Workforce motivation in Japan: an examination of gender

differences and management perceptions

Reginald Worthley
a
*, Brent MacNab
b
, Richard Brislin
a
, Kiyohiko Ito
a
and Elizabeth L. Rose
c
a
University of Hawaii at Manoa, Honolulu, Hawaii, USA;
b
The University of Sydney,
Sydney, Australia;
c
Helsinki School of Economics, Helsinki, Finland
As Japan enters the new century, pending workforce shortages a function of low birth
rates and an aging population increase the need to address gender issues
in organizations. Throughout the past four decades, the number of female workers in
Japan has been growing, although full-time female participation in the Japanese
workforce remains below the levels of some other industrialized nations. Despite the
growing importance that the Japanese female labor force is expected to play, relatively
little is known about womens attitudes toward work motivation in Japan. Using a two-
factor, Herzberg intrinsic/extrinsic approach to motivation, we examine the
applicability of such a model in Japan, and compare the attitudes of female and
male workers, as well as management and non-management. Our ndings include:
(1) support for the applicability of a Herzberg, two-factor model in Japan; (2) Japanese
men in the workforce tending to value intrinsic motivators more than extrinsic factors;
(3) female workers in Japan rating extrinsic factors higher than their male counterparts;
and (4) managers opinions of what motivates employees not constituting a rened
match to those of female employees, especially with respect to extrinsic motivation. In
multi-gender Japanese organizations, management will potentially benet from a better
understanding and functional integration of important gender nuances into their
motivation strategies.
Keywords: gender; Herzberg; Japan; motivation; workforce
Introduction
After World War II Japan experienced exceptional economic growth, and is currently the
second largest economy in the world. As such, it is expected to remain an important global
player for the foreseeable future. However, the Japanese economy faces constant
challenges. Among the major concerns for Japans economic future are its low birth rate
and the related labor shortages.
In 2004, the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research in Japan
reported the birth rate as 1.29 children per couple. This is well belowthe 2.1 rate per couple
that would maintain constant population gures, which means that Japan will need to
address the issue of future worker shortages, in both the professions and trades, within the
next 20 years. This situation is made more acute when one considers Japans rapidly aging
population. While potential relief can be expected from avenues such as productivity gains
via technological advancements and further reduction of unemployment rates, it is
ISSN 0958-5192 print/ISSN 1466-4399 online
q 2009 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/09585190902983421
http://www.informaworld.com
*Corresponding author. Email: worthley@hawaii.edu
The International Journal of Human Resource Management,
Vol. 20, No. 7, July 2009, 15031520
generally understood that new workforce sources will be required for Japan to remain
competitive. Potential sources for addressing the pending labor shortage in Japan include:
ethnic Japanese immigrants from other nations like Brazil (Tsuda 1999); non-ethnic
Japanese immigrants from other nations familiar with the Japanese culture (Douglas and
Roberts 2000); and greater integration of Japanese women into the workforce (Staley
2002). The rst two options have been difcult to implement. Some researchers (e.g.,
Abegglen and Stalk 1985; Douglas and Roberts 2000; Staley 2002) have viewed Japan as
an ethnically homogeneous nation that is likely to continue to exhibit caution toward the
acceptance of mass integration of outsiders. While Brazil has a large population of ethnic
Japanese, many of these families are well-established and successful members in their
adopted home country, and their migration to Japan in large numbers is not viewed as
being likely.
Japans integration of females into the workforce is moderate, compared to that of
other industrialized nations like the US and Canada (Tsuda 1999), so developing female
participation in paid work may be a useful approach to addressing labor shortages. While
more women have been entering the Japanese workforce over the past two decades, which
is contributing to lower birthrates by extending the average age at which childbirth occurs
(Renshaw 1999), there remains a largely untapped female labor potential, especially
within the management ranks of large Japanese organizations (Gelb 2000). More female
participation in the workforce represents one feasible solution to some of the issues facing
the Japanese economy.
Socially, there are signs that Japan is attempting to come to terms with the new
realities. For example, there is recent evidence of second career mothers re-entering the
workforce during middle age, to ll part-time jobs. In addition, the Equal Employment
Opportunity Law of 1986, along with more recent amendments, is designed to provide
more rights to, and to encourage participation among, female workers (Nakamura 1996;
Gelb 2000). This legislation has received mixed evaluations. While there have been some
steps forward, such as increased interest among women in management positions
(Mainichi Shinbun 1996), other issues remain, including one of the most serious gender-
based wage gaps in the industrialized world (Gelb 2000; Yuasa 2005). Despite the
ambiguous outcomes of legislative efforts, it is becoming increasingly difcult for
organizations operating in Japan to ignore these legal, social, competitive, and
demographic realities (Kamiya 1995; Renshaw 1999).
While these developments may represent incremental steps away from traditional
practice, especially with respect to management-level positions, there is ample evidence
that Japan is capable of making dynamic social shifts in order to address socio-economic
challenges (Abegglen and Stalk 1985). For example, since the mid-1990s, many large
Japanese rms have engaged in downsizing, which is a departure from recent tradition
(Mano 2001). There is also evidence to suggest that one of the so-called pillars of
Japanese organizational practice lifetime employment (Abegglen 1958) may now be
less important than a more individuated lifetime employability perspective (Brislin,
MacNab and Worthley 2005). Facing pressure from foreign competition like Samsung and
Apple Computer, Sony Corporation recently announced its intention to eliminate 10,000
positions, worldwide, by March 2008, with 40% of the job losses being in Japan. While
this short-term downsizing is a competitive reality for select Japanese organizations,
a more long-term and macro labor shortage is likely to compel Japanese industry toward
change of another type.
Given the growing importance of female workers in Japan, there is a need to develop a
better understanding of gender-related issues in workforce management. As global
R. Worthley et al. 1504
competition drives the need for greater workplace and organizational efciency,
understanding the realities of female workforce motivation becomes even more critical.
However, this area represents a gap in the literature.
Because the literature on workforce motivation tends to center on a western
particularly a US perspective (Aguinis and Henle 2002), there is a need for motivation
research to be undertaken in different contexts. Comparatively little research has been
undertaken on workforce motivation in Japan (Godkin, Endoh and Cahill 1996), and even
less on gender-related theory development and analysis (Ebrahimi 1999); as such, further
studies are necessary. In this paper, we examine the applicability of a two-factor, Herzberg
intrinsic/extrinsic motivation model to the Japanese setting.
The female workforce and culture in Japan
Female workforce
Over half of Japans female population is engaged in the labor market, although the
percentage of women reaching the ranks of management is low, compared to other
industrialized nations (Renshaw 1999; Tsuda 1999; Staley 2002). The total number of
women in Japans labor force grew from 19 million in 1965 to nearly 24 million in 1985.
In 1994, there were 27 million women in the Japanese workforce. The 1994 female labor-
force participation rate was 50.2% in Japan, which was higher than rates in Germany,
Spain, Italy, and France, and comparable to the United Kingdom (52.9%) and Australia
(52.7%), although lower than the United States (58.2%) and Canada (57.6%) (Tsuda 1999).
However, Japanese female participation in management is considerably lower than in
other industrialized nations (Renshaw 1999; Taylor 2000), despite the fact that the female
workforce in Japan is among the most educated in the world (OECD 2006). Many women
in the Japanese labor force occupy lower-level clerical positions, usually in service to men
(Staley 2002). Compared to the rates of female executives in the US (44.3%) and Germany
(26.6%), large Japanese organizations have a scant 1.2% of their executive roles lled by
women (Amaha 1999; Gelb 2000). There is concern that an impact of the 1986 Equal
Employment Opportunity Laws in Japan has been the development of a two-track career
system: the managerial track or sogoshoku (in which women have not typically been able
to participate within large organizations), and the clerical track or ippanshoku (which, for
large organizations, is comprised mostly of women). The effect has been to further
distance females from executive positions in large Japanese organizations (Gelb 2000).
Comparative research in the western and Japanese contexts suggests that women in the
workforce share common challenges in industrialized nations, including income
differentials, childcare responsibilities, promotion difculty, and the gender gap (Adler
and Israeli 1994; Strober and Chan 1999). However, the ability of women to actually reach
management positions is apparently a much larger problem in Japanese rms (Staley
2002). Often, female employees in Japanese organizations are referred to, rather
condescendingly, as onnanoko or the girls (Ogasawara 1998), and there are indications
that Japanese women tend to view corporate attitudes toward their employment as
unfavorable (Mainichi Shinbun 1996).
The traditional Japanese perspective is that a womans position in society is primarily
that of family caretaker and mother. Indeed, it has not been uncommon for Japanese to
view a womans participation in the workforce as a temporary stage of her life, with the
expectation that she will eventually marry, leave the workforce, and raise a family (Staley
2002). The anticipation of eventual departure from employment may help to explain why
over 30% of the female workforce in Japan consists of part-time workers (Gelb 2000).
The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1505
The expectation that women will leave the workforce in order to take on domestic
responsibilities is strong, and some researchers have identied this as an important
rationale for companies resisting the recruitment of females for management positions
(Joshi and Chosa 1995). Ogasawara (1998) examined the importance of the female role in
Japan, noting that, considering their power in terms of managing the home environment,
the general attitude toward women in the Japanese workforce is a paradox.
Renshaw (1999) discussed the evolving reality in Japan toward acceptance of women
in management positions, suggesting that resistance toward female management and
leadership is steeped in complex national history and Japans socio-cultural fabric.
Considering organizational types on a continuum from traditional-feudal (not open to
gender integration in leadership and management roles) to evolving-open (where gender
integration in leadership and management roles is a possibility), Renshaw (1999)
suggested that female managers in Japan are people in transition. Japans capability, with
respect to internalizing and managing this social shift, represents an important challenge.
Although female management participation is currently an exception in Japan, especially
in large organizations, this likely represents a pending early-phase, socio-cultural shift.
Staley (2002) suggested that this shift may be required in order for Japan to economically
navigate the early twenty-rst century. Adler and Israeli (1994) emphasized that
economic and demographic conditions present in Japan are expected to continue to be
important drivers for bringing females more actively into the workforce and into
management roles.
Several foreign rms operating in Japan have noted the lower management
participation rates among women, and are making attempts to alter the gender mix in their
organizations. For example, Hewlett-Packard has developed special management
mentoring programs for women to help increase the number of female managers in
their Japanese regional ofces. While these focused efforts tend to be viewed as the
exception, they could also be indicative of an emergent shift driven by previously
identied socio-economic realities (e.g., aging population and low birth rates, laws
encouraging female worker rights and participation, increased interest among women in
Japan for management roles, and increased university education rates for women).
Culture
A cultural system can be dened as people sharing similar beliefs, customs, categorization,
norms, and mental programming (Hofstede 1997), encapsulating a groups characteristic
way of perceiving its social environment. Denitions of culture typically involve human
made elements, shared through communication, increasing the probability for survival,
and resulting in greater satisfaction for those in the community. Culture is to a region or
people what personality is to individuals, and includes the objective (e.g., food, artifacts,
and clothing) as well as the subjective (e.g., attitudes, beliefs, and values).
Hofstede (1980) proposed that cultures differ based on four dimensions: uncertainty
avoidance; power distance; individualism-collectivism; and masculinity-femininity. The
Hofstede (1980) cultural framework, while remaining a relevant platform for examination
of management phenomena, is not the only framework available (e.g. Schwartz 1994;
Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner 1998; House, Hanges, Javidan, Dorfman and Gupta
2004) and has not escaped some valid critique (e.g., McSweeney 2002). While all of the
proposed cultural dimensions arguably play roles in shaping national perceptions toward
women in the workforce, it may be the masculinity-femininity dimension that most clearly
explains the apparent Japanese mindset toward this issue.
R. Worthley et al. 1506
Masculinity-femininity, a multi-dimensional and complex cultural construct, is related
to a societys attitude toward the strength of traditional gender roles and perspectives on
material success and assertiveness. Both of these aspects were investigated in the GLOBE
study of 62 societies (House et al. 2004), under the terms gender egalitarianism and
assertiveness. Masculine, or low gender egalitarian, cultures tend to have strong attitudes
toward traditional roles for men and women in society. Strongly feminine cultures (e.g.,
Sweden) are typically more accommodating toward the shifting of traditional gender roles
(e.g., working mothers and stay-at-home fathers). Hofstede (1997) listed Japan as a
relatively strongly masculine culture, and House et al. (2004) found that Japan ranked
fortieth of 62 cultures, in terms of gender egalitarianism. Both of these results suggest
lower acceptance and slower transition toward the integration of women into a
traditionally male dominated workforce, particularly with respect to management
positions. This is consistent with the current situation in Japan. The extent to which this
situation is culture-bound highlights a challenge, because changes in this regard will
require a shift of social values. As core aspects of culture, societal values are extremely
challenging to change (Hofstede 1997). Even in societies like Japan, which support crucial
economic decision-making roles in the family, these traditional roles do not necessarily
translate to power within organizations (Adler and Israeli 1994).
However, Japan does have a record of being able to accomplish dynamic socio-
economic shift in the face of macro challenges and global competition (Abegglen and
Stalk 1985). Renshaw (1999) observed the very gradual, but noticeable, integration of
non-Japanese women into the management ranks of some organizations with ofces in
Japan, as well as the emergence of a few successful female Japanese entrepreneurs. In a
study by House et al. (2004), Japanese middle managers expressed the opinion that Japan
should move toward a more gender egalitarian society. Gelb (2000) noted rising rates of
female enrollment in four-year universities in Japan, while Adler and Israeli (1994) related
the increased educational achievement to stronger female workforce participation. Such
societal shifts, born from global interaction and competition, have been described as
crossvergence, whereby organizations and cultures are capable of shifting specic
practices and values while retaining others (Ralston, Holt, Terpstra and Kai-Cheng 1997;
Kelley, MacNab and Worthley 2006).
Herzberg motivation theory
Gender
In management research, motivation has been dened as inputs that initiate, direct, and
maintain movement toward desired work behaviors (Campbell and Pritchard 1976; Pinder
1998). Motivation can also be viewed as the willingness to exert high levels of effort to
reach organizational goals, moderated by the ability to satisfy needs, desires, or wants.
Recognized as the driver for arousal, direction, magnitude, and maintenance of job-related
effort (Katzell and Thompson 1990), motivation is dependent upon contextual
(e.g., occupational socialization), cultural, and individual inuences.
Herzbergs motivation-hygiene, or two-factor, theory explains that intrinsic factors are
related to job satisfaction and motivation, while the lack of extrinsic elements is linked to
job dissatisfaction (Herzberg, Mausner and Snyderman 1959). Hygiene (or extrinsic)
factors are elements that help to eliminate job dissatisfaction, or when present, allow the
gateway for actual motivation to open; they are generally viewed as being external to
the actual work. Motivators (intrinsic elements) increase job satisfaction, and are generally
related to the work itself, but typically cannot be realized before basic hygiene elements.
The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1507
Herzbergs argument is that only intrinsic factors (e.g., challenge of the work, personal
growth, and importance of contribution) can actually create high levels of motivation.
Extrinsic factors (e.g., working conditions, compensation, and company image) do not
actually motivate employees; however, not paying attention to these elements may lead to
sub-optimal devotion to ones work (Park, Lovrich and Soden 1988). Wiley (1997)
observed that overlapping can exist between these categorizations.
Studies have used the Herzberg two-factor motivation model in several national
contexts. Hines (1973) examined the theoretical structure in NewZealand, while Park et al.
(1988) found empirical support for the model using a Korean sample. More broadly,
Huang and Van De Vliert (2003) used the extrinsic/intrinsic structure to examine the both
cultural and socio-economic inuences on worker motivation. Brislin et al. (2004) found
that the Herzberg model can be applied in the Japanese context; this provides a basis for our
use of the approach for a comparative, gender-focused examination of motivation in Japan.
Management theory and research provide a rich body of work related to motivation
and its effect in the work environment. Examples include early management thought on
the humane treatment of workers leading to a more productive work environment (Owen
1825) and motivation research (Munsterberg 1913) that had created the foundation for
modern theory and research that addresses human motivation in relation to life, work, and
productivity (Maslow 1954; Herzberg et al. 1959; McGregor 1960; McClelland 1961;
Katz 1964; House 1971; Herzberg 1982).
The Herzberg model provides a useful avenue for examining group differences related to
workplace motivation, because of the models delineation among types of motivators. The
model is both process- and content-oriented. The former suggests that certain base elements
(i.e., extrinsic or hygiene) must rst be met before progression to actual motivation begins,
and the latter suggests that sub-components and larger categories (i.e., extrinsic and
intrinsic) can be identied and measured (Brislin, McNab and Bechtold 2004). While the
two factor motivational approach is supported by scholars, it is not immune from criticism
(Maidani 1991; Wiley 1997), and there have been calls for validation of the model in
non-Western contexts. The model has been selected for the present study, because of its
theoretical soundness, measurability, and prior validation of its structure. Our data also
provide an opportunity to examine the validity of the model in a non-Western context.
Ebrahimi (1999) identied gender as an important consideration in the area of
workplace motivation, and Aycan (2001) called for more research into gender inuences
on work motivation. The Osteraker (1999) model of the dynamic triangle of motivation
posits a relation among culture, organizational culture, and individual characteristics in
shaping perspectives of motivation. Because gender is an important personal
characteristic, this model provides a theoretical platform from which to examine
gender-related issues in motivation.
Based on both theory and previous research (e.g., Hofstede 1997; Ebrahimi 1999;
Osteraker 1999; Brislin et al. 2004), we expect that womens perspectives on workplace
motivation will differ signicantly from those of men, considering both intrinsic and
extrinsic aspects of motivation. Therefore:
Hypothesis 1: Males and females in Japan express different propensities related to
intrinsic motivation.
Hypothesis 2: Males and females in Japan express different propensities related to
extrinsic motivation.
While we expect to observe distinctions between the motivations of male and female
employees in Japan, we anticipate that both genders will focus more on intrinsic than
R. Worthley et al. 1508
extrinsic motivation. Huang and Van De Vliert (2003) indicated that workers in wealthier
countries with established social welfare systems demonstrate a stronger focus on
intrinsic motivators for job satisfaction. While extrinsic, or hygiene factors, constitute
a fundamental requirement for motivation, Japans advanced economic development
suggests that most employees should have their basic hygiene factors addressed in an
effective manner. Therefore, we expect that workers in large Japanese rms will focus more
on higher-order motivational considerations. Thus:
Hypothesis 3: Male workers in Japan place greater importance on intrinsic motivators
than extrinsic (hygiene) elements.
Hypothesis 4: Female workers in Japan place greater importance on intrinsic motivators
than extrinsic (hygiene) elements.
Management vs. employees
Herzbergs motivation-hygiene theory posits that effective management depends on
understanding what motivates workers (motivators or intrinsic factors), as well as what
eliminates job dissatisfaction (hygiene or extrinsic factors). There is empirical support for the
notionthat a two-dimensional understanding of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation is necessary
for sound management practice (Basadur 1992; Luo 1999). By understanding these dynamics
better, an organization can craft a balance to benet from increased worker productivity
(Utley, Westbrook and Turner 1997), higher morale (Wiley 1997), increased creativity
(Basadur 1992), and improved employee quality of life (Luo 1999; Aycan 2001). Because
effective management of workplace motivation has positive implications for employee
well-being and organizational effectiveness, it can generate competitive advantage for a rm.
Although Japan has encountered recent economic challenges, its growth, industrial
development, and competitive success during the second half of the twentieth century are
well-documented. For example, implementation of total quality management and just-
in-time production helped many Japanese companies achieve excellent results; such
approaches require management to understand how to motivate employees.
However, recent research indicates a gap between management and workers with
respect to perceptions of employee motivation (Kovach 1987; Morse 2003). There is
evidence that the gap may be exacerbated when gender is considered. Ebrahimi (1999)
noted that there is room for greater managerial understanding of the needs and motivations
of female workers in many national settings. In the Japanese context, Joshi and Chosa
(1995) identied unfavorable corporate attitudes toward potential female employees.
Ogasawara (1998) described subversion tactics, including the circulation of humiliating
gossip and other acts of resistance, used by frustrated women, in retaliation toward the
organization and male managers who fail to establish a satisfactory work environment.
Examining motivation among knowledge workers within the Japanese nancial service
industry, Kubo and Saka (2002) found a mismatch between factors that motivate workers
(e.g., monetary incentives, human resource development, and job autonomy) and what the
management system provides. Previous research, combined with the expected lower level
of gender nuance with respect to motivation for the Japanese workforce, gives rise to the
following hypotheses:
Hypothesis 5: Managerial perceptions regarding intrinsic workforce motivation differ
from those of female workers in Japan.
Hypothesis 6: Managerial perceptions regarding extrinsic workforce motivation differ
from those of female workers in Japan.
The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1509
Method
Sample
The hypotheses are tested using data from a survey undertaken in cooperation with
PricewaterhouseCoopers Global Human Resource Solutions (GHRS) in Tokyo. Target
respondents were employed at rms located in the Greater Tokyo Metropolitan area with at
least 500 employees, operating in a wide range of industries: manufacturing; service;
nancial; transportation; construction; wholesale/retail; utilities (electricity, gas, and water);
and mining. The web-enabled survey, conducted in 2002, yielded a total of 623 respondents:
209 from managerial ranks (i.e., kacho and bucho levels) and 414 from employee levels.
Table 1 shows the descriptive statistics for the sample. Male respondents dominate both
the managerial and employees subsamples (98.1% and 74.6%, respectively), and managers
are generally older than employees in the sample; these demographics are fairly typical of
Japanese organizations (Ogasawara 1998). The sample contains a relatively even
distribution of company sizes, based on numbers of employees, and the core sectors of
manufacturing, general services, and the banking/nance/insurance are well-represented.
Analysis using 95% condence intervals for proportions demonstrates that the managers
and employees samples have similar distributions for both company size and industry.
Instrument
In keeping with the Herzberg model, the Japanese language questionnaire was designed to
investigate extrinsic and intrinsic motivators. Managers and employees used the same sets
of items, with employees asked to assess each items importance as a potential motivator
or incentive on a personal level and managers asked to assess the items with respect to
their expected impact on employees. Importance assessments were made using a seven-
point Likert scale with 1 Not at all and 7 Extremely high.
Table 1. Descriptive statistics for respondents.
Managers n 209 Employees n 414
Number Proportion (%) Number Proportion (%)
Gender
205 98.1 Male 309 74.6
4 1.9 Female 105 25.4
Age
5 2.4 Under 30 136 32.8
37 17.7 30-39 213 51.4
116 55.5 40-49 56 13.5
51 24.4 50 and over 9 2.2
Company size
31 14.8 Under 1000 93 22.5
43 20.6 1000-2000 77 18.6
78 37.3 2001-10000 133 32.1
57 27.3 Over 10000 111 26.8
Industry
87 41.6 Manufacturing 175 42.3
39 18.7 Services 89 21.5
25 12.0 Financial 40 9.7
10 4.8 Transportation 36 8.7
23 11.0 Construction 32 7.7
25 12.0 Other 42 10.1
R. Worthley et al. 1510
The 16 motivation-related items in the survey instrument are evenly split between
intrinsic and extrinsic motivators. The specic items are based, a priori, on the Herzberg
et al. (1959) two-factor motivation theory, and adapted to the Japanese cultural and
linguistic requirements by academics in cooperation with PricewaterhouseCoopers GHRS
directors and consultants. For example, Growth prospects of the company and Company
brand were not original Herzberg items, but were felt to be potentially important
motivators in the Japanese context. The wording of the items was reviewed by both
English- and Japanese-speaking collaborators to ensure equivalence of meaning with the
Herzberg framework; see Appendix for English translations of the key items. This
research instrument has been used previously in an examination of workplace motivation
in Japan, with the two factor structure demonstrating divergent and convergent validity,
and good reliability (Brislin et al. 2005).
For this sample, both categories of measures demonstrate acceptable levels of
reliability, with overall Cronbach a coefcients of 0.81 (intrinsic) and 0.78 (extrinsic).
Various subsamples (e.g., managers, employees, men, and women) demonstrate similar
reliabilities for both sets of motivations. Table 2 shows descriptive statistics and
comparisons of means, for each of the 16 items stratied by role (i.e., managers
and employees) and, for the employee subsample, gender.
Analysis
A multi-method approach is adopted for testing the hypotheses, using both the 16
individual motivation items and two factors calculated as the means of the intrinsic and
extrinsic items, respectively.
Both the full sample and the sub-sample of employees are used to test Hypotheses
1 and 2, which posit gender-associated differences with respect to intrinsic and extrinsic
motivations. Comparing the mean factor scores using ANOVA (Table 3) reveals a
signicant ( p , 0.05) difference only with respect to extrinsic motivation, which women
rate, on average, more highly than men in both the full sample and the sample of
employees. Thus, Hypothesis 2 receives support, while Hypothesis 1 does not.
Cross-tabulations of the individual items, by gender, provide some additional insight.
Consistent with the lack of signicance using the intrinsic factor score, only one item
associated with intrinsic motivation displays a signicant difference in the distribution of
responses between men and women. Women tend to rate the companys growth prospects
as somewhat less of a motivation, relative to the men in the sample. In contrast, four of the
eight extrinsic motivation items are characterized by signicant differences (at least 90%
condence) in the distributions, with women tending to provide higher assessments for
interpersonal relationships, company policy and administration, and fair evaluation, and
fewer low assessments than men for company policy and administration.
Hypotheses 3 and 4 are tested using the subset of employee-level respondents. The
expectation that both male and female employees rate intrinsic motivations more highly
than extrinsic ones is assessed by comparing paired individual values for the intrinsic and
extrinsic factors. Two analyses are conducted: paired difference t tests and the
nonparametric Wilcoxon signed ranks test; the analyses are summarized in Table 4. Both
approaches yield identical decisions, providing evidence that male employees place
signicantly more emphasis on intrinsic motivations ( p , 0.01), while female employees
do not. Thus, Hypothesis 3 receives strong support, and Hypothesis 4 receives none.
Cross-tabulation analysis of individual questions suggests that these results represent a
broad trend, rather than being driven by specic items. The three signicant distributional
The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1511
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R. Worthley et al. 1512
differences associated with extrinsic motivations all imply that female employees tend to
attribute greater importance to these items than their male counterparts.
Hypotheses 5 and 6, which posit differences between managers and female employees
with respect to both intrinsic and extrinsic motivations, are assessed using ANOVA to
compare the factor means and using cross-tabulations to compare distributions of the
individual items. As the sample includes only four female managers, the managerial
subsample is primarily male managers. At the factor level, Table 3 shows that, while
Hypothesis 5 is not supported, Hypothesis 6 is, with female employees giving extrinsic
motivations higher ratings, on average, than managers ( p , 0.10).
The above analyses are bivariate in nature. In order to obtain more holistic insights into
motivation based on this sample, logistic regressions are estimated for each of the
16 motivation items; see Tables 5 and 6. The dependent variables are constructed by grouping
the two highest response categories and the remaining ve, for each item. The explanatory
variables include dummy variables for employees vs. managers, women vs. men, and various
industries, along with the respondents age and an ordinal variable representing rm size.
While the logistic regression models are all characterized by low explanatory power,
they do shed some light on motivation in the Japanese context. Consistent with earlier
analyses, Hypothesis 2 receives some support, with female respondents tending to rate
three of the extrinsic motivation items higher than their male counterparts, after
controlling for job status, age, rm size, and industry.
The relationship between age and motivation appears to be complex. Marginal to the
other variables in the models, with advancing participant age is associated with a heightened
emphasis on company growth (an intrinsic element) and job security (extrinsic) but also a
lower emphasis with other interpersonal relationships (extrinsic) and self-growth (intrinsic).
Employees at smaller rms are somewhat more concerned with company brand and
employee empowerment, and less concerned with fair evaluation. Relative to the base
Table 3. Comparisons of means for intrinsic and extrinsic factors.
Factor
Males (all)
n 514
Females (all)
n 109
Managers
n 209
Female employees
n 105 Difference?
Intrinsic 5.50 (0.74) 5.49 (0.67) 5.58 (0.68) 5.48 (0.68)
Extrinsic 5.25 (0.73) 5.43 (0.77) 5.27 (0.71) 5.44 (0.78)
*
Notes: Mean is shown rst, with standard deviation in parentheses. Means are compared using one-way ANOVA;
p , .10,
*
p , .05,
**
p , .01.
Table 4. Intrinsic vs. extrinsic motivations.
Male employees n 309 Female employees n 105
Mean for Intrinsic (I) 5.45 5.48
Mean for Extrinsic (E) 5.21 5.44
Mean for difference I-E 0.21 0.05
Standard deviation for I-E 0.75 0.75
Minimum I-E 22.25 21.63
Maximum I-E 2.50 2.00
(I-E) , 0 102 45
(I-E) 0 24 10
(I-E) . 0 183 50
Paired difference t 4.86
**
0.64
Wilcoxon signed ranks test z 4.94
**
0.56
Note: p , .10,
*
p , .05,
**
p , .01.
The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1513
T
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R. Worthley et al. 1514
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The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1515
industry category of manufacturing, respondents in real estate and general services are less
enticed by three of the eight extrinsic items, while respondents in the nance sector differ
from their manufacturing counterparts with respect to one.
Discussion and conclusions
Among the important economic and social challenges Japan faces in the twenty-rst
century are its decreasing birthrate and aging population, which are expected to impact
workforce shortages. Efciencies in technology and reductions in unemployment may
temporarily alleviate the pending shortage; however, long-term solutions are likely to
require some social adjustments. Staley (2002) noted that increased employment
participation rates for women in Japan would go a long way toward addressing projected
workforce shortages, particularly in large organizations and managerial roles. As women
assume more numerous and substantial roles in the Japanese workforce (Gelb 2000;
Renshaw 1999), there is a need to develop a deeper understanding about gender-based
distinctions with respect to motivation in this context.
Japan, a strongly masculine society in the Hofstede (1980) framework, is characterized by
strongadherence towardgender roles insocietyandthe workforce (Renshaw1999). Although
there is evidence of some change (Adler and Israeli 1994), substantial challenges remain with
respect to robust integration of women into the workforce. In addition to lower employment
levels, compared to many other developed economies, Japanese women are subject to one of
the largest gender wage gaps in the industrialized world, earning, on average, approximately
66.5% of what their male counterparts earn (Yuasa 2005). In addition, women in Japan
continue to be seriously underrepresented in managerial ranks, especially in large companies.
This study has examined issues associated with workforce motivation for male and
female workers in Japan, using Herzbergs two-factor model for motivation (intrinsic
and extrinsic). Furthermore, Japanese management perception regarding female
workforce motivation is examined. In addition to providing support for the applicability
of the Herzberg model to a non-US context, our results suggest some gender-related
differences with respect to workforce motivation in Japan. Our analysis suggests that the
accuracy of managerial views of what motivates Japanese female employees can be
improved, particularly in relation to extrinsic elements.
While male employees tend to emphasize intrinsic elements over extrinsic ones,
females do not make a signicant distinction between the two types. However, the women
in the sample rate, on average, extrinsic elements as being more important, relative to their
male counterparts. Extrinsic elements that appear to be of specic interest to female
respondents are relationships with others, fairness, job security, and quality of supervision.
Renshaw (1999) noted that the traditional-feudal organizational structure in Japan does
not typically focus on such elements. Our sample is drawn from organizations with at least
500 employees; such large organizations in Japan often hold especially traditional views
regarding female worker participation (Gelb 2000), which may hinder efforts to motivate
the increasing number of women in the workforce. Job security and fairness in supervision
appear to be particularly critical to female employees in Japan, many of whom are feeling
the pressure of balancing career and family, in addition to job-related stresses. The nding
that women in the Japanese workplace place high value on relations with others is
consistent with the US-based observations of Centers and Bugantal (1966).
Our second nding for larger Japanese companies reveals that management perception
of what motivates employees does not match the assessments by female employees. This
presents the potential for Japanese managers to glean a wide range of potential benets by
understanding what motivates this increasingly important segment of the workforce.
R. Worthley et al. 1516
While no signicant differences are found for most of the 16 motivation items, the most
obvious mismatches are in the areas of interpersonal relations, job security, and the
fairness of evaluation, with female employees tending to attribute higher importance than
managers. Some Japanese rms may benet by undertaking initiatives to address issues
associated with interpersonal relations and job security for female workers.
Based on these results, efforts toward improving interpersonal relationships in the
workplace, such as providing easy to access mediation, job rotation, team building,
monitoring supervisors quality, and providing gender-blind job security, may pay
dividends. Some organizations, such as Hewlett-Packard Japan, are moving in this
direction, developing programs that provide mentoring to women who show potential for
managerial positions (Parker-Woods 2005). Such mentorship programs can help to
enhance interpersonal relations and provide training that is likely to improve job security.
Our ndings suggest that this is a move in the right direction, with respect to facilitating
motivation among women in the Japanese workforce.
There is a potential dilemma for the Japanese social context, in relation to the
combination of lowbirth rates, an aging population, and increased integration of women into
career workforce positions. Not only will this integration require a potentially challenging
shift from tradition (Renshaw 1999), but it could actually encourage a further reduction in
birth rates. As more women assume long-term, career positions, they may decide to delay or
completely postpone childbirth. Providing better job security (e.g., ample maternity leave)
and more options for working mothers (e.g., quality at-work childcare) could be useful
approaches to balancing the demographic and social concerns (Amaha 1999).
Furthermore, there is evidence of a fairly complex relationship between age and some
extrinsic and intrinsic factors. With increasing age, the empirical results suggest a de-
emphasis of self-growth, along with a heightened emphasis on job security. Perhaps aging
workers in Japan are more interested in non-work aspects of personal growth, while
maintaining a desire for job security, as preparation for their retirement years.
This study generates several issues for future research. We have examined perceptions of
workplace motivation, as opposed to what respondents actually observe in their work
environments. While perception is important for understanding what motivates employees, it
would also be interesting to compare the perceptions with the reality of what takes place in
organizations. In addition, our sample consists of employees and managers from
organizations with at least 500 employees. These results are not necessarily reective of
the large number of smaller rms in Japan (Gelb 2000), which are critical to the economy and
understudied in the academic literature. The lowparticipation rate of women in management
roles within Japan meant that our sample does not include enough female managers to permit
comparative analysis of management perceptions by gender. Future studies, with targeted
sampling, may be able to investigate this group of leaders. Last, our respondents are urban and
web-savvy; while this certainly represents an important group for consideration, it would be
useful to replicate the study with other groups of participants and additional regions in Japan.
The applicability of this line of research is not unique to Japan. Other industrialized
nations face similar challenges: low birth rate; aging population; and under-participation
of women in the workforce. While Japan has a particularly highly educated, yet
underutilized, female workforce (particularly with respect to management participation in
large companies), other developed nations, including Germany, Spain, Italy, and France,
also demonstrate relatively low participation of women in the workforce. As global
competition compels economies and organizations to obtain higher levels of workforce
productivity, better understanding of what motivates female employees can be expected to
increase effectiveness and performance.
The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1517
Japans transition toward a more engaged female workforce is currently in progress,
necessitated by economic and demographic realities (Adler and Israeli 1994). However, the
shifting of cultural values is typically a gradual process, which suggests that this transition
will take time. In Japan, there are currently signs of both progress (e.g., workplace regulation
reforms, rising university education among women, and increased female political
representation) and resistance (e.g., persistent social attitudes and continued under-
representation of females in management). Foreign-owned organizations are part of the
change process, as are some smaller, less traditional domestic rms. Renshaw (1999)
identied evolving-open companies in Japan, characterized, in part, by stronger gender
integration. Reforms to labor laws duringthe past decade also provide signs of change, having
made life easier for women (Amaha 1999, p. 2). Still, there seems to be roomfor growth, in
terms of both workforce participation by women and implementation of effective initiatives
for motivating and cultivating a new generation of female workers and managers in Japan.
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Appendix
Description of questionnaire items
1. Growth prospects of
the company
The companys potential to grow continuously in the future,
in terms of brand, employee size, protability, etc. Also, the
stability of the company with respect to being in business for
a long time.
2. Job advancement The ability of the employee to grow (in terms of promotion)
within the organization.
3. Amount of responsibility The relative weight or importance of job responsibility being
given to the employee.
4. Challenging work The nature of the work itself; whether it is bringing out the best
of the employee or not.
5. Sense of achievement The sense of doing something worthwhile; that is, work that is
done for the benet of the greater good or for a worthy cause.
6. Company brand The status or name recognition of the company within and/or
outside its industry.
7. Job recognition/status The status or image of the employees job.
8. Self-growth Relates to the personal development of the employee while in
the company.
9. Interpersonal relationships Refers to the health of the relationship of the employee with
his/her peers (horizontal) or superiors (vertical).
10. Quality of supervision
and leadership
The ability of the employees superiors to guide him/her in
carrying out the job properly or guiding the organization to a
brighter future.
11. Company policy and
administration
The soundness of the organizations policies and the fairness
of its implementation across the entire organization.
12. Employee empowerment The ability of the employee to make decisions, when needed,
under a certain dened situation and established limits.
13. Job security The companys assurance for continued employment.
14. Salary The amount of remuneration given to the employees
in exchange for services rendered for the company.
15. Working conditions The physical condition of the workplace, in terms of safety,
convenience, provision of proper work equipment, etc.
16. Fair evaluation The ability of the organization or managers to evaluate
employees fairly based on established performance and
evaluation standards, processes, or systems, without regard to
race, gender, age, and other discriminatory parameters.
(Note: Translated from Japanese to English)
R. Worthley et al. 1520