WH-Movement Chapter 11 Carnies Syntax

Norberto Moreno Quibn

English Syntax (UNED) <nmoreno@madrid.uned.es> http://www.quiben.org/

Movement in Wh-questions

The wh-phrases are not in their theta positions, but they arent in their Case positions either. (1) a. WhomACC did Matt kiss? b. WhomACC did Stacey say (that) Matt kiss? c.

[CP [DP whomACC ] [C [C did ] [TP [DP MattNOM ] [T [T didNOM ] [VP [DP Matt] [V [V kiss] [DP whomACC ] ]]]]]]

The movement to the specier of CP accounts for another fact about the word order of wh-questions: they also involve T C movement (in main clauses): (2) a. Who(m) are you meeting? b. *Who(m) you are meeting? c.

[CP [DP whomACC ] [C [C are ] [TP [DP youNOM ] [T [T are] [VP [V [V be ing ] [VP [DP you] [V [V meeting] [DP whomACC ] ]]]]]]]]

We triggered TC movement with a [+Q] feature that was part of the complementizer. A feature that triggers wh-movement: [+WH]. It resides in the C of a wh-sentence. (3) In some languages (such as Irish), there are special forms of complementizers that represent these features: a. [Q,WH] go b. [+Q,WH] an c.

[+Q,+WH] aL

(4) Wh-movement Move a wh-phrase to the specier of CP to check a [+WH] feature in C. (5) a. Whom did Matt kiss? b. [CP [DP whom [WH,ACC] ] [C [C did[Q,WH] ] [TP [DP MattNOM ] [T [T did] [VP [DP Matt] [V kiss [DP whom [+WH,ACC] ] ]]]]]]]

c. kiss assigns ACC: [DP whom[+WH,ACC] ] d. DP-Movement: [DP MattNOM ] e. TC: [C did[Q,+WH] ] f. WH-Movement: [DP whom[WH,ACC] ] g. WH-Movement: [C did[Q,WH] ] 1

1 MOVEMENT IN WH-QUESTIONS

(6) a. Who was kissed? b. Ax Lowering: [V kiss+en[,ACC] ] ( kissed) c. DP-Movement: [DP who[+WH,NOM] ] d. VT e. TC: [C was[Q,+WH] ] f. WH-Movement: [DP who[WH,NOM] ] g. WH-Movement: [C was[Q,WH] ]

(7) a. Who(m) do you think Jim kissed? b. CP DP[WH,ACC] C who C[Q,WH] TP do DP[NOM] you
T C
ov -m DP en em t

T VP V CP DP[+WH,ACC] C who C[Q,WH] TP DP[NOM] Jim T VP V DP[+WH,ACC] who

T[NOM]
PRES

do

DP[+NOM] you V think

(8) a. I wonder who(m) Jim kissed?

nmoreno@madrid.uned.es

ov -m H W en em t

T[NOM] -ed

DP[+NOM] Jim

ov -m DP
W Hmo ve me n t

in er ow xL t A en em

V[+ACC] kiss+ed

2 ISLANDS: CONSTRAINTS ON WH-MOVEMENT

b.

CP C C[Q,WH] TP DP[NOM] I T VP V CP DP[WH,ACC] who C

T[NOM]
PRES
ix A

DP[+NOM] I
ng

When a wh-question is embedded the subject does not invert with the auxiliary (i.e., no TC movement). In embedded clauses in English there is no C[+Q,+WH] . So we nd C[Q,WH] (embedded declaratives) or C[Q,+WH] (indirect questions or exclamatives). (9) a. I wonder what he has done? b. *I wonder what has he done?

Islands: Constraints on Wh-movement

Wh-movement is not entirely free. There are constraints on what categories you can move out of (the categories that contain the wh-phrase). (10) The Complex DP Constraint * whi [. . . [DP . . . ti . . . ]. . . ]

(11) a. Bill make [DP the claim [CP that he read something in the syntax book]] b. *Whati did Bill make [DP the claim [CP that he read ti in the syntax book]] ?

c.

*[Which cake]i did you see [DP the man [CP who baked ti ]] ?

nmoreno@madrid.uned.es

D ov m P-

V wonder+PRES

Lo ri we

en em t

C[Q,WH] TP DP[NOM] Jim T VP V DP[+WH,ACC] who

T[NOM] -ed

DP[+NOM] Jim

ov -m DP

in er ow xL t A en em

V[+ACC] kiss+ed

W Hmo

ve

me n

3 THE MINIMAL LINK CONDITION

(12) The Wh-island Constraint * whk [. . . [CP whi [. . . tk . . . ]. . . ]. . . ] (13) *[CP Howk do [TP you wonder [CP whati [TP John bought ti tk ]] ]]? (14) The Sentential Subject Condition * whi . . . [TP [CP . . . ti . . . ]T . . . ] (15) a.

[TP [CP That the police would arrest someone] was a certainity]

b. *Whoi was [TP [CP that the police would arrest ti ] twas a certainity] ?

(16) Coordinate Structure Constraint: *whi . . . [XP [XP . . . ti . . . ] conj [XP . . . ]] or *whi . . . [XP [XP . . . ] conj [XP . . . ti . . . ]] or *whi . . . [XP ti conj [XP . . . ]] or *whi . . . [XP [XP . . . ] conj ti ] (17) a. I liked Mary and John. b. *Whoi did you like Mary and ti ?

c.

*Whoi did you like ti and John ?

(18) a. I [VP ate some popcorn] and [VP drank some soda]. b. *Whati did you [VP eat ti ] and [VP drink some soda] ?

c.

*Whati did you [VP eat some popcorn] and [VP drink ti ] ?

d. Whati did you [VP eat ti ] and [VP drink ti ] ?

Across the Board Extraction (ATB)

The Minimal Link Condition

(19) Minimal Link Condition (MLC): Move to the closest potential landing site. (20) The Minimal Link Condition (formal): Movement of some item can target some position of type if and only if a. c-commands b. there is no , also of type , such that c-commands , and c-commands . c. is dened as: i). a head if = a head. ii). The specier of TP if = a DP with an unchecked [NOM]. iii). The complement of the V if = a DP with an unchecked [ACC]. iv). The specier of CP if = a wh-phrase with an unchecked [+WH] feature.

nmoreno@madrid.uned.es

3 THE MINIMAL LINK CONDITION

(21) Wh-island explained a. *[CP Howk do [TP you wonder [CP whati [TP John bought ti tk ]] ]]?
Potential landing site

b. [CP Whati do [TP you think [CP ti [TP John bought ti ]] ]]?
Potential landing site

(22) Hyperraising: MLC in DP-movement a. *[TP Marki seems that [TP it is likely [TP ti to have left]] ]?
Potential nominative position

b. [TP Marki seems [TP ti to be likely [TP ti to have left]] ]?

Potential nominative position

(23) Head Movement Constraint (HMC): MLC in head movement a. *[CP mangi [TP vous avez [VP ti des pommes ]]]?
Potential head position

b. [CP avezi [TP vous ti [VP mang des pommes ]]]?

nmoreno@madrid.uned.es