Cultural Studies has not enjoyed a sustained dialogue with economics. Value in the cultural industries today emerges dynamically from the co-creativity of citizens and users in social networks.
Cultural Studies has not enjoyed a sustained dialogue with economics. Value in the cultural industries today emerges dynamically from the co-creativity of citizens and users in social networks.
Cultural Studies has not enjoyed a sustained dialogue with economics. Value in the cultural industries today emerges dynamically from the co-creativity of citizens and users in social networks.
John Hartley (2012) describes the emergence of a dialogical model of communicatio n (2), in which everyone is a producer (3), and discusses the implications of this model for media and Cultural Studies. His general argument is that with the rise of online platforms that support social networking and user-generated conte nt production and diffusion, journalism, the public sphere, universities, the mass media, citizenship, archives and other institutions have become more democratic because people have more say in producing as well as consuming (ibid., 14). These developm ents would be advanced by the emergence of consumer entrepreneurship (ibid., 25), social network markets (48) and microproductivity (52). Hartley sha res with Grossberg the assessment that Cultural Studies is in crisis. It would have lost steam and adventurousness and would have gotten lost in infinitely extensible micro-level analyses that do not pay enough attention to the macro level (ibid., 28). Like Grossberg, Hartley ascertains that Cultural Studies has not enjoyed a sustained dialogue with economics and has remained aloof from the turbulent changes within economics (ibid., 35). Hartley acknowledges that Marxist Political Economy has given attention to the economics of culture (he mentions Chomsky, Garnham, Miller and Schiller; ibid.), but claims that this approach was too chall enging, knowing what was wrong in advance (46), and assumes single-cause determinations of entire systems (55). Hartleys version of introducing economics into Cultural Studies is called Cultural Science 2.0 and wants to achieve this aim by using evolutionary economics . It stresses that value in the cultural industries today emerges dynamically from the co-creativity of citizens and users in social networks. Hartley metapho rically uses the language of evolutionary systems theory, complexity theory and self-organization theory, but fails to systematically apply concepts of this the ory approach (such as control parameters, critical values, fluctuations, feedback lo ops, circular causality, nonlinearity, bifurcation, autopoiesis, order out of chaos, emergence, openness, symmetry braking, synergism, unpredictability, etc.) to the Internet. (For a different approach that is critical in intention see Fuchs 2008.) Hartley also does not seriously engage with the fact that thinkers like Friedrich August Hayek (the concept of spontaneous order) and Niklas Luhmann (the concepts of functional differentiation and self-reference) have used the language of self organization and complexity for ideologically legitimatizing neo-liberalism (see Fuchs 2008, chapters 2 and 3). Hartley (2012, 57) only briefly asks if his appro ach is stalking horses for neo-liberalism. He has a negative answer to this question, grounded in the fact that Adbusters magazine once also referred positively to ev olutionary economics. Just like with one of Hartleys (2005) earlier works, one gets the impression that Digital Futures for Cultural and Media Studies is a Powerpoin t presentation by a management consultant that has the goal to nourish the entrepren eurial self (McGuigan 2006, 373). Hartley says that cultural analysis has been shaped on the one hand by an approach that is critical in the Williams/ Hall tradition and on the other a romantic approach represented by the Fiske/ Hartley tradition that propagates as widely as possible the emancipationist potent ial of participatory media (Hartley 2012, 182). The opposition of critical and romantic logically implies that Hartley considers his own approach as being uncritical. Consequently, he propagates staying in the romantic tradition and th e thought that Cultural Studies turns from critique as a method to evolution as a methodological goal (ibid., 183).The focus of theory shall, according to Hartley, shift from critical studies to evolution. He argues for what one could term uncr itical evolutionary Cultural Studies. Hartleys bottom line is that the Internet is a self-organizing network, in which everyone is networked with everyone else (ibid., 196), and that this system constitutes a new source of democracy and dialogic communication. He does not take into account the simple counter-argument that not everybody has access to this democratic self-organizing network: 32.7% of the world population and only 13.5% of all Africans had access to the Internet in August 2012 (www.internetworldstats.com/stats.htm, accessed August 30, 2012). Nor does he take into account the argument that on Twitter, Facebook, YouTube and so on, someespecially large companies, established political actors and celebrities are more equal than others, have more views, clicks, friends, connections, which reflects the actual power inequalities of society (for a detailed form of this a rgument, see Fuchs 2011a, chapter 7; Fuchs 2013). Hartley (2012, 56) mentions that social network markets may have hubs and be dominated by elites, but this analys is is not systematically connected to power inequalities in society. It rather seem s that Hartley assumes that such markets are nonetheless a realm of democracy supp orts this view: After three decades of neoliberal discourse and a particular version of globalization based on inequality, exclusion, and market fundamentali sm, the issue of labor foregrounded by [Andrew] Ross is clearly central. It is difficult to imagine any meaningful project of Cultural Studiesunderstood political ly and sociallythat does not address the broader questions of how people experience the economy and society in which they work (or seek work), perhaps vote, and certainly consume (Couldry 2011, 1011).Vincent Mosco (2011, 230) argues that labor remains the blind spot of communication and Cultural Studies and that therefore labor needs to be placed high on the agenda or projects for th e renewal of Cultural Studies. S. Charusheela (2011, 177) says that it is a perennia l claim that Cultural Studies does not pay enough attention to economy. Given this analysis, many contributors in Smiths (2011) volume hold that Cultural Studi es should explicitly reorient itself as Marxist Cultural Studies that works based on Marxist theory, the analysis of labour and class and Critical Political Econo my. So, for example, Max Gulias (2011) argues that Cultural Studies needs a Marxist methodology, which would require one to revisit Marxist labor theory, but much non-Marxist Cultural Studies would stay preoccupied with the sign systems constituted by consumer-spectators and disregard the labour of humans in capitalism (ibid., 149). Randy Martin (2011) argues that financialization is a k ey topic for renewing Cultural Studies and grounding it in Marxism. Marcus Breen says that in the era of neo-liberalism and capitalist crisis, for Cultural Studi es the time has come to reassert the primacy of political economy, by rearticulating economy with culture instead of pretending that some sort of indeterminacy will magically give Cultural Studies credibility (Breen 2011, 208). The impression that one gets from the books by Grossberg, Hartley and Smith is that paradoxically the crisis of capitalism is accompanied by a crisis of Cul tural Studies. At the same time, there are indications for a renewal of Marxism. The implication is that the time is ripe for taking Marx seriously, reading Marx , using Marx for thinking about media, communication, and culture, introducing Marx and Marxism to our students, and especially institutionalizing Marx and Marxist studies in the courses about media, communication and culture taught at universities as well as in the research we conduct and the projects we apply for and help fund. It is time to no longer introduce students to small excerpts from Marx and Engels as (alleged) examples of economic reductionism, but to rather read together with them full works of Marx and Engels, such as Capital, The Economic & Philosophic Manuscripts, the Grundrisse, The German Ideology, The Communist Manifesto, The Condition of the Working Class in England, The Poverty of Philosophy,The Holy Family,The Class Struggle in France,The 18th Brumaire of Lou is Bonaparte,The Civil War in France,The Dialectics of Nature, the articles publish ed in Rheinische Zeitung, and so on. Marx is too often seen and treated as the outside and outsider of the study of media, communication and culture. It is time that he takes centre stage, which requires resources, institutions, positionsand there fore the struggle to change academia. Smiths (2011b) book shows that besides the class /labour-relativist approach of Grossberg and the celebratory approach of Hartley, there is also a true interest in Marx and the notions of class and labo ur in Cultural Studies. Speaking about Cultural Studies, Toby Miller (2010, 99) notes that although labour is central to humanity, it is overall largely absent from our field. He argues that in the cultural industries, a cognitariat has emerged that has high levels of educational attainment, and great facility with cultural technolog ies and genres and is facing conditions of flexible production and ideologies of freedom (ibid., 98). He therefore suggests this equation: culture + labour = precariat. Andrew Ross (2008, 2009) in a similar vein stresses the role of preca rious labour in the cultural industries. Creativity would for many come at a heavy sacrificial costlonger hours in pursuit of the satisfying finish, price discounts in return for aesthetic recognition, self-exploitation in response to the gift of a utonomy, and dispensability in exchange for flexibility (Ross 2008, 34). Employees in the IT industry would often describe their workplaces as high-tech sweatshops (ibid., 43). Related work has in the field of Cultural Studies, for example, bee n advanced by Maxwell (2001a) and Maxwell and Miller (2005/2006). Hesmondhalgh and Baker (2011) show the ambivalence of much creative industry work that is precarious but cherished because of the fun, contacts, reputation, creat ivity and self-determination that it may involve. Such engagement with labour and class within Cultural Studies complements the concern within the Political Econo my of the Media and Communication with issues relating to class, exploitation, value and labour in the context of the media, culture and communication that have been strongly inspired by Karl Marxs works (see Burston, Dyer-Witheford and Hearn 2010; Fuchs and Mosco 2012; Huws 2003, McKercher and Mosco 2006, 2007; Mosco and McKercher 2008; Mosco, McKercher and Huws 2010). The problem of Cultural Studies is, as Robert Babe says, that its poststructurali st turn [. . .] instigated the separation (Babe 2009, 9) from economics. A reintegra tion requires first and foremost setting aside poststructuralist Cultural Studies (ibid., 196) and seriously engaging with Marx and Marxism.Various entry points into the discussion of Marx today can be taken. One of them is via the concept of value. One can equally choose other concepts such as labour, commodity or capital as entry points because all of these notions are dialectically connected : commodities have value and are produced by labour in order to produce capital that enables the production of more commodities.