on to detail more precisely how this was taking place.
A civilization which concentrates on means and neglects almost
entirely to consider ends must inevitably become disintegrated and
despiritualized, he writes.
95
Our democratic societies [viz., Eng-
land and America] have done this by devoting all their planning to
the technical and industrial organization and leaving the sphere of
culture to the private initiative of individuals, i.e. to unplanned ac-
tivities. The Nazi, Fascist, and Socialist states, by contrast, have in-
stituted centralized planning for denite ends. But they have been
even more crudely materialistic than the democratic states.
96
The
two World Wars are thus the result of the application of similar tech-
nique in an opposite spirit and for opposite ends: science and mecha-
nization being used, in the one case, in a commercial spirit for the
increase of wealth; in the other, in a military spirit for the conquest
of power. And as the conict proceeds, the more complete becomes
the mechanization of life, until total organization seems to be the
how dawson read the city of god 55
necessary condition of social survival.
97
This, he writes, is the
greatness and misery of modern civilizationthat it has conquered
the world by losing its own soul, and that when its soul is lost it must
lose the world as well.
98

The Church, in Dawsons view, could not accept this new situa-
tion as it did when it accepted the fall of Rome. For that was an ex-
ternal disaster, which left the sources of spiritual vitality unimpaired,
while this is a spiritual catastrophe which strikes directly at the moral
foundations of our society, and destroys not only the outward form
of civilization but the soul of man which is the beginning and end of
all human culture.
99
At a deeper level than the conict of the two
competing worldly visions of capitalist democracy and totalitarian-
ism, there was at work the law of spiritual duality and polarization
which is expressed . . . in St. Augustines doctrine of the two cities
Babylon and Jerusalem whose conict runs through all history and
gives it its ultimate signicance.
100
The world therefore had two al-
ternatives: either it would be completely engulfed by consumerism
and totalitarianism, which would ultimately destroy humanity, or it
would recover Christianity as the center of its culturewith the
Divine Humanity of Christ as the shared object of its loveand so
become again a true society. Dawson writes,
The only way to desecularize culture is by giving a spiritual
aim to the whole system of organization, so that the machine
becomes the servant of the spirit and not its enemy or
master. Obviously this is a tremendous task, but it is one that
we cannot avoid facing in the near future. If culture is not
to be dynamized from below by the exploitation of the sub-
rational animal forces in human nature, it must be activized
from above by being once more brought into relation with
the forces of Divine power and wisdom and love.
101
In Augustinian terms, the only alternative to a civilization articially
held together by the libido dominandi was a spiritual society united
by the love of God. And this is just to say that the only alternative to
logos 56
the destruction of Western civilization was the creation of a modern
Christendomnot because the Church is itself the City of God,
but because Christendom is the temporal ordering of society by the
Church to the eternal population of that City.
102

Dawsons Augustinian solution to the problems of his day was to
suggest to society that it change the object of its love in such a way
that would reunite the religious instinct with the social instinct, by
making Christianity once again the heart of European culture. Only
Christianity could do this, because it alone was a religion of char-
ityof love for God and neighbor. The reconciliation of the na-
tions, he says, can only be accomplished on a deeper plane than that
of political power or economic interest. It is essentially a spiritual
task which demands the spiritual vision that is faith and the spiritual
will that is charity.
103
Indeed, Christianity, when it has the freedom
to be itself and is not relegated to the private sphere, necessarily
has a world mission that is based on its conception of a spiritual
society which transcends all states and cultures and is the nal goal
of humanity. Wherever Christianity exists there survives a seed of
unity, a principle of spiritual order, which cannot be destroyed by
war or the conict of economic interests or the failure of political
organization.
104
The hope of the world therefore rests on the exis-
tence of a spiritual nucleus of believers who are the bearers of the
seed of unity.
105
And what is perhaps most remarkable about Christianitys mis-
sion for a spiritual universalism, carried out and visibly embodied
in the superpolitical society of the Church, is that this mission gives
to history a supernatural direction.
106
What distinguishes the Chris-
tian view of history from that of secular philosophy, Dawson notes,
is above all the belief in the divine government of the world and the
intervention of the Spirit in history and in the power of man to resist
or co-operate with this divine action.
107
So whereas the Christian
historical vision had worked in Augustines age primarily to relativize
the temporal by downplaying the importance of the collapse of Ro-
man civilization, in the twentieth century Dawson believed it could
how dawson read the city of god 57
work to relativize the temporal by challenging the inevitability of
secularism and conict. History is providentially guided, but it is
not predetermined. The Christian view of history is therefore the
one force capable of saving all that is good in the liberal religion of
Progress. The new theory of time which St. Augustine originated,
Dawson writes, also renders possible a new conception of history. If
man is not the slave and creature of time, but its master and creator,
then history also becomes a creative process. It does not repeat itself
meaninglessly; it grows into organic unity with the growth of human
experience. The past does not die; it becomes incorporated into hu-
manity. And hence progress is possible.
108
But the kind of progress available to humanity is not the prog-
ress of a mechanistic universe, which would be merely progress
to eternal death.
109
Rather, it is the progress of populating the eter-
nal City of God by the temporal work of Christian culture. For, as
Dawson understood, Christianity, more than any other religion, is
characterized by its doctrine of spiritual renewal and regeneration.
It stands for the restoration or transformation of human nature in
Christin other words the creation of a new humanity.
110
This task
would in turn give meaning to the material progress of the mecha-
nized world, and would keep it at the service of humanitarian goals.
A Christian culture would not shun scientic advances, but, like Au-
gustine, rejoice in them while acknowledging their nitude: How
wonderful, how astonishing, are the achievements of human industry
in devising clothing and shelter! writes the saint:
What progress man has made in agriculture and navigation!
. . . How many medicines and remedies do we nd used to
preserve or restore health? . . . What of the delight which the
mind nd in the ornaments of oratory and in the abundant
diversity of poetry? Or that which the ears nd in musical
instruments and the various kinds of melody which have been
devised? . . . How fully has [humanity] come to understand
so many things of this world! . . . And here we are speaking
only of the natural capacities with which the human mind is
logos 58
adorned in this mortal life, not of the faith and the way of
truth by which man achieves life immortal.
111

Thus, the Liberal project that originated in Christianity could be
renewed and steadied by Christianity if only it would recognize its
subordinate position, and indeed, its vocation, within the larger task
of populating the Eternal City.
112
Its goal would then be not progress
and freedom for its own sake, carried out by homo incurvatus in se
man turned in upon himselfbut rather progress and freedom for
the sake of God and neighbor.
The prerequisite for rescuing Liberalism from itself, however,
was the return to unity in a single visible Church, which could be
accomplished only by a systematic reengagement with the sources
of Christian culture, through a reproposal of the concept of natural
law, and through renewed emphasis on the Churchs vocation to wit-
ness to its identity as a spiritual community held together by love.
For this, Christians would need nothing less than the power of the
Spirit, in whose strength they faced and overcame the pagan civili-
zation of the Roman Empire and the pagan savagery of their barbar-
ian conquerors, and in whose strength they would also master the
challenges of modernity.
113
Notes
1. Bradley J. Birzer, Sanctifying the World: The Augustinian Life and Mind of Christopher Daw-
son (Fort Royal, VA: Christendom Press, 2007), 26.
2. Christopher Dawson, handwritten notes (1930s?) in University of St. Thomas special
collections, box 8, le 53, MiscellaneousSaints.
3. Christopher Dawson, Progress and Religion: An Historical Inquiry (Washington, DC:
University of America Press 2001 [First published in London: Sheed and Ward,
1929]), 166. Hereafter cited as Progress.
4. Werner Jaeger, Paideia: The Ideals of Greek Culture, Vol. I, trans. Gilbert Highet (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1945), xvii.
5. Quintillian, Institutio Oratoria, in The Great Tradition, ed. Richard M. Gamble
(Wilmington, DE: ISI Books, 2007), 124.
how dawson read the city of god 59
6. Augustine, The City of God against the Pagans, trans. R. W. Dyson (New York: Cam-
bridge University Press, 1998), 24 [I 15]. Hereafter cited as Dyson.
7. Progress, 166.
8. Ibid., 166.
9. Dyson, 129.
10. Christopher Dawson, St. Augustine and His Age, in A Monument to St. Augustine,
ed. T. F. Burns (London: Sheed and Ward, 1934 [1930]), 1920. Hereafter cited as
Monument.
11. Monument, 20.
12. Progress, 167.
13. Monument, 25.
14. Ibid., 130 [III 21]
15. Dyson, 76 [II 21].
16. Monument, 21.
17. Ibid.
18. Dyson, 75 [II 20]. Dawson paraphrases this passage in Monument, 22.
19. Ibid., 23.
20. Progress, 179.
21. Monument, 33.
22. Ibid., 30, 24.
23. Ibid., 3233.
24. Ibid., 25.
25. Gerard ODaly, Augustines City of God: A Readers Guide (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1999), 3; see also 38.
26. Ibid., 83
27. Monument, 38.
28. Ibid.
29. Progress, 16466.
30. Ibid., 161.
31. Ibid.
32. See ibid., 162.
33. Ibid., 161.
34. Ibid., 176.
35. Ibid., 177.
36. Christopher Dawson, The Judgment of the Nations (London: Sheed and Ward, 1943), 7.
Hereafter cited as Judgment.
37. Progress, 15.
38. See ibid., 15557.
39. Ibid., 5960.
40. Ibid., 178.
41. Ibid., 168.
42. Ibid., 178.
logos 60
43. Ibid., 177.
44. Birzer, 7375.
45. ODaly, 36.
46. See, for example, Dyson, 176 [IV 27] and Monument, 20.
47. Ibid.
48. The two copies are S. Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis episcopi de Civitate Dei libri XXII
(Lipsiae: Sumptibus Ernesti Bredtii, 1877), cited hereafter as CD1, and The City of
God, trans. John Healy, with an introduction by Ernest Barker (London: J. M. Dent,
1931), cited hereafter as CD2. For more on Dawsons relationship with Barker, see
Birzer, 2728. Dawsons library also includes An Augustine Synthesis (London: Sheed
and Ward, 1945 [1936]) by Erich Pryzwara, SJ, who had contributed to A Monument
to St. Augustine. In this volume, Dawson highlights passages from Book XI, chapter 28;
Book XIV, chapter 28; and Book XV, chapters 1 and 2. I have omitted these since they
could not have been made until after the Judgment of the Nations was published.
49. In the Latin version, Dawson made such markings in each of the following sections,
which are standardized here to the 2010 Cambridge edition translated by R. W.
Dyson: Book VII, chapter 32; Book VIII, chapters 1, 12, and 26; Book X, chapters 6,
18, and 20; Book XI, chapters 2, 25, 26, and 28; Book XII, chapters 17 and 28 (16
and 27 in Dawsons text); Book XIV, chapter 26; Book XVIII, chapter 22; Book XIX,
chapter 17; Book XX, chapter 30; and Book XXII, chapter 24. In the abridged Eng-
lish text, whose divisions are numbered rather differently, Dawson marked passages
in Book V, chapters 13, 17 and 21 (3, 7, and 12 in Dawsons text); Book XI (his Book
X), chapters 6 and 28; and Book XII, chapter 28 (his Book XI, chapter 26). There are
also substantial markings in the two tables of contents of CD1, and a few indecipher-
able markings on the back pages of both CD1 and CD2. I have chosen simply to ignore
these for the purposes of this article, since they are less specic than the marginalia
and their meanings less clear.
50. CD2, 26364. Cf. Dyson, 539 [XII 28]. Italics added.
51. Ibid., 21213. Cf. Dyson, 48788 [XI 28]. Italics added.
52. Monument, 59.
53. Ibid.
54. Dyson, 960 [XIX 24].
55. Ibid.
56. Ibid., 632 [XIV 28].
57. Monument, 60.
58. See ibid., 69.
59. CD2, 181; cf. Dyson, 456 [XI 6].
60. Monument, 45. Italics in original.
61. See Dyson 307 [VII 32]. The relevant passage is marked in CD1.
62. Ibid., 630 [XIV 26]. Marked in CD1.
63. Ibid., 400 [X 6]; see also 422 [X 20]. Both relevant passages are marked CD1.
64. Monument, 71.
how dawson read the city of god 61
65. Ibid., 67.
66. Ibid., 69.
67. Ibid., 70.
68. Ibid., 66.
69. Ibid., 67.
70. Dyson 212 [V 13]. Marked in CD2.
71. Dyson, 228 [V 21]. Marked in CD2.
72. Dyson, 217 [V 17]. Marked in CD2.
73. Dyson, 94647 [XIX 17]. Marked in CD1 and cited in Monument, 66, 76.
74. Monument, 47.
75. Ibid., 75.
76. Ibid., 72.
77. Ibid., 75.
78. Ibid.
79. Dawson, handwritten notes, MiscellaneousSaints.
80. Monument, 68.
81. Ibid., 52.
82. Judgment, 152.
83. Monument, 77.
84. Judgment, 6.
85. Ibid., 116.
86. Ibid., 35.
87. Ibid., 83.
88. Progress, 180.
89. Judgment, 45.
90. Ibid., 7.
91. See ibid., 16; see also Progress, 169.
92. Judgment, 90.
93. Ibid., 109.
94. Ibid., 7.
95. Ibid., 80.
96. Ibid.
97. Ibid., 74.
98. Ibid., 68.
99. Ibid., 9.
100. Ibid., 125.
101. Ibid., 87.
102. See ibid., 14154.
103. Ibid., 154.
104. Ibid., 153.
105. Ibid.
106. Ibid., 141.
logos 62
107. Ibid., 103.
108. Monument, 71.
109. Progress, 173.
110. Judgment, 88.
111. Dyson, 1162 [XXII 24]. Marked in CD1.
112. See Judgment, 140, 152.
113. Ibid., 154.
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