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Journal of Visual Culture
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DOI: 10.1177/1470412910380343
2010 9: 370 Journal of Visual Culture
Thierry Gervais
Witness to War: The Uses of Photography in the Illustrated Press, 1855-1904

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Vol 9(3): 370384 DOI 10.1177/1470412910380343
Abstract
An analysis of war images in the 19th-century press reveals a certain
resistance to the new medium of photography. First, printing techniques
did not allow for the direct use of the photograph itself in newspaper
layouts: as the photographs were reproduced through the work of
an engraver, what was there to distinguish them from traditional
representations? Second, at the turn of the century, the halftone process
replaced engraving and allowed for the printing of images that were
more faithful in tonal subtleties to the original photographs. When special
correspondents began supplying war photographs, how did illustrated
newspapers organize the dissemination of this new kind of image?
A consideration of the use of war photographs in the illustrated press
informs us both of the choices made regarding the documentation of the
war and the nature of the images that circulated in the public sphere,
shaping the visual culture of the era.
Keywords
Crimean War illustrated press news reporting photojournalism
photoreportage RussoJapanese War witnessing wood engraving
Witness to War: The Uses of Photography in the
Illustrated Press, 18551904
Thierry Gervais
In Les Figures de la Guerre, Hlne Puiseux (1997) reminds us that the Galerie
des Batailles in the Palace of Versailles opened in 1837 to offer the public a visual
narrative of a glorious, military history of France. This gallery and the Salons
were the principal public spaces in which contemporary historical painting
specically scenes of war were exhibited. As such, they represented two
very important pillars of the French visual art scene. The advent of the illustrated
press at the beginning of the 1840s not only changed the way in which war
was represented but also made these representations more accessible to the
Gervais Witness to War 371
public. Important battles had always been scrupulously rendered, but they had
previously been based upon sketches of the soldiers daily life during the conict.
Images of war, from the 1840s, were viewed at home; readers sat comfortably in
their chairs with The Illustrated London News or LIllustration in hand (Von
Dewitz and Lebeck, 2001). This regeneration of visual representation and the
manner of its distribution were accompanied by the invention of a new medium:
photography.
As a rule, recent general photographic histories dedicate one chapter to the
connection between war and photography before the First World War.
1
Other
more specic works on war photography tend to favour the link between the
subject and its form of representation (war and photography). Both general and
specic studies analyze the creation and distribution of selected images (Brother,
1997; Taylor, 1998; Gervereau, 2001). Photographys rst records of war are
often associated, in these studies, with the beginnings of news reporting as it
was practiced in the second half of the 19th century. Photographic documents
were seen as more faithful and authentic representations than drawings and
were therefore more suited to an illustrated press that strove towards impartial
reporting.
2
Yet, however logical such narratives might appear, an analysis of war images
in the 19th-century press actually reveals a certain resistance to the new
medium of photography. First, printing techniques did not allow for the direct
use of the photograph itself in newspaper layouts: as the photographs were
reproduced through the work of an engraver, what was there to distinguish
them from traditional representations? Second, at the turn of the century, the
halftone process replaced engraving and allowed for the printing of images
that were more faithful in tonal subtleties to the original photographs.
When special correspondents began supplying war photographs, how did
illustrated newspapers organize the dissemination of this new kind of image? A
consideration of the use of war photographs in the illustrated press informs us
of the choices made regarding the documentation of the war and the nature of
the images that circulated in the public sphere, shaping the visual culture of the
era. From the analysis of two particular conicts, the Crimean War (18546) and
the RussoJapanese War (19045), I will review the modalities of war imagery
in illustrated newspapers and, in particular, the role played by photography. This
analysis will demonstrate that, despite the alleged authenticity of photographs,
drawings appeared as more effective in bearing witness to the rst conict, and
that, by 1900, photographs of the second conict were intimately tied to precise
newspaper layout in order to reveal meaning.
Crimean War
At the end of 1855, The Illustrated London News (ILN), a weekly publication,
printed several illustrations that were directly inspired by the work of the English
photographer Roger Fenton (Figure 1).
3
The publication of these engravings from
photographs accompanied articles dedicated to a conict between the Russian
and the Ottoman Empire that had begun in 1853. Tsar Nicolas I sought to expand
372 journal of visual culture 9(3)
his empire westward and, more importantly, create access to the Mediterranean,
through which Western eets crossed to the Orient. In fear of geopolitical
movements that would restrain their commercial enterprises, England, and then
France allied themselves with the Ottoman Empire and, in the spring of 1854,
engaged in this conict. From the time that Fentons images appeared in the
ILN, the allied forces had suffered a series of brutal and poorly prepared, though
important, battles Alma, Sebastopol, Balaklava and Inkermann giving them an
advantage over Russia, which retreated from annexed territories. Several months
later, the two sides began negotiations and, in March 1856 at the Congress of
Paris, reached an agreement that put an end to the Crimean War.
War photographs before this period existed only in the form of several dozen
daguerreotypes related to the MexicanAmerican War (18468) (Carlebach,
1992), but these did not have the same critical renown as the Fenton images.
The name of the photographer, the aesthetic and material quality of the images,
and even the wider dissemination afforded by the positive/negative process
explained, in part, the celebrity of this English photographer. Moreover, Fentons
photographic expedition appeared to be in the journalistic reportage style
that had rst appeared in North America and was adopted in Europe in the
1880s (Palmer, 1983; Kalifa, 2000; Delporte, 1999). As reporters did at the time,
Fenton placed himself in the eld and was an eyewitness to the battles. He had
arrived in the Crimea in March of 1855 and visited the ports, military camps,
and even some of the battleelds, equipped with his photographic van, which
allowed him to transport and prepare the heavy glass, wet collodion plates.
4
In
photographys historical narrative, Fenton is generally believed to be the rst
important practitioner of photoreportage. However, an analysis of the purpose
of his expedition and the manner in which the photographs were engraved and
disseminated, shows this to be an untenable position, and that no radical shifts
took place in the press due to the practice of photography on the battleeld.
The majority of Fentons images of the Crimea show groups of ofcers, various
ranks and categories of soldiers (Figure 2), or views of villages and ports;
they respond to the expectations of photography at the time. Fenton was not
a special envoy of a newspaper sent to obtain a precise and unique image
related to the conict in order to enlighten readers; he was, instead, nanced
by Thomas Agnew & Sons, a well-established Manchester publisher and art
dealer. The objective was to produce a topographical documentation of the
theatre of war and a gallery of portraits showing the commanders-in-chief
of the army. In sending Fenton to the Crimea, Agnew & Sons hoped to create
a visual document that would serve as a reference for the painter Thomas
Barker. In addition, the rm had engravings made based on Barkers canvas, from
which they proted greatly.
5
In September 1855, more than 300 photographic
prints were exhibited at Londons Water Colour Society in Pall Mall. At the
same time, a further series of prints was also produced in the form of costly
portfolios, published under the royal patronage of the Queen, and they sold like
trophies (Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1954: 23, 25).
6
All these photographs bore
undeniable visual witness to the Crimean War, but their distribution was limited
to a small circle of collectors, alert to the novelty of the painting salons or aware
of recent advances in photographic technology.
7
Gervais Witness to War 373
Figure 1 General Bosquet and Captain Dampiere, The Illustrated London
News no. 764, 6 October 1855.
374 journal of visual culture 9(3)
Engravings based on Fentons photographs were also used by newspapers such
as the ILN, but did these images betray their photographic origins and were
they, therefore, perceived as a new kind of picture? By the 19th century, wood
engraving had become the most popular technique used by the press to bring
text and image together. Following the production process of all the illustrations
published in the ILN, Fentons photographs were sent to the draughtsman
and then to the engraver before being incorporated into the nal layout. After
the artists translation, what remained of the supposed authenticity of the
photograph?
The original photographs could, in effect, contain faults that were then
corrected by the illustrator. The picture of General Bosquet and Captain
Dampierre, for example, had a short depth of eld that reduced the background
landscape to a blur in the upper right portion of the image (Figures 1 and 2). The
draughtsman, however, took the initiative of dening the form of the hill by hand,
carefully adding two gures and some tents to the background; neither element
appeared in the original photograph. Such changes made by the artist, in addition
to the work of the engraver, who transformed the levels of black and white into
crosshatching, made the photographic origin of the image even more obscure.
Figure 2 Roger Fenton, General Bosquet and Captain
Dampierre, salt paper print, 18.3 x 15.2 cm, 1855.
Patrice Schmidt, Muse dOrsay, Paris.
Gervais Witness to War 375
The mode of reproduction and iconographic practice reduced the specics of
photography to the conventions of engraving. While the subject of the images
is factual, the form relied on the rules of the picturesque perpetuated by the
engraving studios. The illustrated press quickly took advantage of the variety of
photographic genres available, but used them in a manner that rendered them
indistinguishable from any other type of pictorial representation. The editors did
not choose photographs over drawings or paintings for their ability to convey
information: they were sent in by correspondents, eyewitnesses, or photographic
portraitists. The ILN used Fentons photographs to illustrate articles related
to the Crimean War but the photographs did not precipitate a change in the
representation of news.
Although Fenton traveled throughout the Crimea with his photographic van,
the newspapers relied on the illustrator for images of this war. There are several
factors that explain this position: the status of drawing in the visual culture
of the time was far more established than that of the new-born photograph;
the technique of engraving from drawings was efcient and dominant; and
pictures of war produced by draughtsmen met the iconographic expectations
of readers. Thus, it was not Fentons photographs that provoked the indignation
of the English when, in the pages of their newspapers, they discovered how
their soldiers were being treated. Rather, the sketches by Constantin Guys
published in the ILN gave rise to this emotion through their representation of
unfamiliar scenes and the intensity of the lines in the drawings. Guys, deemed
by Baudelaire (1964[1863]) to be a painter of modern life, created a credible
picture of war, ignoring the glorious moments generally depicted and turning
more towards English defeats or injured soldiers cared for in makeshift hospitals.
Redening traditional subjects and depictions, and using the startling aesthetic
of the sketch, guaranteed the impact of the illustrators images on the English
readers. If Guys rough sketches brought new life to the visual evidence of the
war, Fentons photographs registered themselves within traditional iconography
by conforming to the rules of the picturesque.
The goal of the rst uses of photography in the illustrated press was thus not
to confront the reader with a more authentic image but, like all other images,
to present him or her with a visual representation of the subject of the article.
Photographs, drawings, sketches, and paintings formed a cohesive genre: an
image that appealed to the visual senses and was believed to be richer than
traditional written communication. Two types of images reached the press from
the Crimean War: drawings and photographs. However, the representations of
the war that circulated in the public sphere were still primarily the business of
painters and illustrators despite the audacious initiatives of some photographers.
The RussoJapanese Conflict
Several decades later, at the beginning of the 20th century, the practice
of photography was democratized. Printing techniques permitted faithful
reproduction by means of the halftone process, and newspapers had denitively
accepted photo-reportage as a mode of journalism. From this new departure,
376 journal of visual culture 9(3)
photographers made inroads into the trade of illustrators. The reporting of the
RussoJapanese conict is illustrative of this change, and also reveals that this
new use of photographs gave rise to editorial problems for which novel graphic
solutions had to be developed.
The dominant use of photographs in the French journal LIllustration was the
result of an editorial and nancial decision made in 1904 by director Ren
Baschet, who privileged the use of photographs over drawings (Gervais, 2007).
Adopting photography as the primary illustrative form engendered a deep shift in
the structures upon which the paper had functioned for decades. In contrast to
the compositions created in the illustrators studio, photographic documentation
implied the presence of the photographer in the eld. The move to photography
from illustration can be found in both the weekly and daily press, and it was tied
to debates surrounding the legitimization of the use of pictures in newspapers,
e.g. Gustave Babin (1905) arguing in LIllustration that images of war were
faithfully recorded by the lens, incapable of lies or complacency a fact which
effectively permitted readers to plainly see reality itself (p. 167). In the same
way that the presence of journalists in the eld was offered as a guarantee of
the information conveyed, the recorded image acquired an aura of authenticity.
But, an understanding of the use of photographic imagery and the problems that
arose in the editorial process must be taken into consideration.
The RussoJapanese War began on 8 February 1904 with an attack on Port Arthur
by the Japanese army, and concluded on 8 October 1905 with the ratication of
the Treaty of Portsmouth. The conict was focused on Manchuria, whose mining
resources were of great economic interest to both sides. Underestimated by the
Russians, the Japanese army inicted heavy losses on land and at sea. In the end, the
Russians signed over the lease of Port Arthur to the Japanese and recognized their
inuence in Korea. For Western countries the Japanese Empire was, henceforth,
among the powers most likely to intervene in the geopolitical order of the region.
In February 1904,
8
LIllustration informed its readers about the war, and the
means that were put in place to cover the event:
Stories sent from Japan, Korea and Manchuria after the acts of war of the
8th and 9th of February (and the days that followed) soon brought us
photographs, drawings and the written accounts of our correspondents.
9

The newspaper exploited the services of independent photographers, often
dispatched by the American illustrated press. From 7 January 1904, Colliers
Weekly sent a team of journalists to Tokyo in order to cover the conict directly
by following the Japanese armys progress (Gould and Greffe, 1977; Carlebach,
1997).
10
Among the special envoys, Richard L. Dunn and Jimmy Hare would
supply photographs of the events they witnessed. The Japanese army exerted
strict control over the movements of American journalists and delayed granting
them the right to follow the regiments. The rst images from this side of the
front to appear at LIllustrations ofces were those of Dunn.
11
A more rigorous
correspondence was initiated with the publication of the rst Jimmy Hare
photographs in June 1904.
Gervais Witness to War 377
In the 25 June 1904 issue of LIllustration, a photograph of Jimmy Hare and his
assistants in front of their tent-laboratory accompanied the article Photography
in War, which introduced the photographer to readers. The paper allowed those
readers to understand the changes in the representation of war resulting from
the use of photographs in the illustration of news (Figure 3).
12
It described the
conditions in which the photographer was working and extolled the courage
that he showed in hostile territory:
Without mentioning the serious risks to which the war correspondent is
exposed, photographer or journalist, when we understand the conditions
in which these results were obtained, with the rudimentary tools he must
use to perform the sensitive manipulations of the photographic arts, all
done in the eld, we remain a bit surprised and we do not want to question
our respect, or, even more, our admiration of these bold and resourceful
collaborators.
Little by little, over the course of the description of the photographic
journalist, the heroic gure who submits rough prints in order to supply the
press with moving or amusing scenes takes shape. The work of investigative
journalism, assumed to be done on the spot in order to bear accurate witness,
nds itself valorized and can, from this point of view, justify the appearance of
images published by LIllustration: Think of all that this symbolizes: courage,
socializing; oh amateurs, comfortably holed up in model laboratories, do
not be too harsh if sometimes we show you a somewhat imperfect view.
13

Because of the working conditions, it seems, the photographs of Jimmy Hare
are free of the aesthetic constraints that had prevailed in LIllustration. Even
before being published in the weekly paper, the images of the Japanese army
were justied by the journalistic technique of which they were witness. The
role of the photo-reporter was dened and the employment that endangered
his very life served to legitimize the use of photographs in newspapers and led
to a modication of representations of war.
Nevertheless, due to these new aesthetic specicities, photographs supplied to
the newspapers could not, with rare exception, claim full or double pages, the
most venerable placement in the publication.
14
Hares views were, in general,
formatted in a smaller size, and grouped together on the page. In the 27 August
1904 issue of LIllustration, seven scenes were skillfully laid out as a double-page
spread dedicated to Scenes of War (Figure 4). The rst sentences of the article
described the images:
Among all of the photographs that documented the last dramatic days of
the war, we chose a series, taken on the Japanese side and focused on
several examples of life in battle, showing Japanese soldiers involved in the
different tasks that occupied them.
15
Among the photographs, the editors selected a series that they arranged in a
narrative sequence with a beginning and an end. The reader then passed from an
image of the Japanese standard-bearer to views of the trenches, then to images
378 journal of visual culture 9(3)
of the spoils of war and prisoners, to conclude with an image of the injured
and dead before the arrival of the stretchers. The images and their order on the
page conferred the status of war spectator upon the reader, and emphasized its
ongoing process.
This sequential dimension suggested by editorial selection and the layout of the
designer came to a climax with the arrangement of Jimmy Hares photographs
in the 10 December 1904 issue (Figure 5). On the central double-page spread
is a series of 16 images titled A day of combat between Yen-Tai and the Cha-Ho,
photographed hour by hour.
16
Displayed over four rows, the photographs follow
one another in narrative succession. First, we come upon the Japanese military
staff, followed by an image of the photographer, Mr. Hare, advancing towards the
line of re. Over a series of views of the battleeld taken successively (views
of ambulances, ruins, and cadavers), the story is traced through images that
culminate with another photograph of Jimmy Hare, a genuine participant in
the war who stops photographing to care for the wounded. To ensure that the
reader is following the progression of the combat, LIllustration numbered each
image, thereby indicating the order of the visualization of the shots, following the
sequence of the action itself.
Figure 3 La tente de Jimmy Hare, photographe amricain, correspondant du
Colliers Weekly et de LIllustration, sur les bords du Yalou, gelatine silver print
retouched with white gouache, 18 x 24 cm, 1904. LIllustration collection.
Gervais Witness to War 379
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Gervais Witness to War 381
Gustave Babin (1905) continued to write about this change in the representation
of war and, in his paper published at the end of the war, compared paintings of
the preceding century to recently produced photographs:
Where are the great battles painted by Wouwerman Or the theatrical
compositions in which Grard or Gros immortalized the chapters of the
imperial saga, according to the style decreed by the instructor Our
impressions of war were still based on the panoramas that multiplied
after the war of 18701871 and on the picturesque scenes of Neuville or
Detaille. (p. 167)
Then, Babin cuts to the chase:
War today is as this: several specks smoking in the sky in the distance, men
sliding on their stomachs, cautious and taking advantage of each mound of
dirt to shelter themselves. Its part of a series of small incidents one next to
the other that say war. Its in this way that we experience a battle where
100,000 soldiers disappear. (p. 167)
In this way, Babin described how the battle, that very noble subject of historical
painting, was no longer represented in a single heroic composition, but in a
sequence of details. In other words, during the RussoJapanese War, the
illustrators synthetic tableaux of battles made way for an analytical layout of
Jimmy Hares photographs, one created by editors who took into consideration
the methods and styles of the medium.
Between the Transvaal War (18991902) and the RussoJapanese conict
(19045), the number of images of war increased in LIllustration. From that time
forward, the sheer number of images placed photography on an equal footing
with the established aesthetic of drawings in the newspaper.
17
The publication
of narrative sequences of photographs corresponded to the revitalization of
journalistic practices. The demonstrative character of Hares photographic
series dovetailed with the reporters attempts at investigation,
18
suggesting an
analysis of conict and the attempt to show, through images, the brutality of the
battles. Further photographic spreads manifested the shifting narrative of news
reporting from the image to the newspaper page: the story of war was no longer
told through one large, dramatic, and well-composed drawing, but through a
photographic sequence constructed on the page. Thus, editors of the journal
allocated meaning to a body of work whose every element would otherwise have
appeared merely as a detail a small incident to use Babins words difcult for
the readers to understand.
Images of the Crimean and the RussoJapanese Wars exemplify the presss
concerns with the photographic medium. First, the formal characteristics of
Fentons photographs were altered, in their engraved form, in order to bring
them in line with the rules of the picturesque. Later, when the halftone process
allowed photographs to be directly reproduced, editors did not nd the alleged
authenticity of the pictures a strong enough factor to publish them as individual
images. At the beginning of the 20th century, LIllustration layouts incorporating
382 journal of visual culture 9(3)
Hares pictures certainly demonstrated how a single photograph was not
considered adequate to convey the story of an event.
Since the 1850s, photography has been categorized as an intrinsically honest
medium that has brought the reader closer to the news. In effect, before Babin,
Adolphe Joanne (1850) described engravings from photographs published
in LIllustration in the 1850s as a series of facts and irrefutable evidence
(p. 135). Later, in 1886, when his photographic interview with Eugne Chevreul
was published, Nadar described this novel medium in these terms: For the rst
time, the reader will effectively be the spectator, as though he witnessed the
event.
19
These discourses, therefore, came together to dene photography as a
more reliable witness than journalistic texts. However, the manner in which the
press used photographs revealed that the medium, on its own, was not deemed
sufcient in transmitting the news, and that it needed to become a part of an
elaborate graphic construction.
Hares photographs needed to be organized, arranged, and placed in a layout in
order to be understood. The articulation of meaning that painters and illustrators
took responsibility for, through the composition of their drawings, now required
the intervention of editors and artistic directors. Meaning was expressed through
the narrative layout of the photographs they presented to their readers. In
accordance with the dissemination of these photographs by Roger Fenton and
Jimmy Hare, it seems that the key change in the visual representation of war rested
on the ambiguity of the photographic medium. Photographys strength is also its
weakness: an instant record of war credited with an inherent authenticity, but
equally a mute visual detail with an obscure meaning that requires interpretation
by editors.
Acknowledgement
This essay was translated from French by Alison Skyrme. The author would like to thank
Vanessa Schwartz and Lynn Hunt for their advice in the writing of this article.
Notes
1. Hubertus von Amelunxen (1998) comments on a selection of images taken during
different international conicts, and builds his theory around the notion that the
understanding of the event was completely transformed by the presence of the
camera. Throughout Mary Warner Mariens (2002) book Photography: A Cultural
History, a recurring column entitled War and Photography explains the change in
the relationship between photography and war.
2. Some works oppose this view; see Barnhurst and Neron (2000) and Gervais (2003).
3. The Illustrated London News 764 (6 October 1855); The Illustrated London News
768 (3 November 1855); The Illustrated London News 769 (11 November 1855);
The Illustrated London News 777 (29 December 1855).
4. Regarding Roger Fenton, see Baldwin et al. (2004), Hannavy (1974), Gernsheim and
Gernsheim (1954), Keller (2001, 2007).
5. Ulrich Keller (2007: 40) notes that Thomas Agnew & Sons made a prot of 10,000.
6. Fenton and Agnew were both invited to present photographs to Napolon III, see
Robichon (2001: 847).
Gervais Witness to War 383
7. On the commerce of images, see Reni (2007).
8. The 13 February 1904 edition of LIllustration opens with an engraving of a
Cossack, titled for the rst time in the interior pages La guerre russo-japonaise,
LIllustration no. 3181 (13 February 1904): 1001; 1045.
9. La guerre russo-japonaise, LIllustration no. 3182 (20 February 1904): 114.
10. It is relevant to note that the massive dispatch of journalists by Colliers Weekly to
the front in the Far East followed the nomination of a new Editor in Chief, Norman
Hapgood, by Robert J. Collier, head of the paper.
11. Sur le thtre de la guerre, LIllustration no. 3192 (30 April 1904): 3023; Marche
de larme du general Kouroki, LIllustration no. 3195 (21 May 1904): 3402.
12. La photographie la guerre, LIllustration no. 3200 (25 June 1904): 4223.
13. For four citations, La photographie la guerre, LIllustration no. 3200 (25 June
1904): 4223.
14. Except in this issue: Concentration dune division japonaise dans la plaine de
Feng-Hoang-Tcheng, LIllustration no. 3208 (20 August 1904): 1201; about the
use of the double-page spread in 19th-century newspapers, see Gretton (2000).
15. Scnes de guerre, LIllustration no. 3209 (7 August 1904): 1367.
16. Une journe de combat entre Yen-Tai et le Cha-Ho photographie heure par heure,
LIllustration no. 3224 (10 December 1904): 41213.
17. LIllustration no. 2975 (3 March 1900): 1367.
18. Les soldats de linstantan, Je sais tout 23 (15 December 1906): 587.
19. Nadar, Bibliothque nationale de France, Mss, N.a.f, fol. 55.
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Thierry Gervais is a postdoctoral fellow at Ryerson University, Toronto, where
he teaches history of photography. He is the editor of tudes photographiques
and the author of numerous papers and book chapters including Les formes
de linformation [Forms of Information], in Lart de la photographie [The Art
of Photography], edited by A. Gunthert and M. Poivert (Citadelles & Mazenod,
2007) and On Either Side of the Gatekeeper: Technical Experimentation with
Photography at LIllustration (18801900), tudes photographiques 23 (May
2009). He is the co-author, with Galle Morel, of the book La photographie.
Histoire, techniques, presse, art [Photography. History, Technique, Press, Art]
(Larousse, 2008) and the co-author, with Dominique de Font-Raulx, of Lon
Gimpel (18731948). Les audaces dun photographe [The Innovations of a
Photographer] (Muse dOrsay/ditions des Cinq Continents, 2008). Thierry
Gervais has curated exhibitions in France, including Leon Gimpel. Les audaces
dun photographe (Muse dOrsay, 2008). He is continuing his research into the
use of photography in newspapers and the rst photojournalists.
Address: Ryerson University, 350 Victoria Street, Toronto, Ontario, CA M5B 2K3,
Canada. [email: gervais@ryerson.ca]

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