7801EDN 2013

WRITTEN ASSIGNMENT 1

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS AND OF
INDIGENOUSNESS TOWARDS SCHOOLING SUCCESS



STUDENT NAME: CONSTANTINOS KOUDOUNAS



STUDENT ID: 2877597





DATE SUBMITTED: 21-03-2013


TOTAL WORD LENGTH: 3100
(EXCLUDING REFERENCES)










2
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS AND OF
INDIGENOUSNESS TOWARDS SCHOOLING SUCCESS

While there is indeed some controversy whether the purpose of education should be
based on the three pylons of a) providing knowledge by an academic curriculum, b)
socializing and c) supporting the mental development of the young (Egan, 2001), it is rather
unquestionable that the major practical role of western education is to distribute skills and
qualifications so that the right people are in the right place
1
. In this essay, it will be displayed
that this is true regarding Australia as well, as Australian education continues a British
tradition that segregates individual students judging by their socioeconomic status (SES) and
their indigenousness, amongst other factors.

A) SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS

The term socioeconomic status expresses the income level and the income group of a
family, and depends heavily on the parental occupation (Rowan, 2013). It is very close to the
meaning of the older term described as socioeconomic class, which incorporates not only
the family income level but the social group that the family feels that is closely attached with
(i.e. working class, middle class or aristocracy). For the purposes of this essay, I will be using
both terms as if they hold the same meaning.
Well documented research exists on the bidirectional correlation between SES and
educational outcomes. Considine and Zappal (2002) claim that children from disadvantaged
families:
Are less successful in terms of literacy, numeracy and comprehension.
Tend to leave school earlier.
Incline to truancy and lower participation levels (negative attitude towards
school).
Have considerably less chances to attend university and even less chances for
studies leading to high specialisation.
The same authors also note a difference in the importance of the social and the
economic elements forming the socioeconomic status. While it is true that both are

1
According to a functionalist point of view, whereas for the society to function properly, discrete roles have to
be appointed.
3
significant, the social part weighs more than the economic one; for example, a low
income familys children will experience a better student learning if parents are well-educated
and are able to support their children emotionally as well as educationally (i.e. by setting high
standards, motivating or self-tutoring). As has been exhibited in various studies, student
learning seems to be positively correlated with the level of parents schooling (James, 2002;
Teese & Lamb, 2009).
On the other hand, low income often influences the supply of other tangible resources
that directly affect educational performance (Groundwater-Smith, Mitchell, & Mockler,
2007). These resources might include board and lodging, access to literature and availability
of ICT equipment at home. Wealthier communities may also enjoy benefits such as
availability of more quality teachers (due a the lower teacher turnover) and superior school
infrastructures.
Historically, it has been proposed that the educational underachievement of people
belonging in the working class is due to their genetic deficiency and explained by biological
determinism [Parsons, (1968) as cited in Germov (2004)]. Additionally, Germov mentions
deficit theory (which is actually better described as victim blaming theory), based on
sociobology, has also been another popular theory, arguing that working-class parents have
low expectations and values and that they provide no motivation to their offspring in order for
them to achieve satisfactory schooling outcomes. Not only there are no scientific evidences to
back up these theories, but they also fail to recognize the importance of other significant
factors that play a major role in educational inequality.
Social capital is clearly one of these factors; families and communities may provide
networking, guidance, assistance in school tasks, emotional support and relationships that are
crucial for adolescents to enhance their development and productivity. When this kind of
capital is absent, then students rely solely on schools to assist them on gaining access to
community groups and other resources (Croninger & Lee, 2001). School teachers usually
derive from the middle class themselves and they often have too few pedagogical skills and
capabilities to interact with and recognize the needs of low-income students (Bennett, 2008).
Furthermore, it seems like that many teachers have the perception that its futile to focus their
effort on working class pupils, for their future is predefined and difficult to amend (Auwarter
& Aruguete, 2008). On the contrary, positive relationships between teachers and students
have been proven to be a very powerful motivation for students to attend school and to
improve their academic performance [LeCompte & Dworkin, (1991), Wehlage et al., (1989)
as cited in Croninger and Lee (2001)].
4
Moreover, educational institutions have been found guilty of serving class reproduction,
meaning that the curriculums hierarchy serves the dominant classs needs. The subjects that
occupy the top levels of the curriculum, such as advanced mathematics, physical sciences and
languages, are closely connected with the highest levels of income and economic power
(Teese, 2000). Families able to support their children by providing extra resources like access
to private tutoring or specialized private schooling, find themselves having an advantage
compared to the ones who have no other means of support than the local public school.
Numerous surveys verify that private non-catholic schools in Australia demonstrate higher
retention rates and scores than public schools (Considine & Zappal, 2002). This means that
in Australia even in the age of twelve years, at the beginning of middle school, a students
educational pathway is almost pre-determined. Teese (1998) describes this phenomenon as a
conversion of economic capital to scholastic capital
2
. The scholastic capital will be converted
eventually back to economic capital after the student finally acquires a pretentious tertiary
qualification that will secure him/her a prestigious occupation. Australian private schools,
generously funded by the government, have managed to concentrate the best performing
students (including the poor students who receive scholarships), pulverising the availability of
these good students for public schools. The result is that public schools have weakened and
their success levels have dropped noticeably.
The well-expected repercussion of the academic curriculum being imbued with the
interests and values of the upper class, is that students who do not belong in that class feel
alienated and indifferent. Lacking the social (and cultural) background that the academic
curriculum demands, low SES students believe that schooling is irrelevant to their real life
and to their interests, and they tend to underperform and to drop-out of school in substantially
higher rates compared to their high SES counterparts. Rejecting academic study, they do miss
the chance to get well-paid employment and to escape form the perpetuating circle of social
injustice, finding themselves in exactly the same class as their parents [Willis, (1977) and
Giroux, (1983), as cited in Germov (2004)]. Due to the high level of specialisation required
for the most gainful crafts, dropping out of school breeds consequences such as exalted
mortality, unemployment and criminality rates as well as health deterioration caused by the
lower income and insurance levels (Croninger & Lee, 2001).

2
Students from wealthy families predominate high-school enrolments in subjects high in the curriculum
hierarchy. These subjects (i.e. physics) require not only continuous well-achieving and effort in all school years,
but often additional costly resources such as specialist teachers, libraries, lab facilities and equipment.
5
Despite having been living in Australia for roughly two months, my personal experience
confirms the above findings regarding the influence of SES on schooling. Let me illustrate the
reason why: Being a prospective Physics and Mathematics secondary school teacher, I have
been informed of the remarkably high demand on these teaching areas, from various
unofficial sources (including Griffith University professors and convenors) as well as from
official government sources (Queensland Department of Education and Training, 2012). I was
initially surprised, as this is not the case in Greece, the country where I am coming from. In
Greece, private tutoring during schooling is widely available across all social classes and
tertiary education is tuition free, making access to tertiary education studies in Physics and
Mathematics relatively easy. In Australia though, as shown in the paragraphs above, access to
high curriculum subjects is confined mostly to higher SES students. This segregation takes
place in the middle years, well before the students come close to the final years of schooling.
In the middle years, students are quite vulnerable due to the transition from a student focused
environment to a discipline focused environment (Pendergast, 2010), so only the ones backed
up by a strong socioeconomic capital may be able to attend higher and more demanding
curriculum courses offered later in the senior years. Taking all these points into consideration,
it is clear to see that lower SES Australian students are in conspicuous disadvantage, as they
have to compete not only against their higher SES rivals, but against international students
too.

B) INDIGENOUSNESS

Carrying an indigenous status bears an even more severe impact on schooling success
than being a member of a socially or economically disadvantaged family (Germov, 2004).
This finding shouldnt be surprising, considering that Aboriginal Australians were legitimized
as members of the human race no earlier than 1967 (before that, they had been classified as
flora and fauna). The colonization of Australia by the British harmed severely the indigenous
population, as a result of effectuating extreme discrimination policies: these included denial
of civil rights and self-discrimination, exclusion, removing children from their homes,
conversion to Christianity, travel and work limitations, and in many cases indiscriminate
murders too.
As a direct result of that sad era, considerable educational inequalities between
indigenous and non indigenous student population keep tormenting indigenous students even
in the present day. These inequalities appear in the indigenous students schooling
6
perceptions, educational outcomes and school participation. Here are the main inequalities in
detail, as found in a number of publications (De Bortoli & Thomson, 2010; Groundwater-
Smith et al., 2007; Malin, 1994):

I) Schooling perceptions, beliefs and motivation
Less interest and enjoyment in reading, especially for males.
Significantly reduced interest in science, both in theoretical and in experimental
level as well; many indigenous students think of science as irrelevant to their
personal life and experiences.
Rather negative student self-reflection.
Reported lack of rapport and acceptance from teachers and other peers, leading
to social withdrawal.
Increased likeliness of experiencing manifestations of racism within school
environment.

II) School participation
Poorer attendance rates, which are even lower in rural and remote areas,
compared to urban areas. Attendance drops furthermore from Year 7 to Year 12.
Lower retention rates
3
.
More frequently arriving late at school on regular basis.
Notably higher levels of absenteeism for prolonged periods of time.
School changing is a more frequent occurrence for indigenous students.

III) Educational outcomes
Higher incidence of misbehaving comportment, (sometimes accompanied with
outbursts of anger) which is followed by increased levels of reprimands,
punishments, detentions and expulsions.
Low levels of self confidence and self efficacy in general, and especially in
Science and Mathematics. As a result of low self esteem and anxiety, indigenous
students are certainly driven to learning and assessment underperformance.

3
Characteristically, in 1996 only 30% of indigenous students continued attending school after the compulsory
years, whereas this percentage was 75% for the whole countrys population (Groundwater-Smith, 2006).
7
Remarkably inferior levels of literacy and numeracy, as shown in national tests
for all year levels
4
. The gaps broaden as school years go by, making it very
difficult for indigenous students to cope with the increased academic demands in
the late middle years and in the senior years, causing them to experience feelings
of frustration and disappointment.

Despite the fact that the characteristics of the indigenous population vary greatly in
terms of location, language, SES status, values and customs etc., there have been recorded
quite a few universal factors that explain more or less the schooling outcomes enumerated
above.
The most obvious factor has to do with the income level of indigenous families which in
general has been found to stagnate in shallower water compared to non indigenous families
(De Bortoli & Thomson, 2010). Commodities depending on purchasing power, such as a
having a private room for study, a computer connected to internet, a student desk and
textbooks, are noticeably more limited for indigenous students. In addition, a significant
proportion of indigenous people, having limited employment options
5
, often tend to depend
on welfare and to rely on low paid labour work, thus facing noticeable financial problems.
These may translate into poor health, bad nutrition, housing mobility, high criminality
records, incarcerations, increased levels of child mortality and shorter life expectancy
(Groundwater-Smith, 2006; Groundwater-Smith et al., 2007).
Indigenous families have to confront not only financial burdens, but social
discriminations as well. In spite of the wide diversity of the indigenous population, dominant
stereotypes keep dictating that theyre all the same, judging by racial features. Quite often
theyre treated with suspiciousness, cautiousness and overt or covert distrust. During the last
years, significant progress has been made towards the process of restoring respect towards
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, but more effort is needed and the procedure has
to keep going on.
Noteworthy educational inequalities for indigenous adolescents originate also from the
way schools operate and the degree that schools pedagogies and curricula are incompatible
with the indigenous peoples lives, beliefs, tradition and cultural standards. In other words,

4
Groundwater-Smith et al. (2007, p. 36) quote a shocking result from a review conducted in New South Wales
in 2003, according to which the reading level for year 7 indigenous students was three to four years behind the
level of non indigenous students.
5
The indigenous unemployment rate was around 16% for 2011, compared to around 5-5.5% of the national
average (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2012)
8
skills that the indigenous tradition has developed, might get devalued at school. Malin (1994)
reports that the two major attributes that distinguish Aboriginal from non Aboriginal young
people, are autonomy and affiliation. As for autonomy, this means they tend to self-regulate
and to be far more independent from teachers authority and supervision. A teacher trying to
control Aboriginal pupils the same way as the ones of Anglican origin, will probably succeed
only in embarrassing them and mistake their assertiveness for disobedience. Regarding
affiliation, Aboriginal children have been raised to show enhanced affection and care towards
their peers, whereas in western society, children traditionally are directed towards competing
each other rather than collaborating and working collectively. As a result, Aboriginal
adolescents often fail to devote themselves in achieving their personal academic excellence
(and to beat other students scores). It is not hard to guess that improperly trained teachers
might unconsciously perceive these differences between the schools philosophy and the
indigenous students attitude as signs of deficit, and consequently might lower their
expectations and exhibit lack of interest towards them. Then the students in return, feel
disconnected from their teachers, helpless and isolated. Interestingly, this is exactly what
middle school pedagogy has to prevent (Pendergast, 2010). Sadly enough, too few indigenous
teachers enrol currently in middle years initial teacher education programs; novice teachers
who do graduate from these programs have acquired a level of preparedness regarding
indigenous matters that is quite questionable (Groundwater-Smith et al., 2007).
Speaking a different primary language than English at home, or even speaking English
in a different dialect, constitutes another hardship for many indigenous students, particularly
in remote areas (Differences in the use of language might include body language stance and
non-verbal responds too). Lower literacy competence makes indigenous adolescents unable to
access reading resources necessary for their middle school classes. These classes then start to
seem too academic before their eyes and irrelevant to their existing knowledge and to their
true needs. No wonder why they start to loose their interest and to present themselves at
school less frequently. The way of using language differs too in some cases. For instance,
Aboriginal people in Adelaide are used to longer pause periods of time between setting a
question and waiting for an answer (Malin, 1994), perhaps due to their need to be absolutely
sure before attempting to reply, in order for them not to guess wrong and show vulnerability
in public. If a teacher is not aware of this detail, then demanding a fast response from the
Aboriginal student will certainly just manage to cause shame and embarrassment.
Unfortunately, further disadvantages for indigenous pupils generate as well as within
their own family (De Bortoli & Thomson, 2010). As the indigenous parents educational
9
levels are often limited, their attitude towards schooling can be quite different than a typical
middle class familys attitude. Hence, they might be unavailable or they might not feel
confident enough to involve themselves in communicating with the school and the teachers or
even to support their children with the everyday school chores. Results from PISA
6
2000-
2006 also show that non indigenous families send their children to pre school for more than a
year, as contrasted with indigenous families; as an outcome, non indigenous children have a
considerable advantage when they enter primary school. The same study has also found that
the proportion of single parent families is greater in the indigenous communities; in this type
of family, emotional and physical resources are statistically scarcer and inadequate compared
with the circumstances in traditional nuclear families. High rates of home mobility
7
and living
in rural and remote areas (Groundwater-Smith et al., 2007), where access to schools is a
mission sometimes difficult to accomplish, (especially to secondary schools) complete the
puzzle of low attendance rates for indigenous students.

While SES and indigenousness are not the only factors influencing success in schooling,
they surely constitute two of the most important ones, if not the two most important ones
[Collins, Kenway and McLeod, (2000), as cited in Germov (2004)]. This essay has exhibited
that there are specific reasons behind the underperformance of low SES and indigenous
students and that the schools and the teachers play a dominant role in there. So if there is
indeed a hope for society to stop reproducing inequality, then all students deserve the right for
equal outcomes. In order to achieve high educational outcomes for all students, schools and
teachers have to adapt and focus their pedagogies and curricula on the individual needs of
disadvantaged pupils. Knowing how and where the disadvantages are formed, is just the first
step towards ensuring success for every student (Pendergast, 2010, p. 37). This first step
comprises a solid foundation, and to paraphrase Neil Armstrong, it might be a small actual
step, but it can be a giant leap towards reforming society.

6
Programme of International Student Assessment (De Bortoli & Thomson, 2010)
7
Only one out of four indigenous families owns a house, whereas this is true for three out of four non indigenous
families (Rowan, 2013).
10

REFERENCES

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