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PRE-ARYAN
PRE- DRAVIDIAN
IN I N I L ~
PRE-2\RYJ\N
AND
PRE-DRAVIDIAN
IN.INDIA
SYLVAIN LEVI
JEAN PRZYLUSKI
JULES BLOCH
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY
PRABODH CHANDRA BAGCHI
IT)
ASIAN EDUCATIONAL SERVICES
NEW DELHI * MADRAS * 1993
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Farst Published. Calcutta, 1929
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PREFACE
acces.;fble' to 1i students. I am thankful to
the authors, Levi, Jules Bloch and Jean
:.bapslations in the a hook. The introduction
.11r ,
0
I I >
for our stu<len it does not pretend to be
. h' i A ,_- 4! .. 'I . . b T .l
numuer o:'l;;muritlesetween
Ly us are popular vernacular terms, not usually registered
iu dictionaries, it was that their discussion might
he a propos to the subject so brilliantly inaugurated by
t.he eminent French 'scholars.
In spite my best endeavours, some possible slips
in translation and transliteration, have crept in : for
these I crave the indnlaence. of the authors as well as
0 .
the .reader. But these, I hope, will not detract from the
merit of the original papers, which are singularly valuable
for the reconstruction of the founda.t.ions. of our history
and culture. ..
I have gratefully to acknowledge the assistance I
rl'eetved from Dr. A. C. Woolner for having gone through
portions of the. translation iu MS., and also from
Dr. S. K. Chattetji fot his constant active interest in
the publication of the work.
P. c. B.A.GCHI.
THE 'ITNIVEBSI'l'Y,
1st May, 1929.
TABIJE OF CONTENTS
lNntODITCTION .. .
.
1
Some more A.ustric Words in Indo-Aryan
(S. K. Cb:a.tterji and P. C. Bagehi) x1x
PART 1-
Non-Aryan Loans in Indo-Aryan (J. Przyluski) 3
!Callali, p. 4; lJaZa, !CamlJala, szmoaZa, p. 6;
langala, langula, li'liga, p. 8; Names of betel,
p. 15; Bengali numeration and Non-Aryan
Loans, p. 25.
PART II-
Sanskrit and Dravidia.n (.Tnles Bloch)
+.
PART III-
Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India (Sylvain
35
Levi) ... .. . ... 63
APPENDIX TO PART !-
Further Notes on Non-Aryan Loans in Indo-
Aryan (J. P1zyluski) . . . 127
matmiga, p. 129 ; mayura, mayulca, marulca,
p. 131 j Names of Indian Towns in the
Geography of Ptolemy, p. 136; k ~ u m b r
odumoara, p. 149.
APPENDIX '1'0 PART III
. I. Paloura-Dantapura (Sylvain Levi) .. . 163
II. Note on Tosala and Dhauli (P. C. Bagchi) 176
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS ... . .. 179
INTRODUCTlON.
1
A USTRO-ASllTIC.
A linguistic unity in the Mon-Khmer group (then
called Mon-Anna.m) was first out by Logan and
others and established on a sure footing by Keane in 1880.
Forbes in his work, Comparati1:e Grammar of tlte Languages
qf Further India (1881 ), incontestably proved thE' exis-
tence of this linguistie unity. In 1888 Miiller
11
continued
the same study further. Kuhn in 1889 while
on this linguistic umty remarked
3
"what is more
striking _Is the relation with Annamite; there -is undeniable
relation of the monosylla.bie group: Khasi-Mon-Khmer
with Kolh, Nancowry, and the dialects of the aborigines
of Malacca."
Schmidt pushed the work of Kuhn further
4
and estab-
lished the relation between the languages of Malay
pen1nsnla and the group. He studied also the
correspondence in the V9cabular1es
6
and the phonetic
laws o those languages. lfe then applied these laws to
. .
1
The first part of the Introduction is based OD (and partly
translated from) the French translation of Pater Schmidt's article.
0/. BEFEb VII, I>P 217ff.
Grundriss der Sprachwissenschajt, Vol. IV (AppendiX).
a Beitroge zur Hinterindiens, Sitz. der. K. bayer
Akad-der wissensch. phil. hist. KL 1889, I, p. 219.
D1e Sprachen der Saket und Semang auf Malakka und 'hr Verhlil-
tnis zu den Man-khmer "Spr:u:hen, HlJdragen tot de Ta.al Landen
Volkenkunde van Nederl. Indii, 6th series, Part VIII.
5
11
The machine for oarding the cotton," says he, "is
extremely simple. It is made of a piece of long wood of
six to seven feet. To each of its ends is attached a strong
string of entrails which, when touched, makes sound
like that of the violin (our hatters also have a machine
almost similar to it called the a-rchet or fiddle-stick).
The violin is suspended by a string to that of a
bow attached to a plank. The worker holds the violin
by the middle in one hand and in .the other, with
a. piece of wood with a pad at the end; stretches quickly
the eMigntl whieh slips oat, strikes the cotton, throws 1t
out, fills-it with wind, separates the dust from it ar.d
makes it fit for spinning. Tbe elasticity of the bow,
which sustains the violin, affords thE! worker the facility
of ca.rrying it_ from one place to another on the heap
of cotton which they come to thrash." The instrument,
on tbe. whole, is ormed of two bows superposed, because
the lower part of the violin which Sonnerat compares
1
The languages of the Malaya Peninsula have the forms ig, eg,
iig a.nd the equivalent 87e whiCh is preserved in Khmm: where it
oW-" bow."
means -the bow fixed against the stag-liy (4k kkUng). 01. also Baontali
NON-ARYAN LOANS IN INDO-AR"rAN 21
with the arcltet is essentially a vibrating string attached
to the ends of a (>ieee of wood. G. Griers0o has
described a similar but more simple machine in Bihar
Peasant .Life, pp. 64-65.
1
If the bow for carding the cotton is used in Indo-China
as in the Malaya Archipelago and India, it will be shown
just now . that the words of the same origin similarly
designate the shooting, the bow or the arrow, and the
co
The tendency of t:.abng words monosyllabic bas often
had the effect of reducing the ancient forms :
i
I
Mon Khmer Stieng R!lngo
Muong
Annamitel
I
I
----\
I
" to draw 1 the bow''
... .... ....
I
...
v
"
pan ban pii1i
pail pan ban
I
These words differ from Bahnar panalt, ponah) by the
loss of the final and by certain alterations of the nasal.
'Moreover it is to be noted that the initial of the Khmer
form is a 'b, an unstable phoneme, intermediate between
the sonant and the surd and of wbieh the equivalent is
h in A nnamite while most of the oLher languages have Jl
As regards Mon pnoh "bow for throwing stones "
Guru : panan u bow "
Kon-tu : pane'l" "cross-bow"
Sedang : pi:inen, monen "cross-bow"
HalanO' meturfb "cross-bow.
' at. Sanskrit : tula-Tciinnuka, tula-capa, tila-dhanur "cotton-bow,
-1 ' 1 . tt ..
a. bow or similarly shaped msmment uaeu Or c ean1ng coon
Momer- Williams). Iu tbe Hima.la.ya.n dia.le0ts we have also in
ki ayok "to make cotton fine with bow, tG card."
22 PRE-XRYArJ AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
In the KQI or MuQQi languages, Santa.li banam
" violin, to play on violin " ; the last operation
the use of a.n archet or a little bow.
mea-ns
.
requtres
On the other hand the Indonesian forms can be
reduced in a large numbe1 to the type of panah. This
word designates the bow in Malaya, and in Java, the
bow and the arrow Amongst the Dayaks of Borneo,
the bow is called prenalt. In numerous languages of the
"' ...
Philippines, pana. IS the name of the arrow, and m
Mindanao panah is the name of the bow. Lastly in
Madagascar fana, fatla, designate both the bow and
tbe arrow. M. Nie1:1wenbuis wh.u has sLt.tdied these
Indonesian fclrms reasonably admits that panalz must
have meant, in ancient times, both the bow and the
a.rrow in all part. of the Malaya archipelago (Art
already referred to, p. 19).
The COfllparison of the Mon-Khmer forms thus teaches
us that panak is derived from the verb pak, pM " to
dra.w the bow '' by addinoo an infix. One understands that
5
the name of instr1.1ment, thus ft>rmed, designates both
tbe bow and the arrow, i.e., all that is required
for dl"'.lWing the bow. The orig-in .of the Sanskrit word
baf!ta cannf)t :be, therefore, any longer doubted. It is a
, loan from the Austro-Asiatic la.ngusges aod
aneientJnaon: becaouse the word can be found i::t the
VI, 75, l7. The sonant ill'itia.l of baraa was surely
not used to translate an Austro-A.sia.tic p in Indo-Aryan.
The b of the Vedic form is thererore, of a nature to
. prove the antiquity of 'b still found in the Cambodian
writing of our days.
The Aryans however, certe.inly knew the use of bow
berora their entrance into india. Why have they
borrowed from the Austro-Asiatics a word for the arrow ?
NON-ARYAN. LOANS IN INDo:ARYAN 23
Probably he arrow made of bamboo waa unknown to them
od this is w1iy they borrowed the name as well as the
instrument ilf ftom the aborigines of India. Io fact, in
t)le Mala_ya
the arrow caJled ,PanaJ,. is Qf.
ba!ll:tx>o _ pp. 9 and 23). In the same 'Way
de&ignate precisely an arrow of bamboo or
of cane in India.
SANSKRIT karpifl.a.
The verbs palt? p'Oh, 'bO/_l. which have given origin to
the name of the bow and the arrow probably do not
represent tbe ancient form of the root. the Austro-
Asiatic languages, a final 1 riset from an
ancient s. ln Khmer, for matinee, " cottcm ,
has another form ambaa. One can suppose therefore
I . l
that the verbs paA, polt, bol!- had originally a root
*tJa1 which meant the action of handlinoo a bOw
either for throwing projectiles or for the
cotton.
We now know enough for understanding the formation
of ase following whielt 4esignate cotton in the
Anstro-Asiatic language$ :
Khmer
Sedang
Kuoi
..
Kco
..
Crau _ pa(j, 1Ja9
Stieng pahi
am'ba1, am'ba/_l. Rade ka1Jaa
kope Javanes.e ,.,. kapas
kaoqa R.apa8
kopaa vaw kapa b.
t .pulletin, :XXV, L Jli' 69-'fl,
2t PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
At the base- of all these forq1s, whether they have.a..
prefix or not, one finds the root 'baa, of which the very
unstable initial genera.lly becomes p or b and the final
ha.s been sometimes softened into k with a. compensatory
i in some cases. The name of the cotton fibre,
therefore, properly means "that which has been husked,
ca.rdeu."
In most of the Austro-Asia.tic languages, the prefix
ts simple : ka or kO. But we know in this linguistic
family a nasal or a liquid is frequently inserted between
the pl'efix and the root. 'rhis can probably explain
Khme1 . (k)atibaB, (k)am'bOI]; of which the initial has
disappeared ; and in the same manner we can account
for Sanskrit kar'JJa&a "the cotton tree" cannot
pal be fxined by Indo-European.
A I
Under the form xap7r0.(1"()i the !VOrd bQ.S entered jn.to_
the Greek vocabutary au_d ill t_he book Q Esther I. 6
1
the Hebrew worn lcarpaa appears to desig-nate likA Greek
x_a.p'INJ.C1"0S a. fine stnff _CQtt.o.D Or flax
SANSKRIT pa"f', karpa(4.
Besides Sanskrit !&arpaaa which comes from an ancient
root 'baa preceded by the prefix kar, it is strange to find in
the same language and lcarpata both of whict signify
" .cotton stufl:.'' The existence of and karpa side by
side permits us to isolate, without hesitation, the prefix
lear, and points out once a.gain to the Aastro-Asiatic
The phonetic and semantic resemblance of lcarpa&a and
makes us think that these words are exact connter-
parts. passage from a to is anexpeeted in
IndoArya_n but in several of _Iudo-Chi.na. t
NON-ARYAN LOANS IN INDO-ARYAN 25
_ to a of the common family 2.f.
Mon-Khmer:
Mon Khmer Stieng Bahnar Ann amit-e
"- .
uc .....
" " " "
...
sok
sak sok sok tok
In face of., Khmer 'bOot "to wash, to sweep," we have
in Laotien pat.
Skr. karpaaa on one side and on the
other, therefore, must have either been borrowed iu
successive periods or come from the population speaking
the different dialects.
BENGALI NuMERATION AND NoN-ARYAN Su:ssTRATUM.
In a. series of articles pnblished since 1921 in the
lfemoires and the BuUctin de la &eiltl ik Linous"att."que
le Paris, I have shown the importance of the Austro.
Asiatic languages for the study of Sanskrit and middle
Indian languages. By extending the same research to
the modern langu3ges of India Prof. S. K. Chatterji has.
recentlv indicated that a certain numbet of substantive
-
in Hindi, Pa.njabi, etc.:.z were borrowed from .t_he
K.ol (or MnQQii) languages.. According to this scholar
the Hindi verb jim-na " to eat " would be of the same
origin (Tke Study of KOl, Calcutta Review, 1923, p. 453 ff.)
I propose to go a little further and to prove that a. Bengali
numeral can be explained by the A.ustro-Asia.tic la.Qgua.ges.
For "tw:en]y" there are several words in Bengali :
the forms ois, ois' and other forms of Un
!6 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
eerta.in origin : luri, lmri, kuqi; the latter ones are found
in the Kollanguages.
Mahle A-uri
Birhar kuri
1uang lcoJi.
The question arises if the Bengali kuri ia a loan
from the Austro.,Asia.tic languages. But a different expla-
nation. to be discussed at first.
Skr. koti wh1ch signifies "summit'' designates the
number, i.e., 10 millions in ancient Indo-Aryan
l'lumeration. It may be asked if it is tJOt the same
word, which nuder the form lcuri, hall taken the meaning
of "t.wentv " in Bengali. This hypothesis is absolutely
:mprobable. One can imagine t.hat a number like twenty
conceived at first as the highest number of numeration
amongst peoples at a lower state of culture came to be
used by their most advanced neighbours for designating
a greater number, 100, 1000, etc.; but one can never
\lndersta.nd, by what chance a number like 10 millions
could be diminished in value and fall down to 20 in a
language like Bengali which possesses very large numbers.
I kuri "twenty " and 10,000,000 are, after all, the
same word which has successively taken different values,
the meaning, " twenty " must be then the most ancient
and this is just the case where we can repeat what
Codl'iJ;te:toq said about the number-limit in Melanesian.
" A word which, though we may not be able to traee its
original meaning, is used at first to signify the highest;
number and subsequently rises, &.s the practice of counting
advances, to the signification of a higher numbet than it
expressed at fire:t" (Jiti.ela?Zesian Languages, pp. 248 49).
know in common
NON-ARYAN LOANS IN INDO.;ARY.AN sf
numbers up to 20 ex1sted. If we suppose that Juri
" twenty" is the same as the nnmberlimit koti, it
cannot be therefore Indo-European ; and if it be
independent of we do not see a.ny Sanskrit
word with which it can be connected. It can be, therefore,
suspected to be a loan-word. Its origin now remains
to be determined.
What strikes us, at first, is the analogy of the Bengali
number RUft With the same number 20 in some Kol
languages and with the number 10 in the A.ustro-Asiatic
family.
20 20
10
Bengali kuri Mahle kiri Palaung ko or se-kir
..
..
kuf'i Bfrhar kiri Riang s-ko.l
..
kulji Juang ko4i San tali gii.l
Let us go baek to the .Melanesian faets quoted by
Codrington. " In Savo tale or aale is ten, which in
Torres Islands is hundred ; the word is no doubt the
same. As tini may possibly have meant the complete
numeration as 'three' in Nengone, and have risen to
ten in Fiji, and even to ten thousand in Maori, so tale
may have sJgndi.ed a first the last number count1ng when
no other number beyond ten was and have retained
the meaning of ten in Savo while it has been taised as.
numeration has improved to signify one hundred in Tortea
Isliilnds ,) ( t"/Jt,"d, p. 249).
it may be likewise imagined that in the domain of.
Austro.Asiatic languages the same word might have
sioooified " teo " and taken later on, under a little different
0
form, the value of " twenty."
2S PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
The practice of counting by 20 having been preserved
in Bengal, the Austro-Asiatic word lcuri might have been
retained for meaning "a score " by the side of Indo-
Aryan bis<vi1JZ_8a(ti) which si_gnifies "twentv. twice ten."
An exactly parallel fact is observed in U Burma;
the Siyins, who have the Tibeto-Burman numeration,
possess a special word for "score " and it is kul :
"Ten" sdm, hkan, hkat
!
"Eleven" I s6m la hkat
'
I
"Twelve" s8m la ni
''Twenty" hkam-ni, kul
"Twenty-one"
kulla hkat
1
The name of " score " cotnmon to several Kol
languages, Bengali and the language of the Siyins,
therefore, goes beyond the Austro-Asiatic domain and
enctoaches upon the Indo-Aryan and the TihetowBurmllin
zones.
The Austro-Asiatic origin of the Bengali number
kuri. can he proved with still more certainty if we can
show that this word, besides its numerical value, has
a concrete sense in the languages from which it has been
borrowed.
Dr. K. Chatterji has already indicat.ed (Tlte Studp
of Kol, Calcutta l p. 455) that the word Kot
is probably an Aryan modification of an old word
l Cf. Gezetteer O>j Upper Burma and the Shan States, I, p. 682.
NON-ARiAN LOANS lN INDO-ARYAN 29
meaning "man." Here are the principal forms of the
words signifying " man " and "woman" in the Mu!]qli
languages:
"mAD"
har. har.
hara hor koro
IW1V. I.Vl Vl
"woman" k&ri iTa
.
kuri kori
kol
Besides these we may compare "son " and " daughter"
in Santali :
" son "-!cora lupan.
" daughter "= huri ltapan.
Without insisting on the treatment of the initial,
which I shall study elsewhere later on, it can be admitted
that a root her, kor is differentiated in the MuQQa
languages for signifying : man, woman, girl and boy.
That "in some cases this root has taken a relatively
abstract sense is proved by Santali leoif,a, leora, which
signify " one " as in the expression " koif,a lee ltoif,a "
" each single one."
Thus one can easily understand that the same root
bas served the purpose of designating the individual
not as an indiv:isible unity but as a numerical whole.
We ll::now besides that amongst; a lar!!e numbEit of
said to be primitive. it is the names of the parts _of body
whir.h _are ofte.JL used for numAration (cf.
L"' fonetiom mentaleB dans les sociltla t'nflrieutrea, p. 2] 6).
I u a recent communication to the French Institute of
Anthropology, M J alien has stated that amongst the
Malagasis, the word " finger " is added to several numbers
from l to 9, the number 5 being expressed by a word
which originally meant
4
' ha11d." It can be thus imagined
30 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
that amonO'st the Anstro-Asiatic peoples also, for express
. . e
in(J' 10 or 20 one bas thouO"ht of "mali" provided with
0 ' b
10 fingers if his hands only are considered and with 20
fingers if all the four members 1 of his body are counted.-
Thus we ean explain the analogy between the root
kur, !cor " man," the number :!0 in Muv0a !curi, kuri,
T-wi/t and the number 10 in the Austro-Asiatic family Ito,
re-kur, akaU, giil.
Similar facts can be observed in other parts of the
Austro-Asiatic worltl. In Aonamite moi which signifies
"each, all," like San tali koif,a, means also "the savage" ;
this word is hardly different from muoi which is the
number 10. In Khasi there is u oriw m a n ~ ' and 8ki
phew "ten." The consonanta.l group or bas been here
eontra.oted into pk as it generally happens in the
monosyllabic languages. It seems, therefore, that in
Annamite and in Khasi the word " man " and the
number " ten " ate two forms of the same root.
The identity of the numbet 20 and the name of
man, can be also observed in M andingue, one of
the most .important languages of Western Africa. "In
this language, as Professor Delafosse writes to me, the
...
number 20, when it is not multiplied, is <!ailed muya
(moughan), a word \vhich can be connected with ma-yo
....
or mopo (m3gllo or morho) signifying ., man " in the sense
of human being, without any consideration of sex. When
the number "twenty" is multiplied, muya is no longer
11sed but mqyo or mrtpo ; thus " sixty " is ealled mOJO 8alJa,
Broke tells ns how a Dayak of Borneo, before counting up to 45,
used the fingets of his hands, and then those Of hiS feet, and when he
had exhausted the fingers of his f he came back to the fingers of
hand.. (2'tn 'Jll4r in 8araw11k, :t, pp. 189-40.)
NON-ABYAN LOANS IN INl>O.ARYAN :H
(literally "man three," three men) and sixty men, 11UrfO
.. "
wtqo sa&a, exictly " three men of men." J.a.stly, for the
number "forty" the word deb! is often used; it proper1y
aignifies a mat for bedding : the 1atives of the country
liay that the reason of this is that tb'' mat evokes a
couple of human beings (man and woman) who 'ie down
together on it; a man, with his 20 fingers, represents
"twenty'' ; a. mat oo which two men lie down,. represent
"two twenties."
The habit of using the word " man" for designating
the numbers 10 and 20 is not, therefore special to Mui}.Qi
languages, not even to the A nstro-Asiatie family only.
The fact that i ~ MuQqlgiil" 10 ''differs much more than
ilti "20 " of the root hlr, kor "man/' indicates quite
clearly that these words have not certainly the sa.me
history. Besides the need of distingoishing 10 and 20
for avoiding confusion, other circumstances might explain
the deviation observed between gal and liri. In
Cambodia one counts still by 5, saying 51, 52, for 6 and
7, etc. In most of the Austro.Asiatic languages one
still counts by ten but I do not know any language of
this family in which one counts by sco1es, outs1de the
domatn of MuQcJi. It seema, therefore, that the system
of numeration has been transformed by innovations which,
no doubt, go back to diffetent periods and probably 1adiate
each from a certain family. The analogy of Riang !tal
and of Santali giii
1
seems to indicate that one should
..
' Conrady bas tried to establish a relation between the
traD8formation of initial soDa.Dts into surds and. the phenomenon of
contraetion of a prefix with the root in Tibet;,n. His theory should not
be accepted without reserve (cf. [;Ju Langua du Monde, p. 864). It
is possible that we may have llere a. fact of the same order but in aq
~ v n aenae,
~ PJIE-ARY.AN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
search in the .Moo-Khmer languages for the origin of
the computation by tep, while .iuri u 20," very similar
to the name of man in Mul]<]i or Kolla.nguages would
be an innovation properly Kol. Unfortunately we still
ignore too many things for being able to determine the
history of language a.s well as that of civilisation with
certitude in this case.
-
PART II
SANSKRIT AND DRAVIDIAN
BY
JULES BLOCH
Sanskrit and Dravidianl
A good illustration of the influence of substratum in
the of languages may be found in certain
tra nsforma.tions undergone by the Indo-European language
in India. A category of consonants-the cerebrals in
Sanskrit-corresponds, in a striking manner, with some
consonants in the phonetic system of the two other
families of language. Now to which of the two Non-
Aryan families must one a.ttrihute this innovation in the
Aryan language? !?f the two Non-A!Jan families one,
the Munda, is the language of a people scarcely civilised
who now forms barely a hundredth part of the entire
population of India. The. other. the Dravidian, is spoken
bv about on.e-fifth of the entire population. The South-
Dravidian ag_ain is the vehicle of an olJ civilisation.
AnGtber member of the same family, the Brahui now
isolated far to the west in the heart of Belucbistan,
lit an evidence of the ancient area of expansion of
Dravidian before the Indo-European invasion, at least to
one who knows how to interpret geograpbicat indications.
In the absence of direct historical evidence iihese eonsidera-
tionll have generally led one to think that Dravidian is
the language which has been replaced by Indo-European
and that the peculiarities of this language explain the
innovations in Indo-Aryan. The two points on which
1
Bulletin de la SociltB de Linguistique de Paris, XXV, I, p.
1seq.
36 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
we would like to make some observations are these :
the value of the proofs brought forward in support of
this thesis (and summarised as far as phonetics and
grammar are concerned by Prof. Steo Konow in the
Linguistic Survey of Tndia, Vol. IV, p. 278 seq . to which
refer here once for all) and the SEMH"ees 91 Ulferltlatlon
this-point-:-
Before we discuss the value of the alleged evidences
we would like to point out certam difficulties of a genera
character. In the first place the geographical isolation
of Brabui is susceptible of several interpretations. It is
certainly not impossible that the Brabuis for long
centuries might have inhabited the place where we :find
them now and from the same barren plateau might have
watched the migrations and historical incidents in their
neighbourhood without being affected by them. But in
a country like India which has been incessantly disturbed
by migrations it is equally possible that they have come
to their present locality in a comparatively recent epoch
(cf. Denys Bray, Census qf India, 1911, Vol. IV, Baluchistan,
p. 168 aeq.) as a. result of the movementoof the same kind
and perhaps due to the same causes which have brought
t}ul _Oraons and the Maiers .of Dekhan to IJhota-Nagpur or
the nomad tribes of Dekhan studied by Prof. Sten Konow
in Vol. XI of tee Lingni8tic 8nrve;y to all over Northern
India (the first of the two groups speaks the J')ravidian
and Prof. Sten Konow is !n.clined to attribute a
Dravidian origin to the second also (/- J.1., 1923, I, p. 186).
Tbe Brabr1;., of to-day are not absolutely sedentary; they
go out of their country for temporary emigrations and for
forays and even for true emigrations (D. Bray, ibid, p.
45 8eq.). Some peculiarities of their language woald al@
seem to show that they have come from elsewher.fl :
SANSKRiT AND DRAVIDIAN 37
speci.ally by the substitution of initial b-for v in
Dravidian Br11.hni is _connected with Canara_. _ ;Kurukb.
and Malt.o (the last two are spoken by the Oraon and
the Maler mentioned above) but it is different from the
contiguous Iranian (Afghan, Beluchi) and the Indo-
Aryan (Punjabi, Sindhi) languages. Similarly t}>o
absence of cerebral Msal in Brahui connects it. with t11a
orientBl dialects, either lndoArv11.n n,. M:un_da. (J. Aa.,
1911, I, p. 165).
Even il in our imagination we fill up the entire gap ,
between Baluchistan and the Dekhan the natural links
would he the coastal regions of the lower Indus and
Gnjrat; in fact certain invasions have actually followed
the same path. iJlains of the Pugj_ab and the
of Ganges which are p1e-emineotly la11ds o Sanskrit
will however remain outside the continuous zone thus
reconstructed, and nothing stands in the way of support-
ing that this territory been occupied by non-Dravidian
languages before t.he Indo-European invasion. The
consideration of the phonetic substratum seems to support
this hypothesis. The regions in gqestiol! ignore the U!:::e
of cerebral ? which is current in the rest of lndif
from the lower Indus to Ceylon (Jules Bloch, Langue
Marathe, p. 147). Some languagt.s bP.longing to
now unknown, might have been actually m use in this
region in ancient times. But even without appealing to
the unknown we kMw that the Mnnda dialects in which
is wanting are to-day disseminated over the table-lands
on the northern border the. Dekhan. Might they not
have been driven back there by the Indo-European ?
Prof. Przyluski ha!! already given some examples of the
contribution to the Sanskrit voeabu1a.ry made by the
dialeots of the Austro-Asiatic family to which Munda. is
38 AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
connected.
1
(MSL, XXII, p. 202 seq., BSLJ XXII,
p. 118, p. 255 uq.) This proves the substitution
of one language by the other or their mutual contact in
ancient times. The geograpbical evidence is therefore
ambiguous.
On the other hand certain necessary precautions have
not been taken in utilising properly the linguistic data.
The Dravidian language which has almost always been
chosen for comparison is Tamil, which m fact Is the
best known of all the dialects for various reasons. Even
i we admit that from the Vedic up to the present
time Tamil has changed very little there still -xemains
the fact that the domain of this Dravidian dialect is
the furthest off from the region of Vedic civilisa-tion. C n
this principle alone, it should have been the la.st one to
be taken into consideration for the sake of comparative
study. As Mr. E. Tuttle ha.s very well said (A1tuniaa1t
Journal of Phil., X.L, p. 76) : "If we WMl:t to understand
the history of tee languages. of the Sooth we- slwuld begm
B;am the Northern sideP In fact, our knowledge of the
Dravidian languages of the north is very imperfect and
1
y hai reeentfy acquu:ed; so much so
that when it is possible to the interchange of
vocabulary between Dravidian and Indo-Aryan it is very
diffi.eult to determine which is the lender and which Is
the borrower though it is absolutely necessary to know the
l \Tib th' . tb .
ents wa.s xue press an 1mporta.nt artwle by Prof, Syl va.in
Levi has appeared in J. As., July.Sept,, 1923, m which he has shown
that a certain number of ethnic names of n,ncient India can be
ex:pla.ined by the morphological system of the Austro-Asiatic languages.
Laek ef suflicient fix:icy of Sanskrit forms seems to be the result of
diverse eliorts to transcdbe names st1ll 1n use and as such is an
evidence of the late Btliviva.l of those languages,
SANSKRIT AND DRAVIDIAN 39
common form of Dravidian We
know it very little and we search for it still less. In
fact Tamil represents very badly the common Dravidian
language. Evidence in support of this statement will be
found below. With these general reservations, however,
what is the value of, the alleged proofs about the influence
of Dravidian on Indo-Aryan.
It is through phonetic innovations that the influence
of a lmgmsbc substratum 1s most clearly VIsible. Thus
the consonant mutation of Armenian can be directly
explained by a comparison with southern Caucasian (Meillet,
JJ!aqnisse .. de l'a1m. cla88., p. xiv, Cat act. des ta."l!J. German,
p. 40, MSL. XIX, p. 164, Introd.
6
, p. 11). Similarly in
India, the co-existence of cerebral consonants ne.xt to
dentals in Indo-Aryan, in Dl'avidian a.nd also in Afgha.n,
an Iranian language contiguous to Indo-Aryan and to
Hrahui, cannot be easily considered as a mere chance.
But the Armenian and Indian cases cannot be exactly
compared with each other. In Sanskrit there is no
change in the articulation of an entire series of sounds.
The cerebral series has not come out of the total trans-
formation of the dental series but has come into existence
along with it under determined circumstances through
several stages of evolution. As regards the most ancient
period, the first queshon IS that of the adaptation of the two
Aryan series to the two indigenous ones. For in India the
dental series properly so-called had added to it the series
which Jests on the e:gistenee of an aneieet Indo Iranian
; (an-sound) ; to this (an-sound) were added consonants
which accommodated themselves to it ; moreover 1'
..,
replaced the sonant .!h-sound (z) and through a.ccommoda-
tion brought new consonants into existence in the same
seies : the whole of this series was pronounced as
40 PRE-AitYAN ANB PRE-DRA"V"IDIAN
Later on, the occlnsives and rj, the nasal '{It and ? have
replaced the ancient intervocalic dentals under different
historical and geographical circumstances (cf. La'/llgue
Marathe, pp. 95, 125, 137, 147); the withdrawal of the
point of articulation in these cases is the sign of the
weakness of the consonant. Finally the initial dental
occlusive has been, but rarely, cerebralised (ibid, p. 124).
Such is ' in general ' the history o the cerebrals in
Indo-Aryan. In the greatest part it is sufficient in itself
and Dravidian does not throw any light on it. On the
contrary it contradicts it in certain cases,
Let us pass on the fact that cerebral form. whieh..
in .Y edi.c intervocalic if,, disappears
from classical Sanskrit, while it is still in current use
in Dravidian. It was simply an archaism according to
M. Meillet (IF, XXXI, p. 1.23) : an archaism which
was perhaps necessary in the Ganges basin where was
la.clring, as was seen above, But here are some of the
more characteristic facts.
'fhe extension of mitial cerebral ocolnsives which is
the most obscure event in the history of the Indo-Aryan
consonants, suggests a.t the very first instance explanation
by the substratum : but. Dravidian does not allow the
use of the r;erebraJ initws. On the contrary, Dravidian
allows final cerebral nasals and liquids, which are unknown
in Sanskrit.
There is, therefore, nothing to justify the assertion
cerebrals ar_e of_ ind!g_enous
The local pronunciation has rendered the development
of this class possible ; and in this sense the action o
the substratum is undeniable. But it is necessary a.t
once to insist upon the fact that the Munda languages
have and cerebrals just like Dravidian, and
SANSKRIT AND DRAVIDIAN 41
nothing, therefore, stands in the way of attributing
theoretically tl!e origin of the Sanskrit ptonunciatiot;t
to the action of a of eitlier Munda_.or .same
... --
other language connActed with it. if not of a fourth
linguistic family still unknown.
Another fact alleged is the progressive extension ot
t in classical Sanskrit at the expense of r,_ usedj!.lmw
exclusively by Vedic in accord with Iranian. Bnt it is
known that t in Sanskrit is not really an innovation ;
it marks on the contrary the cropping out in literature
of the dialectR more conservative on this point than the
most ancient Vedic and Iranian (Maillet, IF, XXXI,
p. 124 ; Bhandarlcar Jlfemo1'iat, p. 357) ; it is Iranian
and Vedic which form the exception ancl for which the
question of the snbstratum must be pnt. Here, too,
Munda possesses l just as Dravidian.
It will be seen later on that the Dravidian languages
have, in the course of their history, eliminated consonant
groups either by accommodation or by inl'ertion of voealie
elements ; on the other band this is known to be just the
characteristic of Middle-Indian. Bnt in the Aryan group
the evolution in question, although it was to reach its full
development only in middle-Indian, is not only anterior to
the Vedic period bnt goes farther back ; without referring
to the law of Bartholomae, one can attribute to it at least
the orio-in of Skr. ech. Besides, if the t,!l.blets of K1kkuli.
of Mitani (Jensen, Stz'b., Berlin, 1919, p. 368 and in the
last .Place Forrer, ZDJ1G
2
, I, 2, p. 252 :ff.) really show the
of a dialecL belonging to tribes akin to those who
brought Sansknt to Ind1a, as the suffix: o "one"
seems to indicate, proof will be found in tera "three,"
;atta "seven " of this old " Middle-Indian " that the
tendeney m question had arisen long before the contact
42 PRE-ARfAN AND PRE.DRAVlDIAN
of Aryan with Dravidian : unless, adding a new
hypothesis to others, we want to make Dravidian come
from the same region as that of Aryan and almost at
the same time. The hypothesis is not absurd ; the origin
of Dravidian has already been looked for in this direction ;
but it has not sufficient ground to serve as an
explanation.
On the contrary, the unification of the- w_hich
equally characterises classical MiddJe.Indiau reoeuQ
even to-day it has not been carried out either in the
languages of the mountainous regions of the North-West
nor in Gypsy. It seems to be due to the action of the
substratum (cf. Michelson, J.AOS, p. 146);
but this substratum cannot be located in the North-
West since in this region we find first of a.Il Vedic, then
the dialects of the inscriptions of Asoka and last o all,
the modern languages-all of which distinguish at least
sibilants and sh-sounds. It can be Munda as well as
Dravidian as the documents of the Lingni.stic . Sutzzey
show that Munda like Dravidian has only one of
sibilants.
Dravidian, as we know it, admits like
Iranian; Indo-Aryan has not any and according to M.
Meillet (IF, XXX, p. 120) that is the pre-eminent
characteristic of Indo-Aryan as distinguished from
Jrama.n : If th1s preservation is to be explained by local
circumstances, then amongst the known languages, Munda
only must be referred to, sinee, unlike Dravidian (and
like Aryan), it has aspirate occlusives and l!Jocks
A curious fact that might be noted here is the conti-
nuous character of the Sanskrit sentences, which has ooivtln
b
rise to the rules of aand!J.i, because Tamil and Canarese
admit a. rigorous aanitlti in writing. But the same
SANSKRIT AND DRAV!DIA:N 43
languages in their spoken form ignore it; Gondi and
Kurukh also ignore it. In so far as these literary
languages admit this sanrlhz, it is certainly due to the
influence of Sanskrit ; aud even in Sanskrit it is probable
that the use of tile rules in question has very much
surpassed in extension the real use ; Asoka ignores them
absolutelv.
"
There is, thereforA, no clear phonetic proof of the
actwn of DravH!Jan on Indo-European, at any rate, m
ancient times. Some agreements can be discoverad
at present, on the frontiers of the two domains. Thus
the diphthongisation of initial (y)e and (zo)o in Marathi
and Telugu (Langue Ma1athe, p. 33 ; Prof. Turner
also, has pointed out, Inrl. Antiq., 1921, p. 9!:1, the same
... .
phenomenon in N epa.li) or the alternation c : c according
to the nature of the following vowel in Marathi and
TAluoou ; a Munda langnage of the same region still
0 ~
affords an alternation of c and c in a similar way. There
is a grea.t difference between facts like these, recent
and quite local, and the supposed influence of one
language family on another at the time when the Aryans
entered India.
Phonology therefore cannot throw any clear light
on it, morphology will necessarily throw even less because
at the time of the substiLuLion of languages the
grammatical system o r r o w ~ much more thoroughly
than t.he phonetic system. Inspite of all this, are there
in Indo Aryan some exceptional facts revealing certain
grammatical uses which might have survived the rain
of the entire system ?
The reduction of the verbal system of the V eda.s and
the inverse extension oi nominal phrases ha.ve been
explained as the action of Dravidian. But it must be
44 PRE-ARAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
noticed that the Dtavidian systeta is the same for all tenses
and that in Sanskrit, the past tenses only have dis-
appeared. As far as the perfect is concerned it may be
remarked with all precision that Dravidian ignores re-
duplication and the reduplication in Munda has only
intensive and conative values (.Ling. 5urv., IV, p. 46) ;
on the contrary, the existence of tense suffixes in these
two tamilies (ibd, pp. 49, 172, etc.) would have been
rather a support at least for the Aorist stems. In fact
the process by which all these forms have been replaced
by nominal ones is found also in Iran. There is therefore,
no occasion to insist unreasonably on the very ouLward
resemblance of the two isolated forms of masculine nomi-
native singular, Skr. krtavan "who has done, he has
wade,'' from a stem ta vant, known in Iranian (.Brngmanu,
Gru.ndris8, II, 1, p. 463) and in Tamil se.lfd-avan! which
is formed on a very different principle and moreover
has not the same use : it is in fact aeydan which
has the frmction of a verb ; the relation is -the same
in Kurukh between ia' us ''the breaker " and es'as " he
has broken," where the alternation of the stem emphasizes
the difference of value.
The reduction of genders of tbe substantive which
characterises modern Indo-A1yan, does not admit any
further local explanation, although it ts postenor to
Sanskrit. The question therein is of a tendency common
to aU Indo-European which is however far from ending
in sueh a rapid and downright manner as Armenian and
Persian where the disappearance or gender is due to the
substratum (Meillet, E8Quisse ... de l'arm, class., p. xiv ;
a statement wh;ch is 1;Q he a little modified as far as the
Armenian is concerned, R. des et. Armin, 1923, pp. 8-4) .
lu India gender disappears completely from the eastern
SANSKRIT AND DRAVIDIAN 45
languages only, and in fact there and there only the
question is undoubtedly of the action of a Tiheto-Bnrma.n
substratum. Though on some points the distinction
between the animate and the inanimate exists in some
isolated cases, the question is of a human fact of which
the equivalents caa be easily found outside India. ; finally,
the classification of Dravidian nouns into mahat " great''
and amahat " small " (the first category includes gods,
demons and men ; the second, animals and things) differs
from the Munda classification into animate and inanimate
(whatever has been said on all this in Lang1te Maratlte,
p. ltl!'t, should be corrected).
1 Dravidian c::..nnot explain the alterations of the
Indo-European system can it inversely account for tm";'
"'
abnormal preservation ? Indo Arnn is the nnlv nnp .of
the-ll"!ndo-European lanqouaftes which ha..q retaiQed the
relative pronoun. Hut Dravidian ignores the_ relative ;
Munda also equal1y ignores it.
'l'b mrbr l:rh5M J.e#_" is :to consider some general
facts of recent date m the two families due to a
fundamentally analogous structure. Dravidian in fact
operates only by the addition of suffixes, differently from
Munda which uses prefixes and infixes. 'l'i:l tllusf.,.,.te tbe:.
ep"lse _of pax:qJlel *thing more is necessary
i+l*f! te .t;bt( the determmative elements of noun
A
come after an oblique case in the two families (Munda
has also postpositions which are suspected of being
partly borrowed from modern IndoAryan, Lin(j. 8uNJ.,
IV, pp. 41, 85.) The resemblance of Tam. Tel. ku
" to,'' Can. Ice, Kur. ge, with Hindi ko, ke, etc., is
accidental unless it is admitted, on the contrary, to be
a borrowing by Dravidian from Indo-Aryan Even an
isolated expression, like the use of a word signifying
46 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
"having said" in Indo-Aryan, to mark the subordination
of propositions, is not to be invoked here ; because it is not
only in use in Marathi and Singhalese, languages in
contact with Dravidian, but also in Nepalese and Bengali
and a.t least in one language of the Tibeto-Burman group,
the (Langue Marathe, p. 272 and Errata).
One is, therefore, ultimately led to search for the
Dravidian elements of Sanskrit only in the vocabulary.
But the history of vocabulary is abolutely different from
phonetic or grammatical evolution, and the l?!n of words
is essentially different from the facts;;t,._a. substratum.
The facts of a substratum result from the unconscious
blending of two systems existing amongst the same
people ; the loan results from a willing effort to !!od.d.
elements taken from Otttside to tbe mass of the voca.-
bulary. The loan proves the contact of the two
and rwt the_ substitution of the one by the other. On
the other band it is often difficult to recognise in what
sense the bol'l'owing is made between two given languages
and '00 make sure that it has not been made by each of the
two languages from a third one, known or unknown.
J,astly, where it becomes clear that Aryan is
the borrower, it is necessary to !ietermine from what
group of Dravidian the loan has been taken and
_also to dialw from it information for the history of
Dravidian itself. There is no question of undertakinO'
. e
that work here, which is still impossible, but we only
w.ant to point oat by some examples, the interest and
the present aspect of the question.
The Vedic (and Indo-European) name for .hm:se,
is no longer represented to-day in Indo-Aryan except on
the eonfines of the Iranian world where the eorrespondin..,
word is still living (GJierson, Pisaca Language, p. 78,
SANSKRIT AND ORA VI-DIAN 47
and the list of Ling. Survey, No. 68). The word which
has replaced it in all other parts of the conntry occurs
in the Srauta. Siitra of .Apastamba-a text which appears_
to be of_ southern origin (if. Buhler, BBE, II, p. xxx)
under the form f!hota. Mr. J. Cbarpen tier has tried
(KZ, XL, p. 441) to identify this word with German
gaul ; this eqvivalence would be strange by itself; Prof.
Sommer has shown XXXI, p. 362) that this
Germanic word has its correspondents in Slavonic and
not in Indian. On the other hand, the similarity of
with some Dravidian forms with the same meaning has
long been recognised : Tel. gu,rramu. ; Can. kwl1t1e ; Tam!
Kttdirei (Gondi Kora is suspected to be borrowed from
Hindi ghora like Kui goif,a) ; the Dravidian _ which
bas preceded the Hiwl i word all!OUI,{s_t_ the Goods is_'
undoubtedly that which accounts for Gadaba Krutq,_ and
Savara k1t1ta, alone of their kind in Munda. Th"l Brahui
lwlU is out of the question ; on the va.h1e of initial
' b d B i ! " t " -t " t " " t r:, c
1
on oneanr. _rtr_ ra, goa> nno
deposit" and Tam. eli, aif,u, in.; on the other Br. hur
and Gondi ltu.rlc, kui (cf. 'Tuttle, Am. J. Phil., XL,
It is easy to reconstitute the common prototype of
all these forms. *gh1ttr-. In the same process one
o-ets some important data for the hrstory of Dravidian
phonetics :
1st. The consonantal group has been eliminated in
Telugu by toLal assimilation, in Tamil and Cana'rese by
vocalic insertiOn.
2nd. In the last two languages, the intervocalic .mrd
is changed into a sonant. In Tamil, -at rate, the
daLe of this alteration is rather late, ef. MS.E.,. XIX,. p. 89,._;
for (3ana.rese an indication is to be fou'Qd in the fact that
PRE-ARlAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN 48
the name of Maski, the Yillage where an inscription of
ASoka has been discovered is still Piripa-ma8angi in a
Calukya inscription (H. Krishna Shastri, The Maski Rock
Edict, p. 1).
3rd. In the same languages the initial consonant is
changed into a snrd.. Here from the Dravidian stand-
poiut the rule is not clear : there are two series of corres-
ponding forms. In fact M. Subbaya in his articles in the
Intlian .A.tdiquar!J, 1909 (where he always attributes
wrongly the surd to common Dravidian) has given a
series of equivalent forms : 'fam. k-Can. Tel. g-
(pp. z05, 211 ; qf. for the dental p. 200). But in his
Dictionary of Canarese, Kittel gives a good numbet of
examples of the Tam. Can. k, rei. g similar to that in
the name of horse : thus Tam. Can. k'5iJal "love," Tel.
gadilte ; Tam. Can. ,kirtb "to Tel. giru ; Tam:
Can. kuri "sheep," Tel. H gorre,; Tam. Can. rr hole/' G
'l'el. i' .901/'!Ji." . The interpretation of the facts is difficult ;
hut the antiquity of the sonants in Dravidian l'emains
undisputable.
If it were certain that the Sanskrit word was borrowed
from Dravidian) one could have rightly deduced at once
a fourth observation, more important than all the previoue
ones. In that case the most ancient Dravidian, in fact,
wou:ld have had aspirate consonants, either a dialect m
contact with Indo-Aryan having developed aspirates
m some cases or the having belonged to
common Dravidian. There is nothing inadmissible in this
view ; the interval is extremely Ion g between the epoch
when was admitted into and the
late date-very likely the 5th century A.D -when the
alphabets of the North were borrowed by ibe principal
Dravidian 11\nguages : in fact it is known that the
SAN8KtttT AND DRAVIDIAN 49
characters which m1:uk the aspirates in Indo-Aryan are
wanting in these But in this ease it must
be asked if Dravidian itself not a lancrua(J'e brou<rht
:...,
to the Dekhan, its presert area : because the loss of
is one of these facts which immediately
makes one think of the actron of the substratum : this
substratum could not ha\'e been Munda which possesses
a...o;pirates. Dravidian, the language of the Dekhan,
therefore, would have been at first a language of the
North and horse, in faQ.b is in India really an anim!il
of the North : it has been discovered in a fossil state '
in the Siwalik mountains; and the Vedas speciall.Y.
mention the horses of Sind and the Sarasvati (if. Crooke,.
Things lndia1t, p. 253 ff. ; Ma::Jdonell-Keith, Yedic Index,
under aqva). 'l'hus one would again fall back on a
hypothesis, stmtlar to the one already mentwned, about
the contact o two languages in the pre-historic period'
in anterior Asia ; but it will h"ve this time another
of h.istorieal probability ; the history of a.neient
1
India can be explained to a great extent by the successive
floods of invasions of which the first is only an anticipated
consequence of the second : the Draviciia.ns might have
preceded t.he Aryans, as the Sakas preceded the Kut;;a.I).as
and as later on the again preceded the Hur.,_
The difference would be this that the Dravidjans ant!
Aryan!'! imposed their languages on India.
Thus questions that are brought forward are
important at least in the hypothesis that was
taken from Dravidian. But the name of the horse is
essentially a name subject to renewal aud no one can
foresee whence, the new namtJ would be taken. One may
think of ro88, 'P.ferd and ,qaul without speaking of maitre
and of stute and, in another domain, of caballus and
7
50 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
mannua. If Dravidian be the borrowet, or if' both
languages took the same word, perhaps along with
the !o1pecimens of a particular breed, for instance, of
Iran or of Arabia1 the entire edifice, phonetic as
well as historical, will collapse. A
The name of the " suggests a problem analogous
to that of the "horse." The identity of R. V. _qardahha
(on_ the suffix: Skr. -bha-Gr. -cpo, etc., of the names of
animals, see Btugmann, Grundriss, II, 1, p. 389), l:l indi
pO.dlta etc. 'borrowed freely in Dravidian, in Munda and
in Assam by the Khasi ; see the lists of .Lin,q. 81t'l'IJC!f, 7 4)
on the one hand, and Tel. ga4ide, Can. kalte, ltatte, Tam.
kaludei on the other hand is evident (Knrukh garlrarnli
. "to brav." Is it Dravidian or ArJ an ? In the Ce IPbes
the language of the Bug tribes has a form borrowed
from the Dravidian, leatedde) ; a prototype *g11'1'd accnunt.s
for all the forms if only because the rule concerning
t.l1P. consonantal gronps previously stat.ed a.d mits of
an alteration in the ease of a liquid preceding the
occlusive instead of following it. In fact one finds
the use of the Can. katte, lcatte, in the word for "rice "
Can. akki, Tam arir;i, forms of 'which the comparison
is sufficient to suggest an ancient or in the word foJr
the "cat" (admitted in Sanskrit at the time of the
epic, Sh. oif!,-ala-, bz"!-ala-, bir-ala-, Ka(jm brar, Syrian
Gypsy blari, Hindi bitari, Wa?Ja, biUi, etc., fNm which
secondarily Can. etc. pitti; see the lists of t.he Ling.
1
M, Autra.n would like to explain the Egyptian word which
means the carriage and the horse as a loan from au unknown
language of Southern Arab1a.. We know that horse appeared i11 Egypt
onlY. the 16th cen. BJl,
1' AND DRAVIDIAN 51
8u1ve.1J, No. 71), Can. berku, belclw, Kur. berxa, Gondi
Tam. t;erzt!JU. t
What is the origin of this *garrl common to Indo-
Aryan and Dmvidian ? The presence '>f this word in
has led etymologists to search fot an Indo
European origin. Some connect it with the Romance
word for" mule" admitted very late into Latin (v. Walde,
under burtlv ; l!f. Ernout, Eltfm. dial. d1t voeab. latin, p.
I:H) ; Prof. Wackernagel has thought of English colt,
which primarily designates the little ones o an animal,
a.nd partict,larly in the Bible and in M1ddle English
the young one of a camel or 'lOti ass , ag Leements
which are very poor and far-fetcheJ-the ass has no
Indo-Enrq_pean name. ass is an animal of Asia ; it
is tar@ in India @XOElpt in thij Westem regiOD!'l (('(
Levi, BEPEO, IV, p. 568). 'rhe Mediterranean name
"
of ass, Gr. ot'o> etc., appears to come fmm Westtlrn Asia ;
ldtm a , which is wanting in the most ancient Sanskrit
texts, rs known only m [ndra and in Iran ; hence 1t
is not at all astonishing that the Vedic words garclabha
and ?asabua-have not a.ny conespondinO' ,,
European terms, just as it is natur:tl that Brahui has
a name, which as far as we know, belongs only to it,
"'
(ois). The probabilities are, therefore, in favour of *gard
1
Tamil has another word pii.uei, pii.9ei ;_one is inclined to connect
pu9u, Can. pusu, and Tel. puyu, " to smear" ,with one another : the
Semantic relation wir recall classical Skr. miirjiira (which has the same
suffix a.s bir-illa); but we find in Munda pusi, in Tibetan pisi (beside
byila. borrowed from Indo-Aryan. cf. Laufer., Tibetan T,r)(r,n Words o.
64). in Afghl)n pi;o, in Persian pu;ek; in the North-West of India
pusi, and busi (Grierson, Pi&. Lang., p. 66) in Brahui pisi. The
words are independent of each other anil are results of enoma.to
poeia ; the same is found in Europe, puss, etc.
52 PRE-ARYAN AND PR:E-DRAVlDIAN
being a local word existing on the confines of lnJia and
Iran. Hence we are again faced by the fundamental
problem : bas Dravidian supplied the word to Aryan
and is it the first language that the Aryans met with
in India ? Or have both Dravidian and Sanskrit borrow-
ed the name of the ass from a third language which,
at any rate (to judge by the lists of the Linguistic
Survey), can be neither Munda nor a language related to
...
the mysterious Btlrusaski? Or lastly is it not Dravidian
which took the word from Sanskrit ? It is impossible
to give an answer for the time being.
That the two families have been in contact with
each other for long, there is no room for doubting.
There are facts which prove it but which raise new
problems too.
O:lle has identified (G. Jacob, J.R.A.S. 191 l, p.
510 ; D. R. Bhandarkar, .Anc. Hist. of bzdia, p. 26)
found in the Cbindogva- U paniead with Cau. midice
'' gro>P"hopper" The relation between Skr. ma- and Can.
mi- is not without analogy ; it is, for instance, difficult
to separate the different words for "black pepper," Skr.
marica, Tam. milag'lf:t, Can. from each other. But
one is led to ask if a family of Dravidian words express-
ing size is not entirely borrowed from Aryan, Skr. maha,
Can. mige, Tam. "abundance," Tam. Can. Tel.
v ""
minett minju " greatness, excellence," Can. mikku
"excel!ls, " etc. (.cf. Caldwell, Compar. Gramm. s, p. 602) ;
Krir. meclza megro "elder." If it be so, then
of the two languages Aryan may be considered as
having the most prestige a.nd very likely as beiDg
the least open to borrowing and all the more to the
phonetic and morphological influence of a Dravidian
substratum.
-,
SANSKRI'l' AND DRAVIDIAN 53
There are cases in which a language would submit
to the influence of another without borrowino; complete
words. It can he asked whether the word for " wheat"
is found from the Yajurveda onwards, e.g., godhii..IJtah
(in the in the- Satapatha does not owe
its form to such an influence. This word apparently signi-
ficative but having an absurd signification ("smoke of
the cow "), cannot be separated from the Irania:n g_anilzwt,
whtch bemg m no way significative, is necessarily the
most ancient. Cannot the deformation undergone by the
word in India be explained by the presence of a word
. l t I . . n 'd' e -r 't'
wth.!e same meanmg tn Dravt tan,an. gonz,am.
kodz', Toda kodj ? One would be inclined to explain, by
an inverse contamimition, the double aspect in classical
Sanskrit o the word for "fan and l'.'lfajana-
alternating in an abnormal way ; it looks as if that a word
the instrument derived from the root of Can.
-
bisu, 'l'am. 11icu. Tel. vicu, visaru, and vz'vte "to swing,
to fan, to blow '' was at the time of its introduction into
Sanskrit, formed on th"' model now of 'llij. and now of
vy-aJ-
These diverse aspects, presented by the problem of
loans are not the only ones. There are others in which
non-Munda languages must be counted.
Let us at first come back to the names of animals.
A name which has a good chance of being Indian is that
of the "peacock" and it would be in no way a.stonishing
if in face of Rv. ma_yu1a and in flhe forms supplied h:y
Asoka, mora-at Gunar, majura-in the North-West,
majula at Kalsi and Jaugada., we find a group of Dravidian
forms : Tam ma?Jil, Can, mCilJlu a.nd tuzvz'l, Tel. ,znali
Gondi mal. The identity. of the names is eYident ; but
it is difficult to determine the ancient form. If it JS
54 PRE-ARYAN AND PHE-DRAVIDIAN
admitted with Mr. T. Michelson (J . .A.O.S., XXX, p. 84,
n. 6) that tbe -j, of the inscriptions of the No;th West
is "Magarl.hism" one still remains embart'assed by the
eo-existence of the forms with -t- and -r-. Should one say
that the contact took place between Dravidian and the
East.ern dialects of Sanskrit ? It would be a further
definition of great value. But Eastern Munda_ possesses
a word of similar appearance, with r; e.g. Sa_vara. mara.
Santali_znarak'_; and this word re-appears in Indo-China :
Mon mral, Bahnar m1a (to tell the truth, Father Schmidt
connects these two forms with Skr. Pali barhi, derived
from barha-another word o unknown origin). One does
not know if the two series should be put together or not.
Is the Tamil palam _ '' ripe fruit " copied from
or the original of bhe _ Vedie plzala-? Here the difficulty
is manifold. <?ne ca.n imagine the Indo-European
etymologies (qj: Uhlenbeck, s. v. ; Wackernagel Attind. gr.,
..,
1, pp 120, I 2!3 ; M Maillet. proposes Old Slav. plotltu
" fro it"). But one .ca.n tefer_ to _Can, pat, TE_!l. pap,tf,te
Kur. panJfl.a possibly even to Brahui
"to _swell up: " the nasal does not cause any
difficulty, Ganarese has mena.ne_by the side of quoted
above as the designation of "pepper ''; it gives U'lttJ.lce
in face of Tam. tdalckei, uakat, Toda waak- ''
If the connectiou. were proved it would be most probable
that pkata was borrowed Dravidian. But "fruit"
is called in Khmer plttt, in Kaseng pl;i, in Bahnar pte(,
in Stieng plrH; and Prof. Przylusk1 who communicates
these words to me adds that, in his opinion, they could
not have been borrowed from India, because Annamite,
in which there is no IHdian influence, has trai which
goes back to btai attested in the 17th century by Father
Rhodes.
SANSKltiT :\ND DRXVIDIAN ;):J
It is very curious that the same problem arises about
a word which is the name neither of an animq.l nor a
plant, nor the name of any erdiear:J Of the
ancient Indo-European word for "mouth" occurriPg in the
I}gveda under the forms, as-, iisan-, as(t)ya, there remains
no trace to-day except in the dialects of the mountainous
regions of the North-West (if. Grierson, Pis. Lang.,
p. 75 ; and the lists of the Ling. Survey, No. ::16). Besides
this word a.nd the mysteriOUS pr&ty anam I, 52, 15, 37
(from which the word iinilcam "face" is derived) the
offers some examples of a new word mulcha-, the
use of which appears to have been already cmrxent .
it is applied to the author of a hymn IV, 39, 6 ; to
Agni VIII, 43, 10 (cf. Yi9vatomnlcha, I, 97, 6;
X, 81, 3) ; to the X, 90, 11 ; it deFignates the
point of the arrow VI, 7 5, 15 ; in a comparatively late
h,; mn I, 162, 2 is translated "by the bridle";
which presupposes that mulcO.a was used for the mouth
of the horse. Whence comes this word which is used
everywhere in Indo-Aryan to-day (except in Sindhi in
which there is a representative of Vaktra-) and which
iU. Afghan fttts. harmwd- (max) ? The Indo-European
words w4ich are usually referred to, Lette mute
Got. munps, old High German ntula (and even Skr. mula-
" root" if the conjt>cture of Prof. Wackernagel is
accepted. Sitzber. Betfi1z, 1918, p. 410) are of known
formation ; but one would search in vain for -/cha. amongst
the normal suffixes in Sanskrit (m_l/iil.'a " nail," " "
is solitary and recalls modern Iranian, Persian me:r, etu. [See
t,be works of P. Horn, and Hiibschmann under No. 1005]
without it being possible to propose a common ancient form).
Now, if we admit that IndoEuropean of India. had
any derivative of original *mn then its deformation might
56 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
be attributed to local influences. By a still simpler
process, the old word rp._igpt have been 11Wlaced b_.y a,
popular_form borrowed from the native tribes. One will
therefore, be inclined to aceept with slight modification,
the identification already proposed by Gundert and Kittel
of mukha- with the Dravidian words for "nose." Can.
'f!LUfJlt along- with mu, _ Tel. mukku
1
Tam. mukkr.t, Gondi,
maa8Q1', Malto muaoth . Brahui 'bamus (where ba is the
Dravidian term for ; see the list of Lz'nguistic
8ur1Je?f, No. 36 ; for tbe words for "nose,'
1
No. 34), Kui
mungeli
1
; these names to be authentic because
they are connected with all_ the words _expressing the idea
. -
of "in front" (Can. Tel. mu, Tam. mnn Kur. mund-,
Brah. man "in front,/' Can: mu#. "face, mouth," Toda
min '' faee," Tam. mu'llal, Knr. muddk " first" etc.). That
the term for " mouth , or ,, face " would be subject to
renewal, is not at all astonishing ; mulcha- itself has
in modem Indo-Aryan another l'ival in : Mar. to'IJ.rf-, Guj.
Beng. Singh. trecla tota, this word was previously
applied to animals ; in Pali and in Sanskrit tu'{1-qa-:-
designates " trunk, lieak, snout" ; it is evidently the
' .. )
face''; probably Malto toroth "mouth" (on the contrary
Tel. topi!.amzt "trunk " appears to be a !oar. word, and
Can. "lips'' recalls too much Ben g. deforma-
tion of the term for "lips," Mar, etc. o!h, Skr.
to be taken into consideration).
In the first place, therefore, the probabilities would
stand for mulcna.:. being a lo.aP word from_ Dravidian.
' n is euriona that Kii9miri muk means "short and Hat (nose) "
" 1 -
Gr. p.vx6s, Arm. munj, Lat. mutua.
while Skr. mitke (Mar. muka etc.) "dumb" 1s related to the family of
SANSKRI'r AND DRaVIDIAN 57
In such a case would be conymced. that Dravidian
had certainly, as the history of g!tof:a- made us suspect,
aspirate ocelusivt: ; and hence one would be justified in
uggesting new equivalences for
But it is not confirmed that mukha- comes from
D.ravidtan. Let us consult the Munda lists of the
Linguistic Survey. On the one hand the North-Eastern
group gives for " month " a word moca ; we cannot
say in the present state of our knowledge if it has any-
thing to do with Vedic mu.Ma- but it curiously reminds
us of the modern names of " moustache " in two other
families : H. muce, Mar. mm, and Can. mi8e,
Tam. On the other hand,. the word for nose i11
..
everywhere ,., or mii ; and Prof. Sten Konow has pointed
out in his Introduction, p. 18, that Bahnar has muk ;
and Prof. Przyllski communicates to me the following
...
list : Khmer cramuk, Stieng tromu]J., Annamite mui (the
substitution of i for an ancient final is regular in
Annamite), Mon and Bahnar mail, Sedang wwk, and lastly
Curn q.nd Semang (the last of the Peumsula.) muk
which very likely preserves the most anciAnt form. We
e+B sea.rcely see how to classify aJJ these forms Besides,
For instance modern Indo-Aryan (Gypsy included) -phir " turn,
ehl!dlge," is of unknown etymology (what is said in Langue M(jTO,th.e
p. :sii, in the erratum OD p. 181 is hardly more satisfactory
than before). There might be rela.tion between Can. pero, Gondi pijjo
"behind, in the back" (Ca.n. pera tege. "to dr.l\w back." " to come
\ask "), Tel pemtln
11
tlies1P vr ;&e back. Tiun. Tel. P6la,
Brahm piin "other" (Br&h. per, "roll up" mnst be rather
to Kur. pes " up"). Of course there. exists in Tibetan .an adverb
phyir .. newly, re-," but Prof. Przyl118ki falls back on Lepcba byfl
" recommence " ana other a.nalogons forms, and suggests that a. root
ilal 9l' byl meani'll#t " to repeat " must have been at the basis,
8
58 AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
it is good to bear' in mind that at the root there is
an onomatopoeic word, on account of which the agreements
are possible. One !mows indeed the difficulties presented
...
by the etymology of the words like Gr. p.v&O<>, Lat. mugio,
mutua, French mu,seau, etc.
The conclusions which are drawn from all th:1t has
been said and which it is necessary to formulate in order
to oppose a tendency to which orie has been tem }ted
hitherto to yield too easily are above I negative. In
the present state of our knowledge, there is nothing which
permits us to affirm that the aspect assumed by Aryan
in India is due ie its adoption by a population speaking
Dravidian languages. If there is any substratum at all,
it can be searched for equally well in other families,
especially in Munda.
On the other ba.nd the vocabularies furnish a proof
of very ancient rela.tions between the populations speaking
Sanskrit a.nd Dravidian. But in what did these relations
consist : superposition and substitution fr.om Sanskrit to
Dravidian, direct contact or indirect exchanges ? It .is
impossible to determine that. So far as there is a
chronology of the Sanskrit texts these relatv>ns can be
dated at the earliest by the end of the Vedic period and
would be localised at first in Northern India. One
would like to asaertain whieh dialeets. Dtavidian or
Indo-Aryan, wete involved in it : unfortunately the
evidences are confusing. The initial b- of biif,ata confirm-
ed by Ka<;miri and Syrian Gypsy is in Dravidian
1:> '
the v of (if the interpreta.tion suggested
above is taken into consideration) characterit;es the Tel,fgu-
Gondi-Tamil group ; as the division of o and v between
the W and Eastern dialects in Dravidian corresponds
SANSKRIT AND DRAVIDIAN 69
with that in Aryan, one could say that here is a proof
of the two ways of exchange : it is possible, because
these loans do not count among the most ancient ones.
On the other band the name of the '' peacock," for
instance, would give the occasion for a discussion on the
alteration t : ,. ; but it has been seen that Eastern M unda
contradicts Dravidian.
Perhaps the principal interest for ourselves in the
study of ancient loans (and it would be necessary to try
both ways since Drav1d1an has borrowed much from
A ryan) woul:l be to form an idea of prehistoric Dravidian ;
because even those Dravidian languages which have a past
are only attested in a. definite way, for the first time, a few
centuries after the Christian Era. Moreover the complica-
tions we have met with, .suggest that Dravidian
1ike Sanskrit may have taken loans of vocabulary from
Munda, wb1ch mmt be at least as ancient as Dravidian
in India. As far as the borrowings made by
a.re concerned, we have seen that the notions formed up
till are to be either revised ot further defined and
with the advancement of rePearch new sna.res and problems
do arise. If it is no reason for giving UP. this research
it is one for bringing into it much caution and ior
leaving ne.::es,;ar; for poss1b1lities to which hitherto
too little attention has been paid.
PART _III
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
IN INDIA
BY
SYLVAIN LEV.T
Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian
in lndiat
The geographical nom!lnclature of ancient India
presents a. certain number of terms cons.tituting almost
identical pairs. differentiated between themselves only by
tbe nature of . initial I propose to
examine some of them hete.
1. Kosala-To&ala. The name of Kosa.la is familiar to
the Sanskrit epics. The Rimilyalfa. begins with the eulogy
of the country of' Kosala, on the banks of the Sara.yii ;
Da.8aratha, the father of Rima, is king of the conntry
of Kosa.la ; the mother of Rima. is Kausalyi " the
Kosalian" ; the city of Ayodhya, the capital of the
kingdom of Kosa.la, is commonly designated as Kosa.li.
The Mahibhiirata often mentions the people and the
city ; it associates the Kosalans with K.ai, Matsya,
Ka.riiea, Cedi, and Pu QQr"'. In the aecountsL connected
with the life and the teaching of Kosa.la also
oooupies a. great place ; it is the most im]ortant kiiJ,gdom
Northern India; the King Prasenajit, the contem-
porary of Buddha, has his capital at The name
of Kosa.la. goes back eyen to the Vedic times ; it is
inentioced, in association with Videha, }n the Sata_patha
Bra.hmapa, I, 4, i, 17. Of the Kosalans, the Ma.ba-
bhAla.t.a distinguishes those of the East (Piirva.o, Prak
0
)
and those of the North (Utt.ara.
0
) ; the Ramiyai].a. distin.
guishes those of the North (Utta.ra
0
) as the Kosalans par
1
Journal Asiati11ue, !roXQe ccUl (1928), PF 157,
6J PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
e:ccettence (VII, 107, 7). Later on, Kosala proper
(Ko8ala.de8&) or Great (Yiaha
0
) received the
designation of Soutbetn Koeala
; it is under
this name that Kosala is frequently mentioned in
the epigraphy of the Middle ages. While the Northern
Kosala is the country of Oudh to the North of the Ganges,
the Southern Kosala extends on one side up to Berar
and Orissa and on the other up to Amarakantak
and Bastar. The region of Chhattisgarh along the upper
course of the Mahiinadi is its nucleus.
The name of Tosala has not acquired the same
celebrity as that of Kosa.la.. It is met w1th, coupled
with the name of Kosala and probably saved from oblivion
through the prestige of its twin, in .4tharva- T'"etJa Parillista ..
Chap 56, in a. list of people connected with the
East; the Kosala. of this passage is, therefor,.l,
Koaala ; it appears in the same way in r.he geographical
lists of some of the Puri9as (.'11atsya P. 113, 53 ;
; it is still the same even in the curiou':!' resurn.e of
Indian geography introduced by in the commen-
ta.ry on his art of Poetry (Kavyanu.lisana, ed. Kavya.millt,
p. 4, 4) : Viirii'!}lasyaf!. paratal], purvadesal],! Yatr Anga
Ko.linga Kosala TosalfrOtlcala ......... ; Hema.candra. has
reproduced Lhe same list in his treatise on the same
subject, whtch bears the same tttle (Kavyanu8asana, ed.
Kavyamili, adhy. 3, p. 127). Tosala. or Tosa.laka, ''the
native of Tosala.," is the name of a wrestler vanquished
by (Harivamsa, II, 30, 50 ; 4-8 , 5i> ;
tran. Vol. V, p. 39). Tosaliputra., Pra.krit
Tosaliputta, "the son of the Tosalian," is a Jaioa. Acarya,
who was the tea.cher of Arya R.aksita. or Raksitas"imin
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN. IN INDIA 65
(..Jvasyalca -nijjutti 8, in btd. Stud., XVII, 63;
Hemacandra, XIII, 38). 'fhe name of
(in the feminine) is hardly known to Indianists
except from thP. inscriptions of Aoka ; two o the
different edict11, ' Dhauli, are addre .. .:2d to the Kumini
and the Mabima.tras at Tosah (Tosatiyam Mahamata
naoamr.iyal.alalca, 1 ; Tosrzliyar'n Kumale Mahamata 2).
The name of Tosah must have been applied to a
region, because we find the mention of Northern Tosali
(Uttara-Tosali) and Southern Tosa!I ;
the King of Orissa Subhakaradeva, who rej21)ed towards
the end of the 8t-h century, while peseotiog to the
Emperor of Cbina his own copy of the Ga'IJ4a11!Juha in
795, issues a document conveying the gift from Uttara-
Tosalt (Ep. In.d., XV, p. 3). of gift by Sivaraja i_n
283 (Gupta) t,e., .!)0 A.D. (Ep. Ina., IX, 286), discovered
at Patiakella, mentions in a rathet: obsc:-:-re
context, E'ither as the residence of his suzerg,in, which is
the way the editor of the inseription, Mr . .Banerji, takes
it or as the district in which VorLaooka whence tl11
document issues, was situated. Both of these documents
have been discovered in Orissa. in the district of Cuttack.'
It is in this district that Dhauli is situated at a.
distance of 4 miles South-South-West of Bhuvanesva.r ;
the inscriptions of Asoka are engraved there on a rock
called Aswastama, near the summit of a low h1ll. It Is
therefore evident that Tosall occupied almost the same site
as that of the Dhauli of to-day. There is ao accounting
for the indication furnished by Ptolemy who places Tosalei
or Tosale in India beyond the Ganges, aL 150 East and
23 20' . North, on the way from the Ganges to the
peninsula of Gold (Khruse Khersonesos), in the vicinity
of the Kirita (Kirrbadia., Tilada.i), in the centre of a
9
66 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
region which corresponds to modern Sylhet. and Manipur.
To add to our confusion, Ptolemy places at 5 South and
4 East of Tosalei, a city called Trilingon or 'friglypton,
which he qualifies as f3aut''A(tov " the royal residence," and
which may very well be Triliriga, of which we shall have
to speak later on, a region situateJ in Let to the Sonth of
Tosah, rather to the South-South-West, along the Western
coast o the Hay of Bengal, in cis-Gangetic India according
to the division adopted by Ptolemy. The other towns enu-
merated by Ptolemy in the same paragraph have not yet
been identified : Rhandama.rkotta, where there is an
abundance of gard.; A.tbena gou.on, Maniaina (Maniata.ia),
T5salei, Alosanga, Adeisa.ga, Kimara, Parisara, Tougma
which is a capital (metropolis), etc. For the first oft.hese
' names a suggestion may be offered en pas&ant, wbicb may
lead to its definite identification by discarding at any
rate all the previous identifications which McCrind1e has
summarised in an important note (lnd. Ant., XIII, 382).
"Rh8.damarkotta (v.l. Rhandamarkotta). Saint Martin has
identified this with an ancient capital situated
on the western bank the lower Brahmaputra., and now
called (Udayapura,-citJ of Sunrise). who
agrees with this identification, gives as the Sansknt form of
the name of the place, Ranpamrtika. 'l'be passage about
.Nard which follows the mention of Rha.damarkotta in the
majority of editions is, according to Saint Martin (Etude,
p. 352 and note), manifestly corrupt. Some editors
correct roU:TJ'> much, into n'.\fl8
1
citie&, and thus Nardos
becomes the name of a town, and Rhadamarkotta the
name of a. district to which N s.rdos and the towns that
come aftet it in the table belong. On this point
we may quote a pa.ssa.ge from Wilford, whose VJews
I
regarding Rhad.amarkotta were different. He says
!
PRE-ARYAN AND PltEDRAVlDlAN IN INDIA 67
(A.&1:at. Vol. Xl\r, p. 441), 'Ptolemy bas
delineated tolerably well the two branches of the river of ! v!
and the relative situation of two towns upon tlaem, whicp
still retain their ancient, name, only they are t.ra.nsposed.
These two towns are Uratbena., and Nardos or Na.rdon
II
Urathena is Rhtdana, the ancient name of
and N.Qadon is Nartenh on the Ka.yn-dween ...... ' He
sll.ys that' Nartenb was situated in the country of Rhanda-
literally, the Fort of Randamar, after which
the whole country was desigttate.d.' All the exegetists
appear to me to have gone wrong; Wilford, however,
bad a glimpse of one part of the solution. 'l'he Sa.nsJrrit
name of nard is nalada ; a metathesis, always easy in
the case of r in Sanskrit, has given rise to tan (a) da and
then ra'll.rla. It ma.y be as well noted that the aspirate which
accompanies the initial r of r1tando
0
or raado
0
is a purely
Greek feature; and does not imply any aspiration in the
original word. As to the alternation of l and 'I' in the
name of na.rd we have a sure trace in the gai?a. ki&aradi
on Piq.ini, IV, 4, 53 ; the grammarian prescribes that
for designating the merchants of certain perfumes one
mnst have a derivation in zka from the name of the
perfume, The gives immediately after Kuara
the words narada and natada; Bohtlingk, P.W
9
, under
narada, does not hesitate to recognise in it the name of
nard. I find that Candra.gomin in the corresponding
ga.I?a (ad Ill, 4, 55) bas omitted narada and retained
only nalada. Tbus the annotation which accompanies
the name of the locality in Ptolemy is ocaasioned by the
name itself, which it explains. I do not know how one
should restore the final syllables. The nalada in bota.nica
nomenelature is Nardostacbys Ja.ta.ma.nsi or Nardus
Indicus; Khory and Katrak (Materia, II, 344) indicate-
68 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
the alpine Himalaya as its habitat ; Yule and Burnell
likewise (Hobson-Job.yon
1
under nard) indicate that the plant
Nardostachys. Jatamansi 1s "a nativtl of the loftier
Himalaya." I Rhandamarkotta abounds in nard, it
must, therefore, be situated either in the .Himalayan
heights or must be in such a vicinity as to be able to
the market. R.ha.ndamarkotta. tl}erefore, leads us
towards upper Bengal ; we may ask what error of informa-
tion could have led Ptolemy to locate Tosab (Tosalei,
TQ5ale) and Triliriga (Trilirigon) to the east of the Ganges.
And yet Ptolemy was not ignorant of the importance of
Tosall, or he has himself termed it a eapital (metropolis).
However that may be it remains certain that Tosali
was situated in the district of Cuttack, in Orissa, and
that the present village of Dhauli stands on a site near
to, or identical with that of Tosali. It can be then
asked whether the very name of Dhauli does not represent
the ancient name Tosali ; the two names sound so
strangely alike that mere chance seems out of the
question. The transformation of Tosalt into Dhauli is
\
not a phonetic impossibility. The intervocalic sibilant
of Sanskrit can, and m certam cases must become a
simple aspirate in Prakrits (Pischel, for example
diaha=dz'vasa and still better {luhata beside dusara "un-
fortunate " du7!-8ara. If Tosali could likewise
into Tohali,
1
this unintelligible name could suggest Dhauh
''the white." Nevertheless, it must be admitted that the
wideninO' of the intervocalic a is frequent only in the
"
North-Western group : Sindhi, Kashmiri ; it
argument from 1t, tbat Varal:ja Brh. 8, XIV, 27, classes
1
Let me point out, without any intention of drawing any
r
amongst the of the North, beside the Hur;a, the Kohala
for which the commentator Utpala substitutes Ko8ala.
PRE-ARY'AN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDIA 69
is already rarer in Gujrati and in Rijpntana (Jules Bloch
Langue Jfarathe, 160). But the phonetics of place-
names leave the gate widely open to fancy.
A Lext which has not yet been mentioned will perhaps
help the solution o the problem of the site of 1'osa.li ;
I have fonnd it in the Ga.I].qav:yuba.
is a Buddhist work _preserv(!d in ana not
}:et publisheg. Raj. Mitra has given an analysis of it
tn h1s catalogue, 1'he Sanskrtt-Buctdliut Literature of
Nep(),t, p. 1..0. Its extent is considerable. In reality,
however, it is only a ; it forms the last
pat t of the vast collection which bears the bitle
of A vatamsaka, the entirety of which is preserved
in the Chinese and Tibetan On account of
its importance the 1\vata.J:bsa.ka has been, on two
occasions, completely translated into Chinese undet
the direction of Buddhabhadra between 8.98. and W ;
and under the direction of Sik"anands between 695. and
699. The section which forms t.he GaQQavynba has been
'translated a third time into Chinese by Prijfia. between
796 and 798, from a manuscript which bad been sent
to the .l!Jmperor of China by King Subhlikaradeva of
Orissa; the official letter which accompanied this present
has been translated at the end of the work. Thus we
know that the last section of the Avabubsaka was ah-eady
treated as a .se'Jarate work in the 8th century 1n Ortssa
and that it was in special favour there at that time.
Also about this time, Santideva repeatedly cites the
GaQ<;tavyiiha, by this. very name, in his Sik3isamueea.ya ;
it is even. with a quotation fron1 the G&l}qavyiiha that
this treatise begins.
The was well ca.lcnlated to gain popu-
larity. For hts exposition_of the Mahayanist theology, the
70 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
author has succeeded iQ. devising an ingenious and striking
framework which could not fail to attract the reader.
The hero of the work Sudbana. is a favourite disciple of
Ma.iijusri who, nuder the direction of his preceptor,
makes circuit of India, stage by stage, seeking lessons
now from a king, now from a slave, from ancient sage
or from innocent children. After having instructed him as
much as she could, the U pisiki Aca.lasthiri said to
him : "Now young man, go on your way; m thts
Dekkhan where we are, there is the country or" Amita-
; in that country there a city called Tosala ;
there dwells a wandering monk of the na.me of
Sarvagamin." ... He, therefore, went away to this country
of to search for the city of Tosala. and he
rea.ehed the city of Tn1a. by srageg. At the time of
sunset, he entered the city of Tosala; he stopped in the
middle of the city square, and then from lane to lane,
from place to place and from cart-road to cart-road, at
1a.st. be found Sarvagamin and when the night WM draw
ing to its end, he perceived to the north of the city of
Tosala., the mountain called Sura.bha of which the summit
was covered with lawns, bowers of trees, plants, groves,
and gardens.
1
1
he Chinese translations present singular divergences
on tibe points which interest us here. most ancient
translator Buddbabh8dra (ed., Tokyo, I, 9, 43") gives to the
Amita-Tosala of the Sanskrit text the name of pu l&o
1
whieh is, aeeording to the Mahiivyutpatti, 246, 116
and 241, 123, the equivalent of atulya '' incomparable,. ;
if need be this meaning can be derived from .Amita,
literally
1
' un-measured, without measure," but the normal
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRA.VIDIAN IN INDIA 71
translation of the word Amita in Chinese is fDU leang I
which, in fact, can be found in the traslations of
(1, 4, 28") and PrAjna (I, 5, 52
6
).
and Prajiia. transcribe the name of the town as
tu-sa-lo
2
; Buddhabha.dra translates it by tc!uJ-tau s which
serves as equivalent to the word "satisfied" in
Mahavyutpatti, 145, .9. Buddbabha.dra thought he
recognised in the name of Tosala the root "to satisfy " ;
in fact, the Sanskrit manuscripts of the
which I examined, contain in the text of this
single passage the three alternative forms: Tosala,
Tor,ala and even Tosara. Buddhabhadra does not give
the name of the mountain ; he only says : " To the north
of this city, there is a mountain which shines as bright
as the rising sun." and Prij:fia agree quite
unexpectedly in locating the mountain to the ''east of the
city ;" both of them translate the name in Chinese;
gives to 4 "good virtue" which pre-
snpposes a. Sanskrit form mgutp,a, Prijfla translates as
miao ki siang
6
"marvellous auspices " which is one of the
equivalents of the name of Maiijusrl. It appears that
on this point of local onomastic, the official manuscript
of the king of Orissa, which served as the basis of Priijiia's
translation must be believed, An enquiry on the spot
pet baps will settle the question.
It may be observed that most of the proper names
belonging to the type which we have under consideration
have never attained a. stable and constant form in writing
lim.li
Hr'1
:a
7:! PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
their appearance has always an aspect which disconcerts
the scribe. The dental sibilant of the words Kosala a.nd
1'osala., preserved in the middle in spite of the vowel o
is a sort of defiance of the rigorous laws of Sanskrit
grammar which enjoins in such cases the modification of
the dental (8) into the cerebral The form Kosala, with
a sibilant has also been adopted for general use ;
this had the advantage of avoiding the difficulty; it had
sttH more apprectable advantage of connectwg this
embarrassing ethnic with a family of common words,
Kosa, Ku8a, Knsala, which contain the palatal sibilant.
'fuaala has been no les8 affected , it has been attracted
by the analogies of the tof}a, etc., which express
satisfaction; we have therefore more often 1'oFJala, but
sometimes To8ala also as Ko8ala.
2. Anga- Va'liga.-These two names are so familiar
throughout Sanskrit literature that they hardly need
explanation. Atig_a is already mentioned in AthartM-Peda ..
V, 14 by the side of Maga.dha, as the eastern
of the Aryan world._ (Batiga) still survives in
the name of Beng!Ll ( = Batiga +ala). A riga and Vanga,
most often coupled together, have ordinarily as their
companion to which we shall return
All three, with Pul}cjra (and Suhma), which we shall also
have to consider, are represented (Malzabltamta, I, 104)
as five brothers bOrn for the benefit of King Bali, from
a union accomplished, at his between q'!leen
and tbe blipQ. old Dirgha.tamas; the whole
phapter has such a singular scent of savagery that the
Indian translator, the author of the English version
published by P. C. Roy, has been obliged several times
to take recourse to Latin for the sake of deceney. Here
we are doubtless confronted by old local legends which
PRE-A RYAN AND PRE-DR:\VIDIAN IN INDIA 73
the study of folklore will discovet in the Austro-Asiatic
domain. Aiiga and V anga had long remained suspect
to the Aryans of India, Baudhayana, .so deb in curious
features, presmibes rr, 2, i4) a sacrifice of expiation afte_r
a. travel amongst the Aratta, the Karaska.ra, the Pul}gl'f!!,
the Sa.uvira, the Vat'iga, the and the Priiniina.
Karaakmau PuruJra?t Sauviran Panga-Kalinga1t
Pranunan iti ca gatvii pzmastomena yajeta
vii). It will be noticed that Va.Iiga and Kalinga are
nnited in a compound noun while the other peoples
are mentioned one by one. In the stanza which,
precedes this one Baudhayana had related a verse
whi<>h classes the Aiiga amongst the ha.It"bteecls :
Avantn.yo'nga .Magarl!tiif!. patha'IJ. 1 Upavrt
Sindlu.tsauvirii ete The very reasons
which attributed to these countries a bad reputation
in the society assured them a privileged
rank in the heretical churches. For the Jai!}R!l,
is almost a holy land , Oaompi, the capital, is the
. residence of a large number of holy pe-rsonages of
Jain legend and history. The Bbaga.vati places
Aiiga and V a.iiia at the head of a. list of sixteen peoples,
before the Magadba (Weber, Ind. St., XVI, 804). One
of the Upiiilgas, the Prajfiapanii, classes Anga and Va.nga.
in the first group of Arya peoples whom it calls the
Khettariya ; the list begins thus : Rayagiha Magaha,
Oampa Amga taha, Tamalitti Vanga ya (ibid, p. 397).
Buddhism incorp_orates_Ari_ga in the_ classicalli_st of sitie.w).
"H ' 'f r:Ph
king_doms_; v aogao an tn enor pos11c;m,e
Aiiguttara-mkiya makes mention of it only once (I, 2 13)
in the list of sixteen kingdoms; everywhere else the
place is occupied by the Vamsa Vatsa); the later
Buddhist literature constantly pnt toget.her Aoga a.nq
10
74 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
Vat'tga. Anga _corresponds to the district of Bhag_alpur
and Vailga to the districts of Birbhum, Murshidabad,
-- -
Burdwan, and Nadiya in
3. Kalinga-Trilinga-" Kaliilga comprised all the
Eastern coast between the Utkalas, on the north and
the Teliligas on the south. The Vaitara.QI flowed
thro!lgh it; the Mahendra mountains (the ;Eastern Ghats)
were within its southern limits. Kalinga comprised
therefore, the modern province of Orissa, the district
of Ganjam and probably also that o Vtzagapatam."
(Pargiter, Mark. P., p. We have just seen the
close relationship which binds Kaliriga with Ariga aod
Vanga, and the nature of the reprobation which they
received in common from the BrahmarJ.ical schools.
Kalinga had even the honour of having a special verse
devoted to it in the code of Baudhiiyana, a traditional
verse which the legislator adopts on hts own account
(I, 2, 15): " The adage is cited: it is to commit a sin
with the legs to go to for its atonement, the
saints prescribe a Vaisvnnara libation (atraJI udah.aranti,
patlhhyam aa kurute Kalingan prapadyate 1
nifJkrtim taaya rai811anaram havi)J,). The juristic
compilations of the last centuries continue to register, as
an echo of this reprobation, another tradit10nal verse : " If
one goes to Ailga, Vaflga., Kalinga, and
Magadha except for a pilgrimage, it is necessary for him
to receive 8. new sacrament."
yatram vi?ta vacchan puua.)J, aamalcaram adtati (cited by
R. P. Chanda, Sir Asutosh Volumes, III, 1, 10, 7).
Begarding Kahoga the Mahabhiirata presents a
curtous hesitation in course of the same canto, at an
interval of some verses ill VIII, 44, 2066 i the Kalin_g_a$
'
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE:PRAVIDIAN IN INDIA 75
f?.. <" 1 1 t; (? t( 11 C 1 9S p
are enumerated amon.zst the tribes __ r.eligioll. is had
(durdharma), m41e with the Karaskam, the
the Kerala, the and the Vlraka; but in VIII,
45, 2084, they are counted_ _peo_ples_who know
the- .!lternal law (dltarmam jananti sa&vatam) in the com-
pany of the nations who are the highest of Brahmanism,
Kuru, Paiicala, Salva, Matsya, etc. This change
of attitude is undoubtedly due to the importance held
a tiiga since the time when the Indian civilisation sprea
along the Bay of Bengal. We know that the conquest
of Ka.litiga, at the cost of streams of blood, provoked
the moral crisis from which the Emperor Asoka came
out transformed. After him, under Kharavela, Kaliiiga.
became the centre of a powerful empire of which the
chief assumed the title of Cakrava.rtin. Baddhism had
one of its holy _places in Kal_in_ga : this was the capital
of the country, Dantapura, "the city of the tooth " whence
the holy relic was later on transported to Ceylon. Plin,y
mentions on several oocasions the Calingae (VI, 18 ;
19; 20). Ptolemy enumerates a city of (VII,
i, 93) amongst the Mais6loi, between the Ki$tna aod
the Godavari. Kalingapatam, of the distric_t Qf
Ganjam, still pl'eserves the old name q. the region.. The
appellation of Kling, applied to the Indians of all origin
all through the Malayan world, attests the brilliant
documents only at a later date; it takes diverse forms which
present the terrible perplexity of the scribes in face of
a kind of monster. The P. 'JY. records the forn1s Triliilga
and Taitarriga i the Mirka.r}r]eya. P., 58, 28 and the Vayu
76 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DtCAVIDIAN
P., 45, Ill write: Titanga. We find in the inscription;;
also Tilinaa (Ep. Ind . XIV, 90), Telumga Ubirl, XlV,
271), Tirilinga_(ibid, XIV, 361), 7hlcalinga (ibid, XII,
208 and pass.). The A tab and Persian authors write
Tilang, Tiling, Tilingana ; in the nomenclature of the
languages of India, the of this country is call.e.d
Pelttgu. An inscription of the 14th century thns. tracel::i
the limits of the cou!Jtry : " To the West and to the East,
two famous countries, and Kahnga; to the
South and to the N01th, Paq(7ya and Kanyakubja;
it is t_!lat country which is called Tiliriga " (pascal
purclltU.d !J'l.S!Ja desau ra- Kalinga-sam.fna zt 1
avag 1ulalc Pa!/4yalca rlesas sa tat1asti
1'ilinganama. Sriraiigam Plates, S&.ka 1280 in EjJ. lnrl.,
XIV, !:10). The tegion thus defined covers the greatest.
part of eastem India According to the notice on the
Telugu in the Linguistic Survey, Vol. IV, p. 5 77, " The
Telug:u countr.>.: is towards Lhe East by the Bay of
Bengal from Barwa in the Ganjam d:strict in the north to
near Madras in the South. From Barwa the frontiet li-ne
goes westwards through Ganjam to the Eastern Ghats
and then South-westwards crosses the Sabarr on the border
of the Sunkam and l3ijji Taluks in the State of Ba.star,
and thence runs along the range of Bela Dila to ihe
lndravati; 'it follews this river to its confluence with the
Godavari, and then runs through Chanda cutting off the
southern part of that district and farthel' eal::itwards,
inclnding the southern border of the district of W un. It
then turns southwa.rds to the Godavari, as its confluence
with the Manjira, and thence farther south towards Bida1,
when Telugu meets with Kanarese. The frontier line
between the two forms of speech then runs almDst due
south through the dorpinions of .. Nizam. The Telugu
PRE-ARYAH AND Pl:tE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDiA 77
country further occupies the north-eastern edge of Bellary,
the greater eastern part of A.nantapur, and the eastern
corner of Mysore. Through North Arcot and Chingleput
the border line thence runs back to the sea." If the
Telugu country has such an extension, one understands
why Taranatha (p. 264). designates Kalinga as merely
a part of Trilitiga. But on the other hand it is astonishing
that the name of the country is met with till a late
period, only after the year 1000 :A.D. By a singnlar
anomaly Ptolemy is the on!y _of _the name for all
the earljer perio.fl. He records the city of Trilingort, the
royal residence which he places in the trans-Gangetic
India (VII, 2, 23), at 154 Eastx 18 North; the city
is also called 'J.lriglyjJton (var. 'l'rigtyph01t); in the region
where it is situated, "it. is said, adds Ptolemy, that the
cocks are bearded, the crows and the parrots are white."
If the white parrots tefer to the cockatoos, which is Yery
probable, the .indication can only poiut to the further
l'egions of the East, as "the cqckatoos are confined
to the Australian region, to the Philippines:, and Suln;
the cockatoo galerita which is completely white is peculiar
to Australia. and Tasmania." ( Onmbric1qe Nrdnrnl Hstortt.
Vol. IX, p. :37:?..) The. white c.r.ow.s. lead in
another direction altogether; if they refer to the species
called :Dendrocttta leucogastra, which '' has the top of
the head, the neck, the breastbone, the abdomen ami the
covering of the tail white, th.-; specie:s belon_gs to. soulL
India, P.artieularly to Mala.ba1 (Pn,uruJ. !! Britislt buua,
Btrds, I, p. 81). We would be thus brought back to
India. and to the very borders of the Telugu country.
However, the place assigned to Trilingon on the map
of Ptolemy is ;ery far from there ; it is located in
modern Arakan, in the interior of the land, on the heights
78 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAV[D!AN
of Akyab. The name would not be unexpected there,
becaqse it is still preserved in that reg-ion under the
form of Tataing. It is known that the Burmese
designated under this name the Moo race which bad
preceded them in Pegn and disseminated there a
civilisation, tributary to fndia. According to Sir
Arthur Phayre, it can be generally admitted that
Talaing = Telinga : Forchha.mer bas proposed to replace
this interpretation by another explanation drawn from the
Mon language where ttAtaing signifies "trampled over by
feet;'' the derogatory term might have replaced the proper
ethnical name of the Mons after their defeat .(if.
Jobson, s. v. Tataing for the texts and the references).
Pha.yre himself notes that though Kalinga. figures in the
Peguan a.nnals, " the word Telingina is never met with
there." The case is therefore exactly parallel to that of
India; we have before us a name of very ancient aspect,
which the literature has ignored for a long time. It is
possible, even probable, that the literary usage bas preferred
to maintain the old denomination .of Andhra.., applied by
the Vedic times_ (Aita.reya
and consecrated by its mere rather than to
employ a vocable of unrertain form. The other name
given to Trilingon in Ptolemy, Triglypton or Triglyphon,
a.ppe&n! to be an attempt at interpreliation, conforming
to that the medieval usage in had already
furnished. The term is tri=Sk. tri "three"
glypton or both of whioh. h'W! the meaning
of "ebiselletl and engraved," th"\ '
1
" (triglypltoa
ot triglypho11; its gender is ntdetermioed) ie a term in
architecture which designates - feature of the frieze in
the Doric entablature ; the t.riglypb is composed of the
parallel grooves grouped by threes, with the " drops "
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDIA 79
represent-ed by the ti.J!s of cones, which symbolise
drops of water flowing from the roof through the grooves
and resting in suspense. Nothing could better recall
to a "Greek, by a familiat image, tl!e stone 1inga decorated
with vertical grooves by which the water of r.acred a.sper-
sions drop down. Ptolemy's informant had picked up
an interpretation which is known even to.day; one
continues to explain Tilinga, etc., still by Trilz'nga and
Trili'4pa would be country of Lingas, divine
manifestations of Siva on the three mountains, which:
mark the frontier of the Telugu countryJ Kabv!Lra.,
Srxsaila. and Bhimeva.r!\>. Kalesvara is situated on the
Kistna, at the entrance of the pass by which it flows
into the plain ; Srtsaila is at the confluence of the
Wain ganga. with the Godavari in the district of
Hhimesvara is in the Western Ghats, at the point where
the Telugu country touches the Maratha country and
Mysore. In Pliny also we have another evidence of the
interpretation Tiliiiga Trilitiga (Pliny VI, 18 Insula in
Gange est Magnoe amplitudinis gerdem continens unam
7tOmine illodogalingam), i one admits with Campbell
(Grammar of' the 1'eloogoo, In trod.) that Modogalinga
must be analysed as Morloga+linf}a; Morloga would
reprE>sent the Telugu miilj,ztga, poetical form of the word.
mutf,1t "three." But (Compar. Grammar, Introd.,
p. 32) contests this explanation: the use of Mil(Juga
would be pedantic, according to him ; the only analysis
which be would aeeept is Modo Mir/.u -1$, galing4-
KaZinga, i. e. the . three Kalirigas, the Trikaliriga of so
many epigraphic documents of the middle age.
We have indicated that the position assigned by
Ptolemy to " the royal residence of Trilingon,'' in modern
J\,rakan is not impossible, but we have had already
80 PRE-ARYA1'f AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
occasion to explain, as regards Tosalei-Tosali mentioned
in the same list, VII, 2, 23, that Ptolemy had carried
by error to the East of the mouths of the Ganges an
itinerary really directed the South-West of the
delta. The question must remain open pending further
discoveries.
One is tempted to class side by side with the peoples
of Kalinga and Tilinga the people of who ate
known to us from numerous sources. Pliny, VI, 20
- --
names the Bolingae amongst the series of peoples who
one another up the course of the-Indus. Ptolilmy,
VII, 1, 69, plaees the to the cast of mounta.i:Q
Ouindios (Vindhya) with the cities of Stagabaza or
Bastagaza and of Bardaotis, on the right bank of the
Soa, i.e .. the Sona The annexed to the
grammar of PAI].ini names o_n different occasions, the
Bhaulingi: on II, 4, 59; IV, I, 41; IV, I, l 73;
the rule ennncia.ted in the last siitra .is applied to the
constituting elements of the tribe of the Salvas, and
consequently appears in the traditional verse, cgllected.
by the Kasika and t.he Candravrtti (on Candra, II, 4,
103) which enumerates the s1x of the Salvas :
Tln.ldtall Madmlcafa Yugandhara'IJ.
Blmlingah Sararla1Jclli8 ca Salval'a.1Jal7a sarh:.Hlita'IJ..
'l'he Salvas are well known (if. Pragiter, Ma'rlc. P.
349); they inhabited the vicinity of the Kuru and the
Trigarta, at t,he western foot of the Ara.va.Ui. And,
consequently, in the G If, 70, 15 the messen-
gers, sent by to recall Bharata back from the
Kekaya country where he was the gue$t of his maternal
uncle, had to traverse at first the long road which went
frolll Ayodhyi towards and the Sarasvatr i
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDIA 81
they crossed the sacred river, they next passed the river
Saradal:}cJa, and "then entered into t.he town of
The Bengali recension shows here again its superiority
over the two others; the Bombay recension, and tbe
Southern recension, II, 68, 16, give the city the name
of Kulinga. The name of Kuhnga re-appears this time
in the feminine, in the two recensions or Bombay and
of the South, II, 71, 6, when the poet describes
the itinerary of Bharata returning from Kekaya.
to Ayodhyi ; it is there the name of a river which
waters the Doab between the Ganges and the Yamuna.
The Bengal recension has here an altogether different
text. The Mahi Bhira.ta does not mention Bhulinga
as an ethnic name ; the word ap}>('a.rs to desig-
nate a bird whiclr lives on the other side of th.e
H1miilayas and oi whiCh the cry " mi siha.sam" warns
men to move without precipitation, II, 44, 1545. But
the edition of the South, II, 6 7, 28, writes the name
of this bird as Kulinga. The Bhulinga. birds are again
mentioned in the great epic, XII, 169, 6826, as "the
birds of the sea, sons of the mountains'' (samudrii}J.
parvatodbltavah). In the corresponding passage, the edition
of the South (XII, 168, 9), substitutes for the bhulitiga
the bhirunda birds.
. .
4. Utkala-Mekala.-The two names are connected
together as mbmately as Anga and Vanga. The
Rimiyal}a which mentions them only once IV, 41, 9 B.;
41, 14 G., refers to them together: Melcalan UtkalaiM-
caiva, by the side of Kalinga. in his resnme
{Bam. maiij., IV, 234) combines them still mor:e
intimately ; Melcalotkaliko}J.. The Mahi Bhira.ta does the
same, VIII, 22, 88! : Melcalotkalal], ; elsewhere
it juxtaposes them : VI, 9
1
348, Me!colii8 cotkalail!- ea!ta ;
ll
82 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
VII, 4, Uf.kala Me'kalai; Mr. Pargiter in his
translation of the Markandeya. P. (p. St7) has a note on
two peoples which we will reproduce in full beL'&use
of the way it seems to anticipate the conclusions which I am
to disentangle from this examination of the
facts. "The UUealas were well-known (though not, often
mentioned in the M.-Bh.) and were a rnde tribe of VAJ'V
early origjnJ. for they do not appear to have had any close
affimtJes w1th the races a.rouod them, and the Flart-varbsa
their origin back to t,he fabulous time of Ila (X,
6-31-2). Their territory reached on the east the R. Kapisa
(Ra,qltu. P". IV, 38 .... and on the west they touched tbe
Mekalas, for the two peoples are coupled togethet in the
M. Bb. and the Rimayaga and the Mekalas were the
inhabitants o the Mekala bills, i e, the bills bounding
Chhattisga.rb on the wtst and north. N
dwelt the Puttc1ra.s and southward the Ka.lingas. Hence
Utkala comprised the southern portion of Chuta Na!!pur,
the northern trihnta.ry states of Ori8f:8. and the Balasore
district. V a.rious derivations have been suggested of the
name Utkala. but I would only draw attention to some of
the above passages where Utlrala and Meka]a. are placed
as if their names possessed something in common."
Utka.la is still to-day one of the usual designations of
Orissa and the language of Orissa is called at will Oriya,
0 Jri or even Otbh (Lzng.-Surv., P, Part II, p. 367). As
the Swrve?/ states clearly : "t.he Ol'issa country is not
confined to the division which now bears that na.tne! It
includes a portion (If the district of Midnapur in the north
. .. Oriyi is also the language of most of the district of
Singhbhum, belonging to the division of Chota Nagpur and
of several neighbonring native states which fall politically
within the same division. On the west it is the language
PRE-A H YAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDIA 813
of the greater parts of the district of Sambalpur and of a
small portion of the district of Raipnr in the Central
Provinces and also of the number of Native states which
lie between these districts and Orissa proper."
If the name of Utkala has preserved its vitality, the
n&me of Mekala has survived only as a memory associated
with religion. The heights of Mekala give birth to or.:J
of the most important rivers of India, the Narmada,
which is second only to the Ganges in point of sanctity.
One' of her sacred ns, recorded by Amara and
other lexicographers, is Melcalalcanyalca, "the daughter of
the Mebla.'J :Bot here also the name having no
definitely established form has been attracted by the
analogy of the common word "Melchala" "girdle" and
the written form oscillates between the two. The com-
mentator on Amara, Sarvimmda authorises both (ad Am.
I, 10, 31 . Melalacalaprabkavatvid Mekala lcanyaka
Mekhalakanyaketi kecit. Yan Melckalad Oltavati Melclzala-
Miltzputri iti Uakiiravan). The obscurity of the name
of Mekala is painfully evident in the edition of the
Mabi Bharata published at Calcutta, in which the name
is printed several times as Melaka, under the influence
of the common word meta "fair." The editor can allege
for his justification a. distant precedent ; the translator
of the Saddbarma-smrtyupasthina SaLra; had aheady
substituted Melaka for Meltala in his Tibetan version; in
which he had rerroduced too faithfully the fault commit-
ted by the scribe of lhe Sanskrit original ; the anthor
of the Chinese version had read and tutnscribed Melfflala
with aspiration (Pour l' Hiatoire du Ram., p. 27). In
another paf'sage of the same Siitra which mentions, in
born from the Meka.la" (Me}alapraMavam BO'(I,attJ)1
imitation of the G. IV, 40, 20 "the river
84:- PRE-ARYAJ.'T AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
the Tibetan version writes Megalati, the Chinese version
M. eeaka (bid, p 18). The official geography of British
Iadia has collected and saved this ancient name ; under
the name of Maikal Range it designates the chain of
mountains which starts from the sources of the Narmada
( Amarakanta:k) and extends towards the South-South-
West up to the district of Balagha.t.
The country of Utkala bears still another name from
which the modern appellation of Orissa is derived. Oria1a
is "the country of Odra." The supposed
Sanskrit original given by Mr. Crooke in the second edition
of (aic) 1s monstrous and fantaShc.
The first forms used by Europeans, Uti:ca, UrJeza, Oriaa,
etc., are derived directly from Oqra.desa. the
name universally . used to-day for the of
Orissa, comes from the same vocable Odra in its most
reduced form. As was the case with Telinga., we have
here again to do with another word of whieh the written
form has never been definitely settled; one finds, even in
the same texts, Utf.ra, Otj,ra, Auclra, cf. for example, for
the Mahi Bhirata, the Index of Sorensen under these
different words. The form Vda, from wbieh eome Oriyi
and Orissa, is already warranted by the evidence of Chinese
transcriptions. Hiuan-tsang transcribes Wu tch'a.
1
and
the annals of the T'ang dynasty do the same and so does the
official version of the letter addressed to the emperor of
China. by king Sobhakara in 795 A.D., with a manuscript
of the (see &upra, p. 69). A form with the
nasal inserted, Umda, U'IJll.a, is attested by numeroas
variants in all kinds of texts,. Thus MBh., VI, 9, 365,
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDIA 85
in the list of the nations of India, C has Autf,riiJJ.
Pawpdrak, B reads Auindra and the text followed by the
translator of P. C. Roy has the same reading (the Aundras,
the Paundras); the southern recension reads
.Mtecchal], ; Manu, X, 44, names amongst the degraded
Paupftralcii.8 Coq,a ; such is the text
followed by Buhler, but he records in a note that his
reading is a correction for Comif,ra
0
which is given by
different manuscripts o the commentator Medhatitbi
and also by the commentator_ Kulliika; he adds that
the interpretation followed by W. J"ones (ca + uq,a) is
improbable because the particle ca is absolutely useless
after the first term. However, the constant conjunction
o the and the Orjras a.ppears to justify fully
Jones' analysis and translation. While the Chinese
W:n-tck' a iu the Saddltarma.-smrtyupasthana sutra (corres-
ponding to the Rii.mayaq.a G IV, 41, 18, tatltauq,ran),
the Tibetan translator has copq,a, by a false interpretation
of the (Pou1 t'Hiat. d1t
Riim., pp. 28 and 98).
By the side of the ethnical group Uft(r)a (Up(ja)
comes to be classed quite naturally the ethnique
with its secondary forms Paul}-gra,
Paui}Qrika. The rap'lJrockemetd is the more natural in tha.t
the two peoples Pau!]Jra and Ugra oeeni very frequently
together : MBh., III, 51, 1!388, sa Pau'fl4ro41an ; VI,
9, 365, .J.uq,ra.l], (C. Pau?)il,tah, P. IV,
24<, 18, Kosal-.J.w:f,m- TanLraliptau ; Brhat
Sathhita, V, 74, Pult'(tf!,J-Aur:Jm Kaika!Ja-Janan ; etc,
On the other hand, a tradition recorded in the Ma.ha
Bhara.ta (qf'. sztpra, p. 72), I, 104, 4219-4221, groups
them with Anga., Variga, Kaliilga, Suhma, as the sons
of the queen by the contact of the
86 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
Dirghatamas; the same epic, XIII, 35, 2158, in accord
with Manu, X, 44, classes them amidst the Kijatriyas
degraded to the rank of Sudra. In combining the data
furnished by the Mahii Bharata Mr; Pargiter (Marie.
P., p. 329) concludes that the PuQc!ra, whose boundaries
were Kasi on the north, Al)ga, Val}ga. and Suhma on
the north-east and the east, and OQ.1a on the southeast,
inhabited the tt!r1itory which forms to-day Ch.ota Nagpur,
less its southern portion. The territory of the PuQijras
must be clearerly distingushed from the country of PUQ(}ra-
vardhana, which corresponded to .the modern district of
Rajshahi, between the Ganges and the Brabmapuba.
partly the ancient domain of the
Pul}qras, is still to-day habitation of the MuQ.c'as,
specially the sonthern a.nd western portions of 'the
district of Ranchi. It is well-known that the name of
'has been chosen by Max Muller to designate a
family of which been strongly influenced
b.,y the Dravidian, but which are originally independent,
and related to the Mon-Khm@r family and the
dialects of the savage tribes of the Malaya
'peninsula. According to Mr. Risley, Li1zguiatic 8urve_f,
Vol. IV, p. 79, "The name Mul:}qa is of Sanskrit origin.
It means headmen of a village, and is a titular or func-
tional designation used by the members of the tribe, as
well as by outsiders, as a distinctive name much in the
way as the Santa.ls call themselves Maiijhi, the
Bhnmij Sardiiir ; and the Khambu of the Darjilin(J' hills
0
Jimdil'." I do not know for what reasons Mr. says
; that the word "MuQc?a" is of Sanskrit origin. The word
Mu'[t(/,a certainly exists in Sanskrit; there it signifies "one
whose head is completely shaved." As an ethnic the name
, appears very rarely in the literature. Only one of the
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN 1NDIA 87
passages where the name is found in the Mahi
Bhara.ta appears really to refer to the MniJcja: VI, 56,
24.10, the poet descnbes the order of battle adopted by
: on the left wing are the Mui].cJa., with the
Kiru"a, the Vikufija, the Kaundi Vtl}a. Of the peoples,
the last two are otherwise unknown : the Karllsa on the
. .
contrary, appears fairly often (if. .Pargiter, Mark. P., p.
341) ; they lived to the south of Kisi and Vatsa, between
Cedi and Magadha. Their territory, therefore, coverea
partly Baghelkhand and Bundelkhand; and towards the
south-east bordered the country still occupied by the
Ot.her passages of the epic where tbe name of
Munda is met with, III, 51, 1991; VII, 119, 4728-
4730 have a quite different signification; they apply to
a. poplllation of the north-western frontier of India
designated by the nickname of ''shaved heads," and
special!Y to the Kamboja of the country of Kabu}. 'rhe
Hindus wbo are bound by their religion to wear a tuft
(cii4a) on the top of their head, despised the foreign
populations who shaved their whole bead ; like a
Greek," u shaved like a Kamboja" (3a11anamuruj,a, Kam-
bojamu'IJ,if,a) were expressions in vogue from the time of
j the places them at the beginning of
the gaQa. Mayuravyainsakadi on P. 2, 1, 72. The
V iiyu P ., 4 5, 1 23 names the M in Its _of t_be
peoples of Eastern India.J between (north
Bengal) and Yideha ,(Tirhut), before Tii.malipta.ka (Tamluk
on the. Hug1y), _Malia aad Magadha. The
P., 57, 44, in an almcst identical verse, substitutes for
Mul}cja the name of Madra, which is evidently erroneous,
because the are in . the Pnnjah. It can be seen
here, by yet another example, how very unstable proper
names are unless their fame is sufficient to ensure their
88 PRE-ARAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
preservation. Further on, we do not hesitate to recognise
Mai}Qa in the Mai}dika which the Mahi Bhiirata,
Calcutta edition, Ill, 253, 15243, classes among the
peoples by KarQ:;l- in his campaign in eastern
India, along with Ailga, Vailga, Kaliilga. in the one
case and Mithila, Magadha, Karkakbaq.c}a in the other.
The surroundings very exactly define the M UI}Qa. The
Bombay text reads Suiy]ika, an ethnic otherwise unknown.
The southern recensiOn m the eorl'espondmg passage III,
255, 8, has the same reading 1"3ui}qika, but the editors
record from two other manuscripts the reading Mni}Qika,
which would be simply a secondaty form of
5. Pulinda-Kulinda.-The name of the Pulindas is
known throughout Sanskrit literature. The Ait;treya.
13rahmal}a, 7, 18, classes them amo11g the 2edantya
"outside the [Aryan] limits," with the Andhra, the
the Sahara, the Mutiba, attached to the_ clan of
Visvimitra, but essentially formed of das,1;u H savages."
They are found along with the Andhra in the XIIItb
edict of Asoka, amidst the peoples who are established
on the military frontier of the empire, but follow the law
proclaimed bv the Emparor. Buddhism classes them
among the 'inferior races' (nicalc:tlla), the "barbarians"
(mleccha), the "f1ontier populations" (;.watJJa'flJa ja1lapadp)
with the Matanga, Sahara, Pukkasa, Domba
(Mahavyutpatti, 188, 15.'. The Maha.vama, 1, 68
connects their origin with the children born of the union
of Vijaya, the conqueror of Ceylon, with the Yakkba
princess Kuvagt}a. In the Jaina literature they appear
in the canonical list of the Mlecchas (Ind. St., 16, 3!)2,
Pra8nat'!fli.ka1ana ; Prajnli.pana) and their women in
the conventional list of royal slaves (ioid, 818, 880, 412) .
. the Riimayana, 4, 43, 1lB; 44, 12 G, locates them in the
i PRE-ARYAN AND :PRE-DRA:V !DIAN IN INDIA 89
north of India between the Matsya (Mleecha B.) and
the Surasena that is to say between Alvar and Matbura.
Maha Bharata also considers the.m Mleccha ; it is
they who are to reign on the earth in the Kali age, with
the Andhra, the Saka, the Yavana and the Kamboja,
III, 188, 12839; they are met with again in the same
company, XIII, 33, 2104, among the races fallen to the
rank of Sudra CfTrl}ala) because they did not see Brahmans.
They appeaor frequently in the great epic, but always
in bad company: Ya.vana., Kirata, Clna and
other Mlecchas, 1, l75t 6685; Andhra, and other
Mleeehas, V, 160, 55] 0 ; Da.Siir']a., Meka.la., Utka.la,
VI, 9, 3-t.7. The condition of sinners in hell is like that
of the Pulinda, XII, 151, 5620; the sinners will be
reborn in the so11th in the families of Andhra, Pulinda,
Sahara, XII, 207, 7 559. The Pulinda derive their
origin from the foam thrown off by the cow of
I, 17 5, 6685. Bhima, the conqueror of the east, turns
towards the south, finds them on bts way when marcbmg
on Cedi, II, 29, 1068, and reduces their city (1Mgara).
who has just reduced eastern Kosala, ineets
with them, II, 81, before fighting with Pii}Qya,
and In the or
elaborated by the author of the iha Pulin_daJi
are tbe the au,xiliaries of the of Kausambi,
during his love-affair with Yasa.vadatta (Kat'h.li- 8. Sag.,
II, 12). Their kingdom is situated amidst the Vindhyas,
on the 1oute which goes from Kausambi to UjjayinL
Their king adores the cruel Devi, offers her human
victims, and pillages the caravans (-ioicl, IV, 'l'he
Brhatkatha-slokasaJiiO'raha, always impregnated with a
l:>
picturesque realism, which it certainly owes to its model,
draws a striking piCture of the Pnlinda, VIII, :n ; a
90 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
group of young men leave for the chase; one of them
tells the party : " I see before us an innumerable army
of these Pnlindas who haunt the caverns of the forest,
appearing like a forest of trunks blackened in the fire.
From their ranks come a fat little man small as a dwarf,
and with copper-coloured eyes : it was their chief Sirb-
ha.Satru ('Enemy of the lions '). He saluted the
commander-in-chief who asked him : ' How is the wife
of my brother? And your two sons, SH.mba.ra (deer)
and Sira.nga (antilope)--are they in good health ? '
Rumanva.t ordered to hand over to Simhasatru a bale
of stuJis dyed with indigo, curcuma, and safran, besides
a thousand jars of sesa.mum oil.. .... Then appeared before
us deer whose limbs flashed fire like diamond bubbles ;
in bands, they passed and repa.ssed, as swift as the wind .
...... One asks the chief of the Pulindas: 'None of
us has ever seen such beasts ! If you know about them,
explain them to us ! ' 'Neither do I know about them,'
said the Pnlinda., ' hut mv father did. On a. certain
occasion, he taught me something which I will tell you .
... He whose arrow, once let fly, makes a aronnd
these beasts to return forthwith to the quiver, know that
he is a cakrava.rtin' (transl. Lacota, 55). All tbe traits
here appear life-like. The Pulindas are compared to the
burnt trqnks ; the XXI, 89, in fact,
that the Pulinda should be represented with a
black complexion. The chief is of the size o a dwarf
(niklusrva) : " The Pre Dravidians ...... di:lfereotiate them-
from the ,Pravidians l:ry their short sfuf,ure-"
(Thurston, The Madraa Pre8idency, p. 1'24). The sons
of the chief have the names of animals; totemisr:n is
still spread amongst the savage tribes of the plateaas.
The history- of the arrows which return to the quiver
PREARYAN AND PRE.DllA'liDIAN IN INDIA 91
and the resplendent dee .. Llppear to come directly from
the folklore of the Mundasthe Santa.ls.
The name of the Pulindas IS mterpreted m T1betan
(Mahivyut., 188, 15) by gywn po cr out.cast" and in
Chinese by tu-ltia
1
" the race w)lich kills t.\le hP.asts for
food.'' Ptolemy, VII, 1, 64, also g1ves to the
Poulindai the epithet of agrioplzagoi, a rare term, which
appears to be invented to translate an Indian original ;
agrio
0
signifies "wild,''
0
phagos '' eater of ...... ; " one
hesitates to make a choice between "who live on wild
fruits " and "who live on raw meat." He assigns to
them a well .Jefined place in the interior behind Larike,
tho country of the whioh has for its prinoipal
t.owns amongst others; Baryga.za ( Bharukaccha), Ozene
(Ujjayint) and Nasika (Nasika.), from Malva. to the source
of the Godavari. It is therefore in the hills of Satpura,
the Vindhya, and the Aravalli that they a.re located
by him. Still further away, in the interior, he says,
are the Khatriaoi of whom the cities are, partly to the
east and partly to the west of the Indus.
The Kulindas have not acquired the same celebrity
as the Pulindas. Their name is rarely met with after the
epic period. In the Maha. Bhirata, however, their role is
more considerable than that of the Pulindas. They live
"amidst the Himalaya in a country which abounds
in elephants and in horses, a.U mixed with the
the Tatigal]A and also with the Pulinda (&ie) in hundreds,
a country loved by the gods, full of innumemblo
marvelr, III, 140, l 0866; their king Subihu receives
with respect the Pil].gavas when they set out to visit
9:t PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
the Ga.ndhamidana. ; when returning, they follow the
same way, pass through Crna., Tukhara, Da.rada. " and
then they found the countries of the Kulinda that have
so many jewels, and after crossing the Himalayan region
there where walking is difficult, they saw the fortress
of the kjng Subihy " III, 177, 12350, Arj11na. setting
out to the north begins with the conquest of
the Kulinda; then he turns towards Anarta,
S!kala., II, 26, 996. In the Rijasiiya of
the Kulinda appear in the cortege _of the n.orthern peoples,
inhabitants of the banks of the river Sa.iloda: Khasa.,
Pirada., TailgaQa, etc., which bring as tribute the gold
of ant-hills, the chow1ies made of the tails of yaks aond
the honey of the mountain, II, 1859. Section 85
of the VIII book relates at length the struggle in which
the Kulinda.s were engaged, during the great battle,
mounted on their swift elephants, well-equipped, conrad
with gold and born in the Himalaya. In the description
of the world, VI, 9, 870, the Kulindas are classed near
the Parada. and the KnqVhalta.; the country has its
Piemont, the Kulindopatyaka, VI, 9, 363. But once
again here, as we have already observed in other cases,
the surreptitious variants attest that the name is not
understood; the name of Kaliiiga, whieh is better
known, tends to supplant it; VI, 9, 847 C has Katinga ;
VII, 121, 4Sl9 C has Kulinga and the translator of. P. C.
Roy wnteS Kaltrft.ga. The Viyu P. 45, 116 writes
lfulinda in the list of the Udicya
GiindAiirii Tavani8 caiDa, etc., the Matsya P., in the
corresponding verse 113, 41 sulJstitutes whieh is
better knowo, but wxongly placed here, the Mirlc.a.Qdeya,
57, 87 substitutes Katinga. We recall these mentioDJ
of K ulhiga which we have already seen
..
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDtA 93
through confusion with the Another variant
is worthy of notice The Ma.hi Bharata, XIII,
2104, in the list of degraded tribes, already quoted,
writes: Kalinclas r:a P1tlinrla8 ca; P. C. Roy's translator
introduces here the Kalitiga. But the sketch of Indian
geography given by (Kii,?flinusasanain) and
copied by Hemacandra ( Kavy anu8asa1ta, 12 ), enumerating
the northern mountains, beyond Prthudaka (Peboa),
gives: Birnalaya-Jalandhara-Kalind-Endralcila ............. ..
par'tatal}..; Hemacandra writes probably
under the influence of the following syllable dra. It is
interesting to state that the form collected by Ptolemy
VII, 1, 42 Kt6lindri(ne), presents the same alteration;
the analogy of the name of Indra, so popular andso
frequently used at the end of compounds, has not failed
to a;ffect the final
0
inda. As regards the vowel of the
initial syllable, the a can be original, as in Kalinga; the
hypothesis is rendered probable by the sacred name of
the holy Yamuna. This is Kalindi (Amara, I, 10, 31)
"the daughter of the mountain Kalinda," as the Narmada
is "the daughter of the mountain Mekala." (Amara, ibid,
the same verse). Ptolemy VII, 1, 42 places the Kulin-
drine cc below the sources of the Bibasis (Vipisi), the
Za.radros (Sata.dru), the Diamouna (Yamuna) and the
Ganges." The Yamuna is therefore exactly the daughter)
of the mountains of the Kulinda count.ry. The Greek!
geography confirms the Indian evidences.
The Brha.tsa.mbitii of V a.riha Mihira supplies another
va.riant of the same name. In the XIV chapter, the
editor H. Kern bas twice adopted the reading Kauttindiz,
in preference t.o other readings Kaulinda and Kaulintlra
furnished by equally good manuscripts. Undoubtedly
it refers to the Kulinda ; in verse 30, t.hev appear in a
94 PRE=ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
catalogue of the peoples of the N ortb-East, with Kii-ata.
and Cina, two lines after Abhisiira-Darada-Taiigaoa-
Kuluta; in verse 33, the King Kaul)inda follows .Avanta,
Anarta, Sindhu-Sauvira, Harahaura and the sovereign
of Madra. In the same treatise, but in another chapter,
IV, 24, the printed text has Kaulinda, with the variant
K aulindra, in a list which includes Traiga.rta, Malava,
Sibi, Ayodhyaka. The form Kwr}i,ula is warranted, in
any case, by the legend of a large number of ol_d com_s,
found mostly in the districts of ::=iaharanpur and Ambala
"the Piemont of the Kulinda." These pieces are either
or coppe1 , the wotk is quite valied, and they cover,
certainly, a fairly long period of time, beginning from
the second century before the Christian era. design is
overloaded on the obverse a woma.n standinO' with her
1 0
left hand in her hip, offering with her right hand a fruit
to a stag (or a buffalo) standing and turned to its right,
l>earing a symbol between its horns ; over its a
kind of square railing crowned by a pa.raso]; on the
reverse a caitya. with three stories of arches surmounted
by the parasol; on the right, a tree inside a railing;
on the left, a SV1l.stika. and a. 1:1ym hoi with triangular
head; higher up, a nandiQ_aga _; below, a serpent. The
legend is most often written in two scripts, Brahmi and
Kharostrq in Brahmr : Ama!J.."ali1i:-tza_9, 7JJ..ahara;asa
(rajiia) Ktt'(l-adasa; the Kharotri: Rafia Ku'(l.idasa
A..ma!Jhabhatisa Maltaraiasa. The use of the two writinO's
" 1:1 '
each of whieh eharaeterises a world and a civilisation,
indicates well the importance of the region occupied by
the it is also in their territory, or
vel'y near them, in the valley of Ka.ngra, that digrapbie
inscriptions in Brilhmi a.nd .. ha-y-e been discovered
(.Ep. Ind., 1'11, 116).
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DB.A.VIDIAN IN INDIA 95
Pulinda-Kulinda, Me kala- Utkala (with the group
ITijra.-Pn!}qra..Mm;tga), Kosala-Tosa.la, Anga. Vanga,
Kalinga-Tiliii.ga 'form the links of a long chain which
extends from the eastern confines of Kashmir up to the
centre of the peninsula.. The skeleton of this ethnical
system is constituted by the heights of the central plateau;
it participates in the life of all the great rivers of India,
except the Indus in the west and the Kaveri in the south.
Each of these groups form a binary whole; each of
these linary units is united with a.nother member of the
system. In each ethnic pair the twin bears the same
name, di!Ierentiated only by the initial : 7, and t ; ,:
and p ; zero and v, or m or p. This process of formation
is foreign to Indo-European; it is foreign to Dravidian;
it is on the eontrary eharaeteristie of the vast family
of languages which are called Austro-Asiatic, and which
covers in India the group of the Mui)(Ja languages, often
called also the Kolarian. Dr. Sten Konow, who has
made a special st11dy of these languages, L1'1J'Ilistie Survey
of lnda, Vol. IV; Mut'li!-a and ])rat:idian Languages;
writes (introd., p. 9) : " The principal abode of the MuiJ.r]a
languages is at present in the plateau of Chota Na.gpur;
they are spoken also in the districts of Madras and the
Central Provinces which are neighbouring to them, and in
the Mahadeo hills. For nearly all cases they are found in
the jungles and on the hills, the plains and the valleys
being inhabited by an Aryan-<>peaking population .... Tbe
Mtli}c!ii languages must have been formerly E'poken over
a vast area. in CeQtral India and probably also in the
valley of the Ganges.'' Father Schmidt in his study
on Les peuples Mo1t-lc1tmer, trait-d'mzion entre les pettpt;s
d8 l' Asie Centrale et de l' A:ustrrmlsic (trad. frane., B. E.
F. E. 0., VII), compares the M u ~ J g l l languages with
96 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
the languages, and notes that the "system of
ormation of words with the help of pre,fixes and suffixes
is identical in both :
"a. In these two groups of languages, all the conso-
nants that these languages possess, with the exception
o ib, n', 1J and can serve as simple prefixes, and,
as in most of the languages, one obtains
in the Mul).da languages also a second degree of prefixation
by the insertwn of a nasal n, n', m, n, or a hquid ,. [t ?] ,
between the prefix and the root.
"h. 'l'he infix n forms in the languages
especially the names of instiuments, in the Mul)qa
abstract names, which designate the result
of an action ; but the forms of this last kind are not
rare either partitmla.rly in Bahna.r and Nioo
barese."
The names which we have studied present forma-
tions which correspond with the general type
described by Schmidt. One cannot help being
struck by the analogies which bring them together.
'rhree series : Pulinda- Kutinda, A riga Vanga, K alinga
'I'riliilga have a nasal in the interior which can be an
infix; the secondary series, U\lra-PunrJra-MuQr]a, appears
to show the fluctuation of the infix, attested also by
the sporadic variants Ur}t)a, Orp]a, Ol}tjra- U1Jra. Une
is tempted to ask whether the synonymous designations
Utkala and Ut]ra, are not in reality the same word,
differentiated by the presence or the absence o an iu fix h.
One would have Ut (lea) ta- U<$-ra ; the diffe1:ence of the
dental in one case and o the cerebral in another, can-
not create any difficulty ; in the presence of the g11ttural
sard, the explosive is more easily dental ; combined with
r, the cerebral is preserved, all the more so becanse it
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAYIDIA:N IN INDIA 91
is a. question of rendering foreign sounds in Sanskrit
and in that case writing has a. tendency to use the less
usual sounds and characters. If the connection of Utkala-
u:ra is admissible, one will be naturally brought fu
connect Mekal-MuryJa ( -Mundra, Two series :
Kosala-'l'osa.la, Utkala- Mekala have the same final.
By prosecuting a systematic research, one will find,
we are sure, other groups constituted after the same
type ; we will point out here only tbe group Accha-
Vaccha, exactly symmetrical \vith Ailga-Variga.; we have
not included it in our list as it lacks sufficient precision ;
we have retained only the ethnics that are precisely
localised, where the proximity accompn.nies the verbal
resemblance, in order to eliminate as much as possible
the risks of a purely accidental homophony. Accha-
Vaccha are named sxde by side in the Jaina. texts, e.g.,
Bhaga.vati, 15, 17, a. list of the native peoples opposed
to the " barbarians " : Ailga, V ailga, Ma.gaha, Malaya,
Malavya, Aeeha., Vaeeha, Kocoha, etc. (!nil Stud., 16,
304), and Praj:fiapanii, a lisL of the Ariya peoples, 3rd
verse : Yairaif,a Yattha (
0
cc!ta B) Yara'T)-a .tl.tt!za COccha B C)
(ibid, 398). The commentator explains i'atwru
1'1ltn j but, as Weber remarks, the Vatsa have already been
mentioned in the preceding verse with the city of Kosambi
(Kausambi) which is in fact their capital. Nemicandra,
in his commentary, substitutes Maccha-Matsya and
Vairata is in act the capital of the Matsya country. But,
Accha is unknown ; the commentator admits the confusion
and the ignorance of the interpreters : JTmwrw (sic)
nagaram Acch.a desalt dlt!JC tu Fa1"ttf1ie Aceha JYilTit alm]J,.
We have left aside for identical reasons, the nam('s
of cities which offer an alterna.nce of the same kind.
We had occas1on to st.udy, in a. previonFl paper thP
13
98 PRE-AR'YAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
a.Hernance of Takkola-Ka.kkola as the name of a city
a.nd as the name of a plant. We bad not then to search
for the starting point of alternance. Now we <.'an
see that it brings us back to th play of the Austro
Asiatic p,.eformatives. The Lepcha dictionary of
..
Mainwaring and Gri.inwedel gives, p. 10, Kale-lo "Carda-
..
moms, Amomum," and p. 116 ta-Ml "a kind of fern,
Asplenium esculentum," t.-/c U " the same as vegetable."
We have left aside also the names of vegetables which
merit a. special study ; we will point out here as a
specimen of possible researches only synonymous words
of and uma '' the flax, which are related to the
difficult problem of the history of flax and whic'Q sound
so strangely like the Chinese designation hu.ma
1
always
interpreted, on the strength of the eharaeters, as "the
Iranian (hu) hemp (ma) " ; hut Japanese has, for Linum
1tatatissimum, a-ma
1
where Iran has nothing to do
and beside the eharacter for hemp
8
which is read ma
in Chinese, is read as aM in Japanese. It is significant
that the derivatives of the two Sanskrit forms fall
under two categories : from applies
. only to the tissue of flax, to the wrought flax:; aunlitlll..
and um!Ja (Piii]., 5, 2, 4, and Pit., ad. loc, ; Amara, 2,
9, 7 ; Hemacandta, 967) apply only to the field in
wbieh the plant is cultivated. The lnstory of the goddess
Uma-Parvatr should be reconsidered from this point of
view. We can still observe that though and its
congeners have sulJsisted up to the pre!!ent time, uma
and its derivatives have altogether dJsappeared after
Piil}ini, being replaced by the word atati and its deriva-
tives. Perhaps the ancient name of tbe plant, sanotified
J
PttE-AltYAN AND PRE-DltAVIDlAN IN INDlA 99
by religion, might have been forbidden i it might have
become taboo.
We have seen already that "as in most of the Mon
languages, -so also in the MuQQi languages a
second degree of prefi.xation is obtained by the insertion
of a nasal or of a liquid between the prefix and the
One is therefore brought to suppose that amongst
the geographical names of India, those which begin by
kam, kar, kal, tam, tar, tal, pam, par, pal can occasionally
preserve the indications of the A ustro-Asiatic past.
Here the research is more delicate, the results are more
r doubtful ; we have not succeeded in finding out
otganic wholes of this type that are inseparable like
those we have already examined. It is possible that
Kalinga, Tilinga may belo'ng to this type and may
be analysed as ka&..,:(n)oa, til-i(ii.)Da. The variation
of the first vowel can be easily explained by the
hypothesis of a vowel of obscure timbre which is
wanting in the Aryan languages of India., and which
could have taken the most diverse shades. 'l'he name
of Kalinga bas been fixed under this form at an early
time because Kaliilga played an important role in the
political history of India .as sooa as the Aryan c;vilisa-
tion had spreP>d up to the eastern coast : witness the
inscriptions of A5oka and Khiravela. Tiliriga has not
the same fortune ; the Aryan and Dravidian conquest
ba.d cut it into pieces : the variations of its name indicate
its political variations ; it is only about the yea.r 1000 A.D.
that some princes claimed " the suzerainty .of Trikalinga,"
perhaps with the intention of absorbing ootb T(r)iliiiga
and Kalinga under this designation. It is equally possible
that Kr&linda-Pulinda originated from P1l-inda;
we ha.ve met with Kiilindi and on the other
100 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-VRAVIDIAN
hand we have seen, more than once, the variant Kulinga
instead of Kalinga and the et.hniqne Blmlinga has also
an u. Experts in the Austro-Asiatic languages may
venture, risky as it often is in matters of local onomastic,
to propose etymologies for these names. Father
without thinking of it, has already suggested fot Kali?igrt
an etymology which, if correct, would open a direction
for new researches. In the list of lexicographic corres-
pondenees accompanying his article B. E. F. E. 0., VII,
261, he writes under the rubric of words with initial
L (n. 151) :"Kalan [in Nicobarese], white-bellied sea-
eagle, Cwncuma temogaster= Khmer K!tlen, Stieng Kli'h,
a kind of mi}Jn (Sanskrit Kalitfbga) : The Sanskrit
KaliJiga can very well signify ' the shrike with a. forked
tail,' Am. 2, 5, 16 ; Hem.; 1333. B?htlingk and Roth
suggest (P. W .
1
, sub verbo) for this meaning, an analysis of
the word into Kalim+IJa ; they had been, without know-
ing it, anticipated by Sarvananda, who comm'ents, on
Am, 2, 5, 16 : lcalim ga!anam gaccllatiti Kalinga'IJ,.
has -also his own interpretation : ke lingam
cuctfi,,a katithga]J. 'it has on its head (ka) its characteristic
sign, its tuft."' These fancies are a useful reminder of the
'
shifting ground of etymology. If the correspondence indi-
cated by Father Schmidt be recognised as exact, one would be
led to suppose that the eponyms of that we have
studied were totems. But the word Kalinga cannot fail
to suggest a completely diffArent connection with the
Tibetan word gli'li = Sk. dvz'pa. Tibetan, of cou1se,
belongs neither to the Mm;,nJa family nor to the Austro-
Asiatic group; but it has so many features in common
with these languages that it cannot be completely kept
aside from them. The word gUn, now proaouoeed
lin in the classical use of Lhasa, contains a prefix 9 =lea;
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN 1\ DlA 101
Tibetan has transformed into sonants all the surd explo-
sives of the preformatives: o, d, b, for lc (a), t (a), _P (a),
and eliminated the vocalic element which sustained them.
The word glin fall back therefore on an older form Ita-lin.
Its meaning is identical to Sanskrit avipa "island," with
all the secondary meanings deriTing from it: " Isolated
territory, territorial division large or small," etc. The
simple word, without a. preformative, can be met with
in Sikkim, amongst the Lepchas who are considered to
be the most ancient inhabitants of the country ; it is
lyan " the earth " in every sense of the word : ." the
earth, territory," etc. In Tibetan, the word g-lit'b is
combined with the affix -ka; g-lin-lca means, according
to S. C. Da.s, "garden",; "pleasure park"; the Eng lis b-
Tibetan dietiona.ry of Lama. Dawasamdnp Ka.zi renders,
in fa.ct, the English word garden by ldum-1 a ; gUn-lea;
choa z' in. Jiischke, however, gives for glin-ka "a small
nncultivated river-island or low land." In Lepeba, too,
the word l!fan is combined with the affix -lea to designate
"a space where there is no village." It seems impossible
to isolate this word from the name of Lanka, which
designates in Sanskrit the island par ezcellence, the 1sland
of the Riik?a.sas, where reigns the demon the
violent adversary of divine Rima. The vocabulary of
Yule and Burnell, Hooson-JofJBon, a, v. Jiuda a.dds ''also
an island in g(.neral." The learned compilers have
probably borrowed this indication the Telugu Dic-
tjonary of Brown. They indicate still another meaning
of the word. u A kind of stroDg eheroot mueh prized
in the Madras Presidency and so called from being made
of tobacco grown in the 'islands , (the local term of which
is of the Goda.very delta." No reference at all;
it is therefore hom the real usage that they have gathered
102 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
this signification, which we had not the occasion to verify
.!?E the place. The lanka cigar brings' us back in an
unexpected mannet to Kalinga. with the islands of the
Godavari delta. And in fact the Gazetter 'ff India,
1
s. v.
Godavati, fully confirms this evidence : " The land on
which tobacco is grown consists for the most J.lart of
alluvial islands lying within the banks of the Godavari
river, called lmtluta, which are flooded every year .........
Tobacco seems to be grown on any part of the lanM.a
almost indifferently......... The tobacco of the lan!cas
would command a good price m European markets."
The word is therefore a current one. But some epigraphic
documents prove that this vocable was equally in use
more in the north, in the valley of the Mahana.di.
A deed of gift, which comes from the state of
Sonpur on the Mahanadi and published by B. C.
)fazumdar (Ep. Ind., XII, 237), is issued by a loeal
prince related by an unknown lien with the sovereign
of Trikaliliga, and which takes title of Pascimatankadhi-
. pati; 1\fr. Mazumdar observes about this name that
" the peoples of Sontmr st;ill know by tradition that the
state or Soopur once bcne some name as PaiJcimalank(t."
Another document coming from the same state and
published by the same editor (Ep. Ind., X II, 218) is
<Tia.nted Lafdtava1ttakasamnidhau. The editor proposes
t:>
to identify Lalikava.rttaka with a. high land to be found
in the bed o the Mahanadi and which is called Lankes-
va11. The two mscriphons are of very late epoch aDd
go back only three or our eenturies earlier. One cannot
read in Pliny without surprise, the passage already cited,
VI, '18 Insula in Gatzge eat tnflgna amplitudinis gentem
t . . 11 I I' ., 'fb '
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDIA 103
one nation called Modogalinga.." Whatever may be the
first element (if. ante) the mention of the island in the
Ganges recalls Inevitably glztz ( -ga-kng) which signifies
island and these lanka which we find in the bed of
the Godavari and the Mahanadi up the Ganges.
"'
The element laii-lca reappears in a certain number of
geographical names in the neighbourhood of the Malaya
peninsula. One can have no hesitation in recognising
it in the country of Kia-mo-lang-lcia, Latzg-kitt, .Lang-kia
shu, of the Chinese travellers and annalists, Lenkaaulca
v
of Nagarakretagama, llangasogam of the Tamil inscription
of Rajendracola I in Tanjore. Mr. Ferrand l1as collected
all the texts in an Appendix (III) of his article on Malaka
(J. A., 1918, II, 134, 145, and 153); he has discussed
there the proposed Iocalisations and has located it with
much probability on the eastern coast of the Malaya
peninsula, right in the Isthmus of Ligor. The identity
Kiatno-lang-lcia=Lang-kt"a-alm, generally admitted, sup-
that the word la1'bka forms an organic element in
the whole name ; besides, Yi-Lsiug does noL hesitate to use
alternatively, m course of the same passage, La?tg-lcza-sll7t
,
and Laug-lcin (Relig. /K'min., p. 57 and 1001; the History
of the Leang dynasty also gives the two forms Lang-ya
and Lang-ya-sieou, The meaning of the final element;
.m, 8uk, saga remains to be determined. As regards the
word Kia-mo-l-ntg-kia, by which Hiua.n-tsa.ng designates
the same country (M.em., II, 82), Stanislas Julien has
constituted the Sanskrit original Kamnla'iiJta on the basts
of the type o Kamarupa in which also the first ;,wo
syllables are eqnally represented by the characters
1
104 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
and this restitution has been accepted without discussion.
However Mr. Ferrand (J. A., Hll8. II, 145), who is
familiar with the Malayan languages, has presented a
sagacious observation of this name. " he
"is a curious form of toponomastic. One cannot
help connecting the first two syllables with those of the
Sanskrit name of Assam, Kamariipa. It cannot be
doubted that in both cases the Sanskrit kama 'love' is
simply a pun recalhng by assonance, more or less exactly,
the indigenous word." Judging by the native terms used
in Hiuan-tsang's transcription, it is probable that his
Indian informants had pronounced But
this name had certainly taken still another foru1 in
Sanskrit, in the time of Hiuan-tsang. The Manjusrimii-
lakalpa, the Sanskrit .original of which bas been discovtlred
by the admirable Gal'}apati Sastri, and of which we have
also a Tibetan and an incomplete Chinese translation,
names the islands of Karmaranga with the island of
cocoanuts and (Baros, Snma.tra.) and the islands
of the naked (Nicobar), Bali and Java as the regions
where the language is indistinct, without clearnes::;, moe,
and abounding in the letter r.
Ka11ara Nacf,ikerasamdbhave 1 dvipe
cait'a Nagna Balisanuedbhat'e 1 Tavadvfpe ta
tadan!Jarlvipasamurlhltara ! Pata m!.:a ra.ba.hul a tn
1a(a gafa 1 rw!Jrclda cai?H1 sn!trorlh(/-
prc f
Ed. tial)apati; II p. :l:22.
I shall not stop to consider here all the names which
are so important for the study of Indian archipelago ,
l ha:re already made them the subject of a communication
PRE-ARYAN AND Pft;E-DRAVIDIAN IN INDIA 105
to the Societe Asiatique (J. A., 1921, I, 332) and which
I propose to publish later on. The Chinese translation
omits in this passage the name of Karmaranga.. The
Tibetan translation (ed. of Pekin, p. l97a.) gives a.s its
equivalent las chon= "action-colour;" it is the literal
translation of the two words karma (action) and ranga
(colour), which had been believAd to be discovered on the
analysis of the name of the country. The form of the
word Karma.ra:oga., with its two r, a.ttests the freqtlency of
the sound r in this group of languages. The sound r has
been substituted for the l o la?JkiL and also been introduced
in the first element. The word, however, is not absolutely
isolated. Bai].a, in the Har!}acarita., twice mentions the
shields of Karmaranga in the course of the seventh
chapter (edit. Nirn!lyii.Sagar, p. 232); the warriors
who surrounded Har!}a wore as ornaments the leathern
bucklers of Karmaranga which were round and variegated
ibid, p. 243);
among the presents sent by the king of Kamariipa, there
were the leathern bucklers of ornamented
with designs drawn by the lustre of gold and with
beautiful borders: neci1akancanapattrabltangabhaibgura'(tam
atihantlltnraparivesanam Karmarangacarmanam samhharan.
The Kashmir edition has the reading lcarmaranga ; the
Bombay texts followed by Cowell in his translation,
pp. 203 and 214, read kardarang1.; the epithet lcirmtra
intentionally selected . for the alliteration, would suffice
to warrant the reading karmaranga, made still more
suitable by the use of the word carrna which follows it
kirmzrakarrnarangacarma. The commentat01 Samkara,
in his Sarb.keta. comments on the first passage : kiirdat-:
angakani kardaran,qade8od0liavani bahusuvar'l)a8Utra-
14
106 PRE-ARYAN AND
kiirdarmi,gaearma'l)i: "the leather coromg from the
country of Kardaranga, fabricated with many golden
threads; the skins of Kardarariga; have a lnmp of
of glistening colour," on the second passage he repeats
that Kardarailga is the name o the country of origin
of these bucklers : Kardarangatlesabhat'arzarh
It is therefore necessary to rejeet the explanation given
hy Bohtlingk (P 1r2, sttb vmbo): "hoehroth (bright red);
cf. krm.i1aga." Besides Karmarariga, the Ma.ii.jusri
mulakalpa mentions also the name of Carmarailga twice
in chap. 20, p. 206, and in chap. 22, p. 233; in both the
passages Carmaranga is. mentioned along with KalaSa.-
varapura (Ka.lasii.hvi, p. 206; Kalasamukhya, p. 'l33)
and Vaoga. The lash two countries lead us
the delta of the Ganges; Kalasapura (or Kalasavara-
pura, etc.) is a. city of Suvari}advrpa. according to the
evidence of the Kathasa.ritsagara, 54, 108 (the Ma:fijari,
in the corresponding tale, XV, 207 fF, does not give the
name of the city). In the collection of Nepalese minia-
,
tares studied by M. Foucher (Etude Bur l' lconographie
de l'lnde), the representation of "Bhagavat
at Kala.Savarapura" (MS. A. 15, Calcutta, n 13) imme-
diately follows that of "Dipankara in Ya.vadvipa" (ibzd;
n. 12). M. Pelliot has collected (B. E. F. E.-0, IV, 360)
several Chinese texts which mention this city and from
which it is evident that Kalasapura was situated in the
north of To-ho-lo, itself located in the north of Pan-pan
whiCh hes on the Malaya penxnsula, m the same line
as Bandon or Ligor. Carmaranga therefore brings us
to the same regions as Karmarailga and is perhaps only
a variant of the same name. It should be observed that
the two chapters of Maiijusrlmiilakalpao in which the
name of Carmaranga is met with a:re wanting not only
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDIA 107
in the Chinese version but also in the Tibetan version
of the work. The Brhatsamhita, XIV, 9, in its catalogue
of the peoples of the South-East (agneyi) combines TTr1Ja-
Nati!cera-Ca1madvipal],; Kern has translated (.f. R. A. S.,
n. s., V, 8:3) this as "The Island of Bulls, of Cocoas, of
Tree-barks," but the mention o Natikera by the side of
carma clearly proves that Carmadvipa corresponds here
to Carma- or K arma-ratigad vipa of the Maiijusrimiila-
kalpa. The Brhatsalilhita, m the same chapter, verse
23, mentions a people of Carmarailga again amongst
the populations of the farthest North-West. pele-mele
with Lhe Sulika (Sogdians), the Eka'\liloeana (Monoph-
thalmes), Dirghagrlva (long-necked), etc. This refers,
without doubt, to the same people that the Maba Bharata,
VI, 9, 355 ealls Ca.rmamar.tQala and the Pnrli')a.s (Mark.,
57, 36; Vay., 45,. 115) call CarmakhagQ.ik:a. Mr.
Pargiter has connected this last denomination with the
name of Samarcand. In fact they are enumerated
between the Pahla.va. and the Gindhira, and thus
would be located on the confines of the Indian and Iranian
world.
The reputatiOn of the skins of Ka.rmarailga appears
to explain Ptolemy's note on the population of the
" Bri ooands " ),:qcrrat
1
which he locates exactly in the
b I
surroundings of Karmarauga, on Lhe southern shores of
the great gulf, i.e., the Gulf of Stam (VII, 2, 6 and 21) :
" It is said that the natives of the country of Brigands
live like beasts, inhabit the caverns, a.nd that they ba.ve
skin almost like that of hippopotami impenetrable by
arrows." The region had some centres of popnlatiqn
and even a port of eommerce : " Samara( n )de, Pagrasa,
Pithonobaste which is a market, Akadra, Zabai which
is the city." It can be surposed that Samaraln)de is
lOS PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
an alteration of the name which has finally taken m
the alternate fo1ms Carmara.uga and Karmaranga
(cf. infra the forms Camariz, Camari:e).
India received not only some bucklers of Ka.rmaranga
h1de; she also received from this country a ru1t whiCh
has been acclimatized in India and which continues to
bear even to-day, but slightly transformed, the name of
its land of origin. Karmaranga is the Sanskrit designa-
tion of the fruit which the Europeans call carambole ;
Lushington (List of P'ernacular Trees ... in the Madras
PresideJZcy, n 365) mentions also the names of the
Coromandel Gooseberry; Sweet Climbing; Square Tamarind.
According to the same authority the Uriya name is
koromonga (by metathesis), in Telugu lcoromonga and
tamarta, in Tamil saga dam, sis am, sigartt, lcandasaif,gam,
tamarattiii ; in Malayalam lcamaran'gam,
pztlii'Js, tamaratta, in Canarese darehu?i, karmaranga,
lcz'rineUi, Khoty and Katrak (Mate1ia Medca,
II, 152) adds for Bengali kamaranga and kamarak,
for Gujrati kamarak, for Hindi lcamaranga and kamralch.
According to the Hindi Sabda. Sagara, kamarak'h is the
name of the tree ; the name of the fruit is (in Hindi)
lcamaranga and lcarmaranga. Thus in the designation of
this fruit we find again the fluctuation attested by
Kamaranga (Kia-mo-lang-kia) of Hiuan-tsang against
Karma'l'anga o the Mafijusrlmii.lakalpa. The glossary of
Yule and Burnell has an excellent and copious article on
this fruit, s. v. cararnoola. The name has been registered
by Linne who has classified the tree under the title of
Averrhoa Oaramoola. The original habitat of the tree is
the islands of (I.nsbington, lac. cit.) ; tbe
Karmaranga. in this ease eou. ..epresent a stage in the trans-
plantation of the carambol tree ; this country, therefore,
AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDIA 109
would from very early times, have beeu a market of
exchange between India and the farthest, islands of the
archipelago.
1
Its situation on the eastern coast of the
isthmus of Ligor marked it out for this role. The
Chinese texts collected by M. Ferrand confirm the fact ;
the most expressive of these texts appear to me to be
the biography of Paramartha translated by Takakusu
( B.E.F.E.O., IV. 62). When the Indian monk, tired of
his sojourn in China, wished to return to his country
(he was a native o Ujjayini), his biographer only says:
''he thought of embarking for Lang-kia-azt."
The name of Karmarariga is mentioned in the famous
inscription of Rajendracola I at Tanjore although no one
has yet recognised it. In the list o countries conquered
by the Indian conqueror, after Ilailgasoga.m come
'
Mapappa}am, Mevilimbangam, Va}aippanduru, Ta}aittak-
kolam, Madamalingam. I have already dealt with
Talaittakkolam elsewhere in connection of Takkola of
Ptolemy a.nd the Pali texts ; I shall have to return to the
last name directly. "Mevilimbangam and Va!aippandiiru
do not afford any identification at present," says M. Coedes
1 The name of carmaranga is given by 3, 123 as
a synonymn of avartikii which is Lhe na.me for the senna GMsia
acutz/oha (Lushington, List, 955 : African senna, Kordofan s., Nubian s.,
Officinal s., Senaar s., Surat s.). As these designations indicate, the
plant is a native of Nubia and Abyssinia. The name Carmaranga
does I)Ot appear to point Lo the place of origin. This name has not
yet been met with in either leamed or ordinary usage except for the
reference made by the compiled at a very late period,
probably in the thirteenth century. Among other names of senna
collected m th1s compilation appears also ran'galata iu which 1 aizga is
not accompanied by carma. Lusbington's liat does not mention any
of these names for Cassia acutifolia.
.110 PRE-ARiAN A:ND PRE-DRAVlDlAN
in his fine article on the: kingdom of Srivija.ya (B. E. F.
E. 0., XVIII, 6, 15). M. Ferrand has only reprodnced
the name without adding anything to it in his detailed
review of this work (J. A., 1919, II, 172). The Malaya
..
name of the cara.mbol tree is balimoing or belimoing ; in
India this na.me used for a variety of carambol tree,
the Averr!toa Bilimbi of Linne, which yields a sweet.er
fruit than karmaranga ; m Telugu : bilibili, bilumbi,
g()mmarekt, ptelusukaya ; m Tam1l : kosszttamarattai,
pitiml;i pleli88alcay, ; in Malayalam : bilimpi,
hri88akka, vilumpi ; in Ca.na.rese : bilimbi, bimbuli
(LushiogLon, List, 366 ; cf. also Yule-Burnell, s. v. blimbee.
The note furnished by Yule and Burnell, s. v. Carambola,
may be conveniently reproduced here ; "Sir J. Hooker
observes that the fact that there is an acid and a sweet-
fruited variety (blimbee) o this plant indicates a very old
cultivation.") But the evidence of Garcia de Orta, amongst
.others, sb.ows clearly that for a competent connoisseur
and bilt'mbi are equivalent terms : "'l'hese
cara.mbola.s are called in Ca.nar and the Decan camariz
and in Malaya balimba.'' (Yule-Burnell, s. v Carambola.)
And Linschoten (ibid) : "The fruit which the Malabaris
and the Portuguese call Carambola is called Camari:c in the
De.cca.n, Camari:c and Caraoeli in Canara and Bol1tmba in
Ma.la.y." Mevilimbanga.m should, therefore, be analysed,
in the inscription of Tanjore, like Ma-Damalingam, Ma-
as Me- Pilimba11gam ; it is clear that Pilint-
...
btnigam is the Indian transeriptlion of Malaya helimhi1tg
which is the equivalent of Karmaranga. The Indian
name of the fruit derived from the name o the
country, has become in its turn the indication o the
country itself ; Karmara:dga. has become the country of
tbe cara.mbol tree, and as caq be seen in the list
PRE-AR'iAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDIA 111
o the names borrowed from Lushington, the Malaya
name of the fruit has made its way in all pa.tts
of South India along with the name given by
Sanskrit. But tLen the identity of Kamalanka-Lenkasuka
is to be abandoned, because Lenkasuka is clearly mention-
ed in the Inscription of Tanjore under its Tamilised. form
llangasogam. The hvo countries are certainly very near
each other, but they cannot be confounded and Map-
papa!am is probably to be located between them, as it is
mentioned between the two names.
By the si<!e of Lang-kia (shu) and symmetrical with
Ka(r)mat(r)milk(g)a comes the name of Tiim(r)ali'[lga,
with the alterance lc- t- o which Kalinga-Tilinga, Kosala-
Tosala have given us incontestable exa111ples. Mr. Coedes
bas recognised the name in the inscription o Tanjore
where it appears under the form Ma-lJama}ingam ; !le
has also discovered the same name, this time under the
form of Tamoralinga, in an inscription coming from Jaiya
and now preserved in Ba.ngkok. I have pointed out
elsewhere that it is to be found in the Maha-Niddesa
under the form Tambalinga (Ptolemee le Maha-Nidilesa
et le Brnatkatlta, B. E. F. E. 0., Jubilee collection). M.
Coedes has also recognised the identity of this name
with the country of Tan-ma-ting mentioned amongst the
vassals of San-fo-t'si in the Tclnt fan tclle of Tchao. Ju
kua (transl. Hirth and Rockhill, p. 62) and described
in a special note (p. 67 ff.) immediately before Ling-ya-sae
[lia], Lankasuka. Mr. Roekhill published later io
('1''01tng Pao, 1915, p. 123) another note on Tan-rna-ling
taken from the Tao yi tche liao; Tan-ma-ling, according to
this text, is adjacent to Sha-li Fu-lai-ngan ; but the
position of this last place is also uncertain (if. Blagden,
J. R. }(, S., 1913, p. 166). M. Coedes, after considering
112 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
all the previous opm10ns concludes with probability
that the country of Tamaliliga certainly covered Jaiya
and most probably Nagor Sri Dharmaraj. As regards the
name Tambralinga written in the inecription of Jaiya.,
M. Coedes observes : " Tambra is a Prakritic form of
tamra, copper, still used in Singhalese. The meaning of
the expression Tamralinga is not very clear. Taking
linga in the sense of mark or character, Tamralinga could
signify (the country) which has copper a.s its character-
istic, but I do not believe that copper has ever been reported
in the north of the Malaya peninsula. It can be supposed
also that the country derived its name from a 'linga of
~ o p p e r which had some celebrity." Probably copper has
no more to do with this name than with most of the
other place-names where Sanskrit has tamra ; we shall
explain this later on in connection with the name of
Tamralipti.
The alternation of tha preformatives lcam-tam which
we believe to have recognised in the names of Kam-lang=
Kamalanka, Karmarailga, Kamarailga, etc., and of Tam.
lang= Tamralioga, etc., appears to be reproduced on the
very soil of India, -in the region where we have already
noticed some ethnic couples differentiated only by the
preformatives. Kamarupa and Tamralipti seem to furnish
a. new example.
The word kamarupa, considered from the standpoinL
of Sanskrit, is a regular compound, in current use, of
which the meaning is perfectly clear : kama, desire 1 rupa
form. The assoeiation of the two words is not at all strange
as the Buddhist cosmology distinguishes in the universe
the world of kama, kamadkatu and the world of ruva
- J
?'upadhatu. The use of the term of kamar:upa in literature
constantly indicates tile faculty of metamorrhosing
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDIA II3
at will. As regards the eountry of Kamariipa,
though it is not mentioned in the epics, whieh include
it in Kalidasa names it (Raghuv., IV, 84);
in the time o Han,a Slladitya, it was a first class state
in Tadian polities, and had relation with China. Owing
specially to Tantrikism Kiimariipa bas enJoyed a durable
popularity ; this Is a a saered plaee, where
one of the relics of the Devi was adored. The Yoginits.ntra,
XI (q11oted in lip. Ind., XII, 68) iraees the frontier
:>f thus :
Nepala8!JU Kai'tcalladriin Brahmap1ttrasya samgamam
Ktt7 ato;ya7Jt samii1 abk;t;a ,ylinail IJ/t:aravasinim
nttarasyain K anfagirilf- Kamtoya tu pa8ci1ne
purvasy?i?'n GirikanJake
Bralmwputrasya La!.:say'li.lf- saingamlivarlhi
K iimmii.pa iti lchyii f. sa rvasiistref!u niflcitalf
"From the mountain Kii.iicana. in Nepal up to the
confluence of the Brahmaputra, fwm the Karatoya to
l>tkkara-V asmi, the northern limit is the mount Kafi.Ja ;
in the west the Ka.ratoyii, in the east the (Oh,
daughter of the mountains), in the south the confluence
o the with the Brahmaputra. ; this is the
territory which all the treatises call by the name of
Kamarupa."
The official nomenclature still eontinues to designate
the western part of Assam by the name of Kamrup. But,
in the religions sense, Kamari'ipa also includes Bhutan,
Kuch Behar and Rangpur. The temple of Kamakhyaj
near Gaubab, is considered t.o be the mystical centre. It
is a mountainous region where orir:: finds all the dialects of
India. of Aryan, MunQa, Tibeto-Burma.n, and l\Ion-
Khm&r families. A.t the time o Hiua.n-tsang's visit
15
114 PRE-ARYAN 'AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
King Bhaskaravarman, was " a descendant o the God
NarJyar)a." ; he was "o the caste o the BrahmaJ]as,"
and had the title o " Kumara." " Since the possession of
the kingdom by his family up to his hme, the succession
of princes covers a space of a thousand generations"
(J"Jfr!m. II, 77 .) The evidence of his contemporary Bi.(la
{Ha1'fjacarita, chap. VII) confirms almost all these details.
Finally we possess since a few years ago an inscription
of King Bhaskaravarman (Nidhanpur plates, Bp.
Incl., XII, 65), which takes back the genealogy up to
King Bhagadatta, the famous adversary of the J'iQqavas,
by a long list o ancestors. However, when he had
business with others than Indians, the same prince boasted
o another origin altogeihez. When the envoy of the
T'ang dynasty, Li Yi-piao, paid him a visit during the
course of his mission (643-646) the king in a private
conversation, told him : "the royal family has handed
down its power for 4,000 years The first was a holy
spirit which came from China (Han-ti) flying through the
air " ja1tg tehe, ed. Tok. XXXV, 1, 94b, eot. utt.).
As though he would show sympathy for China, he asked
the envoy to get h1m a portrait of Lao-tseu and a Sanskrit
translation o the Tao-to-Icing . . The Emperor, on his part,
wished to respond to this desire and promulgated an
edict asking the master of the Law, Hinan-tsaug, to
prepare the translation m collaboration with Taoist
teachers (if. on this episode the article o M. Pelliot :
Antozl1' rZ'une tlaituctzon Sansc1ite du Tao-tu king in T'o1mq-
pao, Vol. XIII, 1912, p. 351 ff.). After the dynasty o
Bhaskaravarman, . Kamariipa never ceased to be subject
to barba.rian ra.ces who hne been gradually Hindnized.
The best known period is that of the Ahoms, vf the
Tai or race, which succeeded in creating a kind o
PHE-ARYAN AND PRE-T>RA\'lDIAN IN INDIA llb
original civilisatiuu and in maintaining their power from
the 13th to the 19th century.
The Brahmins have naturally invented a lege11<1 to
explain the name of Kamariipa : it is there that Aama,
Love, sent by the gods to put an end to Siva's mourning
after the death of his wife, and to awaken in him again
the tender passion, was burnt by an angry look of Siva
and then recovered his original form (rnpa). By tl1e
side of this childish explanation, it will suffice to state
that the easternmost province of the kingdom of Assam,
on the very confines of Bur.na, bore the name of N amrup ;
Namrap was on the other side of the Dikhu, which marks
the religious limit of Kamal.'iipa on the East, midway
between this river and the Upper Chindwin, in a hardly
accessible reO'ion which has always served a.s a shelter
:0
for the vanquished. The climate there is deadly ; an
Assamese proverb, quoted by Gait (History qf p.
144) says that if a bird flies over the country, the bats
get back their lives, and if steel enters into the soil,
it will change into wax. A "Brahman would not have
felt any difficulty in interpreting the name Namrup aE>
Namariipa, a compound so natural and so familiar that
it would seem to suggest itself spontaneously : Nama-
rupa, name and form, are the essential categories into
which existence is resolved. BuL the Philosophy of the
is out of place in this w1ld corner and the
Metamorphoses still more so in Kamariipa. We have
Lere "barbarous J' names in which the same element noted
as rup and Sanskritised as tfqJa, is associated with pre-
formatives kam and nam. It would not, therefore, appear
s+ranO'e if we discover the same element with the pre-
t>
formative tam formed with +be
prefix ka regularly
increased by nasal. It 1s this
combination which
116 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
appears to me to be at the root of the name of
Timralipti.
Tamralipti was for centuries the greatest port of the
Bay of Bengal. It is there that the missions exchanged
between Asoka and the King of Ceylon embarked and dis-
emba.rke4 (MahiivarhRa XI, 38; XIX, 6). Fa-bien embarked
there for Ceylon ; Yi-tsing disembarked there when coming
from China and it is there also that he embarked for
SriVIJaya m Sumatra. The city, on account of 1ls
importance, is frequently mentioned in stories ; the Mahi-
bhii.rata also mentions, very often, the city, the kingdom,
and the king, ~ g I, 186, 6998 ; II, 29, 1098 , 51,
1874; VI, 9, 364; VII, 70, 2436; 119, 4716 ... The
Jain a Prajfiapani calls the city the capital of V a.ilga
in the list of the i i ~ a of the first order, the J.:hettariya
which we have already quoted mar:y times : Rayagilla
Magaha Campa Amga taha Tamalitti F"amga ya (Ind.
St., XVI, 39-7). The Dasakumara (story of Mitragupta)
makes it a city of Snbma It commanded bhe entrance
and the exit of the river Ganges. To-day, it is a market-
town with some thousands of souls, called Tamluk, on
the Rupnarayan, not far from its confluence with the
Hugbli. It is strange that the name of such a famous
city has never taken a definite form. The dictionary of
Hemcandra. quotes (V. 979) four forms of the name :
Tamalipta, Diimalipta, Tamalipti, 1'amalini, and besides
two surnames : Stambapiir and rel}T)U!Jrha ; the Trikaty]a-
~ e ~ a (2, 1, 11) adds Tiimah'lcii. The Sabdakalpa.druma
adds even another Pamolipti. To all these designations
we must add another which is met with the most often,
Tamralipta (
0
a,
0
i). In almost all the passages, the manus
eripts hesitate and the two forms tamra and t'O.ma are
alternately given in the same text. The Chinese pilgrims
:PRE-AR'iAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDIA 117
transcribe To-mo-U-ti
1
(:Fa-bien), or Tan-mo-li-ti
2
(Hiuan-
tsang) and Tan-mo-li-li
8
(Yi-tsing) Ptolemy (VII, 1, '7B)
writes Tamalites. MaeCrindle (Ind. Ant., XIII, 364)
has compared Tamalites with the name of Talzwtoe men-
tioned by Pliny, VI, 18, on this of India. The
name of Tamralipti seems to have been transported to
Cambaye in the course of the middle ages : the Paiiea-
da'(li!,achattraprabandha (ed. Weber, 3) begins one of its
tales with : Stambhatirthe Tamaliptyar'n Jayakar'f)a-
bhupa!Jrhe "in Cam bay, at Tiimralipti, in the palace of
the King Jayakarq.a ;" and the Simhasanadviiotrimsika
(Ind. Stud., XV, 2152) begins with the history of a king
who lives in Gujrat, between the Sa.barmati
and the Mahi ( GurfatimaprJ,ale Sa6hravati-Mahilanadyor
auta.re van am vidyate tat1a raja Tamratiptarf}ilp). Weber
says in his note on this passage (Pancad., p. il) that
Cambaye bears also the name of Tarmatati, or Trambavati
from Guzerati tram bum= Sk. tamra "copper" beeause
aooording to the legend, the eity had in aneient times
a wall of copper. Weber does not give the reference ; he
probably got his information from Buhler, who is quoted
in the notice on Cambaye. It is probable that the name
of Stamba.pfir, given as synonym of Tamralipti by
Hemacandra, applied in reality to C'amba.ye, the Sanskrit
name of which is Stambha-tirtlta-Pra.knt Khamblla. :J!'aney
has been given a free play on these numerous variants.
The Imperial Gazetteer of lndia,
1
s. v. Tamluk, writes
1
Pfl
-
3
liS PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
" The very name of the city points to its ancient un-
orthodox character ; but it has been so cleverly mani-
pulated that it has at last become a title of honour.
The Grammarians derive the word from tamo (tamas)-
lipta, < tainted by obscurity or sin.' But a legend: relates
that under the form of Kalki, having got heated
in destroying the demons, let his sweat fall on the earth,
and the place which was fortunate enough to receive
thts sacred perspiratiOn derived Its name from that and
became a holy place" (tama "fatigue" +lipta). All these
preteuded etymologies show once more the uncertainty and
the eurloanassment ofthe interpreters. Tamalini, Tamalikiil
are hopeless efforts to find a meaning out of this
mysterious groups of syllables ; one has tried to discover
thsrs the name of the tree tamaZa, pz"ctorz"zts
List, n. 178). The Jaina Bhagavati in the
second sataka tells the story of a Moriyaputta of Tamalitti
who called himself Tamali and seems to have been
the object of a local cult. Copper., tijmra, appears to
have discouraged the exegetists, who, however, coulci have
given to Tamralipti also, as to Tamravatl=Cambaye, the
walls "coated with copper.'' One sees now how futile
it would be to attempt a literal interpretation of so many
geographical names of India with tiimta, as the first
element. The list is infinite ; the most famous case is the
name of Ceylon, T!i11zrapar7Ji, Tambrapar7Ji or Toprobane of
the Greeks. If copper has sometimes its raison d'et1e there,
in most cases it only reveals an ancient prefix tam placed
at the beginning of old tions ; such is the case with
Tamtalinga, Tamalinga, Tam(ba)lang, which we have
considered above.
If the first element of Tam(r)alipti ean be thus
explained, it may not be impossible that the second tip,
PRE.AltYAN AND IN INDIA 119
corresponds to rup, becoming in Sanskrit rupa, from Kamrup
= Kamariipa. The kingdom of Tamralipti almost hordered
on Kamariipa : To pass from one to the other Hiuan-
tsang had only to traverse the small kingdom of
'l'he river which waters Ta.mluk, the Rupa-
Nii.rayal}a seems to preserve in the first element of the
compound the pre-Aryan word which appea.red also in
the name of the country. The cor res ponde11ce (lip)=
1t(rup) IS poss1ble ; the modern name Tamluk seems to
have preserved the timbre of the real vowel, altered in
the Sanskrit adaptation. (The finallc of Tamluk, sub.
stituted for p of rup, is normal in the present domain of
Tibeto-Burmans ; at the time of writing. this, I receive
the Report of the Sttperintenaent, A.rcltaeologcal Sztrvey,
Burma, 192 3 ; on page I find that the saint Upagupta.
of Sanskrit Buddhism is venerated in Burma under the
name of Upagok). The o Srivijaya, now put
again in full light, shows constantly an identical altera-
tion ; the Chinese transcriptions always render the
Sanskrit syllable V't by the character which
nates Buddha and of which the pronunciation bud is not
doubtful. The timbre 1t(o) is still preserved in the Arabic
transcription Sributa, Serboza. On the opposite bordet
of the vast domain of Indian civilisation, the name of
Kapzsa (Capzsa quam amezt m Phny, . VI. 92),
becomes in the Tibetan translation of the Mahii-Mayuri :
lea. bu. sa. The identity Kapisa= Ka.busa leads to the
question whether it ean extend to Ka.mboja also. It is
surprising, m fact, to observe that according to the Chinese
documents, the r6le of Kapisa seems to have been of
the :first importance for India. in politics . and religion,
while its name, so to say, is hardly ever met with in Indian
literature. The Mahii Bhtirata which is so well acquainted
I 20 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
with the North-West of the Indian world, does not
mention Kapisa even once, while the name of Kamboja
appears there almost incessantly. Kamboja and Kapisa
seem to be two attempts to render the same foreign word
in & language which did not lend itself to the purpose :
Ita = lc:Jm ; of L each has a labial followed by a palatal,
kam b 1
unvoiced in the first case and sonant in the second ; the
middle term seems to have been in the two cases a spirant:
f and z both of which are wanting in Sanskrit. The
spirant appears in Greek also, in the sibilant of the proper
name Kambyses bujiya, the son of Cyrus, of whom
the name probably recalled one of the conquests of his
father, the destructor of Kapisii. In any case, the two
spirants seem to be quite clear in the title of Karlphizes
claimed by the Kushans, when their power had spread from
the district of K uei-slmang to that of Kao-f1e = Kamhzt in
Chinese transcription. The title of Kadphizes is symmetri.
cal with the title of Ta.xiles, under which the king of
whose personal name was Am bhi, is famous
in the history of Alexander. Both are tadrr(ja, according
to the terminology of Pai}ini, IV, I, 174; Kamboja
bas even the honour of a special siitra, IV, 1, 175,
kamhojat lu!c : there is no Vrddhi for designating the
king ; he is Kambuja (and not Kamboja). It is an excep-
t10n \VbiCh Katyayana and Patanjati extends to a series
of princes : C<>Qa, KR!:!era, Kerala and which Candragomin,
II, 4, 104, oompletes with Saka, all "margraves," ehiefs
established on the bordets of India. I do not want to
push this complicated question further here. I propose
to take it up again elsewhere in detail with a 1iew to
drawing certain conclusions that bear on the history o
the Kushans in partieul;u. I will quote here only one
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRA:YIDIAN IN INDIA 121
case which is very characteristic of the alterna.tion Ka.pisi-
Kamboja. ' The Rii.mii.yaqa, in the Kashmirian recension
(Weber, Rrnnayana, p. 95 note), reads in the verse IV,
44, 23, AraHmh Kapi8atfh Balhim. in his
Ma:iijari (iv. 252 ), writes Balki Kamboja
0
Between
the i of Kapisa and the o of Kamboja, the
appears to be a soft ?t, analogous to the French u, which
Sanskrit does not possess and which is supposed by the
alternation of (Sri) ti (jaya) and of (Slle-ti)-fo (-bu")
(she) in the Indonesian domain. In precisely the same
domain, we find a name analogous to but not identical with
Kamboja; it is Kam-vuja, the present Ca.mbodge, which the
Singhalese and the Tibetans have eqnally made E.amlJoja,
but which never appears with an o in the epigraphic texts
written on the spot. Kam-mtja seems to make a counter-
part of Sri-v1ja(ya), and speCially of the form transcr1bed
by Sa1z-jo-ta'i ( = Sam-bzt<l-ja:r) in Chinese and noted as
....
semboia in Javanese (for different forms of this name
tif. Ferrand, J. A., HH9, II, lli8). Schlegel (T'o'lllng-pao,
II, 176) had already supposed the relation between
... v .
Kemboja and Semhoja, in which he found the Malay name
of the Ptumeria acuti[olia ; but it is a. plant of recent
importation, a na.tive of central America. and now spread
over India and Indonesia (Lushington, List, 18:?.5; Pagoda
tree: Jasmine spurge; Spanish American Jasmine); the
names which it has received in Unya. and
in Tulu (gosampige ; sampai) are manifestly related with
'the Malay name. If the relation between Kamboja. and
Samboji be exact, it will be necessary to go back still
further to explain it. It may be then questioned whether
the name at the bottom is not that of the Bhoja, which it
is true, has an aspirate initial ; but the analogy of
the words Mojana, hhoga and others derived from t.he
16
122 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
root bhuj in Sanskrit was strong enough to introduce this
alteration. The Bhojas have been admitted to an elevated
rank in Brahmanical society, on account of their alliance
with the Maha Bharata in which they often appear
general1y associates them with the and the Andhaka,
the two principal dans of the party of But Asoka
classes them still amongst the frontier countries (Edict,
Xlli) on the same footing with the Yavana and the
Ka.mboja. The geog1aphy of the Purai).as (111.ar7C., 57,
53 ; Pa!Ju, 45, 132 ; MatB!Ja ; 113, 52) classes them
amongst the populations of the Vindhyas where
they are found with the Kosala, Tosala, Utkala,
etc.
1
In modern times the name Bhoja became more
familiar than that of Kamboja and reacted on the
' By a singular chance, the name of Kamboja and that of
Cambodge present, independentl_y and at a very long interval, the
same alteration of the initial. Ptolemy, VI, 11, S when describing
Bactriane, places to the south of the Oxus the Tambyzoi by the side of
the Tokharoi; it is not at all doubtful that Taml>yzoi is here the
equiulent gf Kamboja as Tekhsrei ef Tukhara.
On the other hand the name of Cambodge bas undergone m China
a final transformation or rather deformation at the beginning of the
17th century; the name (of Kan-po-tche) becomes there Tong-pu-
tch'ai (Pelliot, B.E.F.E.O., II, 126). Prof. Pelliot prot'oses to coo-
Aider the character which is read as tong as faulty and to substitute for
tbe character f._. wbJcht
as kten. It Is not perha.ps
a mere chance ; the initial k, becoming palatalised has in both
the cases changed into a dental.
To note further that one of the mouths of the Ganges, the western-
most, bears in Ptolemy, VII, 1. 18 & 30 the na.me of Kambuson,
PRE-ARlAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDIA
latter. The last dynasty of Vijaynagar, in the 16th
century;, regularly couples the two names : its princes pride
themselves of being honoured by KamMoja-Bhoja-Kalinga,
etc. See for example .Ep. Ind. XI, 334 : XII, 343 ;
XIII, 229, XVI, 313. The name of Kamboja. is always
written there as Kamblwja in imitation of Bhoja. The
randits of Vijayanagar could have produced in support of
their spelling an almost sacred authority ; the gra.mma.ria.n
Yiska, the predecessor of Pal}mi, m the famous passage of
the Nirukta, II, 1, 4, where he mentions the use of the verb
8av in the sense of " going" amongst the Kamboja adds
a curious interpretation of the name: savatir gatilcarma
Kambojef!v eva bhaf}ljate Kamboja'IJ, KambalabhojalJ, J:amaniJa-
Moja va kambalah kamaniyo Ohavati ... " The Ka.mboja, these
are "Bbojas with the mantle of wool (!tambala)/' or "the
Kamboja. as kamaniya (desirable)"; the desirable (for
is a mantle of wool (on account of the cold,
adds a. gloss)." Yiska gives this etymology in order to
show clearly the position of the Ka.mbojas in relation to
the Aryas, whose linguist.ic usage he opposes to that of
the Kambojas in the following ; .the Kamt-boja,
as they are a branch of the Bhoja, do not form a part
of the Arya. Thus, at an ancient epoch close to what
is called the Vedic period, a.n erudite and sagacious
gra.mmarian analyses the u11we of the Kambojas, as we
propose to do, into kam + bhoja and he frankly admits
his difficulty in explaining by Sanskrit the element Kam
plaeed at the head of tbe name.
After this long digression, my atiempt; to discover
in Tamalipti a correspondanee with the name Kimarupa.
may perbaps.not seem so da.ring. Besides, I do not pretend,
to pot forward anything except a hypothesis for discussion.
Wha.teve mav be the fina.I issue, it would not affect the
124 PRE.ARYAN AND PRE.ORAVIDlAN
c:onclusions of our work. These pairs of ethnics, identical
in form, differentiated only by their initial, apply to
regions pla.ced by couples in close juxtaposition. The
process of differentiation by an initial preformative is
foreign to the two groups of lang.uages, Aryan and
Dravidian, which have created the civilisation of historic
India. It is characteristic of a family of languages,
which is even to-day spread ovet a vast domain, from
the Himalayas to the Island of Palks, and which still
maintain themselves in the hills in the interior of India.
The later representatives of this ancient race are the
uneonscious inheritors of a civilisation which had its
greatness. It had created in India veritable political units
of a considerable extent, so strongly linked with the real
life of the country that they have continued to exist
across the millenniums up to. our days. The parallel
existence of these twin ethnics, as it sometimes they
are triplets, throws a curious light on the political and
social constitution of this civilisation. Mr. James Hornell,
in a brilliant essay on the origin and the ethnological
of the Indian boats (Memoirs of. the Asiatic
Society ot Bengal, Vol. VII, n 3, 1920) has been led
by his researches of a technical character to conclusions
which he bad . to accept he says, though he was not
prepared them, and these conclusions are not Without
analogy with ours . He admits a strong Polynesian
influence on the Pre.Dravidian population of the Southern
eeast ef India. : a. wave of Malayan immigtabion must
have arrived later, after the entrance of the Dravidians
on the scene, and it was they who brought from the
.Malaya. Archipelago the cultivation of the coc:!oa tNe.
PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN IN INDIA 125
point out the possible relation between an unexplained
word, which remains still inexplicable, t.ubu1Jam, which
he had met with in the Veda of Magic (Atharvav.; V, 1:1)
in a formula against the poison of serpents and the
Australo-Polynesian word tabou ( Sifzb. Ak. 1f1 iss. Berlin,
1876, XXXI, p. 684); he thought of a late borrowing,
coming from India by way of the Indian colonies of
Indonesia. Barth, when criticising this Memoir in the
ButletT.n de8 de t'lnde (fE1n:res, II, p. 254),
reasonably observed : " It attaches a very great fortune
to three obscure syllables lost in a corner of the Atharva-
veda '' ; he added nevertheless . " I there be a. relation
between the two word!', it would be rather, as it seems to
me, in the inverse sense." There is occasion now to take
the question up again and to pursne a. metbodica.l resea.rch
to disclose the influences whieh this past had exercised on
the development of Indian civilisation. Prof. Przyluski has
already boldly opened the way for t.he vocabulary ( iJ!rf111.
Soc. Ling., XXII, Bnll. Soc. Li11.g., XXIV, 118 ff.).
We rr.ust know whether the legends, the religion and
the philosophical thought of India do not owe anything
to this past. India has been too exclusively exammed
from the Indo-European standpoint. It ought to be
remembered that India is a great maritime country, open
to a. vast sea forming so exactly its Meditenanean, a
Mediterranean of proportionate dtmens1ons-which for a
lonoo time was believed to be closed in the south.
1!1
The movement which carried the India.n colonisation
towards the Far East, probably about the beginning of the
Christian Era, was far from inaugurating a new route)
as Columbus did in navigating towards the West.
Ad:enturers, traffickers and missionaries, profited by the
technical progress of navigation and followed, under the best
1:26 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
conditions of comfort and efficiency, the way traced
from time immemorial, by the mariners of another race,
whom the Aryan or Aryanised India despised as savages.
The daring and skill o these m n ~ she was unable to
appreciate before and she continued to lgnore all that
she owed to them.
APPENDIX
TO
p A l:t'l' I.
FURTHER NOTES ON NON-ARYAN I.JOANS
IN INDO-ARYAN
BY
JEAN PRZYLUSKI.
I
Non-Aryan Loans in Indo-Aryan
..,
SANSKRIT Matanga 1
The elephant is capable of taking objectR by its trunk.
This is why in some languages its name is der.ived from
the word signifying "band.JJ In Sanskrit hastn, karin,
('elephant" means an animal which bas a hand (ltaata-,
kara-). In a part of the Indonesian. group, lman is a
name of elephant derived from lima "hand."
In the Austro-Asiatic languages the words which
mean 'hand' fall under two principal types : \vith. or
without the final consonant .
(a) With the :final consonant ; dialects of the Malay
.
peninsula : tong, tmzg, tak (qf. Khmer dang J ; Stieng
tong " the wrist, handle '').
(b) Without the fin a} consonant : Mon toa [tai J ;
Khmer rla;lj Uai] ; Annamite f.ay ; Palaung tai ; Santali
#, ete.
It is probable that all these forms originated from
an ancient (Skeat and Blagden had already proposed
tan with reservation) as in the Austro-Asia.tie languages
a final consonant often disappear11 and yields rlace
to a vocalie element i and y. It is thus that one
1 Jea.n Przyluski, Bulletin de la Socie'te' de 1925
(70) I PP 98108.
17
130 PRE-ARrAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
may explain the forms like Malay and Batak tanan ;
Malaga.shy Cam te.itin ; Jarai tiiiban, all of which
mean " hand."
Some of the dialects of the Malay peninsula for
designating ' elephant ' has a word with the element
tan, ton : tan,qiil, mairq,tong.
I some of the details of these modern forms are very
"'
obscure, the case is different with Indo-Aryan
"elephant." One can discover there, at the first sight, the
element tan preceded by the prefix ma. Matanga-, which
is thus the name of an animal, is also used sometimes
to mean an aboriginal tribe 'of India, as it very often
happens (cj'. Olden berg, La religion rlu Yerla, trans.
Henry, p. 71, 72).
The existence of a prefix ma- in the Austro-Asiatic
languages is proved specially by the following example :
it is found in Santali maran which A. Campbell translates
as " great, large, big, huge, to or cause to
become great, large, big, huge; first:born, principal,
head, chief" ; mara16 is derived from a root ran, lan and
a prefix ma- as is indicated by t.he words which mean
" great " in languages of the family : Cam, praun,
Jarai pron, glon. In modern Annamite tan "great"
bas on]y preserved the root, Bnt the middle Anna.mite
mliin still preserved, in the I 7th century, the trace of
the element ma.
In Khasi a particle of emphasis ma is placed before
the pronouns. " Ma pre:6xed emphasises the pronoun ;
nga la ong, ma - nga=I said, even I" (Linguistz"c St1rvey
of India, II, p. 9). It even seems that this particle of
emphasis used in polite forms before the pronoun of the
<second person exists in a contracted form along it.
NON-ARlAN LOANS IN 131
In face of Bahnar e, Ka.seng and Halang ai "you,
thou," there is in Kontu and Sue mai, and in Annamite
\
may or miiy which have the same meaning, In Stieng
two different forms either with or without m, exist side
by side for specific use ; ei is used when speaking to a
woman and mei when addressing a man.
...
SANSKRIT mayu1a-, mayuka-, maruka-.
A name of peacock mayura- already appears in the
Pro. Jules Bloch has recently compared it with
Dravidian, Munda and Indo-Chinese forms (B S.L. XXV,
p. 16). The principal Austro-AsiatlC forms are the
following :
San tali
marak'
Savara mara
...
Cam
amtak
Malay
mer a
Stieng
.,
brak
Most o these words present a final guttural and the
ancient form seems to have been marak preserved almost
mtact m Santali where k' is the notation of implosive.
T n 1naralc the prefix ma can be isolated from the root rd
which cry o this bird. In fact in the Santali
dictionary of A. Campbell the following word is found.
rak' "to weep, to beseech, the call, cry or note of
a beast, bird or insect."
Amongst the examples given under this word we have :
marak' rak' "peacock-crow which is earlier than eoek
crow.''
132 PR:F:-ARYAN AN 0 PRE-DRAVIDIAN
The same syllable rak explains Malay sorak, Khmer
srek and J'arai kraih, all of which mean " to cry." The
peacock, of which the shrill cry is heard before that of
the cock is the bird that cries rak. In Sanskrit a name
v
of peacock is maruka which is formed after the. Austro-
Asiatic word, if one accepts the equivalence oi which
I ha.ve already given examples in a. previous article
(B.S. L. XXIV, p. lW).
"'
Besides maruka- another name of peacock in Sanskrit
is mayuka mentioned in the supplement of the
dictionary of Hemacandra. The change of the first into
the second of these forms can be easily explained in
the Austro-Asiatic languages. It is thus that we have in
v
Malay merah., Cam moriah, and Jarai for the adjective
" red."
Ma!Juka and mayura, have the same meaning
are so much similar to each other that nobody is justified.
tn separatmg them. Moreover, one feels tempted to
think of their relationship because -ka and -ra are regular
suffixes in Indo-Aryan. But how one passed
rom the one form to the other ? The Vedic language,
learned and aristocratic, has transposed the popular word,
and images to a higher plane ; it is just the cause of its
obscurity and prestige. Mayuka- borrowed from the abori-
ginal tribes was of too humble an origin to be used in the
Vedic hymns for the most noble bird. Was it possible to
change the termination ? Mayulca- had the appearance of
being formed from mayu + ka-.
1
In substit11ting -ka by -ra
an unexpected and consequently less popular aspect was
' The Indo-Aryans were accustomed to this kind of arbitrary
a.nalys1s. The word. snra-' god,' for instance, h!l.s been created in an
nuiustified manner by isolating the initial a from asttra.
NON-ARYAN LOANS IN U\ DO-ARYAN 133
given to the word. Perhaps the suffix -ra was also more
respectable than -lea as it opposed its popular equivalent .la.
Mayura-, once admitted into the religious literature,
bad evolved like o.ther Indo-Aryan words. The existence
of a Prakrit form mora explains the na)lle of the Maurylt
dynasty. This word which the Chinese translators render
by " the family of the Peacock " is to be classed with
Matanga amongst the names of tribes and royal clans
related to animal or vegetable of which the hst will grow
with the progress in our rese"rcb.
Thus the prefix ma-, which we have discovered in
San tali mararft and in several A ustro-Asiatic pronouns is
found again ali the beginning of the names of "elephant"
and " peacock." The elephant, the lord of the forest,
and the pea.eoek, the king of birds, occupy a. high place
in the order of beings; mariJtfb qualifies that which is
either physically or morally great; in Kbasi the particle
mrl is emphatic. 'l'o what extent is the element ma a
real prefix ? Is it not rather an element of vocabulary,
a word having an augmentative value? In a large
number of Indo-Chin'ese and Indonesian languages ma8
or mah is a name o gold, the .precious metal par e:cr:ellence.
In Javanese the same word ma8 which means 'goid' is
also a title of noblese. In Stieng mak means ' great '
and m Bahnar there is man " gold , and ma ,, StJ'&oight,
the right side."
'l'he problem only can be indicated here as it presents
itself almosb in the same manner as ot.ber prefixes
Thus the prefix tam which we have found out in Indo-
Aryan tambulam "betel " (B. S. L. XXIV, p. 256),
normally precedes the names of trees in Stieng and
Babuar is used in the languages of the same family
184 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
etc ...... and is in Khmer and in Stieng, under the forms
dam Hom], tom, a real name which means "trunk of a.
tree, principle, origin."
SANSKRIT makrtta-, mukuta.
1\s soon as we admit that in certain words the exis-
tence of prefix ma- had probably the augmentative value
and was susceptible to take the form mu- we can try
to analyse in the same way other Indo-Aryan words
suspected to have been borrowed from the Austro-Asiatic
It will be seen later on that
" diadem" contain the same prefix ma-, mu-. Mu1ala,
the name of a fish is also the name of a people ( Katha-
saritsagara, 19, 96), which has been assimilated to Kerala
(Diet. of Saint-Petersburg under.murala); besides Murata
or hbtrandalii is the name of a in the country of
Kerala. We have here a play of suffixes and infixes which
denotes an Austro-Asiatic origin. From kerala- one
passES to 1Jtftrala by a substitution o the prefix mn. for
ke- and murandala is derived from murala by the infixation
of nil, a double infix frequent in the Austro-Asiatic Ian-
guages. In supposmg that ma-, mu- has here too the
augmentative value it can be understood why this prefix
bas been used for designating a river, a people or au im-
portant tribe and the fish eponymous with this tribe. One
may be even tempted to explam m the same way Vedic
tJzarztt, name of wind, of the wind-gods and of the tempest,
of which no sa.tisfa.ct.ory explanation has as yet been given.
If the peaeoek *numelr(a) is "the bixd that cties," could
not the wind and the Maruts be called " those who cry "
or the "roarers, ? In one of the Sakai dialects (Malay
peninsula) is the word for wind with which one
may compare, in the same region, ru "roar
11
(like a tiger)
LOANS IN INDO-A:RYAN 135
..
and M8n " roaring, sound."
have in Sanskrit manet and not
It is true that we
*ma1'ulc, but there is
in Indo-Aryan a root rud meaning precisely " to cry,
to lament, to roar " and the nouns like netam " cry"
and Rudra "the roarer," name of the great god, the
chief o the Maruts. It might be conceived that by
analogy with ruil, the name of wind became mar11t.
But here is merely a conjecture. The study of the
proper names in Indo-Aryan cannot yield in many cases
definite results so long as we ignore the importance of
Austro-Asiatie contributions to the religion and eivilisa.-
Li on of ancient India
1
1
Before publishing such a comprehensive study I have begun t<.
show in two monographs the influence of the Austro-Asiatie civilisation
..
on the religious and social institutions of a.nci,ent India : Btudu
Astatrgues, La prince sse a de poisson et la niJgi d4ns les tr44i
trons de 1'Asre orientale and Journal .4siatique, 1924, II, p. 101 ff. Le
prologue-cadre des Mille et une nuits et le du
II
Names Jf Indian Towns in the
Geography of Ptolemy r
Pura is one of the words which mean ''town " in
Sanskrit and names of towns ending in pura were numerous
in India. It is, therefore, quite strange that
we meet only two such names in the Tables of Ptolemy :
Sela.mpoura and J.fapoura.
2
We find besides a town
wbieh is called in dilerent manoscripts eitl1er Pentapolii
or Mentapolis and this word may be a hellenised form
of an Indian name ending in p1wa. The prologue of the
Sulw-suptati IIlentions a town called Paflcapuraand plaees
there a family of Brihma9as.
8
Penta polis represents
exactly Paficapura.. J>entapolis therefore is comparable
to Pentagramma (Ptol. I, 57), which seems to stand
exactly for Paficagrama. The federation of five villages
(paiicagrami) are known to the law texts (Yajfiavalkya, 2,
272). In Pentagramma only the first part of the name
is Greek, but in Pentapolis the whole name is such.
The hellenisation of some toponomies should not astonish
us in a book wbieh enumerates eotmtries like ArgyrA.
t Jea.n Przyluski, Bulletin de IG 81Jetet6 de Lingui,qtique! 1926 (83),
pp. 218-229.
t I re.fer once for all to the edition a.nd index of Mr. Renou, La
rle PtoUmle, L'lnde (VII, 1.4), Paris, Cha.wpion,IH25.
3
The same town is also mentioned in the '40th section of the
work.
INDIAN IN PTOLEMY'S GEOGRAPHl 187
aJ:!d Khryse and islands like Hepta.nesia and Trinesia..
We know on the other hand that some Indian towns were
formed by agglomerations
1
and this fact justifie.3 names
like Pa:ii.ca.pura., Paiicagr9.ma.
By the side of names in -pura. we find names of t-owns
of the type Hippokoura, Barakoura. Koura was no
doubt an Indian word meaning "town." The Mahiibhirata.
mentio::1s on several occasions the town of Dantakura. and
assooiates it with the name of the Kaliilga people. It
does not seem to be doubtful at all that Dantakura was
" a geographical name either analogous to or identicaJ
with Dantapura," the town o the Kalingas (S. Levi :
Notes Indiennes in Journ . .A.a., 1925, I, 48-r5, infra, App. to
Part III). Dantapura may mean " the city of elephant's
tusks." The country of Kalinga was famous for its
elephants (Le Parinirva'{ha et les F16ne'raillea dtt Buddlia, pp.
117 -8). Dantakura being a designation analogous to
Da.ntapura, it is tempting to suggest the equivalence :
pwra,- kuro. town. It will be seen just now tbat this
hypothesis explains a certain number of facts.
In names like Hippokoura, Barakoura, the intervoca.lio
occlusive lc can easily change into a sonant !I This is whv
we find in the Tables of Ptolemy another type in
-go'l:lra by the side of that in -koura.; N aga.goura,
Souannagoura., Astagoura. Naga no doubt stands for
nag a " dragon " ; Souanna for ( qf. Pali 8tlt1a'{h'{ha)
"gold"; asta. for "eight." Nagagoura was probably
the city of nag a (if. modern Nagpur) ; Sounuagoura,
" the eity of gold " and Astagoura a name with a.
numerical element at the beginning comparable to
1 On the dilierent agglemera.tieas oomprised nnder the sele name
oi Vaisili, c/. edit. R Hoemle, fels. 1, D. S
18
.138 PRE-A R1'AN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
Pentapolis, Penta.gramma.
1
The manuscripts of Ptolemy
mentions still another town called Gammogoura or
Rrammokoura. The last reading conveys an acceptable
meaning. Brammokoura was doubtless the city of Brahma
(if. in Ptolep1y the towns r a m m ~ and Bramma and
in Burma the famous Prome). The hypothesis pura. =
kura thus becomes more probable.
I have shown elsewhere ( Journ. AJ., 1926, pp. 25-9)
that io some Indian names the initialfrequently disappears.
'l'his phenomenon explains the passage of pttra or kura
to ura. In fact the llames of towns euding in -oura are
llumerous in Ptolt!my: Poloperoura, Koreonra, Karonra, etc.
Numerous are also the names with the termination -our.
These namesstand in the same relation to those in -oura
at'! the modern names in p1tr to those in pura. Nagour
for example is comparable to Nagpur and Nagaoura.
Besides the names in the Tables of Ptolemy ending
in -oura and -our are not without equivalents in modern
onomasticon. Cannanore or Karyp.an.ur or Kay-p,ur, for
example, is the city (ur) of Kr.:?J;la (af, Hobaon-Jobson,
s.v.); and to this Dravidian word ur "city
11
or" village"
corresponds m Canarese uru and in Tamil um (Ling. Sttrv.
lnJ. IV, pp. 325 & 679). It is also a prz'ori possible that
the names of cities in -oura and -our are derived from
pura as well as kuru. The quao tity of u in the Dravidian
word ura, teru, ur makes us more inchned to admit the
second alternative. t
To sum up, besides the Indo Aryan words like pura,
grQ.m.a, etc., the names of towns in the Tables of Ptolemy
' For the name of towns with " eight " aa its first element, ct.
4 Uhakanagara at Sauchi Inscr., No. 204, and in Anguttara, V. 842,
I "'
We have pur in Vedic but pura bas always u,
INDIAN TOWNS INPTOLE\IY
1
S GEOGRAPHY 139
have for their second element, a se>ries of forms koura,
goura., oura, our which are interconnected with eaeh other
and can aJI be explained by the single word kura meanio:g
"city."
As it often happens, the results which we h.ave JUSt
arrived at. raise new problems. If pura is Indo-Aryan,
to which languagE's do kura and other words of the series
properly belong ? What is the origin of the word kura ?
We have just seen that the word .Dantakura seems
to be modelled after Dantapura. There are still two
other forms. 1Jandag1tla in Pliny VI, 73, corresponds
to Dantakura and Professor Sylvain Levi has precisely
shown that Paloura is another term for ])audagula (Notes
Indiennes, p. 53). We have thus four forms cones-
ponding with eaeh other: lJtJ.ntaprM'a, JJantakura,
JJandagula, Patoura. If we suggest the equivalence :
pura = kura = gttla =oma =city-then it necessarily follows
danta-ilanda -pat=tusk of elephant.
Now it remains to be answered in which languages pal
can mean .,;elephant's tusk.'' We have in the Austro-.
Asiatic family :
Malay Peninsula bata', ilata, bal'
Khmer pltluk
Stieng blik
Kaseng
btok
Sue
b "'6 Qt.
Halang
nztta
Sedang
oora
Jarai, Bahna.r
bola.
Cam
lmltt
Ken-tu
pato
140 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
All these words mean "elephant's tusk" and are
connecte.J with a. root bal which signifies "horn " in the
Austro-Asiat.ic languages and hence, means of defence for
.., "'
the elephant. The example of Khmer: phlttk< blzluk and
Kon.tu : palo shows that the initial sonant b can be soften
~ d into a sound p, a fact whieh explains the form pal whieh
has been taken out from Paloura.
It is true that the equivalence pal=" elephant's tusk"
rests solely on the fact that pal represents Sanskrit danta.
But itanta signifies as well : tooth, tooth of elephant and
ivory. The Dravidian languages have the following
words fot tooth (Ling. 8n?v. [nd., IV, 650) :-
Telugu, Malayii.lam, Tamil
Kaikii.rJi
Korvr
Canarese
Kurukh
pallu
pella
pelt
ltallu
paU
pal
In Paloura the element pal can therefore be either a
Dravidian worJ meaning tooth or an A ustro-Asiatic word
meaning "elephant's tusk."
1
If we C'Onsider only the
first syllable of the word, nothing permits us to decide
if Paloura is Dravidian or Austro-Asiatie
Whatever it may be, JJantapura, lJa?ttalcura, 1Jandag1tla
and Paloura are intimately related to eaeh other. It
seems probable that these four names were equivalent
1
It may be 1nterestmg to compa.re w1t.h these words the name of
elephant in the Semitic languages : Assyrian : pilu, Aramean : p'il,
Arab : fi!, We know tha.t there is frequent confusion between the
words for elephant and "1vory." In l l ~ l e k , for example, e';>..E'cpar, first
meant "1vory." It 1s probable that l1Ssyna.n p1lu, Aramea.n pil, etc.,
a.re borrowed from the languages of Inclil:l.
INDIAN TOWNS IN PTOLEMY'S GEOGRAPHY 141
to each other and used in. different dialects.
These
name, and we find it associated with Sanskrit dania. We
have here the proof of intimate penetration between
Aryan and non-Aryan vocabularies and also the indica-
tion of ethnical a:Jd cultural mixture.
It is moreover possible to go still deeper into the
hierarchy of forms. When enumerating the towns between
the Pseudostomas and the Baris, Ptolemy (VII, 1, 86)
mentions, after different localities, Ka.roura, the royal city,
and then other towns which do not merit this epithet,
and amongst them, Arembour, Koureour, D81our, ete.
After the interior cities of Pandiones, such as Tainour,
Korindour, we find Modoura, the royal city of the Pandion,
then other towns such as Akour, Kaliour, Eikour, and
then Orthoura, a royal city and other cities like Abour,
Nagour, etc.. It appearsthat in a vast territory, Karoura,
Modoura, Orthoura were the royal cities while the names
in -our designate the ordinary agglomerations. This
distinction does not certainly hold good for other regions
of India. It ceases to be true for the Arouarnoi of
whom Skopeloura, the only town in -oura is not at all a
royal city but further on amongst the .Maisoloi, the only
city in -oura : Pitoura is precisely called a metropolis.
It seems that in the largest pari of ihe Dekhan, the eities
m -oura. had a special dignity superior to that of the
towns in -our. These differences in t ~ onomasticon
should correspond to two cultural levels. The names in
-oura were perhaps in use in the official language while
the names in -our belonged to country speeches.
142 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
Though it seems probable that pura, kura, *gura, ura,
ur, correspond to some distinct social levels it is not easy
to define to which families of languages do these forms
belong. Professor Sylvain Levi has thus written about
koura : "One is inclined to connect the final
0
koura in
Hippokoura. with
0
kowrai, which seems to be a plural form,
in the name Sosikourai (VII, 1, 10), which certainly
corresponds to Tuticorin ; here kourai is without any
doubt the equivalent of the Tamil word ku(ji-pla.ce of
habitation, town-(if. tbe texts ; s.v. Tuticorin .in Ho!Jaon-
Jo'bson of Yule and Burnell). Bnt identity kura=
kourai is very doubtful." (l<totes lurliennelt!f, p. 51.)
Let us observe that the final -ai is not certain. Some
MSS. give
0
oureri,
0
ouri,
0
ouroi, etc., and Renou, who
for the first part of the word has too hastily aeoepted
tbe reading Most-o, might have had even good reason to
adopt the reading
0
lc01eri 'for the second part of the
word-a form very near to Tamil kof/,i "town." Besides
Ptolemy mentions a. town Prokouri and a market place
Ta.rakori (VII, 4, 6 and 7) in Taprobane. I presume that
names of this type should also be connected 'vith Tamil
l&u(ji and modern Tuticorin. The existence of forms like
k1uj,i, uru, ura, ur in Dravidian can explain modern
names like Tuticorin, Travapcore, Cannanore, etc. ; but
there is noth.ing to prove that these forms &re properly
Dravidian. The words which mean "town " being
essentially words pertaining to a civilisation are always
suspected to have been borrowed by the less advanced
people from their neighbours. It is therefore necessary to
examine if other non-Aryan of India contain
anything of that kind.
In tbe Manda languages we have the following words
for village (cf. Ling. Surv. Ind., IV, pp. 272-5) :
INDIAN TOWNS IN PTOLEMY'S GEOGRAPHY 143
San tali a to
Mable a to
Kurku ahu
Mundari ha:u
Birba.r ltato Savara gorjan
'
Dhanga.r hiito
In this group of languages ancient *k may become
a sonant, soften itself to h and can even disappear
completely. 1'he above forms therefore authorise us to
...
suggest an ancient *katu for " village."
In Indonesia, on t,b'e other hand the names of towns
or villages ending- in k'llta are numerous. With reference
to the circumstances, the meaning we should attribute to
this word is that of "capital," "fortress," " town " or
"village." In Java, klfta means "the cout:t," "the royal
habtta.tion." To Malay and Achin kuta correspond
......
M inangkabao koto and Batak httta ( Encyclopadie 71 a?l
Nederlanilsclt-lndie, 2nd ed. s.v. kota) t
Thus the Munda terms seem to be derived from an
...
ancient *katu and the Indonesian forms can be traced
back to kuta. These two Austro-Asiatic types appear to
be related to the verbs meaning : to close, to enclose,
ete., all agglomerations, great or small being in ancient
times protected by a hedge or a wall against pillage and
enemy.
"'
Cam
kflt'0
1
k
...
Bahnar
kt'01t
" close, &but, enclose, cover"
" closing, shutting
11
" closin()' shuttin()' "
t:>' b
1
It is naturally admitted that all these words are loans
from Sanskrit " fortress ''), So, many villages without
any importance would be, consequently, &Dcient fortresses and would
h&ve partly an Intli an n sme. Bnt it will he jest now seen that the
problem is not so simple.
144 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
Jarai kro, kri
-
Stieng kotalt "cover"
Annamite klt' it
" close, envelope "
Old Ja.van. 2
kurun
" enclosed, shut, enchained, Ma.k
Sund. j
to be shut"
Malay
Tagal
kolon
"
Da.yak
kuron 1
J)
The same vowel and consonant changes which we find
in the form of these verbs are also obsm:-ved in the nouns
meaning " skin, bark, shell " ia the same qomain. We
have on one hand, in common Indonesia.n kulit " skin,
ba.rk " ~ and on the other in the languages of t4e
- continent :
..
Cam
Bahnar
Sue
Tareng, Kaseng
Kon-tu
I a . ~ Peninsula
kltlit
akar
aonkal
...
fketiik
J keto'
1
lueto
" skin"
"
"
"
"
kaduk
. .
kiidalt
...
ketong
..
ketong
...
keto'
" bark"
" scales (of
:fish) "
"shell (of
tortoise) "
" egg-shell "
1
We should still add to this series the verbs meaning " surround
by a. link .. :
Babnar
Btieng
Sedang
Man
..
kot,
Malay
kot
Malay Pen.
kot
e ekat
..
dakat
0/. Brandstetter; trans. Blagden, Indonesian Linguistics, p. 8,,
INDIAN 'fOWNS IN PTOLEMY'S GEOGRAPHY 145
The analogy between the verbs of the series " to
enclose" and the substantives of the series "skin, bark"
is manifest. There is nothing to be surprised. Whether
we mean the skin of an animal, the bark of a tree" the
shell of a tortoise or the scale of a fish we always think
of a "cover" and this notion can naturally be explained by
"enclosure." The same root can well serve to designate
all enclosed agglomerations : cities, fortresses protected by
ramparts or simple villages protected by a thick enGIOsQre
as can be still seen in the Far East. And thus can be
explained Indonesian words like kuta "town, villag{!," and
no doubt, the Sanskrit words such as k7tgya wall " and
k1lta "fortress." These last two words can be added to
.
the already long list of Indo-Aryan words borrow-ed
from the non-Aryan languages.
Thus if we were to sum up, from an ancient Austro-.
Asiatic root kar, kut, ktlt meaning "to enclose, to cover"
were derived. :
(a) in the tables of Ptolemy the series : -k(}'Ura,
-goura, -oura, -om,
....
(b) in Sanskrit kuq,ya '' wall," k u ~ "fortress,"
d
" t " ,, "11 ''
(c) numerous wor s meamng own or Vl age
in the Munda., Indonesian and Dravidian languages.
1
Should we then locate that cultural and linguistic
horizon, from which these words so important for the
history of institutions are denved, in the tra.nsGangetic
India ? There are facts to show that it will be a misilld.ke
not tc. look at all towards the west.
Amongst the ancient peoples of t.he North-West of
India are found the Bhadras of whom the capital Sakala
1 It ca.n be even asked if some Indo-Aryan a.nd non-Aryan
woras meaning ' house .. ae not belong to t.be same family. This
~ .
question merits & separate ulsc:usSlOD
19
146 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
was also called Bha.dramkara. I have shown elsewhere
that the Bhadras were also called Bhadrakii.ra, as such
was the name of their city.
1
If Bhadra be an ethnic
name then Bhadramkara, name of the capital, can signify
utbe city of the Bhadras." We can thus separate, the
...
element
0
kiira from the name.,...o a city of which the other
name Sakala suggests that it might have been founded by
a population coming from the west.
In the same way as
0
koura often becomes
0
goura in
the tables of Ptolemy
0
kara also can be represented by
numerous words ending in oga?'O. Ma.ndaga.ra., Armagara,
'Bramagara, Margara, Kamiga.ra, Kattigara, etc.
2
This new type largely surpasses the frontier of India..
Mr. Autran points out to me t.be ancient names of cities
in *kara and *gara in the west of India. Sumerian
precisely contains a root whiob can explain these names. s
gar <r to enclose, to assemble, to group"
g'ar (bar) , , ,,
...
There is still in Sumerian,
lear u wall "4
ingar "ramparts, wall."
Besides we know that the vowel changes of the type
of a : : tt are frequent in Sumerian and the root gar can
be found under the forms : s
1
Un ancien peuplll du Penfab : les Udumbara in Journ. tis.,
1996, p. 7.
~ Nevertheless it is possible that in some of these names, the
element .agara represents Skt. iiglira.
0/. c: Autran, Sumerien et Indo-Europeen, p. 82, and Delitsch,
Sumerisches Glossar.
Fr. Delitsch, Glossar, and C. Au'tran Sumhien et Indo-Europeen,
p. 82.
~ A n ~ r a n ibid, p. 113.
INDIAN TOWNS IN PTOLEMY'S GEOGRAPHY 147
gar-
kar- " to connect, to assemble "
kur
The Austro-Asiatic " verbal root " kar, kur, is found
again in Sumerian with the same variations and semantic
:value.
On the other hand in Sumerian we also find :
uru " to found "
"habitation, city,"
a form which is sometimes reduced to ur.
1
It is not improbable that the Sumerian series kar, k11r,
uru, 11r contains some distinct roots of similar forms with
similar meanings.
Nothing however permits us to decide definitely if
the Indian series "kura, *gura, iZra, ur, with their variants
kara, *gara is properly Austro-Asiatic or Sumerian. The
indeeisive character of the qnestjon is not at all negligible
because it raises a new problem that of the relation
between Sul!lerian and Austro-Asiatic languages.
Mr. Autran bas already pointed out
2
that pan, the
Snmerian word for bow is analogous to the Austro-Asia.tic
words meaning "bow, to draw a. bow.'' It may be
said that this similarity is purely a fortuitous one. But
w
1
tb the Sumerian series ~ a r kur, uru, ur the uncertainty
appears to be less. 'rhe examples of such s1i:mlanty can
be however multiplied. I shall content myself in
pointing ont the most suggestive ones :
sumerian.
Austro-A.sia.tic,
!J' a " fish ''
"fish" ka (common Austro-Asiatic).
1
Delitsch, Gloss aT.
~ Ibid, p. 1.23, a.nd cf. B.S.L., XXV, pp. 56-59.
148 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
Snmerian.
Austro-Asiatic.
ku " (kua) "
sig "skin covered with "hairs,"
"hair,"
sok (Mon)
sok (Stieng)
"wool"
gatu " man "
mutte
"
ar
"
lJxru '' fruit "
guta " great"
gat ,,
-nt.alz " o-reat "
!!>
nirdemonstrative
auk (Old Khmer)
~ } (Malay Peninsula)
sale
"man" kol (common Munda)
kttr (Malay Peninsula)
mono (Halang)
TJenu (Lave)
..,
ur-an (Cam)
or-an (Malay)
" fruit , peli
pele (Malay Peninsula)
pte
plei (Bahnar)
p!zlt (Kbmet)
" great " karu
kadu (Nikobarese)
karii, (Cbowra)
kadui (Malay Peninsula)
Augmentative prefix ma
Demonstrative ni, ne (coJ?lmon
A ustro-Asia tic).
oo.n be explained as loan-words. It is neither impossible
These analogies, o which tbe Jist is u o ~ exhausted,
that Sumerian should be related to the Austric languages.
But it would be premature to try to choose between the
two alternatives.
III
Non-Aryan Loans in Indo-Aryan
Kodumbara, Odumhara
1
In 'a series of articles published in the
and the B16Uetin de la Societe de Lingui8tique I have begun
to show, since 1920, what the Indo-Aryan voeabulary
owes to the Austro-Asiatic
2
languages. After having
prepared the way, I have marked out in these languages
a certain number of words of which the initial has either
t Taken from Prof. J. Przyluski's article: Un ancien peuple
au Peniab : Les Udumbara, J. As., 1926, pp. 2586.
1
While speaking of "Austro-Asiatic" languages I attribute
to this word a meaning of comprehensive nature not in use till now.
I use it for designating a linguistic family which singularly sUipasses
the limits of Austri.c Asia. It is di:fficnlt to find a. geographical term
which will be suftieiently general to iBGlude all tbe languages epok:eL,
not only in Eastern Asia but 'l.lso in a large part of Oceania, Africa
(Madagascar) and no doubt to the north of the Pacific in ancient
times. " Anstro Astahc " ts suggested by the hypothesis that Austric
Asia is the region whence the people speaktng theee la.nguages se2m
to have dispersed. Such was the opinion of. H. Kern who admitted
the continental origin of the :Malayo-Polynesie.n peoples. This
hypothesis has not yet been confirmed by any fact. P. Schmidt
who was the first to speak of " Aastro-Asiatic '' languages reserve
this word for the languages of the continept and makes the " Austro-
Astatlc " language a subdivision of the Austrie lltflguage. This
last term has disadvantage of apparently confining the language,
still largely spread to the north of the equator, only to the Austric
hemisphere. Probably it would be better to reserve the word
" Austric" for designa.ting the languages spoken in Oceania before
the arrival of the MalayoPolynesians.
150 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
softened or completely disappeared. It is thus that for
"son, child" we have the following forms :
kon kAon hanl
In han the guttural initial is reduced to an aspirate.
Or/ the other band in Khmer ambaB "cotton " comes
from an ancient *kam"bas of which the guttural initial has
completely disappeared (Bulletin de la Societe de Litzguz"a-
ti']_1te
1
1924, p. 70, and supra,. p. 23). The comparison
of the words for man and woman in the M unda. languages
reveals an analogous phenomenon :
"man"
"woman''
koro, har, Mriil,
kuri,
hara,
kori,
Here for the same M!t we have different conditions
of the initial, k, h and zero. It would be easy to show
that the same phenomenon bas occurred in the case of
other initials in that linguistic family. Thus for ''salt"
we ha.ve:
tampo!Jing, empoga, ambang 2
For the " breast," Cam has two forms : barawn and
azauiL In Sa.nta.li the Hibiscus saodaTiffa is either
bamoara or ambaro. To brang black" in Bahnar (
corresponds heram in the speeches of the Malay Peninsula,
lt.ite?lfl 10 Kaw1 and ere1zg 1n Javanese. It will be easy to
multiply examples. When the principle once comes to
light the difficulties begin in our attempt to draw con-
elusions from it.
1
Memoires de la Societe de Linguistique, 1921, p. 209 (cj. supra,
p. 29). The form han is common to several Munds. languages:
'Mundari, Sa.ntali, etc.
C!. Skeat and Blagden : Pagan RacBS of the Malay Peninsula,
II, p. 702.
NON-ARYAN LOANS IN INDO-ARYAN 151
Kusinara is the Sanskrit name of a town which
became famous by the parirtirvana of Buddha ; the
Mahao'harata (VIII, 5, v. 137; XII, 101, v. 3736) speaks
of a people called Usinara. These names form a pair of
which the elements can be nearly superposed ; the most
notable difference is due to the loss of the initial in
the second, a phe"lomenon frequent in the Austro-
Asiatic languages. Can we deduce from it that the
pair has been borrowed from that family of languages ?
It will be however imprudent. The apheresis is observed
in different linguistic families. Sumerian (Autra.n,
ht111f!Ue8 tJu Montie, p. 278) furnishes some sueh examples
and some Sanskrit words are precisely suspected to be
loans from that language.
Even supposing that Sum!lrian has nothing to do
here and that amongst the languages which were in
contact with Indo-Aryan in ancient times those which
belonged to the Austro-Asiatic family were the sole to
present cases of aphereses, it would be still imprudent
to say that. the words which rave lost thei"t initial in
Sanskrit would necessarily be of Austro-Asiatie origin.
The softening of the initial k>li appears to be due to
the fact that, in dialects in which it is produced
the pronunciation of the occlusive necessitated a strong
breath. The same pron'lnciation has been able to main-
tain itself and pro.dcce the same effects even after the
non-Aryan populations of India had learnt to speak the
Indo-Aryan languages and, since then, some words of
Indo-European origin could ha9e lost their
In short, the loss of initial in some words of Indian
languages would not prove their Au!tro Asiatic origin. I
cannot therefore admit without reserva.tion the following
form.ttlQo in which Prof. Sylvain Levi recently summarised
152 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
the results of his researches on some Indian geographical
names : "Pulinda.-Kulinda, Mekala-Utkala (with the
group Kosala-Tosa.la, Aiiga-
Vanga, Ka.liiiga-Tililiga form the links of a long
chain which extends from the eastern confines of Kashmir
up to the centre of the peninsula. The skeleton of this
ethnical system is constituted by the heights of the
central plateau ; it parti?ipates in the life of all the great
rivers of India, except the Indus in the west and the
Kaveri in the south. Each of. these groups form a binary
whole; each of these binary units is united with another
member of the system. In each ethnic pair the twin
bears the same name, only by the initial:
lc and t ; k and p ; zero and v or m or p. This process
of formation is foreign to Indo-European; it is foreign
to Dravidian ; it is on the contrary eha.meteristie of the
va.st family of languages which are called Austro-Asiatic,
and which covers in India the group of the MuQc}i
languages, often called also the Kolarian." (Pre-aryen
et pre-dravidien ... , J. Aa., 1923, p. 30; B1J.IYI'a. p. 95),
The difference between Aliga and Vanga. or Ugra.
and Pnndra is not at all similar to that which exists
. .
between Pulindao and Kulinda, Kosala and Tosala.
There 1s no reason to suppose tbat there is "the same
process of formation " in all these cases. In the group
Vaiiga-Ailga, there is, I think, the same word whieb
ha.s either lost or preserved its initial and aphereses
which is a purely phonetic phenomenon does not teach
us anything certain on the origin of either V aliga or
Ailga.. The same thing can be said about the group
if we admit that these words <l&D.
be rightly connected with each other. On the other hatUl
the groups Pulioda-Kulinda; "J[qsala-Tosala differ by the.-
,/
NON-ARYAN LOANS IN INDO-ARYAN 153
permutation of two prefixes pu and leu, leo and to and
this phenomenon, which is of morphological character,
tends to prove the Austro-A.siatic origin of the words
in which it is observed.
It is now clear that this discussion of principle was
necessary before examining the significance of the group
Kodum1Jara-Od1tmbara. We now know that the presence
or absence of the initial lc does not prove that the names
are Austro-Asia.tic. Before proceeding further it mil be
of advantage to discuss a second problem closely related
to the first .
.4 prior nothing forbids us to say : Knlinda = K + ulinda;
if I have abandoned that method of arguing it is because
the Austro-Asia.tic languages present derivatives of the
type Ku-linda. Ka is a prex frequently met with in these
languages and the vowel u normally replaces there a.
This indicates the wa.y which we should follow. If
Kodumoara-Odumba'!'a form a pair in Middle-Indian and
Ulluml;ara in Sanskrit corresponds with them, we should
start from the form * Kudumbara.
1
Isolating the prefix
lt1t we should see if the element dttmbara can..be explained
m such a group of Non-Aryan languages. In short we
have got to see if *kudttmbara can be normally derived
from an Austro-Asiatic root by prefixing leu-.
'l'he Indian flora possess a sort of coloquintidao wbiC'h
the Botamsts call lJagenaria v1dgaria and which like a
large number of gourds are of Eastern Asiatic origin.
In Sanskrit the name of the fruit is tumba,; we have
also tumbi and t u m ~ u k a It is not a.t aJl possible to
separate it from the word goif,v.mlJa which is used for
1
As Prk. odumbara is derived from Skt. udumbara so also 1t 11
probable that Pall kodumbara comes from kutiumbara.
154 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
water melon as well as for a. kind of cucumber. Gotf,um!Ja
"'
certainly belongs to the same family as tumba ; the
conuection between these two words can be explained
by the similarity of the two fruits.
We know on the other hand that several Austro-
Asiatic people call themselves issue either of a gourd
or a melon of which every seed gave bitth to a man,l
The same myth has passed into the Indian tradition.
The wife of Sagara, king or Ayodbya, named Sumati
to whom 60,000 sons were promised, gave birth to a
gourd from which 60,000 children came out. (Ramay.
I, 38; ef. Makion:arata III, 106; Bhagav. Pur. IX, 8, 8).
Ilcvalcu, the Sanskrit word for gourd is also
the name of an ancestor of the kings of Ayodhyi.
The Austro-Asiatic myth of gourd-ancestor has evidently
been transposed in the legends of Sumati and
both of whom are placed at Ayodhyi. But as it often
happens in Indian literature, it seems that in the
second case, authors have modified the myth for
ennobling it. The epic poets could not he pleased by the
fact that a gourd had given birth to a glorious dynasty.
lk!Jviiku, which properly means a gourd, bas been
personified as a hero, son of Manu-V aiva.svata (R<..may.
I, 70, v. 20-21; Mahah!tar. 1, 75, v. 8140), or that of
:Ai Gautama (cf. Rockhill, Lift o.f tlze Buddha, pp. 10-11).
In a story of the Dul-va analysed by Rockhill, attempt
has been made to explain the name of by the
fact that the children of rl}i Gautama had been found
in a field of sugarcane This play 011 words should
not deceive us ; the difference between the epic and the
' Bmdfacy; Coun d'thnogmphie t"ndo-chtnoue, Ha.noi, 1919,
p. 46; and Cochrane, 'l'h Sham, Rangoon, 1916, I, p. 190.
NON.ARYAN LOANS IN INDO-ARYAN 155
Buddhist traditions relating to k ~ v i k u shows how far
the one or the other deviates from popular belief.
"'
As tunaba is the name of a coloquintida and as, in
the common traditions of India and Indo-China, the
ancestor of a family or a tribe can be a gourd, there is
nothing strange in the fact that the Makabharata knows
the Tumbuma or Tumbura. This is the name of a. people,
apparently derived from tumba by affixing ra or ma of
which the first is particularly frequent in the Indo-Aryan
names. As regards the affix ma, I have shown elsewhere
1
that it is prefixed to some Indo-Aryan loan words borrowed
from the Austl'o AsiaGie languages.
If we had altogether ignored the Pre-Aryan languages
we could have supposed that lcudumbara is a loan word
in those languages and is derived from the word for
gourd. But our information is not limited to Sanskrit.
In Malay, tabu means a gourd, and other cucurbits (e. g.,
labu merak " Cucurbita moachata ".) The corresponding
forms are:
Malay Peninsula
Khmer
Batak
...
Malagashy
...
. . .
laou, lalJo
... loow
I e I ta!Ju
taw
On the other band in Sanskrit we have : li.!Ju, alil;u,
alab'ii (Cj. Pali lapu, alapu) "Lagt!'Tlaria vulgari&=-
gourd." The unsettled character of these forms
is a sufficient indication of their non-Aryan origin. The
comparison with Malay, Khmer, etc., confirms that
these words have been borrowed from the Austro-Asiatic
la.ngua.ges.
t B1tll. Soc. Ling., t. XXVI, p. 98 suiv.; suppra, PP 129-135.
15tl PRE-A&YAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
As the Indo-Aryan words for the Lagenaria vulgaris
are of the type tumba, tabu it is sufficiently significant that
we have in the east: Batak tabu, Malay tabu. It seems that
in these two insnla.r and continental regions the initial t
permutes with t. One is therefore tempted to suggest
as the origin of all these forms, an Austro-Asiatic form
~ i k *tumba with a cerebral initial. The Austro-Asiatic
languages really possessed and still possess a series of
cerebrals-a fact which is or certain importance for the
study of Indo-A1yan languages. Whatever role we may
attribute to substratum in the development of cerebral-
isation in Indo Aryan, the existence of a series of eerebra.ls
in the Austro-Asiatic languages is a fact which nobody
will be able to ignore. .
The cerebral, however, appears in Sanskrit goqum6a
cucumber:" This word can he easily explained by starting
from an ancient *tumba, by adding a prefix with a guttural
initial and by converting the intervocalic ~
1
into a
sonant. In the Indonesian languages tht: words for
cucumber ( Cucumis sativua) are comparable:
Javanese, Malay, Sunda ... timun
Javanese, Malay ... i I i katz'mun
Madura ... antemon
The root from which tMnba, etc., are derived oeeurs
again in timzm in which the firsb vowel has changed its
stem and thus mb>m; The prefix with guttural initial in
The cerebral of *tumba which ha& dl8appeared an Sanskrit from
the beginning of the word tumba is preserved in the interior of the word
gof1umba. Similarly in some Austro-Asiatic languages, for example
in Aiinamese, the old m1tia.l ~ has become t while 1t is retained at
the end of the word. It shoUld be remarked that in SanBkiit there
are very few words with cerebral initial.
NON-ARYAN LOANS lN INDO-AR!iAN 157
god.umba is found again in kn.-ti-mu1t, and with apheresis
in antemotl (< *kantemon). initial a of Sanskrit
aliibu is probably also the rest of au ancient prefix.
In Javanese walu is the form which corresponds to
Malay labu ; walu, without doubt, comes from *luwa
( by metathesis. Several other Indo-Chinese
words for gourd can be connected with the latter :
..
Bahnar puol; Ronga.o ptwl; Kha. par and similarly
Anna.mese bti' u " Lagenaria vteZgaria, gourd."
We now see how many different forms the same root
has taken in the vast domain where it has spread. It is
little probable that these vaiiations are solely due to the
normal display of phonetic laws. We know that the
words having religious import are subject to systematic
defol'mation ; the word being ta.booed under its normal
form, was much changed in use. The myth of gourd-
mother sufficiently explains the respectful fear, inspired
by the name of this fruit and the modifications the word
has undergone.
On the whole, it seems that an Austro-Asiatic root
like either accompanied by affixes or not, has been
uSi:d to mean the cucurb1t, t.e., the frUit which contains
a large number of seeds in it. To !he family
belongs the Sanskrit loan words : tumbii, tumbi, tumbuka,
"'
gf,ttm'6a, liifJu, alabu, aliibii. The same root explains
still a few other Indo-Aryan words.
Udum!Ja'l'a is the Sanskrit word for Ficu8 gloraerata,
a tree whieh is native of Burma and found io India
principally in the Sub-Himalayan zone (Watt;
])ictiona'l'! of conomic Prodtwta qf India, s. v
0
Ficus
glomerata). The fruit of this tree resembles the European
exeept that it is smaller and of oval sba.pe Its
shape is rightly comparable to that of some small
158 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
coloquintidas and the large number of seeds which it
contains adds .to the resembla.nce.
1
Therefore we need
not be surprised to find an an'!}ogy between the names of the
coloquintida. : Sanskrit tumoa, and that of Ficus glomerata :
Sa.nskrit udzembara. It may be remarked however that
the cerebral of reappears in the classical Sanskrit
form uif,umbara. Sueh rapprochements seem to be more
justified when we consider the very words for udum!Jara
in the modern languages of India: Sa.ntali lowa ;' Chota.
Nagpur Kberwa.rien dumer; Oriya (limeri; Nepal
dumri. [Bengali dumur-P. C. B.]. Between labu, the
Malay word for different kinds of gourds (the Sanskrit
equivalent labu, the corresponding word in Ja,va.nese
walu) and lowa the word for Fz'cua glomerata in Santali,
the resemblance is as exact as possible and can be very
well explained hy semantic laws.
What does then the initial u in Sanskrit udumbara
represent ? This cannot but be the rest of an ancient
prefix which bas now lost its initial and the analogy of
leetimun, suggests here an ancient guttural.
Udrtmbara l uif,umbara then would come from an ancient
1 and we are thus brought back
in a. roundabout way to the hypothesis already formulated
above.!!
It is probably in the same family, from which Sans-
krit t1emba, udumbaro, etc., come, that we have to search
:for the or1gm of names of some musical instruments
and an Indian caste. Labulci, the word for a sort of
1
In the eyes of the AustroAsiatics the abundance of seeds was
certainly the characteristic of these fruits, as the myth of the
gourd-mother g1ving b1rth to numerous children shows.
Of the two k1ndted words fo1 cotton stuff in Pall the one
bas a. cerebral : ko{umbara while the other has not got it : kotlambtJro.
NON-ARYAN LOANS IN 159
lute is certainly derived from Skr. labze "gourd." 1
J)aman& is the Sanskrit and the Bengali name of a small
drum which plays an important role in Indian iconography
a.s the attribute of several di rinities ('-:/ Curt Sachs,
Die Musi/ci,lstrumente lucliens und Indone8ieils, 2nd ed.,
p. 7 5). The instrument called in :J.Iarathi c.Umru, in Hindi
cJamru, etc., resembles a gourd, with two swellings, cui in
such a way as t-o have only the two hemispheric ends. The
analogy of the names of this drum with those of the
udumlJara fruit in the Indian langaages can be therefore
explained by common ressemblance to some cucurbits.
Pamhura is the Marathi word for a kind of It does
not appear doubtful at all that the instrument owes its
name to that of the two hollow appendices which are
suspended from the tube like the gourds from their e.talk.s
1 0/. also the name of a kind of Bengali violin : aliibu siira.ngi
(Curt Sachs, p. 131).
This cith&r& must not be confounded with a lute which has almost
the same name: Hindi ta,mburii (Curt Sachs, ibid, p. 129, fig. 90), but
which resembles a. mandolin of which the body is like a. calabash.
Mr. C. Sa.cbs 1s of oprnton tha.t the na.me of th1s 1nstrument 1s the
same as Persia.n whrcb is denved by meta.thesrs from pa.11dur,
name of a. lute in the Near East. India. would ha.ve received the
tanbur from her western neighbours a.nd modified the name by analogy
to that Of 'l'umbnru, the king of celestia.l musicia.ns. In fact 1t seems
that Hindi desrgnates an mstrnment rmpotted to Indra from
the west but it is difficult to decide if the Hindi form tamburii is
d\18 to a contamination with tbe name of Tumburu or that of the
cithara. called !ambura tn Ma.rath1. Th1s last rnstrument seems to be
indigenous lD India. and tts na.me can be explamed by thE> two
calaba.sbes hanging from it. It is not however impossible that
Tnmburu owes its na.me originally to the musical instrument which
bas the sba.pe Of a gourd or a ca.Iabash; according to th1s
the na.me of the ga.ndharva kmg would also belong tO the fa.mily :
tumba, U(Jumbara, etc,
160 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
La.st of all, (f,omba, in Sanskrit, is the name of a low casiie
earning its livelihood by chanting a.nd singing. The
word appears under the form l)omva (])ova) in the list
of the Mleccbas taken by Weber from the J aina texts
(Iniiiac'he studien, X VI, p. 332). In the modern laugua.ges
of India., dome, dlwmbe, iiombar, dombari, dumbar, dumbaru
designate the degraded aborigines scattered all over
India (Hobaon-Job.wn, s. v. dombe). It seems that the
same non-Aryan word or Its variants have been used
for the musical instruments made of gourd or calabash,
as well as for the native musicians who played on
that instrument ,)loud the caste from which these poor
musicians were recruited.
On the whole, uiiumbara, the Sanskrit word for Ficus
glomerata, belongs to the long series of words
borrowed by the Indo-Aryan languages from the A.ustro-
Asia.tic ones. Udumbara also designates a country of
the Penjab and its inha.bita.nts. It bas been obsel'ved
that in the neighbouring countries in the South-Sea, the
names of peoples or countries are frequently borrowed
from the vegetable world. If the name udumoara is of
Austro-Asia.tic origin, there is nothing surprising that the
name of a people and a country has been derived from this
tree. On the other hand, the economic and linguistic
history forbids us to" separate from it the word lcotlumlJara,
which is used for a sort of tissue as well as for the people
who used to make it. It should t h r t ~ f o r be admitted that
Udumbara, Odumbara, Kodumbara are the ..rariants of the
saome name of au Austro-Asiatic people of Northern India..
:or.Aa:PPENDIX
TO
PAR'r III
21
I
Paloura-Dantapurat
( SYLVAIN LE'VI)
On the eastern coast of India Ptolemy mentions a
locality called Paloura (VII, 1, 16) which he chooses .
as one of the bases for the preparation of his map. '
He places Paloura at I 36 40' East X 11 2;0' North at
the en tranee of the Gangetic gulf and at 20' North of the
apheterium where the vessels bound for the "Peninsula of
Gold" (Khrus$ Khersonesos) ceased to follow the littoral
and entered the high sea. The map of Ptolemy plaoes .
the aplteterium at the southern extremity of an im8.2inary
peninsula which inchnes south-eastwards startmg from a
point which approximately agrees with the Ca.limere point,
right to the north of Cey Jon and passes straight to
the north for extending at last m the west-east direction
towards the Gangetic delta. In his first hook (I, 13, 5-7)
Ptolemy had already discussed in detail the position
attributed to PSlloura by his predecessor, the navigator
of Tyr, and corrected in his own way the distance
indicated by this navigator between Paloma and the pert
of Sa.da, on the opposite coast.
On&- is to find that a locality placed in such
an exceptional situation on the route of maritime commerce
between India and the Far-East, is not mentioned ely..
wl:lere. The name belongs to the Dravidian type ; it is one
1 Cf. J. As,. 1926 pp. 46.57 (Notu ltuiietJtiU) already referred to
by Prof. Przyluslci; ct: p. 186.
164 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
of the long series of names ending in *our and *oura,
an element which has long been recognised as the .
Dravidian word ur "city." Caldwell (Oomp. Grammar
of tke Dravidian Lanuuage8, Introd., p. 104) has explained
the name Paloura by Tamil pdl-ur "the city of milk."
But another explanation can also be o:IIered. In Tamil
fot ' tooth ' we have the word patlu (Telugu : paUu ;
Canarese : !tallu ; M alayalam : paltu ; Gond : pal, etc. ;
cf. lingui8tic Survey, Vol. 1 Y, 650-652, No. 37) ; Paloura
can be the "city of tooth." The Indian tradition is
acquainted and since long, with a "city of tooth,"
Dantapura, in the country of Kalitiga, just in the same
region in which Paloura is located. It is only in the
Buddhist tradition that Dantapura has become famous;
the name of the town is associated there with a famous
relic, the tooth of Buddha, which is worshipped till to-day
at Kandy in Ceylon. The common tradition on the
division of the relics just after the Pa'J''l/ltirvii'{l,a relates
that one of the teeth of the Master passed to the king-
dom of Kalinga (DJgha, II, p. 167 ; Buddhavamsa, Chap.
XXVIII ; Dt&lva in Rockhill, Life, p. 147). A late poem
in Pali, the (ed. J. P. T. S. 1884) by
Dhammakitti, relates the pretended history of this relic ;
it was broug-ht to Dalitapura by the M uni Khema, under
the reign of Killitiga Brahmadatta; it remained there as
the object of a cult; till the reign of Guhasiva who for
saving it from defilement, entrusted It to hts son-in-law,
Dantakumara. of Ujjayini; it was taken by him to
Tamralipti, and thence on board a vessel to Ceylon whei"e
it wao;; piously received by the sueeessor of Mahisena,
Kitti-siri-megha (middle of the 4th century A.D.), the
same prince who had sent an envoy to Samudragupta
for the Mahibodhi monastery. 'l'he two facts are related
'
--
PALOURA-DANTAPURA
165
to each other ; Kitti-siri-megba. seems to have imposed
himself a.s a. cha.mpion of Bnddhist interests at a time
when India. was passing through a period of reaction
against that religion.
For the Buddhist tradition, Dantapura is one of the
most ancient cities of India ; it appears as the first in
the list of six cities built by Maha Govinda, in the time
of King Rei}u :
Dantapuram Kalinganath Assa.kanaii ca. Potanam
Mahissatt A vantinam Sovirinaii ca. Rorukaih
Mithila ca Videhanam Campa Ailgesu mapita
Bar&LJasl ca Kisinatil ete Govindamipiti.
This versified list has been inserted in the Ma.ha
Govinda Satta of the Dlgha Ni.kiya, XIX, 36 ; it is also
found in the corresponding Siitra of the Dirghagama,
extant in two Chinese versions, the one (Tok; XII,
9, 28", 5) incorporated in the C!tanu A-ltan-the long
Agama a.nd the other translated separately (XII, I 0,
50", 3) by Sbe-hu (Danapila). It also occurs in the
Mahavastu, III, stories of the Mahivastu
have for their scene Dantapura in the country of the
Ka.linga, III, S64 (similarly cf. the Pili
Jiitaka. : Kurud'hamma II, 67 ; Gulla Kalinua, III,
3 ; Kumbhakara, II, 376 ; Kalingab01lhi IV, 230) ;
they likewise speak of events which took place "at
the time when Kaliilga was reigning at Dantapura in
Kaliflga " ( KslitibgaratJlle lJan.tapura'!UliJf!fe Kalirhge
rajjarfn !Carente). In the KmnMakiiM (jotaka) the Jcing
who reigns at Dantapura in Kalinga is the famous
Kara.I;JcJn, whose name is associated with those of Na.gga.ji
of Gandhara., Dummnkha of Uttara-Paiicala, and Nimi
of Videha who abdicated for living like ascetics. Their
166 PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
is not less m the Jaina literature where Karai}QU is
transformed into Karakandu, who was also king of Kalitiga
at Dantapura ; the magnificent J aina encyclopaedia,
now in course of publication, the Abhidhitna- Rajendra,
relates at length the biography of Karakal}QU (s.v.
0
) and
refers to a series of texts ; it will suffice here to retain
the account of the Uttaradhya?Jana siltra, XVIII, 45-46,
with the commentary of Devendra.. Dantapura of Kalinga is
also famous amongst the J'aioas as the capital of King
Dantavakra. (
0
vakka), "the best of the " accord-
ing to the 8utralcrto/i'bga I, 6, 22, specially known for
having involuntarily roused an emulation of devotion
and heroism between two friends, Dhanamitra and Dr<;lha.-
mitra, the Indian parallel of Orestes and Fylades or of
Damon a.l)d Pythias, etc. ; the word darzta "tooth " or
''.tusk" has suggested the beginning of the story : the
wife of. King Danta.va.kra., who was enceinte had a desire ;
she wanted a palace entirely built of ivory ; the king
therefore orders to keep all available ivory reserved for
his use. Unfortunately, the wife of the merchant
Dhanamitra, who was also enceinte, was seized by the same
desire. ; for satisfying her the merchant and his friend do
not obey. the order of the king ; then each of them puts
forth his claim to be punished ; the king is moved and
them (cf. Abhidhana-RiJendra s.v. o pacchttta,
Vol. V, p. 186, and for the references s.v.
0
Dantavakka).
:rha Mahi-Bhara.ta mentions a prince named Danta-
va.kra (paBt.; tf. Sorensen, Index, s.v.
0
) but he is the
king of Karuta, the country situated between Cedi and
Magadha, to the south of Kasi and Vatsa. Dantava.kra.,
the is mentioned quite frequently in the Hari-
va.mia., almost always in the company of Kalinga ; he
is the terrible adversary of who at last kills him.
PALOURA-DANTAPURA 167
That is doubtless the origin of the reading adopted by
the Southern manuscripts, in the passage of the Mah&-
Bhitrata. quoted later on (p. 168) : " He has
destroyed the Kalinga [and] Dantavaktra."
I have not peen able to discover any reference to
Dantapura in the Brahmanical literature; however a late
epigraphic evidence proves that the name of this locality
was in use or a long time. King Indra.varman
issues a donation from hiS residence at Da.ntapura
(Dantapuravasalcat ; Ep. Ind., XIV, 361 : Purle Plates
of lndravarman, the [Ganga] year 149) while the
kings of this dynasty generally issue their chatts from
Kalinganaga.ra. Indravarman makes to a Brahmin
the donation of the villagt: of Bhukkukiira, in the Kiira.ka.-
(modern Bhukkur in the Taluk), the
place where the inscription was found. The editor of
the inscription, G. Ramadas, observes : " On the road rom
Chicacole to Siddhintam [the name of a village which
Mr. Rama.das wants to reconstruct as Siddbirthaka-
grS.ma-' the viliR.ge of the Buddhists' ! ] and very near
this last place a large piece of land is shown as the
site of the fort of Danta.vaktra." Mr. Ra.madas, if he
had known the Jaina legends, would not have missed
to notice the really surprising persistence of the memory
of King Dantavaktra or Dantavakra (the forms alternate
and are confounded with each other in Prikrit Danta-
va.kka) about whom the legend connected with the name of
Dantapara has been just now mentioned.
Though the Maha-Bharata does not contain any
mention of Dantapura yet it refers, on several occasions in
connection with Kalinga., to a name of which the first element
is danta. In the ath eanto 23, v. 708),
while recalling the exploits of his brotben speaks out,
HiS PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
"The son of Madrl, Sahadeva., has vanquished the
Kalingas assembled at Dantakiira by throwing lance right
and left ! "-
Madriputral;l Sahadeva.l} Kalirigan samigatiin ajayad,
Dantaki'ire 1 Vamenisyan yo vai mahabalam
kliCcid enatil smara.nti II
Further on in the same canto when Samjaya reports
the words of Arjuna glorifying (ad!t!J. 47, v. 1883):
"It is he who has vanquished the Prupjya at and
destroyed the Ka.liil63s at Dantaki'ira."
a.yam nijaghana PAI}Q.yam
baothii Kalirig-Cin Dantaki'ire mamarda 1
Against this passage the translation of P. C. Roy
has :
11
It was he who slew King by striking his
b1east against his and mowed down the Kalingas m
battle/' The translator adds in a note "some texts read
kf1pate nijag!tana meaning ' slew in the city of Kapiita.' "
For his translation he has followed the reading of the
Caleatta edition: jagltana. The meaning, as
is evident, is quite different. The translator has followed
fibe commentary of who adopts
Jaghana and interprets as " thorax, the breast as
large as the door-piece ; " NIJakai}tha, in the second
paita, arbitrarily attributes the meaning of " the battle
m whtch one shows the teeth " to the word dant,.,leura.
The southern edition reads (ailh!f. 48, v. 76) lcavate
nijag!tana and dantavalctram mamarda. The gloss inter-
prets kavq;f:e as Mttrablteda "a particular town;" it is
silent about the rest. It is however curious to see the
King Dantavaktra, persistently associated with Kaliiiga,
reappearing here, even in defiance of the syntax which
does not allow two aoousatives juxtaposed (tatha ltatin-
pan dantavaktram mamarda).
PALOURA-DANT APURA 169
The word dantaku;m is again mentioned in the Maha-
Bharata, VII, 70, 7 at least in the Southern ed1t1on.
The poet recalls the exploits of Para.Surama in his fierce
fight against the " There, fourteen thousand
enemies of the Brahma.r)a.s and others sWI, he st-opped
them and killed them at Dantakiira."
Brahmadvir{Mn catlta tnsmin sa!tasra'T}i caturda8a
p unu.-m1tya-n nijagraha JJnntdure jar;hana 1ta.
The commentator mentions another reading, danta-
lcruram ; " in this case, he says, the word designates the
king of the country." To say in other words, when
it is not a place-name formed with *kura, it is the name
of a man formed with *krura and one should
take it in the accusative. The translation of P. C. Roy
follows the reading Dantakure and translates the passage
thus : " In that slaughter were included fourteen thousand
Brahma.l'}a-ha.ting Kshattriyas of the Dantakiira country."
The Calcutta. edition has preferred to read ODantakrfi.ram
jaghana ha; it is also the reading followed by
whose gloss ( taddesa-dkipati) has been reproduced by
the annotator of the Southern edition. The authors of
the Petersburg Dictionary have (s. v.O dantak1urnm) treaLed
the word as an adverb and translated it as "auf eine
crra.uenvolle Weise mit den Zii.hnen "="in a ferocious
way with t.he teeth ; " they ha.ve referred to this pa.ssa.ge
only. But later on, in the abridged edition, Bohtlingk:
substitutes the nominal stem dantalcrura for the adverb
dantakruram and interprets it thus : " Name of place
(according to ; it should be read as do.ntakure
instead of ilantalcruram.n
The ohoice between 1Jantakura and IJantalcrura, left
uncertain by t.he tradition of the Mahi- Bhiirata and the
22
H2 PRE-ARI AN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
titzg) and at the otht!r were ou the sea shore. I would
not enter into this Sinological discussion : I must however
point out that the word regnlarly means "meeting
point; exchange, mixture," .aud the expression "situated
at the meeting-point of seas " \"ety well renders the
geographical conception which Ptolemy had adopted for
aplteteriurn.
To find a well defined turning point along the eastern
coast it is necessary to go up to t.he Palmyras Pomt
which brings one to the mouths of the Ganges, at
20 44' 40" N. x 87 -!'E. to the north of the mouth of the
Mahiinadi. But Ptolemy places the opheterinm right to
the sout.h of this river which he calls Manadas, midway
between its mouth 'and the mouth of the Maisolos which
represents at the same time the Godiiva,ri a.nd the Kistna.
Besides, the current which, during the Western mon-
soon, passes from the Indian coast to that of Burma, avoids
the Indian coast in the region of Chicacole at Kalinga-
patam at about 18 degree. I refer once again to the
text of Valentijn (1727) which Yule has pointed out
(Proceed. Ro?J. Geogr. Soc. 1882): ''In the beginning
of February, a small vessel sailed ...... towards Pegu with
a cargo which she took at Masulipatam.... .. From
this point she followed the coast up to the 18 degree
and thence she reached the higb sea for attaining
the opposite shore at 16 degree.'' The Maps of India, even
in the 17th century, for example, that of William Blaca,
continue to mark a. sudden turn and inclination of the
eoast,in conformity with the indications of Ptolemy, between
'
the ports of- Masulipatam and Bimlipatam (to the north
of Vizagapatam at 17 53' 15" N. and 83 29' 50" E.).
Moreover, it wonld be rather naive to wish to interprete
the data of Ptolemy too literally for a.ll this region ;
PALO U RA-DANTAPURA
178
...,
a little to the north of the apheterium : Pliny, on the
other hand, starting from the mouths of the Ganges,
meutions first "the promontory of the CalinQ'ae" and
then, consequently to its south, "the fortified place of
Danda.gnla ; " ignores the name of Kalinga,
either territorial or littoral ; perhaps one should recognise
th1s name, st1Il famous, in the city of Ka.lliga which
Ptolemy LII.
1
9,3 enumerates amongst "' the inland
cities" of Maisoloi where Pitundra also is met with. I
bad already the occasion of pointing out the strange
transposition by which he bas taken Tosali (Tosalei
metropolis) of Orissa. right into the territory of Pegu;
it seems tba.t the whole of Orissa and a part of the
neighbouring countries ha.ve undergone a similar trans-
position, probably through the confusion of- the two
itineraries, one inland from the South to the North and
the other maritime from the West to the East.
Now that the name Daota.kiira is well established a.s
a geographical term,- analogous to or identical with Danta.-
pura, one will be surprised to recognise the enigmatic
element kura in the name of the kingdom ;
the village Bhukkukiira, given by King Indravarman while
he was at Dant&pura, formed a part of the latter kingdom.
The editor of the chart, Mr. Ramadas, is astonished to
find here the term "kingdom'' while the provinces
o Kaliitga a1e elsewhere designated as vit}a!Jll. The
Kuraka ()r Kiira kingdom was perhaps an ancient expreP
sion, retained in a long use, for designating the territory
near the capital Dantapura.
- .
-This singular e!ement'
0
k1lra which appears to be alter
na.ting with Sanskrit
0
pura for designating in combination
174 AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
with J)anta
0
, the capital of Kalinga, recalls, at least- through
analogy, the last syllable of the uame of the city which
Ptolemy writes Hippokoura (VII, 1, 88). Hippokoura is
situated in the southern part of Ariake to- the south of
Paitha.na (Paithan, in the upper valley of the Godavari,
in the dominions of Nizam, district of Aurangabad) and
Ta.ga.ra (Ter, Ther, in the dominion of Niza.m, district
Naldrug), and to the north of Banaouasei (Banavasi in
Mysore, district Sh1moga). H1ppokoura hke Dantaktira,
is a royal capital ; it is btUileion Bateolcourou, "the royal
residence of Baleokouros." The name sovereign also
seems to reveal an element Baleokouros is, without
any doubt, an approximate transcription of the mysterions
Vi}iviyaku.ra, which is joined with the name of kings
SitakarQi and Sitakari}i Gautamlputra,
on a special type of coin, different from the type
generally used by these two princes and confined only
to the southern part of the country, more
precisely to thA dist.rict of Kolhapur, which
agrees well by its situation to the point which Ptolemy
indicates for Hippokoura.. On the title of Vi}iviyakura
I cannot but repeat on my part what Prof. Rapson
has said in his excellent Oatatogtte of the Ooim of t!te
And"ra J)yna8ty, 1908, .to which I also refer for the descrip-
tion of the coins :"No satisfactory explanation has as yet
beer, gtven of the forms r itivaya!&ura and Sivala!&ura Jt
(p. l:x:xxvii). '' Sivalaknra " which is coupled in the
same way with the name of King MiQhartputm, contains
also the element
0
'kura. The name of Hippokoara
reappears in the Tables of Ptolemy (VII, 2, 6) as the
name of a port situated in the immediate neighoourhood
NJ4}' little to the. aootb of SiJnulla (Cemola., Chaol, $3
miles 10uth of ; tue Periplue does not mention
PA.LOURADANTAPURA 175
it. Since this latter Hippokoura. is located by Ptolemy on
the littoral of Ariake, which is distinguished a.s Ariake
Sadinen, it ma.y be asked if it is not the same locality,
carried _to the sea-shore through a wrong interpretation of
the itineraries.
One may feel inclined to compare the final
0
koura in
Hippokoura with
0
/courai which appears to be the plural
form m the ne.me of Sosikourai (VII, 1, 10}
which certainly corresponds to Tnticorin ; here lcourai
is doubtless the equivalent of the Tamil word ku4i
"place of habitation, towa " (cf. the texts, s. v.
0
Tuticorin
in Hobson-Jobson by Yule and Burnell). But the
identity lciira-lcoterai is very doubtful.
Whatever might be the interpretation of the term
kitra, the identity Pa.loura.= Da.nta.pura ~ e m s to be now
definitely established. The geography of ancient India
thus finds in Pliny and Ptolemy new data fer loealisiog
the site of a. large city of the past. The alternance
Pa.loura- Dantapura, besides, shows that in the time of
Ptolemy the Dravidian language was disputing the
territory of Kalinga w1th the Aryan dialect. Even to
our day, Chicacole and Kaliilga.pa.tam and the taluk
of Palkonda are in the Telegu country ; the limit between
tbe Aryan and t.be Dravidian apparently is more to
the north, almost midway between Cbicaeole and Ganjam
(cf. Lin!JJti.8tic Sttrvey, IV, 577).
II
Note on Tosala and Dhauli
(Qf. p. 11)1
'f!e..-t
2
qf Ganqavyiiha quoted on p. 69.
Gaccha kulaputrehaiva. Da.kll!ii].apathe Amitatosa.le
ja.napade Tosalam nama nagaram tatra Sa.rvagaml
panvrijako pra.tiva.sati ..... Yenim itatosalo ja.na.pa.das
tenopajagiimopetya. Tosala.m na.garam parimirgan pari-
'nupiirveqa. Tosalam na.garam anupraptalt
snryastamgama.nakile sa Tosalaro nama
anupravisya madhye sthitvli vlthi-
mukhena vlthtmukha.ril ca.tva.re!]a ca.tvaram rathyayi
ra.thyihh Sa.rvagrii.mii].a:qt ritryam pra.Sintayi!Lib
Tosalasya. na.ga.ra.syotta.re digbhige Surabham nima
pa.rvatam tasya sikba.re
ma.racite inahii.vabbasapriptam bhiskara.m ivoditam tasya
tam avabhasai ...... (MSS. 33, 36, 41 of t11e
B1bhotheque Nationa.le de Paris).
This text of the Ga'fl4avyuha locates the mountain
Snrabha. to the' north of the city of Tosa1a; t.he Chinese
translation of Buddbabbadra. (398-421 A. D.) follows the
text faithfully. But the translation of and
Prijna difters and locates it to the east o the city. They
1
I am gla.d to be able to add this note from the account fumiahed
by my friend Mr. Nirmal Kuma.r Boae, M.A., who has travelled in thia
traet on many oeeasiens in eenneetion with anthropological studies.
1
This text is omitted on p. 69 a miatakeof mine.-P. C. B.
N01'E ON 'IOSALA AND DHAOLI 177
translated the official MS. of the King of Orissa-which
should be considered as more authoritative in this case.
If Tosala is identified wit.b Dbauli or its immediate
neighbourhood then the mountain Surabha. is to be
identified with tile' Dba.uli hilJ (also called Dhavalagiri)
.as it is the only hill in that tract. Dbauli is situated
to the south or south-east of Bhuvaneswar at a distance
of about 5 miles. The usual route to be followed is the
metalled roaq from Bbuvaneswar tO Pori. It passes by
an ancient site known as Sisupa.lgarh and traverse$ the
Dayiina.di which is to be crosPed by ferry. The Dhanli
hill is sitnated to the west of this road, near the riwr.
To the south-east of the Dbauli bill there is a large pool
of water called Kausulli-gang, which is still fed by the
Dayinadi dnring the rainy season when the water flows
into it by a stretch of lowland to the north of the Dhauli
hill. It was in all probability a dam, made from an old
river-bed, in which water was preserved for the tiD!., of
scarcity. There is still the mark of an embankment
which stretched from the foot of the hill southwards
along the Kausulli-ga.ng. Admitting that the pool of
water was an artificial dam, it must have been used to
supply water to a. neighbouring town which has now
disappeared, and was s i t u ~ t e by the side of the embank-
ment. The boundaries of that town we1e probably the
river on the west, the Kausulla-gang on the east and t.he
Dbauli hill on the north or north-east. It is difficult
to determiae if tbe river has ohaogea its conrse in recent
times. But a study of the map shows that tbe main
current now flows by the river Bargovi.
It should be pointed out that Asoka's inscription is
foand on the E!LStero side of the Dhanli hill (facing tbe
highroad frow Bhuvaneswar to Pori). H this road,
US PRE-ARYAN AND PRE-DRAVIDIAN
iJl ancient passed by the town we are trying to
it h.a. probably taken a more easterly direct.ion
passed by the side of the hill and the Kausulla-gang.
H ancient Tosali is located at the site above
then the Dhauli hill stood on its north or north-east,
the aceonnts of the Gap.'iaviiha wa.nt us to believe, a.nq
the was to its east. The word gan_q is
ge_oerally taken in the sense of rivet. Ka1Mulla-gang
therefore seems to have been originally a branch of the
river. It may he suggesteq that KausuUa is most pro-
l
bably based on the word K 08.alo.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
page line for
15
86
"
,,
18 is
6-7 the sources of in-
formation available
21 the movement ...
28 (J . .Js., 1923, I, p. 135)
81 24 a; family
38 18-20 " If we . . . northern
side"
22 certainly bas been
very recently ac-
quired
read
seems to be
the present state of
oar knowledge
movements
(but see J. .Js.,
1923, I, p. 136)
families
"we must look into
''
northern Dravi-
dian, if we wish to
understand the
history of southern
lao guages "
Is concerned only
with their modern
state
"
26 though it is
... though, generally
39
,
1 ' in a general way ' ...
2-S I.nsert "it bas hap-
pened"
last line cerebrla , .
speaking, it is
to be omittecl
before "through"
cerebral
41 2324 Omit " not only " and
" but goes farther
"
30 Ailca ...
42
9 very recent
back."
. . . ailca
... 'comparatively
recent'
44 3 (from bottom): " which
is to be '' " which has been''
180 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
pa!le line
45 12
"
14
"
19
" 23-25
"
25
46 11
47 18
" "
"
16
"
21
, 2
, last line
"
17
50 5
"
21
"
23
for
"P
199"
"for the"
...
"The only thing left
is to consider "
"To illustrate the
aourse of a parallel
evolution nothing
more is necessary ''
Omit" than to mention
that"
"faats of
a substra-
tum"
Kudirei ...
KO?'a
...
Kruta
...
!cui
(from bottom} ;
MSL
XIX, p. 89
found
...
Ku1i
...
...
Add : " Further, in the
absence of
other
proofs no borrowing
from Dravidian will
be admitted
for
Indo-Aryan
words
with aspirates."
kalte
...
...
Add : (cf. Julea Bleea
Le nom
tlu Riz :
Ettedea .Aaiatiquea)
read
"p. 179 "
''for an"
" So what remains
to be compared
are only''
"Nothing more is
necessary to ex-
plain why in
couree of a parallel
1 t
. ,,
evo u Jon ...
"facts
due to a sub-
stratum"
kudirei
kara
J&ruta
kui
Ind. Ant.
XLVIII,
p. 195
found
It uti
kalte.
ADDITIONS AND COltRECTIONS 181
line for
rea a
2 ool:a
...
"
Ernout
8 Ernout ...
...
,, n. 1, 5 Tibetatz Loatt Words . . . Loan Word8 ~
Tibetan
52
53
"
"
54
22
18
melasu .
metW&u
...
.
"
11Zt'U
, ..
3 (from bottom) : mali
20 panjna ... ..
, Add after " fruit '' ...
VifU
vivu
namali
panjka
Gon. patulna, Kur.
panjna "to ripen."
55 3 "ordinary article '' .. "article of ordinary
"
56
57
"
"
"
,
21-22 which the Afghan has
borrowed
use''
which is found only
in Afghan
otlz.
4 (from bottom) : otlz. ...
4 "for it"
. .. '' for words with
12 mid
...
13 mifei ..
16 Przyla.ski
aspirates "
... nuaz
. ..
...
mi9ei
Przyluski
11
cramuk ...
, n. 1, 6
'' faqade in the back"
" the courtyard m
the backside of a
58
"
59
64
6G
house
9 (from
bottom): "dialects of Dravi-
4
3
17
1
'' dialects,
Dra.vi-
Jan
(from bottom) : P'ijana
, ,
1
: Telegu
" must be " ...
Tosala-Otkala ...
Ava.iiyaka ; -nijjutti
dian "
vvana
Telugu
"may be"
Tosal-Otkala
Avasyaka-nijjutti
182 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
page
65
66
"
67
...
litze for
12 while presenting
4 /3a.U't')l.f:wv
12 Athena gounon
7 Nondon
read
...
and presented
f3o.U't
1
A.tov
. . . Atbenagouron
.. Nardon
68 n. 1, 2 Miliira. ...
. .. Mihira.
... Subh
0
69
78
82
22 Subhakaradeva.
8 Forchhamer
1 Mekali ...
... Forcbha.mmer
..
90 8 (from bottom): presents prescribes
91 2 the 'Mnl}qas the San- The 'Mundas and the
94
97
,,
,
103
107
"
120
"
122
123
124
tals Santa.ls
Amagabhutisa
Mebl ...
... Amagha
0
... Mekala
(from bottom): .,.v"airita
9
" "
Kau- KauSiimbi
sambi
5 up the Ganges ...
4 Oarmarhipfil!, , , ,
9 Sulika ... . ..
8 (from bottom): extends
9 (from bOttom) : 'Ka.m.
ooja (and not Kam-
ooja)
1 2 of n. 1, Insert
13 (from bOttom): Kamt-
boja .
9 the Island of P&lks ...
up to the Ganges
Swiki
extend
Katn6oja (and not
Eam6oja)
before " the charac-
ter " and ''is read "
after "which."
Kamboja
Easter Island
12a last line the best
.. . better.
.,
INDEX
OF
SANSKRIT AND OTHER lliDOARYAN WORDS TRACED
TO THE AUSTROASIATIC ORIGIN.
(Words in italics belong to modern 'Dernaculara.)
Accha 97
gulma 18n
..
" 01:
-
.&.UI
'
...
KabuSe. 119
alii.bu 157
Kadlili 4
Anga 72
kakkola 98
A 84
bi!.la. (vii.la) 6
kalii.flgala 18 n-1
bii.l}a. 19
kamba.la 6
biinti 18
Kamboja. 119
, .. "'
DIUU \J' '"'I v
Kimbhoja 128
barai 18
Kamaraflga 108
baroj 18
KimalafJkl!. 103 Ill!
Ca.rmaraflga
100
v-
-
10S.t12
Dl!.malipta 116
'-". t;
qa.mu.ru
159
Kapis!' 119
dimeri 158
kara U7
11\fi
,
1An
AlrJD...,,..,
15
a, J.Ui
ll:arp&sa
qomf!a 160
24
dome 160
Kere.la 134
'M\
.LUV
Kosal 63
aomoan J.ou
Koccha 97
dum bar
160
kodambara
149
dumbara
160
ktt..i 9A
dumri 1158
dumur liS
.....
krlri 26
gr,ogat. :siv
ta9ya US
nR1'!1. 14'7
.,.
tuta
145
... ut ...... 1/(ll
g .
kura. U'l
. -
guhka 18D
184
Kodumbara
Iabu 156
labuki 158
lagnq.a. 12
lakota 12
-fl
lllflgula. 8
lailga.ls 11
laflgula. 11
la.flka. 101
(La.flk4)
lings. s
153
makuija 134
matai.'lga 129
mariika. 131
marut 185
mayiira 181
mayuka 13!
M
M ~ 4 a 86
Marala 181
Od umbara 149
palak 6 o-1
p&QB. XVl
pa_a
Pan!}Qra 85
Pnta4a 85
P U:Q."ra. 85
Pulioda 88
salmala. 8
INDEX
Siilme,ll 8
sambala 7
simbala 7
tih:nbala 6
aim bali 7
tambula.m 16
tambul (Pali) 16
tambiilam (Pkt) 16
tambolam 16
tamboli 16
Tamralinga 111
111
Ta.mii.Uoi 116
Til.mali 118
Tilmalitti ~
Takkola 98
Tosala 63
tumba 158
""
tnmbi 158
U4ra. 84
Utkala 81
U1;1Q.a 84
f iira, 147
---
--------------------------------------------+- ~ ~ r t N
MAP OF DHAULI (Surv. Ind-n 73)
Sca.le 1 m. to an inch
I. Pilla.r (Aaokan . ? ) m. Ka.usoll&.gling
II. ASokan Inscription
IV. Emba.nkment