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Literary Encyclopedia | Masks in Greek Theatre

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Masks in Greek Theatre

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Antonis Petrides (Open University of Cyprus) Introduc tory + No Greek theatrical mask (Greek: prospon) survives today. Masks were made by a specialized craftsman (skeuopoios, manufacturer of theatrical properties) using perishable material (most likely thin stuccoed linen, cf. the ancient scholium to Aristophanes Frogs 406, less likely wood or leather), hence they could not stand the test of time. Our material evidence is limited to representations and generally derivative renditions of the real thing, objects of art used for a variety of nontheatrical purposes, such as dedication to shrines (by victorious actors, performance sponsors or troupes), trade (souvenirs of performances), decoration, show of culture and/or declaration of Greekness. Such archaeological evidence as we have is extremely disparate: it belongs to a variety of genres (vase paintings, mosaics, reliefs, figurines, terracotta or marble replicas, ornamental elements in architecture, etc.); it derives from a great variety of findspots; and it spans an extended period of time. These limitations do not necessarily compromise the evidence, but they should serve as caveats against hasty conclusions. Written sources, too chiefly Aristotles Poetics ch. 5, scattered scholia, Julius Polluxs Onomasticon (4.133ff.), Athenaeus, Hesychius, and Suda are also to be used cautiously, as they can be of varying authority, selective or unforthcoming in detail, anecdotal in nature, late in themselves even if they hark back to Hellenistic treatises (perhaps by Aristophanes of Byzantium or Eratosthenes), or any combination of the above. The actual theatrical object animated on a Greek stage by the voice, gestures, dance and comportment of a male actor (even if the part was female), who exposed the mask to light and shade in different angles relative to the audience, is irretrievably lost. However, the evidence suffices to provide an idea of the evolution, the aesthetics and the theatrical function of the mask on the Greek stage.
T he q ue stion of origins

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The origin of the Greek mask, as of the Greek theatre itself, is obfuscated by a deep cloud of uncertainty; no definitive answer can be reached. However, the question of origins is significant, because it reveals aspects of the masks cultural imprint. (1) The general notion of performance in Greece was by no means bound to the mask: neither phallic dances nor, indeed, the dithyramb, both usually considered precursors of drama, were masked performances (cf. e.g. Athenaeus 622c5ff.). However, theatre in the institutional sense (at least tragedy) possessed some kind of mask from the very beginning. The Byzantine encyclopaedic dictionary Suda (s.v. Thespis), apparently following Peripatetic sources, seems to refute the above, when it credits Thespis, a murky figure himself, with the introduction of the mask in the last stage of a threefold process, whose initial phases were not masks proper but forms of face paint: a) the psimythion-phase, in which Thespis would paint his face with white lead or a frog-green substance called batrachion (cf. Suda, s.v. batrachion and Magns); (b) the andrachne-phase, in which the disguise was purslane (portulaca oleracea) or (elsewhere, with no direct reference to Thespis) fig leaves (Suda s.v. thriambos); (c) an actual masked phase, in which Thespis introduced masks made of plain linen. Aristotle surmises that a similar process of introducing masks pertained to Comedy, as well. Tradition has it that after some unspecified input from the tragic poet Choerilus (Suda, s.v. Choirilos), about which no details survive, his colleague Phrynichus introduced female masks (Suda, s.v. Phrynichos), and Aeschylus contributed bright colours and terrifying masks (Suda, s.v. Aiskhylos). Scholars have been duly sceptical of this neat teleological scheme and the romantic first inventor-motif running through it. The crux of the matter, however, is elsewhere. Such traditions take the notion of the mask at face value, and focus on its eventual nature as a helmet-like headpiece. However, the split representation (C. Lvi-Strauss term) which characterized the Greek (and every) theatre mask i.e. the continuous co-existence of both Self and Other in the performer is established insofar as any means of visual mimesis splits citizen actor and represented (mythical) figure, whilst retaining awareness of both. Although some sort of evolutionary process leading from rudimentary to more advanced forms of masking may well have existed (even if the details remain hazy), it seems beyond doubt that Greek tragedy, satyr play and comedy sprang as forms of masked performance from the start. (2) The vexing question is: why? A substantial group of theories which can be termed functionalist seek the origins of the mask in the functions it was called to perform on stage. The older, now obsolete, strand of these theories appeals to the practical exigencies of the Theatre of Dionysus. The Greeks had masks either because (a) masking facilitated the convention of multiple roles played by a single actor; (b) or because the mask rendered the actor more visible to the audience in the monumental performance space of the Theatre of Dionysus; (c) or because the mask enhanced the actors possibilities for loud and clear delivery (the so-called megaphone effect).

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The first two theories are completely untenable. Multiple role-playing, for one, is not contingent upon the mask, since it also occurs in other theatrical traditions which have no use for masks. Furthermore, the visibility argument disregards two facts: that the original performance space in Athens was not as monumental as later; and that early Greek masks were life-sized, unlike their Hellenistic and Roman equivalents with the unnaturally high extensions above the head: early masks did not increase the stature of the actor to any significant degree. The megaphone effect deserves more notice, despite the fact that the single ancient evidence in support thereof (Aulus Gellius, NA. 5.7) relies on false etymology (it derives the Latin word for mask, persona, from the verb per-sonare, to sound through, whereas it comes from phersu, an Etruscan infernal spirit). For instance, a contemporary Greek mask-maker, Thanos Vovolis, has constructed acoustical masks which establish that the mask can, to some extent, function as an amplifier, a resonator for the head. But whether this was sufficient to generate a whole masking tradition is highly debatable: it can be hypothesized that resonance was discovered to be value added to the use of masks. Thus, functionalist explanations are either historically inaccurate or tend to mistake effect for cause. (3) A dominant set of theories on the origins of the mask can be termed ritualist. These theories, best expounded by the Cambridge Ritualists, point to the fact that practices of masked ritual bearing elements of representation and impersonation were inextricably linked with Dionysus, and that Dionysus was inextricably linked with the theatre, at least in its Athenian manifestation. It is counterintuitive to deny this link, especially since modern performance theory blurs the boundaries between ritual and theatrical performance, particularly in pre-modern societies. However, among the many qualitative divergences between ritual and theatre, one must emphasize the crucial differences of framing that differentiate theatrical from ritual or magic masks: whereas theatrical masks, as mentioned, make transparent the split between actor and role, participants in a ritual regard the wearer of the mask as possessed. The magic mask is the receptacle of the god and the vehicle of his epiphany. The theatrical mask is no such thing; it is a conventional instrument of dramatic pretence, a mimetic accessory, part of the semiotic ensemble of performance. On the other hand, as a reaction to extreme Dionysism, there developed a subset of anti-Dionysiac theories on the origins of the mask. These theories highlight, on the one hand, the non-masked nature of much Dionysiac worship (including the dithyramb itself), and on the other, the existence of such cults as those of Artemis Ortheia and Artemis Korythalia in Sparta or of Demeter Kidaria in Arcadia, which included masked rituals. The resulting postulation is that even if theatre and the mask preserve irreducible links to ritual, this should not necessarily be the Dionysiac ritual. These theories are beyond proof, just as the ones they are trying to refute; what they do underline is that the relation between theatre, Dionysus and the Dionysia may have been symbiotic in Athens itself, but it was not transcendental or ontological. There is much we can intuit or glimpse but cannot know for certain about theatre outside Athens before and during the fifth century. Hence, ritualist theories may hold their ground, provided that they do not posit too straightforward a relationship between historical origin and contemporary function or indeed between genealogy as a historical fact and genealogy as tentative narrative (discourse), suggested by the context of performance. First of all, even if the mask of Greek theatre has ritual origins, it did not function synchronically as a ritual mask. Despite the significant role that ritual as context, as cultural blueprint or as a repository of narratives has to play in Greek tragedy, tragedy itself is ultimately an event that transcends ritual: it is primarily a social and political institution of the city-state. The Great Dionysia included theatrical performances as part and parcel of a much wider event, which blended the civic and the religious. On the other hand, however, it is absurd to deny the possibility that audiences in the Athenian theatre of Dionysus watching theatrical performances in the purview of the Great Dionysia made a discursive link between ritual (Dionysiac) and theatrical masking, regardless of whether this was factually accurate or not. Such a discursive link makes the imagined origin part of the function; for fifth-century Athenian audiences the question whether the theatrical mask historically stemmed from ritual or not was most probably a moot point. Greek theatre has a qualitative Otherness in relation to our modern, mostly Stanislavskian sensibilities, which needs to be constantly held in sight.
Outline s of e volution

(a) Fifth- c entury tragedy Our strongest evidence for the fifth-century tragic mask comes from vase paintings; it is, however, scant and clusters around the end of the century. From these and other indications it transpires that the fifth-century tragic mask had the following characteristics: (1) It represented a life-sized, naturalistic image of the face, without the distorted proportions appearing later on and apparently with minimal or no facial expression. The mask covered the whole of the actors head, as the tights and costume covered the whole of his body. It did not develop the lambda-shaped extension of the head known as onkos until around the turn of the century. It was relatively un-standardized in form or only minimally typified, at least until the end of the century. Even when a minimal set of types started gradually to develop, a large number of special masks (ekskeua prospa) required singular iconography and were custom made (gods, monsters and other mythological creatures, later abstractions such as Death or Hubris). (2) Masks of satyrs and of Papposilenos remained onkos-less until very late in the evolutionary process; the same probably goes also for the rest of the characters in satyr play, who otherwise shared the features of tragic masks. (3) The masks of the chorus were apparently identical for all chorus members (in

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accordance with the chorus acting as a single character) and never developed any onkos. (4) The mask was minimalist in the amount of information it conveyed, pointing to such general differentials as age (young, mature, old), sex and perhaps status (royal/ commoner, free/ slave etc.), the latter in close association with costume and props. Women had pale skin, men usually darker. A beard was a sign of maturity. Colour was richly employed to underscore the features of the mask for the benefit of a large, open-air theatre. (5) This minimalism is in fact an advantage rather than a limitation. Such a mask which was juxtaposed to the modern experimental piece called neutral mask is, in Jacques Lecoqs words, a face in equilibrium: a skilled actor employing the correct combination of moderate gesture (credible evidence suggests that fifthcentury tragedy was averse to excessive gesticulation), posture, movement, pitch and angle can project a variety of emotions and expressions onto the mask. The effect is much more potent, because it is implicit and constructive. Thus, this kind of mask enjoins a different kind of acting: stylized, extrovert, schematic, monumental and certainly frontal (in relation to the audience) to avoid confusion. The focal point of acting is the body and the role of the voice in registering pathos is central. (b) Old Comedy: Old Comedy masks were mostly grotesque caricatures, which in association with the padding under the costume, the dangling leather phalluses and the overall bawdiness of gesture and movement foregrounded the carnal aspect of human nature. The Old Comedy mask was richly expressive of low pathos, but, unlike its New Comedy counterpart, it still conveyed only generic, external information to the audience. The Old Comedy mask system was even less conducive to standardization and typification than tragedy, inasmuch as the characters it portrayed could just as easily be humans, gods or animals, personified abstractions (such as War or Wealth), fictional characters or historical individuals (Socrates, Lamachus, Cleon, etc.). Especially connected to the latter is the question whether Old Comedy could also feature portrait-masks fashioned after the faces of the real-life people debunked in the play. This theory, however, which rests on some ambiguous passages in Aristophanes and other later sources, such as Aelians Varia Historia 2.13, nowadays is generally discarded. That said, one must emphasize that there was practically no limit to what an Old Comedy mask could represent. Old Comedy choruses in particular tested the imagination of the mask maker with a plethora of fantastical creatures, such as clouds, the villages of Athens, the letters of the alphabet, etc. Old Comedy was especially fond of animal choruses, which, even more so than the choruses of tragedy, contributed to setting up a spectacular show of colours and shapes. Aristophanes, for instance, presented choruses of birds, wasps, possibly frogs and horses, etc. However, this expansive fulsomeness was already petering out by the early fourth century. (c ) Middle Comedy: Standardization of comic masks, i.e. the crystallization of specific sets of types, is a phenomenon of the period conventionally known as Middle Comedy (400-325 B.C.), in which political topics and ad hominem abuse was gradually superseded by mythological parodies, intrigue comedies and plots driven by character types (the cook, the parasite, the flatterer, the pompous soldier, the courtesan, the crafty slave, the country-bumpkin). The four known genera of New Comedy masks (old men, young men, women and slaves) were roughly formed in this period, with the possible exception of the clear New Comedy binary opposition between Old and Young Men (Middle Comedy still has the bearded Mature Man of the fifth century). New Comedy mask types such as the Hermonios, the Man with a wedge-shaped beard, the Lycomedian, the Pimp (Polluxs comic old men nos. 5-8), the Parasite (Pollux comic mask no.18) and the Maison (Polluxs slave mask no. 25) have the clearest Middle Comedy antecedents of all. Hetairai or courtesans (Pollux, nos. 38-40, possibly also 41-42) become equally prominent in the archaeological record in the second half of the century. Young Men and Women appear in smaller numbers compared to Old Men and Slaves early in the fourth century, but the specimens increase as we move closer to the conventional boundary of New Comedy. If this reflects anything regarding the focus of the plays themselves we cannot say. Youth masks, at any rate, constitute the focal group of the so-called New Style masks of New Comedy, on which the mark of both (tragic) idealisation and physiognomic elaboration the two processes making the difference on the New Comedy mask is evident. (d) N ew Comedy and pos t- c las s ic al tragedy: New Comedy had a fully standardized mask system. Pollux lists 44 masks divided into four genera by virtue of gender, age and status: 9 types of Old Men, 11 of Young Men, 7 of Slaves and 17 of Women. The genus of Women consisted of the subgenera of Old Women (apparently both free and slave) and Young Women (unmarried or newly married maidens, matrons, courtesans, concubines and slave girls). Postclassical Tragedy developed 28 analogous types: 6 Old Men, 8 Young Men, 3 slaves, and 11 Women. Pollux appends a long, but still only indicative list of special masks (ekskeua prospa), suggestive of fourth-century tragedys tendency to the spectacular. The typology of Pollux squares well with the archaeological record, and seems to hark back to authoritative Hellenistic sources. It constitutes an attempt to classify the material by the principle of difference. The catalogue is epitomized and the information provided is not altogether coherent and systematic for all mask types alike, but still it constitutes the most detailed source at our disposal.

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In New Comedy particularly, standardization as a formative process was concurrent with hybridization and semiotization. By hybridization we refer to the gradual confluence in the iconography of certain mask genera in tragedy and comedy. Parody of tragedy (or paratragedy) seems to have been instrumental in this development, especially since it was now commonly sustained on the level of complete plots rather than isolated vignettes. As comedy develops a unified narrative structure abandoning the episodic mode; as it infiltrates the tragic inventory of themes, motifs, patterns, linguistic and stage conventions; and as the urban plots of comedy progressively mirror the great tragic myths in the central issues they deal with (gender and status, war of the generations, the household as a consequential political unit), the situations they present (rapes of maidens, suppositions of babies, misunderstandings and misjudgements) and the plotting mechanisms they exploit (reversals, peripeteiai, and recognitions, anagnrismoi), comic masks, especially of young men and women, acquire something of the tragic ethos. By the last quarter of the century such genera of comic and tragic masks in the archaeological record are oftentimes hardly distinguishable by physiognomy alone. In many cases, only the onkos or other paraphernalia can help characterize a mask as tragic or comic in the fourth century and the early Hellenistic period. We are not certain why the onkos grew onto the tragic mask. The hypothesis that this was tied to the evolution of a raised stage in the course of the fourth century is unlikely, because (a) the onkos is evidenced as early as the end of the fifth century; and (b) most probably Athens did not turn to the raised stage until the late Hellenistic period. That said, glancing at the catalogue in Polluxs Onomasticon, 4.133ff., we can deduce with all necessary caution that the onkos was first of all a classificatory principle: it was probably a marker of status, differentiating major characters with high onkos (e.g. Polluxs Tragic Mask 4, the dark-skinned man or Mask 8, the curly-haired youth) from perhaps humbler characters with low onkos (e.g. Mask 2, the white-haired man), and from choristers with no onkos at all. Alternatively (or additionally), the onkos may have helped gauge a characters dramatic consequence: messengers, such as Mask 16 (the sphnopgn, or man with a wedge-shaped beard) and 17 (the anasillos, or man with his hair brushed up), although classified among the slaves, are both of high onkos. In any case, the onkos, which grew exponentially to the point of horrifying Lucian in the 2nd c. AD (On Dancing 27-29), was one of the differentiae conducive to standardizing the tragic mask system; simultaneously, this feature of the mask seems to have had a palpable semiosis. This leads us to semiotization. By semiotization we mean the process whereby the features of the mask are overdetermined as indexes of ethical predispositions: thus, hair colour, complexion, the shape of the nose, the forehead or the eyebrows, etc., provide clues for a characters proclivity to virtue or vice. This cross-cultural empirical urge to gauge the inner from the outer self, known as physiognomics, was systematized from the late fifth century onwards thanks to the advances mainly in Hippocratic medicine and Aristotelian ethics, psychology and biology, which established, on the one hand, a conviction about the empathy between body and soul, and on the other, a triple continuum between the human body, the animal body and the body politic. Physiognomics constructs a semiotics of human appearance, a cultured appearance with repercussions for the well-being of the polis, in the same way that, e.g., Theophrastus Characters constructs a semiotics of social conduct. This new politics of the gaze (and, accordingly, of fashioning external appearance in ways suggestive of a political ideal) was richly employed in contemporary painting and sculpture (particularly portraiture), whence, presumably, it percolated through to the art of the mask maker. With Physiognomics the facial features mask do not simply denote gender and status; they also reflect contemporary discourses thereon in the context of the polis: the mask brings civic ideology into play. This function was absent in the masks both of Old Comedy and of fifth-century tragedy, where the features of the mask had simply a denotative (or iconic) function. Physiognomics, of course, is not a ready-made key to any character. After all, the Greek notion of thos regards predispositions, which are only transformed into action (prxis) through the intervention of moral choice (prohairesis). By reading physiognomies one reads clues, which may or may not result in the anticipated course of action, and which may or may not align with the verbal signs of the play: physiognomic indications on stage are loci of semantic tension, which greatly enhance the input of the visual dimension of performance into the process of creating theatrical meaning. A physiognomized mask has a circumscribed emotional gamut, but is rich in other kinds of dramatically relevant information. The focal point now moves upwards (from the navel to the head), arguably for the first time in theatre history. Another palpable trait of the postclassical mask, especially of the tragic mask, concomitant with physiognomization, is the pathetic expression of the face a marked point of departure from classical neutrality. Expressions of emotion, first registered by uneven eyebrows, deepen progressively in the course of the centuries, parallel to the heightening of the onkos, the widening of the orifices for the mouth and the eyes and the general exaggeration of the costume, especially the introduction of platform boots. The result is a visually imposing but perhaps alienating larger-than-life figure. Such tendency to almost absurd overstatement eventually engulfs New Comedy (and satyr-play) masks, too. It cannot have been unrelated with the monumentalization of performance spaces and the rise of the actors to stardom, a phenomenon underway from mid-5th century onwards. The more composed, expressionless mask of the pantomime, developed mostly in the first centuries of our era, which had orifices only for the eyes (as the pantomime was mute) and which restored the balance between body and head in the acting, may well have been a reaction to the overbearing grandeur of the tragic mask in the late Hellenistic and the Imperial periods. Citation: Petrides, Antonis. "Masks in Greek Theatre". The Literary Encyclopedia. First

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published 28 December 2009 [http://www.litencyc.com/php/stopics.php?rec=true&UID=7211, accessed 11 September 2012.] View recommended reading for this article

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57 items + Rec ommendations Ackermann, R. The Myth and Ritual School. J. G. Frazer and the Cambridge Ritualists. London: Routledge, 2002. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Aneziri, S. Die Vereine der dionysischen Techniten im Kontext der hellenistischen Gesellschaft: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte, Organisation und Wirkung der hellenistischen Technitenvereine. Wiesbaden: Steiner, 2003. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Bearzot, C., F. Landucci, and G. Zecchini. L'Onomasticon di Giulio Polluce: Tra lessicografia e antiquaria. Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 2007. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Bernab Brea, L. Le maschere ellenistiche della tragedia greca. Cahiers du Cntre Jean Brard. Naples: Centre Jean Brard, 1998. Part: 19. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Bernab Brea, L. Maschere e personaggi del teatro greco nelle terracotte liparesi. Rome: "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 2001. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Bernab Brea, L. Menandro e il teatro greco nelle terracotte liparesi. Genoa: Sagep, 1981. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Bieber, M. "Maske". M. Bieber, Realenzyklopdie: XIV.2. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1930. 2070-2119. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Bieber, M. The History of the Greek and Roman Theater. 2nd edition. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1961. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Calame, C. The Craft of Poetic Speech in Ancient Greece. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Carter, J. B. "The Masks of Ortheia". AJPh: American Journal of Philology. 91 (1987): 355-383. Recommended by Michael John Perfect. Charitonidis, S., R. Ginouvs, and L. Kahil. Les mosaques de la Maison du Mnandre Mytilne. Beiheft. Bern: Francke Verlag, 1970. Part: 6. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Csapo, E. and W. J. Slater. The Context of Ancient Drama. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1994. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Dover, K. J. "Portrait masks in Aristophanes". K. J. Dover, KIDOTRAGMATA: Studia Aristophanica viri Aristophanei W. J. W. Koster in honorem. Toronto: Hakkert, 1967. 16-28. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Edit Edit Select Edit [ Page 1 of 3 ]: Return To Article Propose Recommended Reading 1 | 2 | 3 | next >> Select All Deselect All

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Easterling, P. E. "Actor as Icon". Greek and Roman Actors: Aspects of an Ancient Profession. Ed. P. E. Easterling and E. Hall. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. 327-341. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Evans, E. C. Physiognomics in the Ancient World. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1969. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Frontisi-Ducroux, F. Du Masque au Visage: Aspects de l'identit en Grce ancienne. Paris: Flammarion, 1995. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Frontisi-Ducroux, F. Le dieu-masque: une figure du Dionysos d'Athnes. Paris: ditions La dcouverte, 1991. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Gentili, B. Lo spettacolo nel mondo antico: Teatro greco e romano arcaico. 2nd edition. Rome: Bulzoni Editore, 2006. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Ghiron-Bistagne, P. Recherches sur les acteurs dans la Grece antique. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1976. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Green, J. R. Theatre in Ancient Greek Society. London: Routledge, 1994. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Green, J. R. "Dedications of Masks". Revue archologique. (1982): 237248. Recommended by Michael John Perfect. Green, J. R., A. Seeberg, and T. B. L Wester. Monuments Illustrating Old and Middle Comedy. BICS Supplement. London: University of London Institute of Classical Studies, 1938. Part: 39. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Green, J. R., A. Seeberg, and T. B. L. Webster. Monuments Illustrating New Comedy: Third Edition Revised and Enlarged by J. R. Green and A. Seeberg. BICS Supplement. 3rd. London: University of London Institute of Classical Studies, 1995. Part: 50. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Halliwell, S. "The Function and Aesthetics of the Greek Tragic Mask". Intertextualitt in der griechischrmischen Komdie. Ed. N. Slater and B. Zimmermann. Stuttgart: M & P, 1993. 195-211. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. Hughes, A. "Acting Style in the Ancient World". Theatre Notebook . 42 (1991): 2-16. Recommended by Antonis Petrides. [ Page 1 of 3 ]: 1 | 2 | 3 | next >>

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