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Oh! Althusser!:
Historiography and the
Rise of Cinema Studies
KLU1KJ bK
Some half dozen years afer switching his professional address from history
to cinema studies, the author of this essay revisited an Organization of Ameri
can Historians annual meeting. There, much was of old, not least the time
honored tropism toward exaggerated titles. A paper entitled "Marxist Theory
and American Historians,'' by Jonathan M. Wiener of the University of Calif or
nia, Irvine, was a case in point.1 It covered many important themes, though,
as the author heard it, Marxist theory was not among them. This omission im
pelled him to speak up in the question period. I was an excellent paper, went
the gist of his remarks, but its subjects were historiography and sociology of
the profession-the books and careers of radical American historians. He had
hoped to learn more on American historians' relation to Marxist theory. In
his new feld, cinema studies, contemporary European Marxist theory was an
influence of surprising dimension, perhas invoked not wisely but too well;
he wanted to know how radical American historians had responded to this
body of theoretical work What about, just fr example, the writings of Louis
Althusser ...
. . . Aaabh. He perceived a palpable sigh of relief from the scholars on
the dais. A intervention that, at the least, pointed to certain lacunae in the
presentation was now, by the incantation of a single name, happily contained.
Oh, Althus e. The author was well aware, having been present on the occa-
Ti chapter reprinted with changes from Radical Hitor Reie 41 (Spring 1988): 10-35.
12
13
sian, how enthusiastically an assembled multitude of MARHO historians had
greeted E. P. Thompson's energetic harangue against the French philosopher
nearly a decade before2 Perhaps, by invoking that well-calumniated name,
he intended unconsciously to negate his own critique, knowing that the vast
majority of listeners that day subscribed as a matter of faith to Thompson's
thundering dictum: "History is not a factory for the manufacture of Grand
Theory, like some Concorde of the global air; nor is it an assembly line for
the production of midget theories in sries. Nor yet is it some gigantic ex
perimental station in which theory of foreign manufacture can be 'applied,'
'tested,' and 'cpnfrmed'."3
Still, let the spirit of that inquiry hattg in the air, as a sign of a gap, a dif
ference, between the social formation of disciplines. Cinema studies came of
age as an academic subject at a time when its most closely aligned felds, such
as philosophy, literary studies, and a history, fell deeply under the thrall
of contemporary European theories, Marxist and non-Marxist, an experience
shared perhaps by a few historians, but surely not by the feld as a whole.
A flm history came under the purview of dominant theoretical discourses
in the emerging cinema discipline, its links to traditional academic history
were tenuous; its ties with radical historiography, despite many superfcial
similarities in vocabulary, were weaker still. More recently, as some histori
ans have begun to utilize the approaches of theoretically grounded literary
criticism, and some flm scholars have developed interests in social histori
ans' work, these differences have begun to diminish, though not yet through
much mutual familiarity or common dialogue. This chapter seeks to foster
that dialogue by exploring some aspects of the deelopment and current state
of historical writing about flm.
D Althusser. Rather than discard the name, why not start with it? His essay
"Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses: Notes Towards an Investigation"
probably had more impact on the concept of "history" in the fledgling years
of cinema studies than all the works of the world's historians piled on end.4
A secondary difsion of his viewpoints within the flm feld came through
his influence on Marxist literary theorist and critics such as Pierre Macherey
and Terry Eagleton' Yet a third possible source, his role a' catalyst in the
important debates between structuralism and culturalism in British Marxist
historiography, had a negligible efect on flm history until quite recently.'
Within cinema studies, the most widely adopted of Althusserian notions
was probably the concept of ideological state apparatuses. These are such in
struments of social fnction as religion, education, the family, law, and (most
important for cinema scholars) communications and culture; through these
institutions, "all ideology hails or interpellates concrete individuals as con
crete subjects." 7 Ideology, meanwhile, is that which "represents the imaginary
relationship of individuals to their real conditions of existence." 8
14 Oh! Althus e!
Imagine the potency of this conception for a hypothetical scholar, steeped
in theory, unfamiliar with the training historians receive in historiographic
procedure (Thompson's notorious "historical logic")- Like an expressway
elevated over a teeming city, Althusser's formulation might be seen to offer
a royal road to cinema history without the necessity of descending into the
mean streets of historical research (let alone the coal mines historians fre
quently mention as metaphors for their place of labor), where historians "are
always handling facts in bunches and in series," as Thompson insists.10 Within
this framework, a flm industry is by defnition an ideological state apparatus.
Films "represent" ideology and "interpellate" individuals as subjects. Ideol
ogy flows smoothly from its source (whether this is the state, the bourgeoisie,
capitalism, or a compendium of all three is not ofen clarifed or specifed)
through the flm production and distribution process into the spectator's will
ing eyes and ears. From the elevation of this theoretical stance, the work
that historians do-researching questions of historical agency, of conflict and
transformation-becomes more or less immaterial.
No one familiar with the debates within British Marxist historiography
that prompted Thompson's original diatribe and engaged him and others in
considerable later polemics will be entirely surprised by this model, how
ever hyperbolic it may appear. In certain ways, to be sure, it is a straw man.
Stated in this way, it does not do justice to those Althusserian insights that can
and ought to be fruitflly combined with other historiographic procedures;
nor does it acknowledge the emergence of several flm historians whose re
search methods meet any standard of mainstream academic historiography,
and whose deployment of historical and social theory is considerably more
sohisticated and complex But it is not an exaggeration to say that the model
once held a widespread dominance over cinema studies approaches to
flm
history and continues through rhetorical habit to wield an influence. The
phenomenon needs to be placed in the context of the feld's development.
0 All cinema studles, to simplif, can be divided into three generations. The
frst generation, coming fom such backgrounds as journalism, archival work,
flmmaking, or some other facet of the flm business, was largely self-taught
and nonacademic. This cadre formed the core of personnel who began teach
ing flm history and criticism courses in universities in the 1960s, along with
a few academics with backgrounds in speech and theater who had founded a
small scholarly society around 1960." The second generation consisted of aca
demically trained humanists, primarily, as we have seen, fom literary studies,
philosophy, and art history, who recruited themselves for the new feld as it
expanded in the 1970s and began to establish journals, hold conferences, and,
most important, build graduate programs. The third generation is comprised
of the cinema studies doctorates those programs have begun to produce, the
leading edge of which is now moving from junior faculty status into tenured
15
appointments. The sweep of generations was encapsulated, albeit imperfectly,
at a landmark conference sponsored by the National Endowment for the
Humanities at City University of New York in 1975, where, among the fea
tured speakers, critic Andrew Sarris may be said to have represented the frst
generation, philosopher Stanley Cavell the second, and semiologist Umberto
Eco-not as a member but as a signifer of changing discourses-the third
12
The expansion of cinema studies in the 1970s was one of the crucial
aspects of its social formation that differentiated the feld from such others
as history . .Where older disciplines tended to be static at the base, or even
contracting, cnema studies was rapidly building its foundation. Where some
academic areas took on the apearance of invetted pyramids, heay at the
top with senior professors but thin at the bottom with junior faculty and
new graduate students, cinema resembled the traditional pyramid, heavy at
the bottom and thin at the top. The consequences, though rarely if ever dis
cussed in the feld, were profound. With a small scholarly establishment and
an underdeveloped methodological structure, the emerging. discipline was
wide open to be swept away by the strong theoretical winds from Europe.
Writing "theory" made it possible for new practitioners at all academic levels
to achieve publication without having to wait to build a base of knowledge
through months and years of flm viewing and archival research. In the face
of this rapid transformation of discourses, many in the frst and second gen
erations retreated fom active roles in the scholarly and professional devel
opment of the feld.
Cinema studies became, in many remarkable ways, a discipline shaped
by it' third generation: a youthful feld where the young predominated. There
were many positive aspects of this phenomenon. New and potentially radical
academic discourses deriving from feminist, psychoanalytic, and even Marxist
theory moved swifly to the center of the discipline, rather than remaining
marginal or oppositional. A sense of excitement, energy, and possibility per
vaded scholarly gatherings, where there was little of hierarchy, hidebound
tradition, or Old Guard stuffness to stifle a decidedly democratic air. Careers
indeed seemed open to talent.
There was also a down side. I plentiful opportunities existed to read and
publish papers, the positive aspects of "gate-keeping" processes were largely
missing. Scholarly conferences were crowded with papers but made little
or no provision for formal commentary or floor debate. Many such papers
went quicldy into nonrefereed journals without sufcient opportunity for
constructive criticism and thorough evision; a considerable number, there
fore, sufered fom what one might call premature publication.'' While attacks
against unfavored texts and viewpoints were ofen ferocious, within the circle
of dominant or fashionable discourses, self-critique barely existedH When
intellectual contradictions and questionable propositions revealed fssures in
the prevailing orthodoxies, the issues rarely received thorough analysis and
16 Oh! Althusser!
:ebate; instead, they were put aside as if their problematic had been resolved,
and it was time to change the subject of inquiry. The constructive tasks of
building a discipline and its discourses, in a sometimes skeptical academic
environment, provided few spaces for challenging self-examination.
These circumstances, however, are changing. One sure sign of transfor
mation is a recent dramatic surge in cinema books published or accepted
by university presses, not only revised dissertations, which in general have
shown marked improvement as the feld has matured, but also postdoctoral
monographs by established scholars. Essays are ofen written as probes, stabs,
frst tries at a theme; they are often too brief for conclusive demonstration of
a point. Books are generally held to higher standards for evidence, structure,
and fullness of argument. Historical writing has traditionally tended to favor
the book as the more efective forum for the feld's emphasis on extensive
documentation and narrative presentation. The essay's predominance in early
cinema studies scholarship thus placed flm history at a certain disadvantage
in the discipline's development-a disadvantage that was only exacerbated
when the theoretical discourse applied an Althusserian viewpoint toward his
tory itself.
The dominant flm theory discourse drew a distinction beteen itself
and existing flm historical practices: It operated in the realm of "science,"
flm history remained in the realm of "ideology." 1' Film historiography as so
far constituted was considered in much the same terms as had aroused E. P ..
Thompson's anger. At worst, it exhibited the ideological errors of empiricism
and positivism; at best, however, it could do little more than assemble the
raw empirical data that theorists required to exercise their analytic powers
on historical subjects. Theory wore the doctor's white coat; history sat in the
waiting room, in need of diagnosis and cure.
Film theorists never went so far as Althusserians in other felds, including
history, who questioned the validity or releance of empirical data entirely.
Still, in those years, theorists were no more likely to be found in archives than
atheists in foxholes. During much of the decade following the 1975 CUN
conference, flm history played a decidedly subordinate role in the deel
opment of cinema studies. Film historians continued to shoulder the lamp
and pickaxe and go about their humble empirical work, but it is possible, in
retrospect, to see more clearly the conceptual and psychological adjustments
they faced in striving to establish flm history fom a traditional academic
historiographic perspective on a solid foundation of primary research.
The sheer volume of work to be done, both in flm viewing and in
utilizing document sources, was daunting. A vast array of new data, including
Hollywood studio archives of flms and production fles, was becoming avail
able for the frst time. Innovative historians were beginning to demonstrate
the value of searching out previously unexplored material, such as the legal
records and daily newspapers Charles Musser scrutinized in hts reconstruc-
17
tion of early American flm history.16 And there was the challenge not only
of keepmg up and commg to terms with the dominant theoretical discourses
but of struggling to establish a place for historiographical procedures and
something like Thompson's "historical logic" within it.
Fo
:
some time, the combination of hyperactive theory and underdevel
oped history left ltttle room for dialogue between the two practices. There
were few occaswns whre the two discourses shared a platform or an essay's
pages, and the formulatiOn of the issues almost invariably took a monologic
form. One of the major gatherings where history was accorded a signifcant
place was a conference entitled "Cinema Histories, Cinema Practices " held
in California in 1981. It approached flm history, along with other confrence
subjects, from a "theoretical frame (sometimes loosely labeled 'structuralist'
or 'post-structuralist') ... derived in large part from the writings of Sans
sure, Peirce, Freud, Levi-Strauss, Lacan, Althusser, Derrida, Barthes and/ or
Foucault"-a. teoretical fame whose synchronic structures, one right say,
needd (and sttll need) to be examined in relation to the diachronic tropes of
h1stoncal d1scourse, rather than simply applied.n The interrogation of theo
from a historical perspective was not on the conference agenda, howeve'
only the interrogation of history from a theoretical viewpoint. Perhaps as
result, only one of the four papers eventually published under the rubric
"Cinema Histories," Thomas Elsaesser's "Film History and Visual Pleasure:
Weimar Cinema," has entered signifcantly into emerging flm historiography
dtscu:ses; the others,
.
whatever their merits, appeared i various ways too
prehmmary, too exclusiVely theoretical, or too brief and specifc.1
The Elsaesser essay is an elegant and wide-ranging theoretical meditation
on German cmema before 1933 that centers on a critique of Siegfried Kra
cauer' s classic Frm Caligari to Hitler: A Pschological Histor oF the Ger
a B
Th
, . > n
' m. e essa reformulates a h1stoncal problematic along three primary
hes: the quettOn of spectatorship; of the specifc cinematic institution (that
IS, the cmema tndustry and its practices within the wider frame of cultural dis
course and representation); and, in the language of Lacanian psychoanalytic
theory, of the cinematic "imaginary" (roughly speaking, the way cinematic
representatiOn seeks to construct a unifed, complete discursive system that a
spectator may comprehend). The main point it asserts is that Weimar cinema
was an ":rt" or "avant-garde': ci