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UMI ‘pany 800 North Zeeb Fad, Ann Arbor, Mi 48108-1346 USA ‘318/761-4700 800/521-0600,Order Number 8916728 ‘The “Huang-ti nei-ching”: The structure of the compilation; the significance of the structure Keegan, David Joseph, Ph.D. University of California, Berkeley, 1988 Copyright ©1988 by Keegan, David Joseph. All rights reserved. U-MI 300N. Zeeb Rd. ‘Ann Arbor, MI 48106The Huang-ti net-ching: The Structure of the Coupilation; The Significance of the Structure By David Joseph Keegan B.A. (College of the Holy Cross) 1973 M.A. (University of California) 1975 DISSERTATION Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in History in the GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY DOCTORAL DEGREE CONFERRED DECEMBER 20, 1988The Huang-ti nei~ching The Structure of the Compilation; The Significance of the Structure Copyright © 1988 David J. KeeganThe Huang-ti nei-ching: The Structure of the Compilation; The Significance of the Structure By David Joseph Keegan Abstract The Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic (Huang-ti nei-ching & % py £2 ) ts the preeminent early texe of Chinese medical theory. This dissertation analyzes the history and texts of the extant Nei ching editions in order to demonstrate that the Nei ching was a compilation of many small “primary texts” by many different authors. Some advanced various medical theories; others then expanded, modified and challenged these theories. The result was 2 debate on medical theory which evolved over time, revealing by its gradual compilation both the substence and ritual of medical teaching and transmission. Chapter One demonstrates that no one of the extant Nei ching editions is the Han dynasty original from which the others derived. Each was an independent compilation of smaller independent “primary texts” and compilations. Chapter Two presents the criteria for locating primary texts and proves their existence in the Nei ching, begin- ning from a comparision of one p'ien with a compilation of second century B.C. medical texts discovered at Ma Wangtui B g 4% . chapter Three analyzes the structure of these primary texts and demonstrates how their authors created theoretical coherence from often disparate materials. Chapter Four delineates how primary texts formed textual lineages which reveal the process of medical theorizing and teaching through which they were created. Chapter Five analyzes the Shih chi biography of the Han physician Ts’ang Kung]; to confirm how physicians used and transmitted compilations of primary texts like those in the Nei ching. Chapter Six considers how the preceding analysis makes textual and theoretical inconsistencies in the Nei ching the basis for, rather than an obstacle to, understanding early Chinese medicine and suggests how this same kind of analysis can be applied to other earl)DEDICATION To Sally, Daniel and Matthewit ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thank you to all of those whose teaching, assistance and encouragement have brought this work to ire conclusion. Thanks first to my advisor David Keightley who has worked his way patiently and perceptively through numerous drafts and redrafts. Thanks also to ay other comuittee menbers, Tu Wei-ning and Michele Strickman, and to Nathan Sivin for their comments along the way. Thanks to my parents and sisters for their encouragement. Finally, this dissertation could not have been begun or completed without ay wife, Sally Lindfors. She has been the ideal reader every writer needs, willing to consider any argument or technical bypath, but always politely insistent on clarity of though and exposition. This dissertetion is dedicated to her an¢ to Daniel and Matthew who have waited for their father to finish.ita The Huang~ti_nei-ching: The structure of The Conte, Compilation; The Significance of the Structure, Introduction Glossary Conventions for Citing Basic Sources Chapter One. Where is the Ned ching? Which Net ching’ Part 1. Synopsis, Fart 2. Conclusions of Conventional scholarship. 2ea The Title and its Meaning. First Appearance of the Title. Interpreting the Title. Goaventional Efforts to Date the het ching The Contributions and Limits of ccaventional Scholarship. The History of the Nei ching Reconsidered. The Yellow Emperor Tradition. Five Texts Associated with the Nei ching. The Su Wen. The Panshih-yi nan. The Chia-yi ching. The Chen ching and the Ling shu. 3.b.v. The Hing-erang chih-yao. Bice Conclusion: A Rapidly Evolving Tradition. Part 4, The Structure of the Nei ching texts. daa. The Ch'uan Su wen. 4ab. The Huang-ti t'at su. Ane. The Wang Ping Nei ching. 4d. Conclusion: None of These is the Han Nei ching. Part 5. Conclusion: A New Hypothesis. Chapter Two, The Texts Within the Nei ching. Part 1. Introduction. Part 2, The Ma-wang-tui Corpus, a Model. Part 3. The Ling-shu Corpus. 3. L.8. 3.10a Introduction: A Fictional Dialogue 3b. L.S. 3.10b The Twelve Conduits. Bie. L.S. 3.10c The Ch'i of the Five Conduits. Bed. L.S. 3.10d The Twelve Conduits and Attached Conduite vi xv xxii 67 67 69 76 77 83 85 86.Bee. 3.8. +B. Part 4, 4a. 4b, fre. 4d 4ee. 4.f, Part 5. tv L.S. 3.10e The Fifteen Branches Summary of Analysis of L.s. 3.10 Confirmation of Analysis in the T'ai su. Application of the Model. Criteria, Applying these Criteria to S.W. 12.45. S.W. 12.45 and Debates on the Precedence of Different Versions of the Nei ching. S.W. 4.13 and a Famtly of Texts). Comparing Su wen Versions to Reveal Textsz. Analysis of @ Compilation when all Nei ching Versions Place it in a Single PTien. Conclusion, a Chapter Three. The Internal Structure of Primary Part 1. Part 2. 2a. ad. 2ead papeees 2b. ee. 2d. 2ee, Part 3, Texts. Introduction. Analysis of the Three Conduit Texts, Overall Structures. Titles Organization, The Twelfth Conduit. The Intermediate Structures-- Conduit Descriptions The Language Structure of the Three Conduit Texte, Secondary Schemata. Possible Origins of Secondary Schemata. One History of Three Texts. Chapter Four. Textual Lineages in the Nei ching. Part 1. Part 2. 2a. 2.d. ee. Part 3, Part 4, Part 5. Sa. 5.b, Introduction, The Ancestors of the Conduit Texts. The Wood-sound Illness as a Linking Structure A Paraphrased Linking Structure. Extending a Textual Lineage. A Descendent in the Conduit Texts Lineage: S.W. 13.49. An Overview of the Conduit Texts Lineage. Textual Families Elsewhere in the Nei ching. The Nine Needles. A Facily of Nanes. 87 38 89 92 92 94 96 98 102 105 110 113 113 119 119 119 121 124 130 135 149 155 157 167 167 170 173 183 187 194 201 205 205 209v Chapter Five The Teaching of Medicine and the Cowpiiation of Textual Lineages. 219 Part 1. Introduction. 218 Part 2, The Memorial of Ts‘ang Kung--Its Background and Authenticity 222 Part 3. Texts Given Ts'ang Kung 226 Bea. Ts'ang's List of Texts. 228 3.b. The Teaching of these Texts. 230 Bec. Transnission of Texts. 231 part 4, The Transaission of Texts in the Net ching, 233 4 The Significance of Nei ching References to Transnission, 237 4b. Confirmation of Transmission Practices from Wu-wei. 238 Chapter Six. Conclusion 248 Part 1. Introduction 248 Part 2, Summary of the Argument so Far 249 Part 3, The Conclusion of Textual and Historical Analysis 252 Part 4, Further Research Issues--A History of Early Chinese Medicine 255 Part 5. Past the Ideal Nei ching 258 Appendix One. Contents of Ch'uan Yuan-ch'd and Wang Ping Editions of the Su wen. 260 Appendix Two. A Parallel Translation of Three Conduit Texts 265 Footnotes to Appendix Two 333 Footnotes. 345 Bibliography. 365vi Introduction, The Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic (Huang-ti 5 = neinching # % GE) ts the most important book of Chinese medicine by almost any criterion. Its mythical otigins are the most exalted for it claims to have originated in the court of the Yellow Emperor. The actual Period in which it was composed (as I will demonstrate in Chapter One) makes it earlier than any other extant text of medical theory, The breadth of its theoretical exposition made it the basis for almost all subsequent medical texts, and even today it is widely reprinted for clinical use in China. Yet no one can read far into the text before encountering mutually inconsistent, incompatible or contradictory statements of theory or observations of fact. Take, for example, theories of diagnosis in the Neg fhing. One theory espouses diagnosis according to the three conditions (those of heaven, earth and man) in each of the three segments of the body (upper, middie and lower), which 1s called san-pu chtuchou = BP 1K. This theory appears in chuan 6, p'ien 20 of the Su wen (S.W. 6.20) as well as in S.W. 8.25, S.W. 8.26, S.wW. 18.63 and S.W. 18.64. A second theory recommends diagnosis by the “Human Greeting Conduit Mouth (jen-yang mo-k'ou AHPvid AUK yn; ents can be found in $.¥. 2.7 and S.W. 3.9 as well as in the Ling shu. A third form of diagnosis, by the pulses at the ch'ih-tstun & T on the wrist, can be found in S.W. 5.18, S.W. 6,19, S.W. 7.21 and S.W. 13.48.) This same range of diversity can be found in the descriptions of the conduits through which ch'i 3% and blood flow. S.W. 7.21 reports that there are four conduits, while $.W. 13.49 and $.W. 12.45 describe six. Ling shu chuen 1, p'ien 2 (LS, 1.2) reports twelve, as does one part of Ling shu 3.10 (which we will be discussing at length), while another segment of LS. 3.10 speaks of eleven. In addition to this diversity of theories, 2 reading of different editions of the Nei ching reveals they contain different patterns of textual organization. Although different editions all contain the sane collection of apparently contradictory statements, their arrangements of this material are totally different. Not even the normally sacrosanct chuan or p'ien remain the same. Thus we find, for example, that the passage on fevers, which concludes the p'ien entitled "A Discourse on Heat (Jyh lun ACZS)" in one version of the Net ching is part of the ptien entitled “A Discourse on Irregular Tiinesses (Ch'i ping lun A jf ZS)" tn another version.2viid These diversities of theory and textual organisation Present us with 2 series of questions. Are these theoretical statements complementary in sone way we do not understand? Is the author simply inconsistent? Was the text perhaps altered in 2 way which distorts the original Author's presentation? How are the different versions related? Is one text a recompilation of the other, are both of them reworkings of some original text, or is one of them a badly damaged version of the other? There are essentially two different ways to approach these questions, The first approach focuses on the Nei_ ching and other medical texts in order to derive from them the most consistent and useful understanding possible of Physiology and treatment in Chinese medicine. To accomplish this, many scholars have tried to reconcile these statements by weaving them together into a larger theoretical framework, creating and then imposing on these texts their own system of medical thought. This creative activity is evident throughout the various commentaries on the Nei ching which have over time produced a single unified system of medical thought which encompasses and transcends these sorts of contradictory statements. Most modern Western scholars of Chinese medicine, including Joseph Needham and Manfred Porkert, exemplify this orientation.ix While this approach may yield a deep and Sophisticated understanding of Chinese medicine as it now Stands, or as it stood at the time a particular traditional scholar wrote, it does not bring us any closer to understanding the theories of medicine as they vere understood at the time the Nei ching was composed. The Teason why is simple--it is impossible to find any evidence in the Nei ching itself for the type of overali system these scholars have developed. In short, their creative efforts may have produced better medical theory, but not a better understanding of Han medical theories. In this dissertation, I propose to take a second approach: to analyse the history and text of the Net ching in order to understand how it was created. once we understand how it was created and can explain what caused the Nei ching to develop into its present configuration, with all its apparent inconsistencies of theory and Presentation, we will then be able to elicit the understanding of medicine held by the author or authors of Nei ching and to consider what the Nef ching tells us about the state of medical knowledge at the time it was created. To attempt such a historical approach requires that we resist the temptation to weave statements in the Net ghing into a consistent whole based on the theoreticalx Perspective of any later analysts, including ourselves. For that reason, we will treat the information provided by conmentators and modern Western scholars with considerable caution, recognizing that however impressive their creation of a consistent theoretical whole from the Nei ghing may be in terms of its understanding of physiology oF medicine, it is most often grounded in conceptions centuries later than the Nei ching. We will try to understand, rather than correct, the inconsistencies which abound in the Nei ching. We will begin by demonstrating that the Nei ching cannot be treated as a single coherent text. It is clear that we must understand how the Nei ching developed as a text before we can make any sense of its theoretical exposition, In Chapter One I will examine the most conaon explanation of the Nei ching's history: that one of the extant Nei ching's {s the original coherent Hen text, Perhaps somewhat damaged, and that the other extant tezts are less coherent reworkings of that original. As I will show, this assertion cannot be sustained once it is analyzed systematically. No Han Nei ching can be found. Having reached that conclusion, the textual problems seem even more insurmountable than they had first appeared.xt Twill propose another solution which ts based of the very difficulty of the textual problem. My hypothesis is that there ts not, nor ever was, a coherent Net ching. Rather, each Nef ching version was a compilation of much smaller coherent texts. The first challenge posed by this hypothesis, which I undertake in Chapter Two, is to locate these texts (which I call prinery texts, or texts,). These texts] appear to be simply passag within the ptien of various editions of the Nei ching. A passage has generally been considered to be vague, amorphous, simply whatever part of a text interests a reader at any given moment. JI would like to propose that, at least in the Vatious versions of the Nei ching, it is possible to discover a type of “passage,” which I call 2 textz, which 4s at least as clearly and independently determined as the Nei ching text or version in which it appears. We generally accept that a text ts a clearly Tecognizable unit, Paul Maas describes it this way: A work of literary art is an organic whole, and the Teader 18 conscious of each element as standing in a necessary relation to every other element in it; it ean survive over thousands of years without suffering serious damage, particularly in a civilization susceptible to its effect.3xii But Maas never indicates the nature of such a wholeness. The structuralist critic louri Lotaan suggests: The hierarchy of a text, the fact that its system is divided into a complex construction of subsystems, leads to there being a series of elements which relate to the internal structure clearly limited by a variety of subsystens (the limits of chapter, Stanza, line, hemistich).4 Later in the same work, he aotes that on one level a Single poem aay be a text and the cycle in which it is placed is extratextual. On another level, the same cycle may be the text and the poem a determined level within it; this can also apply to a work of an author and the corpus of his works.5 The analyses of Mass and Lotman indicate that a text is characterized by a h erarehic structure which provides an organic wholeness, Lotman's analysis indicates further that such units of organic structure may lie both above and below the unit we would commonly call a text. These insights suggest the possiblity that the Nei_ ghing passages enunciating medical theories or observations may be independent texts, as are the poens mentioned by Lotman. To prove this we will need to prove: a such passages have a clearly delineated hierarchical ucture; andxiii 2, they will survive unaltered regardless of what eccurs to any version of the Nei chi If passages in the Nei ching can be shown to have these two qualities, then they can be accepted as primary texts (texts}) surviving within different editions and versions of the Nei ching. These versions and editions are then compilations, which can be considered to be another level of texts, “secondary texts (textsz)." Chapter Two will show how this provides a valuable insight into the structure of the Nei ching. If the first challenge is to locate these textsy, the second is to determine how the discovery of these texts alters our understanding of the Nei ching and Han medicine, By analysing the structure of these texts), we can see how their authors created theoretical coherence from often disparate materials and how the materials Selected reveal the history of these texts. Both these Pursuits will occupy Chapter Three. Once we have @iscovered these historical clues, we will use then, in Chapter Four, to delineate how texts; can be linked together into textual lineages. Finally, in Chapter Five, we will consider what this history of texts tells us about the history of the physicians who wrote them. These texts), containing the statements of medical theory or observations, are not chapters of a largerxiv coherent Nei ching; rather, each was created at a different time by one of a number of medical practitioner: Once we understand this, we find the theoretical inconsistencies which we noted earlier are not errors or irrational choices, but ideas proposed and written down in certain texts,, rebutted or developed by other specific texts,. The final result 4s not the discovery of theoretical consistency in the Net ching. Instead, we recognize that the Nef ching is the name given to a series of compilations which recorded a variety of debates on medical theory.xv Glossary This glossary provides brief definitions of ali words used in a specific technical sense in this dissertation. These are esther medical terms which appear in the Net ching and Felated Chinese medical texts, or terms which I have coined in order to faciiitate the analysis I present. For the convenience of the reader, all definitions of medical terms are followed by references in paretheses to the two standard works in English on Chinese medicine, Celestial Eancets by Lu Gwei-djen and Joseph Needham and The Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Medicine by Manfred Potkert where more detailed explanations and references can be found. For all analytic terms I have coined, Parenthetical page references indicate where they are introduced in the course of the dissertation. 1. Medical Terms. 1 1 . one of three ecuivalent terms for the spot on the wrist where one takes the pulse as part of diagnosis. The other two terms are mo-k'ou and fs'un-k'ou. The basis for identifying all three terms with the same spot can be found in $.W. 3.11 (p, 67) where the Yellow Emperor asks “how can thexvi ghiick’ou alone be master of the five ts'ang?” Wang Ping commented that the ch'i-k'ou is also called the Estun-k'ou or mo-k'ou. By taking the pulse at this Point one can diagnose if the ch'i is replete or exhausted and therefore it is called the ch'i a One can sense movement in the conduit and therefore it 1s called the mo-k'ou. It is one finger's length above the “fish border” of the hand (the base of the thumb) and therefore it is called the ts'un-k'ou In response to the Yellow Emperor's question, Ch'i Po said that the cht ou is the Great Yin. wang comments that this means the ch'i-k'ou is on the Great Yin of Hand. Lu and Needham identify the uy with the radial artery (p. 95). ching $@. I will translate this term as “conduit.” 1 will not distinguish between this and go, which I also translate as conduit, except to note in Perenthesis after each use whether the tera “conduit” is refering to ching or mo. See Chapter One, note 50, for ny analysis and alternate translations.xvii fu fl. These are six internal organs, yang in character, considered to be mainly for the absorption of food. The are: the large intestine, stomach, small intestine, bladder, gall bladder and tricalorup (san-chiao 2€&). See Lu and Needham, pp. 39-40, Porkert, pp. 110-117, nofiR. see ching. no-k'ou AK TO. see chti-k'ou, character, considered to be for the storage of liver and pericardium. See Lu and Needham, pp. 39-40, Porkert, pp. 110-117. a TO. see chtacnton, ts Analytic Terms, Compitation, A secondary text (textz) created by bringing together a series of independent primary texts (texts1) or smaller secondary texts. A compilation can be the entirety of what we would generally Tecognize as a text, the different versions of thexviii Nei ching are compilations for example, or it can be @ section of such a text, such as a ptien. Unlike a Primary text, a compilation has no integral structure which binds it together and ensures that it will always appear in larger compilations in exactly the same way (Chapter 1, p. 20). Complex Text. A text; woven from a series of mutually inconsistent structures. The source of these different, mutually inconsistent structures is 2 variety of ancestral texts. The author of a “complex” text unifies the text by weaving these structures into a hierarchy in which some structures are ascendent or “primary,” over others (Chapter 3, p. 116 ££.), Fossil. Structures of antecedent, or “ancestral,” texte; which subsequent, or “descendent,” texts} encapsulate and integrate into their own structures texts and through which they reveal their ancestors and their history.. These structures are usually ifted whole and verbatim, and made part of the descendant text. These structures are, in effect, fossils that establish the link between ancestral and descendant texts (Chapter Four, p. 170).xix Intermediate Structure. The structure which organizes and defines the units which make up the overall structure of the text. For example, in a text which describes a series of conduits, the structure of each conduit description is an intermediate structure. (Chapter 3, p, 115). Language, The raw material which 1s formed into a text) by the structures created or chosen by the author. Should be distinguished from Language Structure. Language Structure. The structure of a text which is composed of its choice of terms and its density of description, These choices of language, Particularly for major terms, will often help us to discover the larger structures of the text. As will become clear, language choices express the same Tegularities as larger structures (Chapter Three, Pe 135), Linking Structure. A structure in a text, which indicates that the text is imcorporating a fossil, or vestigial remain, and which sometimes indicates the origin of that fossil (Chapter Four, p. 170 ££.),xx Overall Structure. The structure which organizes the text and ensures its integrity. In the conduit texts, the division into eleven or twelve conduit units organized in @ particular sequence, is part of the overall structure. Titles and subtitles of texts are also part of their overall structure since they help organize the texts (Chapter 3, p. 115). Primary Schema One of two terms, together with secondary schema, which express the theoretical hierarchy within a text,. The primary schema incorporates all the structures in the text which together present its dominant, consistent and coherent argument. This primary schema must incorporate the overall structures it will also incorporate all the intermediate and language structures in a simple text, or some of them in a complex text (Chapter Three, p. 116). Primary Text (text;). Independent texts, no longer than Biden and usually smaller, which were sorted and Fe-sorted into a series of Nei ching texts which would then be compilations of these smaller units. These units of written material were structured in such a way that they could be transmittedxxi independently and compiled and recompiled into the versions of the Nei ching we now know with little or no alteration of material (Chapter Three, p. 113). Secondary Schena. One of two terms, together with primary schema, which express the theoretical hierarchy of a texty. Complex texts contain one or more secondary Schemata which are inconsistent or conflicting with the primary schema. These schemata will incorporate the intermediate and language structures which are inconsistent with the overall structure and the intermediate and language structures consistent with the primary schema (Chapter Three, p. 116). Secondary Text (textz). This is another term for a compilation. Simple Text. A text, which contains a single clear Structure which also gives it 2 unified theoretical stance without internal conflict or inconsistency, hence without any secondary schema. Such simple texts; are usually texts with only one or two ancestral texts (Chapter 3, p. 114).xxit Conventions for Citing Basie Scurces. It will be necessary to cite repeatedly from the basic versions of the Nei ching and a few. other medical texts. Unless otherwise stated, the following texts will always be cited from the editions nored below, Chianyt ching: Hoang Fura S AH ZB. uang-et cntaryt cunf # PLE saya noes anne oe Suven: wang PingE VK , chrung-kuang pu-chu huang-ti aetmching su-ven $F 4G 2B WEE BY, subconnentary by Lin vi4¥4B, Published 1070. Taipet: Hevan-teng¥@ AL , 1969. Ling shu: chen pi-i1uPR Band cheng cho-jen BP%A , Ling-shu_pai-hua chienS 45 6 ES AF. Bet jing: Jen-min wei-shenghfl 4294 Press, 1962. Bai cu: Yong shang-snan4G + Z . nusogets notching airou $4 BEER | serying: searnin wet-shengA & 427 rress, 1965.xxiii References to the Su wen, the Ling shu and the T'ai su will usually be simply to the chuan and p'ien and will be Provided in the body of the dissertation. To facilitate references, I employ the following abbreviations: S.W. for the Su wea; L.S. for the Ling shu; and T.S. for the Tai su. Quotations will be cited by the abbreviation followed by the chuan and ptien number, for example S.W. 1.2 refers to the first chuan and second ptien of the Su wen in Wang g's Nei ching. Since p'ien are numbered sequentially throughout the whole of the su wen and Ling shu, these references can go as high as S.W. 14.81 and L.S. 12.81, However piien in the T'ai su are numbered only within chuan, not in a single series from beginning to end of the T'ai su. This is done because the ai_su contains lacunae of endetermined length and the discovery of a ptien to £111 one of these lacuna would require alteration of any numbering sequence which extended through the length of the text.Chapter 1. Where is the Nef ching? Which Net ching? Part 1. Synopsis. In this chapter we will analyze the extant editions of the Nei ching in three steps,1 This analysis will Teveal how the Nei ching has been understood and why this understanding is inadequate. We will focus, in our first step, on two issues that Scholars have attempted to resolve over the centuries--the Beaning of the title and the date of the text. on both issues, it is possible to reach valid conclusions within the limits of this conventional debate. For example, conventional scholarship indicates quite clearly that, based on its language, the Nei ching dates to the Han. But this conclusion is limited. It fails to consider that there are three different extant Nei ching texts and then fails to determine which of them dates to the Han. We are left with the conclusion that the language dates to the Han, although we do not know which, if any, of the extant texts dates to that period. To determine if any of these texts dates to the Han we turn, in Second step, to the histery of the Net ghing and of other texts in the Yellow Emperor textual tradition. We will find:that they are the product of a complex tradition of texts; end it is quite unlikely any of them did survive past the Han. In Teaching these conclusions we will discover the major fallacy which undermines conventional textual arguments: conventional scholars have ignored the fact that a text is not simply materials, but materials structured in a certain way. This conception, which we discussed briefly in the Introduction, suggests the value of comparing the Structures of the extant Nei ching texts. Once we take this third step, we find ourselves in a quandary, for the materials which survive do so without any of the immediately visible structures--chuan and p'ien-~which we would expect had enabled them to 5 reach this point, I will suggest a possible solution to this Quandary which we will test in Chapter Two.Part 2, Conclusions of Conventional Scholarship. 2.a, The Title and its Meaning. 2a.4, First Appearance of the Title, The title Huang-ti nei-ching first appears in the bibliographic essay (Yicwen~ehindt K Asot the wan shu in the section entitled “medical classics (yi~ching EX @B),°2 vnich lists seven texts: The Yellow Enperor's Inner Classic 18 sbuan (The Yellow Emperor's] outer (waiZh) Classic 37 * Prien ch'ueh's & $6 toner Classic oo [Ptien Ch'ueh's] Outer Classic 1z Mr. White's (Pai shih &)fE ) Inner cui [Mz. White's] outer Classic 360 (Mr, White's] Supplementary (tans H > Piten ptien? 2s An additional title or two may have originally been listed under this heading. This possibility arises because the Han shu indicates there are a total of 215 chuan in this category while the seven titles presently listed contain only 175 p'ien and chuan.4 In any case, all of the titles listed have disappeared, except for the Nei ching. TheNei ching would be extremely valuable as the only medical classic listed in the Han shu to survive, if we could only confirm that the text had survived along with the title. The value of this possible survivor increases still further if we consider the fate of the medical texts listed under the subsequent heading in the Han shu bibliographic essay, “treatments of the classics (ching-fang @¥ 4)." this section contains eleven texts totalling 274 chuan. All have been lost with the possible exception of one title in 7 chuan, The Dietary Proscriptions of Shen Nung and the Yellow Emperor (Shen-nung huang-ti shin-chingh 2 a & Mos u the present Huang-ti nei ching is the text listed in the Han shu it is, at best, one of the two out of the eighteen medical texts listed to have survived.2.a.i1, Interpreting the Title. This title, Huang-ti nei-ching, has been interpreted in a variety of ways. Zach interpretation yields certain conclusions about the text, its history, and how to analyze both text and history. None can be entirely Supported by statements from the text itself or from Han sources, Since this thesis proposes to analyze the Net ghing text and its history, it 4s essential to consider interpretations of the title and their relative validity. The title poses two significant problems of interpretation. First, what is the significance of utilizing the name Huang-ti, Yellow Emperor, in the title? Second, what does the term nei-ching, “inner classic,” mean? I suggest that the use of Huang-ti indicates the compilers’ acknowledgement that the text is Part of a larger textual tradition; an¢ that nei-ching refers to the literary convention according to which it was compiled. The Yellow Emperor Each title listed as a medical classic in the Han Shu bibliography begins with one of three names: Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor), P'ien-ch'ueh, or Pai-shih (Mr.White). Each of these three is a aythic figure, having mutable attributes and multiple origins. Mr. White (Pai-shih) is the nost difficult to identify. He may be related to the White Lord whose name appears in a few of the preserptions found on wood slips at Wuwei¥ 4 which date to early in the Later Han.® The White Lord is also referred to in these prescriptions as the Lord of the White Water of the Eastern Ocean (Tung-hal gaizshut hou $9 © 4 4%). tate nay then reser to the Lord of the White Water of Choufl to whom sun ssu-no th BAS ateribured « Presciption during the Ttang.7 If this variety of nanes was used for a single figure over eight centuries or more, they suggest that Mr. White may have been or become a mythical patron and undergone the shifts in title and powers typical of nyth.® but, given the paucity of even this fragmented evidence, this identification of Pai-shih must remain tentative. Prien Chueh is much easier to identify than Pai-shih. He appears in the shih chi © ZG, and other texts as a sage physician. In his biography in the Shih_ ght he appears, like Pai shih, to be a conflation of different figures who lived at different tines.2 This, combined with the inclusion of the word “magpie (ch'ueh)" in his name and the discovery of a Han stone frieze of abird acting as a doctor, has led Joseph Needham to propose that P'ien Ch'ueh vas the mythical totem of a clan of Physicians fron ch's $f .10 Whether or not we are willing to follow Needham in his use of a totemic typology, there is clearly a nythic dimension to P'ien Ch'ueh, The Yellow Emperor was perhaps the most exalted mythic figure of the Han. In “The Annals of the Five Emperors (wu-ti peareni AH 7% 4B)," chuan 1 of the Shih chi, he is identified as the first of the five enperors. After describing the Yellow Emperor's lineage, Ssurma ch'ten®] By Z® recounts his supernatural abilities: When he was born he vas extraordinary and numinous. At a very early age he was able to speak. As a child he was extremely quick. As he grew up he was sincere. When he reached adulthood he was brilliant,11 This same capsule hagiography also introduces the first chuan of Wang Ping's Nei ching, indicating that both compilers drew on a common nythical tradition. This tradition was flexible enough to allow the Yellow Enperor to appear both as a political cul ure hero, and as the source of medical wisdom. Nor was there any need to Fenounce his political identification in order to stress his role as medical teacher and student. As in the case of some many cultural heroes, mythical identity provedmutable. The various guises of the Yellow Emperor are reflected in the titles of works listed in the Han shu bibliography on technical arts and philosophy which are prefaced by his name. For example, the nane Yellow Emperor appears in the title of fourteen works in the technical sections (shu-shu SSF and fang-ehi 4 4K) ,12 In each case where his name was invoked another facet of his prowess was invoked, or perhaps invented. The attribution of these texts to mythical patrons, such as the Yellow Emperor, seems to have served several functions. The simplest function was perhaps to identity the work--the Nei ching of the Yellow Emperor as opposed to that of Mr, White or P'ien Ch'ueh. The attribution of Such patronage also might have served to exalt the work. Since the Yellow Emperor was a prescient omnipotent culture hero, then the powers of his medical classic muse be virtually miraculous. Still another function of Placing the name of a patron in a title was to claim association with other works attributed to the same Patron. As we will see, textual traditions were often designated by the name of a patron, and the entrance of 2 text into a tradition was marked by prefacing the title with the name of the tradition's patron. The affiliationof a text with a tradition serves to distinguish it still further from other texts and to exalt it by ite company. To the extent that the title, The Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic, is a claim to belong to the Yellow Emperor tradition, the history of the text must incorporate, to Some extent, the history of the tradition. We will discuss that history and what we mean by the term “tradition” in Section 3a. Net ching The more puzzling portion of the title, the words “ned ching", remains to be considered before we turn to the title of the Nei ching and its place in the Yellow Emperor tradition. Nei (inner) must be considered in contrast to wai (outer). This is the obvious deduction from the three pairs of nei titles in the section of ich contains the Huang-ti ned ghing. This pair of terms has generated considerable the Han shu bibliography controversy. Fang virenth % 4 %$13 ana tea veithl4 nave interpreted “inner” to mean inside the body, hence internal, as 4n internal medicine. The justification for this 1s presumably that “inner” is used this way in the Nei ching.15 If the Nei ching is The Classic on Internal10 [Medicine], then presumably the Wai ching discusses external“heteropathies (shang 7@ ). Such a division of jebor seens initially reasonable for the three pairs of medical classics, but two facts make this interpretation unlikely, First, the present Nei ching, the only one of the medical classics listed which may be extant, discusses externally~ as well as internally- caused ailments.16 Second, texts divided into inner and outer portions were not limited to the medical section of the bibliography, but Were common during the Han and throughout the bibliography. Consider for example, the Han nei ch: wat chuan $4 1 /A4P isctea under the odes (shin S¥ > section 17 and the Hua: and an_nei and Huai-nan wai listed under the miscellaneous (rsa ¥@) category.18 Por both Feasons nei and wai must be interpreted more broadly than “internal” end “external.” Joseph Needham has proposed a somewhat broader interpretation. He suggests that nef means “corporeal” and wai means “incorporeal.” He explains: The key to the real meaning for which we are seeking is to be found in the classical statement of the Taoists that they 'walked outside society." Again the Chuang-tzu book says ‘outside time and space is the realm of the sages and I am not speaking of it here.’ In other words, nei or ‘inside’ meanseverything this worldly, rational, practical, concrete, repeatable, verifiable, in a word, Selentific. Similarly, wai or ‘outside’ means everthing exceptional, miraculous, strange, uncanny, unearthly, extra-mundane and extra~corporeal or incorporeal,19 Like Fang and Veith, Needham has concluded that the terns Red and wai distinguish two groups of texts, each defined by irs own sort of contents. In this case nei (or inside ot corporeal) texts are thought to enunciate @ philosophy similar to that in the Chuang teu. The first objection to Needham's interpretation is that there is no indication that the Net ching in its present form espouses a philosophy similar to the Chuang teu. Although certain fascicles allude to the Lao teu% F ,20 none alivde to the Chuang tzu as far as I am aware. The second objection is that Needham is attempting, as are Fang and Veith, to make nei and into substantive terms. The inappropriateness of this is clear if one attempts to distinguish the contents of the nei and wai fascicles of the Chuang tzu in terms of Needham's understanding of nei and It does not work. Is there, for example, anything particularly concrete, repeatable, or verifiable about the tales of K'un@Eband Preng AGG contained in the12 firet “inner” fascicle of the Chuang tzu, “Free and Easy Wandering (hsiao~yao-youa ABS) -p22 Rather than relating nei and wai to the substance of these texts we can attempt to relate them to their use. One possibility is that they are equivalent to the ritual designations esoteric and exoteric respectively. But this Presents a different problem: if wai means exoteric and hence less valuable and for general dissemination, why is there @ third category in the Chuang teu, the sea-pienit and in the Pai shih ching, the p'ang p'ien? It sees difficult to imagine what ritual category would follow exoteric or how texts falling into this third category would be distributed or employed. I would argue that the simplest explanation of these terms is the most accurate, Like the terns tsa and p'ang, nef and wai are simply bibliographic terms. They may indicate the age of the items in the text, met being the older,22 or simply a Particular conpiler's opinion of which segments are more or less valuable. To interpret nei and wai as esoteric and exoteric, then, is to extend a correct interpretation of a bibliographic term into an unwarranted observation about the way the book was enployed. This analysis of the title yields considerable Aneight into the history and nature of the Nei ching. It indicates that the Nei ching was formed according to13 certain Han bibliographic conventions which applied to a broad range of texts, The text was designated as the work of a mythical figure, the Yellow Emperor; this claim exalted the text and associated it with other texts bearing the name of the Yellow Emperor. The text was titled net, or inner, which indicated that the compiler considered the materials in the Nei ching more valuable than others collected in the Wai ching. 2.b, Conventional Efforts to Date the Nef ching Scholars have expended considerable effort considering the conventions according to which the Nei ghing title, and presumably the text, were created. They have devoted equal study to the date of the Hei ching Although there are limitations inherent in their conclusions, their research also reflects tremendous scholarship and insights.23 The most common method by which these scholars have dated the Nef ching ie the comparison of its Language to that of reliably dated texts such as the Ch'un-ch'’iu fan-lu SC aiee ee tee ml 6k & x They have argued from this comparison that Portions of the Nei ching might be antecedent to, or14 derivative from, a variety of Han texts. However, the absence of any quotations of the Nei ching in Han documents has nade it impossible to confirm the former Possibility, just as its lack of any quotations from extant Han documents has precluded reaching the latter conclusion, 25 Without quotation we are left with a search for similarities in subject, grammar, or tone. They are uncertain grounds for dating the Nei ching, but they are sufficient to confirm or deny, in a preliminary way, the Presumption that the Nei ching dates to the Han. Almost all scholars who have conducted such comparative studies have concluded that most of the Net ching dates to the Ch'in or the Han. The text most frequently cited as a Parallel to the Nei ching is the Huai-nan-teu, Nieh cnt-cugy & ® concluded, vased on the siutiarity of the two texts, that the Nei ching was composed by the same scholars who wrote the Huai-nan-teu. Lang Ying BP 3 leapt to the further conclusion that Wang Ping was aware of this.26 the grounds for Nich and Lang's assurance are unclear, since there is no confirmation in Han records that the Huai-nan courtiers did compose the Nei ching. 27 Nor does Wang Ping give any hint in his preface or commentary that he attributed the Nei ching to the Huai-nan court even though he discusses textual problensa5 at length. But this kind of speculative excess is rare. An exanple of @ far more restrained approach is provided by Maruyama Masao who argues that the form of yin-yang theory incorporated in the Su Men, the first half of the Nei ching, appeared after 150 B.C. and Tesembles the theories of the Huai~nan-tzu more closely than those of any other text,28 By combining this kind of search for similarities with a comparison of the Nei ching and two texts-~one recently discovered, one long-knowa--it 1s possible to confirm, ina preliminary way, that the Nei ching dates to the Han. First, there is a theoretical similarity. Virtually all the presentations in the Nei ching are structured by theories of yin-yang and the five phases (wu-hsing).29 The use of these concepts as abstract theoretical concepts dates fron she tine of Teou vex P47 (350-270 5.6.) and they first appear together in the Ll-shih ch'un-ch'iu.30 It is therefore virtually certain that the large portion of the Nei ching which incorporates this theory must have been composed after 400 B.C., which is to say after the beginning of the Warring States period, and more likely contemporary with or after the Li-shih ch'un ch'iu.3l Second, the Nei ching includes a passage which appears, with only minor variations, in a collection of16 fifteen medical texts excavated in 1973 at Ma-wang-tot & ELE in unan, near Changsha. the texts (four on silk, eleven on wood slips) were found in the 4 tomb where a son of Li Ts'ang $ fH was buried in 168 B.C, during the Former Han, Among these texts are three describing the course of conduits carrying hsueh and c! through the body. All three of these texts are written in Ch'in or early Han seript. They resemble a portion of 1.8. 3.10 very closely in format, theoretical content, and language. Two of the three texts, which are so sinilar the editors identify them as two versions of the same text and entitle them both"The Moxabustion Classic of the Eleven Yin-yang Conduits (Shth-yi yin-yang mo chiu ching +-PEPZ AR REZ), nave the foltowing passes If it (the Yang Brightness Conduit) is moved then the problems are: a cold appearance, much stretched, numerous gasps, the face blackens. If the {llness is swelling, when the problem becomes extreme then the patient is frightened of people and fire; when he hears wood sounds then he is anzious and frightened, he wishes to be alone, to shut the leaves of the door and remain there. When the illness is extrene, he desires to mount to a height and sing, to shed his clothes and run. This isexhaustion of the shin bone. These are the cures which the Yang Brightness controls. The almost identical passage appears in L.$. 3.10 as Tf this (Yang Brightness Conduit) is moved then the illnesses are 2 cold appearance, shivering, severe groans, frequent sneezes, a blackened countenance. If the problem is extrene then (the patient) fears People and fire. If he hears wood sounds then he is anxious and frightened. His heart (feels as if it) is about to palpitate. He stays alone, shutting the door and blocking the leaves of the door. If it is extreme then he will want to mount to a height and sing, to shed his clothes and run. There are noises of (gastric) expansion, the abdozen swells. This is exhaustion of the shinbone.32 Since these texts employ yin-yang theory, they were composed after 400 B.C. Since three manuscript copies of these texts; were written in Ch'in or early Han script and placed in a tomb during the second century 3.C., they were being circulated at that tine.33 ‘This confiras that medical texts; almost identical to some portions of the Present Nei ching existed early in the Han. Third, the Chianyi ching, composed between A.D. 256 and 269, contains well over half the preseat Nei ching, and thus provides a terminus ad quem for this material in18 the Nei ching.34 This enables us to focus on Net ching Passages appearing in the Chia-y4 ching which in turn ensures that our examination is limited to passages composed before A.D. 260. This precaution spares us the extraneous confusion of possible later interpolat. 2.c, The Contributions and Limitations of Conventional Scholarship Having come this far, we now know several things about the Nei ching: v7it first appeared during the Han, at least as a title; writ is part of a tradition of texts acknowledging the patronage of the Yellow Emperor; "cits style and contents are sinilar to those of a number of texts composed during the Han; and “more than half of the text can be dated to before A.D. 260, Thus, we already know a great deal about the Nei ching. But there are two very significant limitations to our knowledge: First,the earliest extant text of the Ned ching is,as we will see shortly, no earlier than A.D.500; and19 Second, there are at least three editions of the Nei ching which contain these materials. the Nei ching of Wang ping fat, the Su wen of ch'uan Yuan-ch'iS HO ana the Huang-t4 nes-ehing tvat-su of Yang Shang-shandG t ¥ These three editions differ in a variety of significant ways, and therefore ve have to determine how these editions we now know way be related to the Han title and materials they incorporate. Does one or nore date to the Han or were they produced over the intervening centuries? If s0, how did they cone to incorporate Han Baterials? To do this requires that we consider the history of these editions and the Yellow Emperor textual tradition within which they were composed. These three editions differ in a variety of ways and stand at least two centuries away from the text they purport to embody. For that reason we must determine how these editions Felate to their Han origins before we attempt to aake any further judgements about the Han title or materials.20 Part 3, The History of the Nei ching Reconsidered. The history of the Nei ching has conventionally been Presented as the survival of a Han Ned ching around which arose a host of derivative texts. Such texts do exist and we will see examples momentarily. At the sane tine, Presumably, this Han Nei ching was re-edited into editions Row extant, perhaps to cope with damage to the text. If this is so, it should be possible to trace at least one of the extant Nei ching texts to the Han. There is clear evidence, however, that none of these Nei ching texts dates to the Han. Between the Han and T'ang, as we shall see, lies a complex series of texts being composed, compiled and recompiled within the Yellow Emperor medical tradition. Many of the texts thought derivative fron the Net ching were actually independent of and preceded the Nei ching. The Ned ching texts2 were not sources for this series, but Products of it. For this reason I will argue that the extant Nef ching texts do not date to the Han, This conflicts with the conclusion just reached that the language of the texts does date to the Han. Once we appreciate how the structure of the texts in the Yellow Emperor medical tradition derived from compilation and re- compilation of a common body of materials, then it will be21 Possible to consider how the three editions of the Nei Bg, appearing relatively late and each with a different Structure, could conserve virtually unaltered the language of the Han corpus from which they arose. 3.a, The Yellow Emperor Tradition. Earlier I suggested that the use of the words “the Yellow Eaperor” in its title indicated that the Net ching was part of a tradition of Yellow Emperor texts. Such a “tradition” is not an abstract lineage created ex post facto by a scholar out of texts he perceives to be similer. A tradition is the assemblage of a group of texts composed, exchanged, and transmitted among a group which perceives itself to have some conmon interests and identity.35 The history of the Nei ching is, I will show, Part of the history of the Yellow Emperor tradition, Specifically of a subtradition of Yellow Emperor medical texts. A survey of that subtradition and some of its principal texts establishes, first, that there was a tradition in the strict sense of the term, and second, that it is very unlikely that any of the extant editions of the Nei ching date to the Han period when its title fizet appeared and its materials were composed, The first evidence for a Yellow Emperor tradition ofRedical texts appears in the Shih chi, in the biography of Tetang Kung & “S 36 the bux of the biography is a Benorial to the Han Eaperor Wen X from Te'ang Kung. Ia the course of the nenorial, Te'ang Keng says he received fron his master Kung-sheng Yang-en'ing > 4 EQ BB, conduit text (mo sw ARE) attributed to the Yellow Emperor and P'ien Ch'ueh, Later in the memorial, Ts'ang Kung lists all the texts he received from Kung-sheng, including a conduit text composed of upper and lover classics (shang-hsia chingt T4). Most commentators have suggested that these are two references to a single text, @ conduit text in two parts attributed to the Yellow Emperor and to Ptien Ch'ueh.37 Their conclusions seem completely acceptable--the complete second reference is to @ conduit text,.destgnated by its length, that had earlier been designated by its patrons. Ts'ang Kung himself offers no further information about this text. We know only that it was transmitted from master to disciple, hence that it was part of a tradition. This early unnamed Yellow Emperor text, this part of a tradition, was one source for the Nei ching. Repeatedly, the dialogues in the Nei ching refer either to such a shang-hsia ching or to a conduit text in upper and lower Parts. For example, in S.W. 23.76:23 The Yellow Emperor sat, summoned the Thunder Duke and examined hia saying: you have received the arts (shou shun @AAT), recited the writings. It seens (40 % ) you can inspect and examine the various Studies so that you are able to compare the categories, penetrate and collect the pattern of the vay. The Thunder Duke said: your servant has been asked to recite the Conduit Classic (mo ching) in upper and lower p'ien. (Their contents) are extremely numerous and varied. I cannot entirely distinguish their differences and compare their categories. Elsewhere in the Nei ching the Upper Classic is adduced to explain vapors penetrating the heavens (S.W. 13.46). The Lower C1, ic is cited three times concerning the stomach (S.W. 9.34), the causes of the five kinds of paralysis (S.W. 12.44) and the changes and transformations of atiments (S.W. 13.46). This variety of topics confirms the Thunder Duke's description of the Upper and Lower Classics he had received, The Yellow Emperor's question to the Thunder Duke confirms that the author(s) of the Nef ching were familiar with medical theories and texts being transmitted fron Master to disciple. But, can we accept that the Thunder Duke is reciting the texts received by Ts'ang Kung? Upper24 and lower were conzon bibliographic descriptions for two-part texts. However, upper and lower were seldom used for medical texts; inner and outer were the more conaon Gesignations. Some further circumstential evidence Suggests it is quite plausible that the Shang-hsia ching in the Nei ching were those read by Ts'ang Kung. This text in upper and lower divisions was especially honored by the compilers of the Nei ching, as a text by Ts'ang Kung would have been. Including references to each part alone the text is cited five times, more than any other in the Net ching.38 the reference simply to the Upper or the Lower Classic suggests it was 2 text the reader would recognize. Certainly the exchange between the Yellow Emperor and the Thunder Duke suggests it was a central and highly honored text within the medical tradition, All this would fit a text considered to have been transmitted through Ts'ang Kung and carrying the names of the Yellow Emperor and P'ien Ch'ueh. This evidence tends to encourage a belief that the text received by Ts'ang Kung and cited in the Nei ching are the same. So it is Plausible, but not certain, that the Upper and Lower Classics transmitted to the author(s). of the Ned ching were the ones received by Te'ang Kung. Whether or not we can link the conduit text of Ts'ang Kung with the citation of the Shang-hsia ching in25 the Nei ching, its citation nonetheless demonstrates that speakers in the Nef ching clearly did rely on a tradition, that is, on antecedent texts, This means, of course, that the authors of the dialogues in the Nei ching did so as well. Perhaps they were acknowledging here the text Teceived by Ts'ang Kung, perhaps another with the same “name. Regardless, their reliance on previous texts indicates clearly that they are participating in a tradition. This practice of referring to a previous text is fairly common in the Nei ching. Among such references are those to: 1. The Great Essentials (Ia yao AP ), in s.w. 22.74, L.S. 1,1, and Lis, 11.76; hen _chih 2. The Classic on the Nine Needles (chi The Classic on the Nine Needles ching % Bb 24H), sn us. 5.28; 3. The Discourse on the Nine Needles (Chiu-chen chin The Discourse on the Nine Needles (Chiu-chen chih = lun Sf), in 8. 4. a sixty-p'ien text on the nine needles, in 8.265 LS. 8.485 5. The Method of Lancing (Tz'u £4 M2 3F), an s.w. 10.35, 13.47, 17.62, Lis. 8.55; 6. The Martial Methods (Ping ta f= SF ), in tis. 8.55.26 In the following chapters we will show the rhetorical function such references serve in the discourse of the Net ching. For the moment let us observe simply that they confiza that the authors and compilers of the Net ching were consciously working with other texts already composed and transmitted. After the biography of Tsang Kung, the next evidence concerning the Yellow Emperor tradition of aedical texts is the list in the Han shu bibliography. One of the texts listed is the Nei ching. In addition to the Net ching, eight other texts claim the Yellow Eaperor as patron: The Yellow Emperor's Outer Classic, 37 chuan, lost; The Methods of the First [Emperor of the] Ch'in, the Yellow Emperor, P'ien Ch'ueh and Yu Fu (ch'in- sth nusng-tt Pin cough Yu fu Fan #4 #24 Fi Fy, 23 chuan, rose; The Dietary Proscriptions of Shen-nung and the Zeiten Emperor — Huang-ti shih-chin 46 P ee The Methods of the Yellow Emperor and the Three Kings oes I TE EON Emperor and the Three Kings for Nourishtog One's Yang (Juang-tt ean-vang vang-yong tore SH = EE BH, 20 ghuan, lost; The Pacings end Guidings of the Yellow Emperor and27 the Various Disciples (Huang-ti tsa-teu poryin % 63441, 20 chusn, rose; z ge of the Yellow Emperor and Ch'i Po Cluangrti ch'tepo ancae% & ute ode Ah), 10 chuan, lost; The Mushroom of the Yellow Emperor and the Various Disciples (Huang-ti tsa-tzu chih-chun & a 452A). 16 cruan, rost; , Disciples, and the Nineteen Schools (Huang-tt tsa-tzu shih-ehiu chia fang % 1 #43 +7, FR d, 21 chuan, t0st.39 All told, these constitute one-fifth of the medical texts Listed in the Han shu bibliography. This indicates the size of the Yellow Emperor tradition in which the Han compilers of the Nei ching participated, These titles also suggest the complexity of the tradition in three ways. First, these texts show little similarity in subject matter to the Nef ching and are not cited in it, Second, in every title, except the Huang-ti waicching, the Yellow Emperor is presented as one patron mong several. This suggests that the Yellow Emperor medical tradition often intermingled with other traditions. Third, all of these titles, again save the Mai ching, indicate the texts are concerned with various28 Sorts of treatment. The Wai ching, like the Nef ching, was presumably concerned with theories of illness and acupuncture. This variety suggests the breadth and complexity of the Yellow Emperor tradition. 3.b. Five Texts Associated with the Net ching. Now that we have some sense of the complex tradition which gave rise to the extant Nei ching textsz, we can focus a little more on the chain of texts which precede them. This chain begins with a series of texts presumed to be portions, explications, or recompilations of the Nei_ ghing (both the Han Nei ching and its supposedly extant descendants). Understanding the true relationship of these textsz to the extant texts of the Nei ching reveals how far these Nei ching texts are removed from the Han, In the preface to his Treatise on Cold Lesions (Shang-han 1004] $35), chang chung-ching 3% 4PR (second century A.D.) stated that he Telied on two texts, among others: The Questions of the Purity (su wen); and The Eighty-one Difficulties (Pacshth~yi nan 7\ { — ¥e ).40 Bach of these texts has been commonly considered to be integrally related to the Nef ching. The first is29 considered part of it; the second is considered a treatise on it. Chang, however, never refers to the Yellow Emperor or the Nei ching in acknowledging his debt to these texts, This would suggest he may not have considered them as part of, or derivative from, the Net ching. 3b.i, The su wen. The Su wen vas identified by Wang Ping as one half of the Nei ching (1a a passage quoted in our introduction). Chang, however, cites it as an independent text. In fact, the first to identify the Su ven as part of the Nei ching was the third centucy scholar Huang Fu-mi HGH tm the pretace to his chis-yt ching. This raises the strong possibility, at least, that the Su ven became part of the Nef ching only after it was used by Chang. Chang did not even give any indication that the Su_ wea was part of the Yellow Emperor tradition. Nonetheless, an analysis of the title, specifically the word "gu", indicates the text may have originated in that tradition. Lin Yi, the Sung editor, and Tamba Motohiro, a leading Japanese scholar of the Nei ching, argue that the Fefers to the title Huang-et tat uBR AZ (The Yellow Emperor's Great Purity). The Huang-ti t'ai-su word “su’30 appears in the Han shu bibliography where it is described by Liu Hsiang SY 18] as a work on yin-yang and the five Phases. Su, then, refers to something like the nature or Substance of things, an interpretation supported by other Han uses of the word. Su wen would then be translated as Questions on the [Yellow Emperor's Great] Purity. 41 Another, less persuasive, analysis is offered by Lu Gwei-djen and Joseph Needham, They interpret su as “plain, unvarnished" and therefore translates the title as The Plain Questions.4? su would then be a term of praise for the clarity of the questions posed in the text. If were the case, however, we would then expect Ch'i Po, the minister and instructor of the Yellow Emperor, to use it in the Su wen dialogues when he praises the Yellow Emperor ou his brilliant questions. Or perhaps the Yellow Emperor would use it to compliment Ch'i Po on his clear answers, Neither uses the word, and this makes Lu and Needhan's hypothesis unlikely Though the derivation of the title Su wen from the title Huang-ti tai-su is impossible to prove, it seens Feasonable to accept in the context of this study for three reasons. First, the extant Su wen stresses yin-yang and the five phases. According to the Han shu bibliography, the Huang-ti t‘ai-su did as well. If the su31 Men studied by Chang resembled, or was identical to, the extant Su wen, then it would have been natural for him to refer to the T'ai su in the title. Second, if the Su wen were already linked with the Yellow Emperor textual tradition, then its later absorption into the Nei ching, also in that tradition, is easier to explain. Third, the Huang-ti ttai-su was later associated with the title of another medical text, the Huang-ti nei-ching t'ai-su, which strengthens the likelihood that it was known by the compilers of Yellow Emperor medical texts. Thus the title Su wen indicetes that the text probably originated as a medical text within the tradition, but very possibly not 4s part of the Nei ching. These three types of circumstantial evidence cannot prove conclusively that the Su wea was compiled independently within the Yellow Emperor tradition, independent of the Nei ching, and referring to the Huang-ti t'ai-su. It is simply probable. 3.b.4i. The Pa~shih-yi nan The origins of The Eighty-one Difficulties are, if anything, even more purky. The T'ang commentator Yang Housn-te'a4® % 4H sata that ch'in yueb-jen A A (also known as Prien Ch'ueh) wrote The Eighty-one Difficules to explicate difficult passages in the Ned32 ching.43° This conclusion, while generally accepted, is implausible once you examine the form of the Nan ching. Each of the eighty-one difficulties is structured as a quotation followed by explication. Scholars who have Sought to locate these quotations in the Nei ching have found very few.44 But, perhaps, as some scholars have Suggested, these quotations refer to passages lost from the Nei ching.45 If this were so we would still expect the form of these quotations to reveal their origins. A few of the eighty-one quotations are introduced by “The Classic says (ching yen#% B)." wone begins with “The Hei ching says” or with the words which open many ptien in the Nei ching, "The Yellow Emperor says.” The more we examine the Nan ching the less it looks like an explication of the Nei ching. Since the Yellow Emperor never appears in the Nan ghing we must wonder whether the text was originally even a Yellow Emperor medical text, much less a commentary on the Nei ching. Our first indication that the Nan ching was linked with, in fact attributed to, the Yellow Euperor dates only to the third century A.D. Huang Fu-mi, the compiler of the Chiavyi ching, wrote in his Annals of the Generations of Kings and Emperors (Ti-wang shih-chia & = # £0:33 The Yellow Emperor was of the Bear clan. ie commanded the Thunder Duke and Ch'i Po. They discussed how the ching-ao spread (p'ang SP ) and penetrate. He questioned them on the eighty-one difficulties and this became The Classic on Difficulties (Nan ching). He taught and systenatized (chih > the nine needles. He composed the Inner and Outer Classics (the Nei ching and the Wai ching) on techniques (shun 4#f7) in eighteen chuan, 46 Though both the Nan ching and the Nei ching are ascribed to the Yellow Emperor, there is no indication here that the first is linked to, much less is an explication of, the second. Before the Nan ching was linked to the Net ghing, then, it was sizply linked with the Yellow Emperor, and before that, in the Shang-han lun preface, it was linked with neither, The impression, then, is that the Pa- shi-yi nan was brought gradually into the Yellow Emperor tradition. 1 would propose that it was originally a P'ien Ch'ueh text, later absorbed into the Yellow Emperor tradition. This would also explain why this text appears in the T'ang shu bibliography as the Ch'in Yueh~jen Huang-ti pa-shih-ys nan-ching.4734 3b.4i4. The Chia-yi ching, The next text in our history of the Yellow Emperor edical tradition was composed not outside, but at the very heart of the tradition, In fact, The Chia-yi Classic of the Yellow Emperor (Huang-ti chiacys 2s ching Bi PZ EE) marks a watershed in the history of the tradition.48 one reason for ite importance is that it is the earliest extant text in the Yellow Emperor medical tradition to survive--if, as I contend, the Han Net ching did not survive. According to Huang's preface, he was writing sometime after 256 A.D. (see the third paragraph of the following translation), Huang's preface also Teveals another dimension of the text's importance: I note that the Bibliographic Treatise in seven synopses (1ueh@& )49 (contains) The Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic, Classic of Needles (Chen ching SEU 4 », in 9 chuan, and The Questions on the Purity, in 9 chuan. Twice nine is 18 chuan. This, then, is the Nei ching, 18 chuan. Now we have The There are also portions which are lost. Its discussions are expansive, accordingly it expresses much yet seldom penetrates an issue (ch'ieh shih shack >; also, it is not in order.35 Related to this, I notice from the Biography of Ts’ang Kung (in the Shih chi) that everything in his Study comes out of The Questions on the Purity. The The Questions on the Purity, The Questions on the Purity discusses the esseatials of ailments and distinguishes them. The nine chuan (of the Chen ching) are originally based on the ching S@ and no fff conduits, 50 The meaning (of this text) is deep and subtie, difficult to perceive. In addition there is The Bright Hall Essentials of Treating the Cavities by Lancing and Moxibustion (Ming-t'ang k'ung hsueh chen shiuemth-yeo OF YS GLUT BH AUB). All of these are the remains (ysrahtn gS > of the Yellow Enperor and Ch's Po, These three sections (san~pu=ZP) (the su wen Chen ching and Ming t'ang chih-yao) are equally old; their texts are often Tepetitious; the misplacements (rsto-huG% B) are many.51 during the Xan lu Period (A.D. 256-260), ay ping-tenglt A attment52 gtew increasingly bitter~sounding over the course of one hundred days; remedies and treatments were all too shallow and common. So I selected and collected the three sections. I put them in order by topical categories, excised wasted words and removed36 Fepetitions, discussing their essentials until I had formed twelve chuan.53 These twelve chuan fora only the second extant text to be composed explicitly within the Yellow Emperor tradition. As Huang indicates, his text is largely excerpts from the Nei ching. It is for this reason that id quem for those Nei ching Passages it contains. In addition, Huang's preface it provides a teroinus enables us to date that terminus and to understand in some Measure the state of the text and the tradition as he found then. Huang says that he distilled his work from three Yellow Emperor texts--the Su wen, the Chen ching and the Ming-tang chih-yao. The first two are, he says, the Nei_ ghing. Already this provides three revelations: 1. the Su wen is by this time a Yeliow Emperor text and Part of the Nei ching; 2, the name of the second text in the Nei ching studied by Huang is the Chen-ching, not the Ling shu which is the second half of the extant Nei ching; 3. Huang drew on a third text, equal in honor and similar in content to the two halves of the Nei ching, the Ming-t'ang chih yao. Since the Nei ching was one of three sources of the Chianyi ching, we would expect that perhaps one-third of37 the Chianyi ching would appear in the extant Nei ching. Instead it contains well over half. To explain this we must consider the fate of the Chia~yi ching's two lost Sources--the Chen ching and the Ming-t'ang chih-yao. 3.beiv, The Chen ching and the Ling shu. The Chen ching and the Ling shu are perhaps the two Bost closely related texts in the Yellow Emperor medical tradition. The Chen ching $,4@ is readily translatable as The Classic of Needles. Translating the title Ling snudl AZ, poses greater dsttsoulties. tt ts tapossitie to offer the sort of analysis for the title Ling shu that I offered earlier for the Huang-ti nei-ching and $u wen. The editors of the Ssu-k'u ch'uan~shu tsung-mu have noted that the T'ang bibliographies list a Chiu 1ing ee ching 72. 4 which, they suggest, wang Ping changed to Ling shu. The basis for their conclusion appears to be that both contain 12 chu: Lu and Needham accept 8 analysis. They translate Chiu ling shu as The Manual of the Nine Mysteriously Effective (Instruments), They justify their interpolation of “instruments” by noting there were considered to be exactly nine needles or chen. In this way there is logical sequence from Chen ching, The Classic of Needles, to the Chiu ling ching, The Manual of38 the Nine Mysteriously Effective (Instruments) to the Ling Their analysis preseats several probleas: 1, both the Chiu Ling Ching and the Ling shu appear at about the same time. We have no evidence to indicate which led to the other or whether both derived fron a connon ancestor; 2. although the Ling shu does mention the nine needles frequently, they are not, to ay knowledge, catied the chiu ling or the ling; 3. this analysis gives no indication of why the words Ling or shu were chosen for the title of this text. Unfortunately, it seems impossible to overcome these problems by analyzing either the text or the history of the Nef ching. For this reason, I translate Ling shu siuply as The vital Pivot, I have found one indication of how T'ang scholars and physicians might have understood the title Ling shu. It cones from the Ch'ten-chin yirtansf $B % (the Supplementary Prescriptions Worth a Thousand in Gold) by Sun Seu-n03f © WE (seventh century). As for the secret techniques (mi-shu%4iq) of the spiritual physicians, they reach to the profound,39 enter into the Pivot of the Way (tao-shui# A), they treasure the beautiful and condense the vital. Though this passage tells us nothing about the origins of the title Ling shu, it does give us a sense of the force the words ling and shu had for physicians at the time of Wang Ping. The Chen ching is, according to Huang, one half of the Nei ching. Wang employs instead a text called the Ling shu.54 A possible conclusion is that Huang (third century) and Wang (seventh century) created two different Nei ching's by adding different texts to the Su wen. Wang's coumentary to the Su wen,(he provides none for the Ling shu) quotes both the Chen ching and the Ling shu. This indicates Wang knew botk texts and considered then Separate and distinct. The clear conclusion from this ts that he chose one of them, the Ling shu, as half of the Nei ching instead of the other. Lin vi4$ ZB , who re-edited and annotated wang Ping's Nei ching during the Sung,55 concluded, on the contrary, that although Huang and Wang used two different titles--Chen ching and Ling shu--they used the same text. Lin offers this conclusion in analysing Wang's commentary to Su wen 17.62 where Wang quotes @ pessage from the Chen ching. Lin discovered that Wang also quoted this Chen40 ghing excerpt in his commentary to §.W. 6.20, except that in that passage Wang had identified it as part of the Ling Shu. Lin stated that “Wang's intention, then, was to use the designation Ling shu for the Chen ching."56 Lin concluded that Wang had retained the Chen ching as the Second half of the Nei ching, but had renamed it the Ling shu. This conclusion is wrong and I would like to demonstrate why. Lin's error reveals the nature of auch of the misunderstanding of the Nei ching and its history. If we look closely at Lin's analysis, we find that he must have reached his conclusion in two steps. First, he compared the texts of the Ling shu and Chen ching (which was still extant in the Sung, but was lost shortly thereafter).57 Second, he tried to Teconstruct why Wang had chosen, as Lin believed he had, to rename the Chen ching the Ling shu. Wang, it should be noted, had provided no explanation of wy he had chosen the title Ling shu or how it related to the Chen ching. When Lin compared the Ling shu and Chen ching texts, he found they contained basically the same material: Based on this and the common position as the second half of the Nei ching he concluded they vere one and the same text. Lin did notice that some passages in the Chen ching did not appear in the Ling shu. He concluded this was41 because some parts of the Ling shu were lost and so, to him, this discrepancy did not prove that the two texts were different. This conclusion is, however, out of keeping with everything else ve know about the Ling shu, Nowhere else (including the prefaces and commentaries of Lin and Wang to the Net ching, or at least Wang's version of it) is there any indication that the Ling shu is incomplete. Unlike the Su ven, there are no missing p'ien indicated, nor are there (to ay knowledge) any references elsewhere to passages in the Ling shu which cannot be found in the Present text. This suggests that the Ling shu is complete and that it and the Chen ching are two different texts, with very similar, but not identical contents. This hypothesis is confirmed if we proceed to Lin's Second step and try to make sense of Wang's intentions. As Lin indicates, Wang had cited the Chen ching several times in his commentary to the Su wen.58 If Wang had Beant to change the name of the text from the Chen ching to the Ling shu, why had he done so only in part? Why had he still made reference to the Chen ching? There seems to be no answer, and for this reason it is difficult to accept Lin estimate of Wang's intentions. In at least one case, which Lin notices, Wang had used the same Quotation in his commentary to explain different passages42 of the Su vas and indenti¢ied st once as from the Ling shu and later as from the Chen ching. Why had Wang attributed the same passage variously to both texts? Why hada't he realized the texts are the same--vhich, following Lin's logic, he should have-~and identified them both as the Ling shu? Lin's logic provides no answer, Perhaps Wang had been unaware that the Chen ching and Ling shu were the same--perhaps because he hadn't had access to the Chen ching and relied on passages included in another work. However, according to the bibliographies of the New and 01d T'ang Histories (Hsin/Chiu T'ang ans ESF > ana the gut wiseory (gut su E>, the Chen ching was still extant when Wang wrote, and so he may well have had direct access to the original text.59 This is particularly likely because Wang's official rank of tat ptu€7E would have put chim in the central imperial medical offices which presumably kept the imperial medical collection on which these biliographies were partly based. 60 Lin's conclusion, then, is unacceptable. He derived his interpretation of Wang's intention from the correct observation that the Chen ching and the Ling shu had largely the sane contents. He erred in deducing that, because of this substantial overlap, we must consider them--and Wang must have considered them--to be the sane43 text. It makes far more sense to conclude they are two different, though very similar texts, It is appropriate, then, to speak of two different Nei chings--the one read by Huang Fu-mi and the one edited by Wang Ping. Each compiler (Wang Ping and the unknown compiler cf the text Huang read) chose one of two independent texts from the Yellow Eaperor tradition which he appended to the Su wen. Both did so in attempting to reconstruct the Nei ching which they knew from the Han shu to be 18 chuan long. lin's error lay, I believe, in equating the material of a text with the text itself, It is striking that Lin commented on the discrepancies in the contents of the Chen ching and Ling shu, but provided no comparison of their forms. This disregard for the effect of the form of a text upon the meaning of the text ‘and of the material it incorporates is particularly dangerous when enalyzing a tradition in which 2 series of compilers are borrowing materials from previous texts and incorporating them into their own, The Ling shu seems to be one example of a text which borrowed either from another--the Chen ching--or from some of its source(s), If we return to Huang Fu-mi's Preface we find another example of a text which, like the Ghen ching, was borrowed from and then lost.44 3.b.v, The Ming-t'ang chih-yao. The second text to be lost after it was incorporated in the Chia~yi ching was the Ming-t'ang chih-yao. Huang's reference to the Chih-yao together with the two halves of the Nei ching as "the three sections (san pu)"indicates he considered them al1 equal in prestige. Despite this high Status the Chih-yao probably did not survive long after Huang compiled the Chia~yi ching. Although the medical Sections of the Sui end T'ang bibliographies list a aunber of titles with the words ming-t'ang, none are called ghih-yao.61 so far as I know no T'ang medical works mention the Ming-t'ang chih~you. Most likely the work was lost before the Sui. As a result, our only evidence ebout the nature of the Chih-yao and its relationship to the Nei_ ghing must come from its use in the Chia~yi ching. However, the form of the Chia-yi ching makes it very difficult to tell how much of the text Huang based on the Chih-yao. Huang compiled the Chia-yi ching topically. Each p'iea consisted of a series of excerpts on a Particular topic. Each excerpt was introduced by one of five standard phrases: 1. "The Yellow Emperor asked...Ch'i Po replied..." 2, "The Su wen says. 3. "The nine chuan say..45 4, “The nine chuan and the Su wen say...* 5. “The explanation (chien #) says. The first format regularly introduces the first excerpt in @ plien in the Chia-yi ching. (It is also a common format in the Nei ching.) Probably Huang was quoting these introductory phrases together with the subsequent passages from his sources, The second through fifth formats introduce passages commenting on the first passage in a Biien. They are not used to begin p'ien and they do not appear in the extant Nei ching. Clearly they are provided by Huang to set off supplementary passages from the first text quoted. Before considering the najor problem these five introductory forms present, I would like to discuss a few minor problems they pose. In a number of cases the Passages which Huang introduces with the first format can be found in the Nei ching (either in the Su wen or Ling Shu), and those he introduces with the second format can be found in the Su wer In other cases passages using the first and second cannot be located. This may mean that they are absent from the Nei ching or perhaps simply difficult to locate without aids such as concordances which have not yet been compiled. Turning to the third and fourth formats, the term “nine chuan", as noted above, is simply another way to refer to the Chen ching. As we46 would expect, many of these passages can be found in the Present Ling shu. The last of these introductory forms, “the explanation says,..", refers to a title which Huang does not identify in his preface and which does not Tesemble the title of any known medical text of the third century, All of these problems are small but significant clues to the distance between the Yellow Emperor medical tradition in the third century and the present Nei ching. Now to the major problem: while these introductory forms sake reference to a text Huang does not identify, they fail to mention a text Huang introduces in his Preface, the Ning-t'ang chih-yao. The phrase “the Ming-t'ang chih-yao says..." is missing. It is possible that Huang did not use the Ming-t'ang chih-yao, but this is extremely unlikely given the explicit references to it in his preface.62 There is one simple solution to this apparent paradox: Huang opened p'ien in the Chia-yi ching with passages from the Ming-t'ang chih-yao. Since ptien begin with "The Yellow Emperor says...", and introductory forms which nane the source of a passage are used only er a p'ien begins, there would be no reason to use an opening form such as “The Ming-t'ang chih-yao says. If this supposition is correct, then there is a second Problem: why do 60 many of these passages appear in the Present Nei ching and why have they not been lost with the47 Ghih-yao? Two explanations suggest themselves: 1, these passages were in both the Chih-yao and Nei, ghing at the time Huang wrote. This overlap would Parallel, though far exceed, the overlap of the Chen ghing and Su wen which required Huang to use the fourth introductory format, “the 9 chuan and the Su_ wen say..."5 2. between the third century when Huang wrote, and the eighth century, when Wang edited the Nei ching, these passages, originally in the Ming-t'ang chih-yao, were absorbed into the Nei ching. The only difference between the two explanations concerns the date when these materials were incorporated into the Nei ching, before or after the compilation of the Chia~yi ching, In either case it appears that the contents of the Present Nei ching include a substantial portion of the now lost Chih-yao. This brief analysis of the Chia-y4 ching highlights three aspects of the Yellow Emperor tradition which make it difficult to trace the origins of the Nei ching back to the Han: 1, The same materials could be incorporated into different texts. The Chia-yi ching is an explicit Fecompilation (or textz) of independent materiale Cor text) previously compiled in three earlier48 texts2. Each new text was a new compilation, or text2, of older independent texts), which had often been incorporated into earlier texts2.63 The Chen ghing and the Ling shu are two different compilations (texts2) from largely common sources, If I an correct, the Net ching extant today also incorporates portions of the Ming-ttang chih-yao. 2, Bach tine these materials were conpiled or recompiled the result was a different textz. Not the same text with a new name, but 2 wholly new text with a new structure. 3. Such new texts, constructed from older texts,, were common in the Yellow Emperor textual tradition. These three aspects of the tradition are easily understood in terms of the Chia~yi ching. The Chia-yi ching is a new text constructed from three earlier texts. But we should stress that they also apply to the Ling shu, which was a new text, not a revised or simply renamed Chen ching. Equally, these aspects of the Yellow Emperor tradition describe the relationship between the Nei ching studied by Huang Fu-mi and the one edited by Wang Ping. They were two different texte,49 3c. Conclusion--A Rapidly Evolving Tradition. The Yellow Emperor tradition was evolving rapidly between the Han and the T'ang. Texts once outside the tradition were absorbed into it. Texts within the tradition were repeatedly re-formed into new texts. In the midst of this traditioa, it 1s very unlikely that any text2, including Nei ching texts, would survive unchanged from the Han to the T'ang, yet somehow the language contained in these texts did survive. This seems the clear conclusion from our textual and historical analysis, As I argued in the Introduction, language can be conserved only within structures and, as we have just Seen, much of the creative activity within the Yellow Emperor medical tradition was restructuring. It is the Tecognition of rapidly charging texts2 conserving their language that initially indicated the existence of texts,. For these reasons, if we are to understand the paradox of rapidly changing texts conserving their language unchanged, we must first compare the structures of the several Nei ching text.z available to us.50 Part 4. The Structure of the Nef ching Texts The range of differences anong texts of the Nei_ ghing has already been illustrated by the comparison of the Nei ching employed by Huang Fu-mi with that edited by Wang Ping. By the time of Wang Ping the Yellow Emperor tradition contained at least two other versions of the Nei_ ghing or of the Su wen, its first half. The first to appear was the Su wen edited by Ch'uan Yuan-ch'i# ZAG, The second was the Great Purity (T'ai su AR ) of the Hellow Emperor's Inner Classic by Yang Shang-shaot¥ + Z . These two, and Wang Ping's Nei ching, all contain the sane language and ideas but in radically different formats. All three have survived or been described in sufficient detail that ve can reconstruct them. Do any of them reveal the structure that enabled the Han language to survive? In other words, 1s one of then the Han Nei ching oF its direct descendant from which the other two derive? Or did each receive the Han language independently? 1£ 80, how did that language manage to survive outside any one of these three texts?51 4.a, The Ch'uan Su wen The Su wen edited by Ch’uan Yuan-ch'4 4s the earliest text of the Nei ching about which we have any information beyond a bibliographic entry. That knowledge is, however, still very limited. of Chuan himself we know only that he asked Wang Seng-ju = 42 3%, who died in A.D, 504 (ete aK — to teach hin acupuncture. 64 This means that he lived and vorked during the Liang Dynasty (A.D. 502-557).65 The text of his Su_ wen was lost sometime after 1070 when Lin Yi used it in his revedition of the Nei ching of Wang Ping. Virtually everything we know about Ch'uan’s Su wen is contained in Lin Yi's references to it in his subcommentary to the Wang Su wen. Ch'uan's Su wen was nine chuan long (one of which was missing by the Sung), so it fits Huang Fu-mi's description of the length of the Su wen. It is the only one of these three versions of the Nef ching which Presents a Su wen of the length prescribed in the shu bibliography and the preface to the Chia-yi ching. This Su wen may also have been independent of any larger text such as the Nei ching. This possibility is suggested by ite appearance alone in the T'ang and Sui bibliographies, rather than as part of a Nei ching. If so, it retained52 the independence it had had when Chang Chung-ching cited the Su wen during the Han. Lin's subcommentary notes the differences between the Ch'uan and Wang texts. The dearth of such annotations by Lin suggests, by inference, that he found the two texts are remarkably similar line by line. Under the title of each fascicle in Wang's Su wen iin Yi notes in which chuan of Ch'uan's edition that faseicle is found and the name of that fascicle if it differs from the one Wang used. Lin also notes those eases in which it is necessary to divide, combine or Sometimes both divide and combine in order to form a fascicle of Wang's text from those in Ch'uan's, The table in Appendix One summarizes the information Lin provides on the structure of Ch'uan's Su wen. This table reveals the following differences between the structure of the two editions of the Su wen: 1. the sequence of p'ien and the way in which they are organized in chuan is entirely different; 2, the titles of ptien are sometimes differents 3. the constitution of p'ien is sometimes different; 4. those ptien which appear twice in the Chu'an Su Men appear only once in the Wang Su ven. These features seem to embody exactly the sorts of formal Problems Huang and Wang described. They indicate that,53 although the contents of the two texts are substantially the same, a significant formal disparity existed between the Ch'uan Su wen and the Wang Nei ching. 4.b. The Huang-ti Tai su. If we compare the T i to the Wang Nei ching, we find a still greater disparity. Like Ch'uan's Su wen, the lat su was lost sometine after Lin Yi consulted it during the Sung. By the time it had been rediscovered in the library of a Japanese temple in the early eighteen hundreds, approximately twenty percent of the text had disappeared, including any preface Yang might have written.66 Although portions of the text are lost, what remains is the most valuable comparative material we have for understanding the tradition that gave rise to the Nei ghing texts. Three features of the T'ai su are Particularly significant for this comparison: the number of chuan in which the T'ai su 4s divided; the way Yang refers to other texts in the Nef ching tradition, and the title, Huang-ti nei-ching t'ai-su. The I'ai ou is divided into thirty chi This contrasts with ail the statements in bibliographies and prefaces that the Nei ching contains eighteen chuan. It also differs from Ch'uan's text of the Su wen which is in34 nine chuan (with the eighth missing) and which fits the Prescription that each half of the Nei ching be nine ghuan, Clearly, the tradition that the Nei ching should be composed of two halves of nine chuan was a powerful one. Yet Yang did not adhere to it. He may not have acknowledged it, although we will never know without his Preface. Whatever the reasons, Yang chose to structure the T'ai su in thirty rather than nine chuan, and his choice implies that the T'ai su was outside the Nei ching as Huang, Ch'uan, and Wang understood it. The conclusion that Yang did not see his text as part of that Nei ching tradition is reinforced by a 10.4 to the Chia~yi ching, the Nan ching, the Su wen and “the nine chuan.” The reference he makes in T'at Passage on which Yang commented reads: Ch’ Fo said: The Responsible and Transverse mo Conduits both arise in the womb (paofffi,), and ascend along the inside of the spine to become the Sea of Conduits (ching-1o hai 8ZK3H ). Yang comments: Huang Fu-mi recorded The Classic of the Questions of the Purity (in the Chia~yi ching)...The text of. The Eighty-one Difficulties annotated by Lu Kuang speaks of the Responsible Conduit in the same way as the35 text recorded by Huang Fu-mi. I have examined The_ Questions on the Purity and it lacks this passage. In addition, the nine chuan also say...67 Here Yang cites both halves of one version of the Nei_ ebing, that is, the Su ven and "the nine chuan” or Ling” hu, He says that Huang recorded the Su wen and that Yang himself examined the original text. He cites all this in comparison to his present text without any acknowledgenent that he himself is presenting another version of the Net_ Shing composed of the Su wen and either the Chen ching or Ling shu (it is worth noting that the passage Yang failed to find does appear in S.W. 16.60, p. 290 which nay Provide still one wore illustration of the shifting contents of textsz over time). This treatment differs narkedly from the way in which Wang acknowledges that the Chiavyi ching contains another version of the text he is editing (see, for example, S.W. 15,58, p. 290). This difference indicates the different relationship Wang and Yang felt they had with the Chia-yi ching: Yang seems to feel he is outside the tradition it embodies. Yet Yang's relationship to the Nei ching tradition is far more complex than might first appear. Despite the assertion by Yang that his text is not the Su wen or the nine chuan, and despite his ignorance of the significance of the number nine in forming the Nef ching, virtually all56 of the T'at can be found in the present Nei ching. In this case the differences between the T'ai su and Wang's Nei ching far exceed those becween the Wang and Ch'uan Su_ wen. Few p'ien in the T'ai su begin or end in the same Way a8 those in either Ch'uan's Su ven or Wang's Nei_ ghing. Few are the same length; some are longer, others shorter. Few have the same title. Altogether only thirty-one, or nineteen percent, of the 168 ptien in the Tlai su correspond exactly to p'ien in Wang Ping's Nei_ ghing. Only twelve p'ien, or seven percent, have the same title. Only six p'ien, or three-and-a-half percent, have the sane title and the same contents. In short, the contents of the textsz overlap almost completely while the structures of the texts; overlap almost not at all. In addition, the title of the text, The Great Purity of the Yellow Emperor's Inner Classic, confirms the complexity of the Tai su's relationship to the Nei_ ghing. Obviously part of the title Huang-ti nei-ching Etaivsu derives from the title Huang-ti nei ching. The other part derives from a title, the Huang-ti t'ai-su, which appears in the Han shu bibliography among the texts on yin-yang. This suggests that the Yellow Emperor medical tradition was interacting with the non-medical Yellow Emperor traditions. If the title Su wen derived from the title T'ai su, as I suggested earlier (pp.57 29-31), then this interaction was occurring during the Han. Yang's use of the title Nei-~ching t'ai-su was only one, relatively late, product of the interaction of two aspects of the Yellow Emperor textual tradition. Yang may have used the title T'ai su not only to indicate the origins of his text, but also to exalt it above other medical texts, including other Net ching's. One indication of his desire to exalt the T'ai_su appears in his commentary to T.S. 9.2: What {s discoursed (1un@45) about the Hunan Greeting Inch Mouth (jen-yang te'un-k'ou A? TO ) comes only fron The Yellow Emperor's Correct (cheng TF ) Classic. Calcuiating apart from this there can be no other roots, That which has been tecently transmitted...is in the last analysis not as reliable as The Correct Classic. I fear the errors (in recently transmitted texts) are deep. 68 The Correct Classic is another term Yang used to indicate the 4 su; this term and this passage were an assertion by Yang that he alone inherited the most ancient and reliable Yellow Emperor medical tradition. His combative tone also confirms the conclusions we reached from other evidence that there were several different, perhaps competing, subtredi: of medical texts within the58 Yellow Emperor tradition. One is represented by the Chiavyi ching, another by the Ch'uan Su wen, still another by the Tat su. 4.c. The Wang Ping Nei ching. The last of these subtraditions is represented by the text Wang Ping edited as the Huang-ti nei-ching. Many of its most significant structural features have been illuminated in discussing the last two texts. One crucial feature of the Wang text remains to be discussed, its apparent similarity to the Net ching employed by Huang Fucmi. For example, Wang offers the same description of the Nei chin: civided into two halves of nine chuan each. As noted earlier, the Han shu provides no sanction for this decision by Huang and Wang. Though Huang and Wang enunciate the same principles for dividing the Nei ching, the way in which they carried out the division demonstrates not the similarities but the differences between then. First of all, Huang and Wang chose different texts a6 the second half of the Nef ching. These two, the Chen ghing and the Ling shu, are, as demonstrated earlier(pp. 37-43), not a single text with two names, but two different texts, Though the origins of the Chen ching are59 unknown, some information about the Ling shu is available. It may originally have been titled The Classic of the Nine Vitalities (Chiu-ling chingA@Z#). a cext with this title, with commentary by Ling Pao SE of the chin & , appears in both Trang bibliographies. It is Visted as 24 chuan long, the same length as the Ling Shu.69 If this were an early version of the Ling shu, then Wang did not absorb and rename the Chen ching but instead took a text which he had Teceived, which was not in the Chiavyi ching, and altered its title. If so, he was participating in a tradition separate from the one which produced the Nei ching used by Huang Fu-mi, Second, they treated the observation that the tvo halves of the Nei ching each had nine chuan in very different ways. We may assume that Huang was simply describing the Nei ching text in front of him, but ve cannot assume the same for Wang. Wang did not Produce an 18 chuan Nei ching, but a 36 chuaa, with 24 ghuan in the Su_wen and 12 in the Ling shu. Perhaps Wang's organization of the Nei ching in this way indicates that the textual problems he encountered were insoluble, and he simply could not restore the Nei ching to its original form. There are two reasons to Teject this kind of minimalist explanation. First, Wang acknowledged in his Preface that he had seen a nine chuan edition of the Su60 Men. This would have provided him a model for a nine ghuan Su wen, had he chosen to compile one. Second, there ie a clear and regular structure to Wang's Nef ching. It contains two halves of 81 ptien each. Wang chose not to double nine, but to square it twice. This choice indicates thet Wang had a clear Structure in aind when he compiled his Nei ching. Perhaps he conceived this structure himself, but passages in his Nei ching indicate that he is more likely to have received it from earlier participants in the tradition. If the latter is true, it suggests once more that Wang was Participating in a different subtradition from that known to other compilers of Nei ching texts. Two passages in the Nei ching suggest that Wang's choice of nine-squared was traditional in this strict sense of adhering to and elaborating upon teachings received from a master. First, Wang tells us in his preface that he studied with a master. At one time I was with Master Kuo-tzu 3 F at nis fasting hall. I received (from him) the secret text of the First Master Chang-kung 9 “& ,70 This may well be the source of Wang's textual organization, but it is impossible to tell. A clearer Precedent for his choice of nine-squared lies in the Statement of the Yellow Emperor to Ch'i Po in S.W. 8.2761 The Yellow Emperor posed a question to Ch'i Po saying “I have heard the Nine Needles in nine Biien. You sir, based on it, enlarged it Rine-fold. Nine nines (make) eighty-one ptien. 1 have completely penetrated their meaning, 71 Even though Wang Ping repeated the statement that the Nei_ ghing contained eighteen chuan, he clearly chose to honor nother organizing principle. Thi. choice iadicates he was most probably participating in a subtradition different from Huang Fu-mi's, 4.4. Conclusion--None of these is the Han Nei ching. Now that we have compared the three texts of the Nei ghing, as well as the Nei ching described, and presumably used, by Huang Fu-mi, it is time to consider whether there is any way to explain how they relate to one another. It is clear that all Nei ching texts derive from a common Source because they contain the same materials. The Problem which arises is the apparent lack of any common structure among these texts. If, for example, we hypothesize that the Wang Ned ching and the T'ai su both derive, even by half, from the nine chuan Su wen typified by the Ch'uan Su wen we encounter immediate problens Even if we disregard the way in which Wang and Yang62 explicitly indicated they were not basing their vork on that Su wen (arguing perhaps that they were trying to assert independence from a competing subtradition and its texts), we still face problems. Both Wang and Yang Structure their works in weys that could not have derived from a nine chuan structure. Nor is it possible to reverse the argument and derive a nine chuan structure from either of their works. If we ignore chuan altogether and simply try to locate a group of p'ien employed by Wang, Ch'uan and Yang, the situation 4s no better. Relatively few p'ien appear in all three compilations (textsz). This lack of any apparent structure leads to two conclusions. First, none of these three textsz is the source for the other two. This means that none of these texts is the Han Nei_ ghing. Second, none of them offers any clear indication of what structure that source, which must have existed for them to share almost all the same language, had. It may be helpful at this point to diagram the Telationship among the texts we have discussed in Chapter Ome. Proven relationships are indicated by solid lines, Possible relationships by dotted lines. I should stress, however, that a besic conclusion to be drawn from this diagram is that we know very little about the relationships among these various texts. Note, for63 example, that the dotted line running down the center Teflects our uncertainty whether the Nei ching listed in the Han shu is re ed either to the Nei ching of Wang Ping or to the ccrpus of Han texts; and compilations on which he drew, Table 1. Texts of the Yellow Emperor Medical Tradition P'ien Chueh's Yellow Emperor Medical Tradition texts Nan ching and “) collected prior to 256 A.D. Voi men Tai su. ' “Su “wen | Chen | Ming-t' ang hth ya , “Hei ching listed In Hae Ta Han Shu\ Y - ~Chia~yt_ching- (sdheting after 256 after 256 A.D.)/ : Vv 4 Tat su sulwen } /\ Chiu ting ching Yang shang-shan/ chvan Yden-eh't 7 ? , 1 ¢ Ling “shu 1/7 (date unknown) 1 2 Wei Ching of Wang Ping64 Part 5. Conclusion: A New Hypothesis. The three kinds of analysis we have employed in this chapter--textual, historical and structural--yield three conclusions: 1. The language and ideas in all of the versions of the Nei ching were composed between 400 B.C. and A.D. 260. 2, Between the time this language and the ideas it expresses were composed and the time they were set into the compilations (textz) extant today they had been shaped and reshaped through a long and active textual tradition. None of the extant textsz is the Han Nei ching (or even the sole descendant of it) upon which the other versions of the Nei ching were based. These three conclusions lead to a more general conclusion. All extant textsz of the Nei ching are far Temoved, both in time and format, from their putative source, the ancestor textz they have in'common. Despite the distance of present textsz from the time in which the language they share in common was composed, still the Present texte? contain almost entirely the same language, with few of the differences that would indicate later damage or rewriting.65 The relationship between extant texts2 and the texts; they contain must be explained before we can understand the contradictions between statenents within one piien cited in our introduction, but it seens beyond our ability to explain. This, then, is the quandary which threatens once we conclude that the Han Nei ching no jonger exists. But, rather than concede that the problem exceeds our grasp, I would like to insist that the Propositions enunciated in the introduction, and again in part 3.b.ii of this chapter, remain valid. Because all extant texts of the Nei ching contain the sane materials undamaged, they nust also contain common structures which Preserved that language. Once we discern those common Structure we will be able to envision the Kan Nei ching. If that structure is not immediately apparent, it must lie hidden in some way within the texts Since that structure survived the reshaping of the Net ching materials into a variety of different texte2, it must be in some way independent of structures such as ghuan and p'ten which those various texts do not share in common, This requirement would be satisfied if the structures survived as the form of independent texts no longer than p'ien and usually smaller which were sorted and re-sorted into a series of Ned ching texts which would then be compilations of these smaller units. These small66 independent texts are what we call primary texts (texts1)--units of written material which were structured in such a way that they could be transmitted independently and compiled and recompiled into the versions of the Nei_ ghing we now know with little or no alteration of Baterial. The compilations formed of then, including the Nei ching, we call secondary texts (texts2). The search for these hidden primary texts and their structure wiil occupy Chapter Two.67 Chapter 2. The Texts, Within the Net ching. Part 1. Introduction, In concluding Chapter One I proposed tie aypothesis that the Nei ching is a compilation, or second-order text (textz), which contains a series of first-order texts (texts1), as yet undiscovered, which date to before 260 4:D.. If we attempt to apply this hypothesis to the Net ghing we are likely to be frustrated for three reasons: 1, the Nei ching is so long and varied that it is difficult to decide where to begin; 2, there is no obvious methodology to confirs our Judgment that certain features of the Nei ching indicate the existence of, or demarcate, such first-order texts; 3. even if we could find an appropriate starting point and methodology there would be ao guarantee that any forms we might find would be related in any significant way to the early Han stages of the Nei_ ching materials. Ideally we should begin with a shorter compilation which has a definite Han provenance and distinct textual divisions, The manuscripts found at Ma-wang-tui are just such a compilation. They are short, readily divisible and68 definitely dated to before 168 B.C. (see p. 16 above). Iwill begin, then, by examining the medical Banuseripts from Ma-wang-tui. Experts, including the team which edited the manuscripts, have generally recognized that they contain a series of individual texts, though no one has spelled out the basis for this recognition. I will show that this conclusion is correct through a formal analysis of these manuscripts. Such an analysis will also yield a series of formal criteria which can be applied to other texts which may be compilations. I will then apply these criteria to a ptien of the Nei ching, Ling shu 3.10, which contains language similar to a Ma~wang-tui text and which may therefore be a compilation. My analysis will Prove this p'ien is a compilation and that these criteria can be appropriately applied to the Nef ching. When they are, we will find that all extant versions of the Nei_ ghing contain, within their incompatible divisions of ghuan and p'ien, the same texts). Here, then, is the unchanging formal unit which enabled the language of the Nei ching corpus to survive unchanged as that corpus was ed and resorted into different versions.69 Part 2, The Ma-wang-tui Corpus, A Model. The largest portion of the medical materials from Ma-wang-tui was written on three half-bolts of silk.! 1¢ we were to examine the original manuscripts we might attempt to demarcate the various texts by noticing where the style of calligraphy changes. or, we might look for theoretical coherence and divide the corpus into texts on that basis. Either effort, though it might work in any given case, exposes us to unacceptable risks. The first leaves us at the whin of a scribe who might copy two texts in a row or another who might be replaced in the middle of copying a text. The second compels us to use theoretical considerations in order to prepare a text for theoretical analysis.? Theoretical considerations provide, we will find, a valid means for confirming our formal judgments, but are no substitute for them. As noted above, the editors of the excavated texts, who have divided the corpus into texts, provide no information on the criteria they used to separate the texts.3 How, then, can we begin to analyze the Ma-wang-tui medical corpus? Since we are looking for the form of the text, the simplest place to begin is with the most basic constraint on the form of the text, its appearance on three bolts of silk. Since only two of the three bolts70 have been published, we must restrict our consideration to them. We will first discuss the formal indications that enable us to divide the corpus into units, Then we will denonstrate that these units are, in fact, independent texts, If ve assune that at least occasionally a text may have begun with the first line written on a bolt, or concluded with the last, we may look there for the indications of such beginnings or endings.4 One of these bolts begins with the words “the foot,” and then “the Great Yang Conduit of the Foot comes out (eeu feu ttairyang-wen chu @ 2 A PRIS oy .S tine five begins “the Lesser Yang Conduit comes out,” line ten--"the Yang Brightness Conduit of the Foot... This formula, “the X Conduit of the Foot comes out...,” is Tepeated at the head of lines thirteen, sixteen and nineteen. Then line twenty-five begins “the Arn,” followed by “the Great Yin Conduit of the Arm (pi pt ttai-yin-wen = a x FE YB yo” thts formuta, “the x Conduit of the Arm,” is then repeated four more times at the head of Iines twenty-seven, twenty-nine, thirty-one, and thirty-three. Then line thirty-four ends "the above foot conduits six, hand] [1 (“ln and we are justified in restoring “conduits five (wen wu yeJ® F +)" to complete the second phrase in parallel with the first. What we have, then, is an initial title, “the foot,”a followed by six sections, starting on line 1, and a second title, "the arm", followed by five more sections. The jast line indicates how many sections this unit contains. This totalling serves, I believe, as a control mechanism, enabling the reader to con he has in face read a1 the material, such devices are common in Han aater= ials, appearing for example, at the end of each section — comprise, then, a distinct unit. The Ma-weng-eud editors have given this unit the title "The Moxabustion Classic of the Eleven Leg and Arm Conduits (Tsu-pi shih-yi-mo chtucching 2 BF +— ARR &E y» chereateer » he Leg and Arm Classic"), Lr —————___—_D five with the words "The Great Yang Conduit (of the Foot) arises... (teu chilnvang-no ch's & SB PS AK £0). At the top of lines thirty-nine and forty-three the phrases "the Lesser Yang Conduit arises..." and "The Yang Brightness Conduit arises..." begin two additional subsections. Altogether there are eleven such subsec- tions, as in the first unit, though the two differ in other significant respects. For example, the names of the conduits and their sequence differ, which suggests that the two present different theoretical approaches. In addition, this second unit has no titles like72 “foot” and “arm,” nor any totalling conclusion; this indicates this unit is structured differently than the first unit. These differences suggest that these two unite are not sufficiently parallel to be parts of a Single unit. The editors have given this unit the title “The Moxabustion Classic of the Eleven Yin and Yang Conduces (¥in-yang shth-yi-ao chiurehing PE PZ + — Aig 4 4&- chereatter “the Yin-yang Classic"). A third formal unit begins at the top of line seventy, without a ti It can be demarcated, first, by its failure to fit the structure of the conduit text which Precedes it and, second, by the new topic, "the pulse regularity (mo-fa Aik SA )," introduced in its first line. The editors have used this topic as a title, “The Pulse Regularity.” A fourth text begins with the announcement of still another topic, how the three yang end the three yin cause death, The editors have given this unit the title “The Diagnosis of Death According to the Yin and Yang Conduits (¥in-yang sou-houP$ Pg %42.~ So far, then, this half bolt contains four discrete units. Immediately following the fourth unit is a list of fifty-two ailments ending with the words “altogether (gan AL) fifty-two." This List 1s followed by 459 lines of information about how to treat these fifty-two ailments. These 459 lines are divided into fifty-two73 Sections,each headed by one of the ailments listed. This table of contents and the subsequent text, titled by the The Fifty-two Prescriptions (Wucshih-erh ping-fang Bt =F ,> competes che tirst half-boit. editors Having completed the texts on this first half-bolt, the manuscripts on the second one poses few problems. The first line begins with a new topic “avoiding grains Cehtueh ku Z]! 4 )." the formal unit beginning here continues until a final, now indecipherable, injunction on eating in line eight. The modern editors have titled this & u_shih-ch's @ Ry ).* Then a new topic appears in the middle of line eight, tueh: “Avoid Grains, Bat ch'i (6 “the Great Yang Conduit (of the foot).” Ten similar titles follow in an order identical with that of the Second unit on the first half- bolt, “The Yin-yang Classic." The language of these two units is es similar as their structure. The only conceivable conclusion is that here we have the same description of conduits as given in “The Yin-yang Classic” on the first bolt. The editors concur in this judgment, designating the text in the firet half-bolt as the chia F and this one as yi version of "The Yin-yang Classic.” This half-bolt ends with a third segment which describes an exercise reginen designed to move ch'i through the body.7 Now that we have reviewed the two bolts of silk manuscripts from Ma-wang-tui, we have accumulated the evidence to judge whether the formal units heretofore identified as texts are, in fact, independent texts. In concluding Chapter One, I proposed that a primary text, an independent text, is a unit of written material which can de transmitted independently of any other written unit. One unit on these two manuscripts, “The Yin-yang Classic,” appears on both manuscripts without any real changes in language and without the same material adjacent to it. Therefore it qualifies as an independent text. At the Sane tine, the structure of this text is distinguished by @ rigorously parallel form of exposition which holds the text together, preserving its integrity and ensuring that any loss of material in transmission would be easily recognized (and presumably corrected). Since "The Ying-yang Classic” is the only unit to appear twice in these manuscripts, it is the only unit we can absolutely prove to be a text according to our criteria, However, it is possible to show that each of the other units has a structural integrity which in sone cases exceeds that of the proven text. The fornal integrity of these units is preserved by some or all of the following three devices: an opening topic phrase and heading;75 2, a parallel form of exposition through the body of the text; 3. @ closing which summarizes the text and may total its contents. These devices constitute what I call the “frame” of the text, separating it from materials before and after it. All the Ma-wang-tui units possess such a frame, more or jess rigorous in each case. “The Yin-yang Classic” Possesses such a frame, certainly not the most rigorous. Since all units possess the sort of frame characteristic of a proven text, it is appropriate to designate all eleven formal units as text. At this point it is appropriate to consider if each of these texts has some theoretical coherence. As I noted before, theoretical coherence is the wrong criterion with which to begin textual critictem. It does, however, Provide a useful yardstick for our efforts. If our formal analysis is correct, we should have demarcated texts with Sone degree of individual coherence, some distinctiveness, one from another. As the descriptions above indicate, the textual units show the sorts of differences in subject matter, and between the conduit texts, in theory, that one would expect of independent texts. These eleven independent texte were copied onto the two half-bolts of silk found at Ma-wang-tuf late in the76 Ch'in or early in the Han. These texts provide a model and our analysis provides a methodology needed to examine the Nei ching. The best place to begin is at some point sufficiently similar to the Na-wang-tui corpus or a part of it to employ the methodology established there with the fewest possible changes, In Chapter One I noted a point where the Ma-wang-tui and Nei ching corpuses overlap--a description of ailments of the Yang Brightness Conduit of the Foot in Ling shu 3.10 very similar to one contained in “The Yin-yang Classic.” We will begin there. Part 3. The Ling shu Corpus. LS. 3.10, “The Conduits Prien (Ching-no p'iengi A (S 2," 48 conducive to this sort of analysis because it Parallels the Ma-wang-tui texts at three levels: it con- tains sone passages which are nearly indentical (see pp. 15-17 above it includes a primary text with a simi- lar organization; and it is a compilation. Since 1.5. 3.10 is quite typical of many p'ien in the Nef ching, we will be able to make some general conclusions about the Nei ching on the basis of this p'ien. We will analyze L.S. 3.10 section by section, discussing how the formal unite it contains (all but one a text) exemplify charac- teristics common to the Ma~wang-tui corpus and the Nei ching.7 Part 3.a, 1.8, 3,10a The Introduction: a Fictional Dialogue. “The Conduits Prien” begins with two questions from the Thunder Duke (Let Kung “4) to the Yellow Emperor: The Thunder Duke asked the Yellow Eaperor: “x Wish to hear all about the way expressed in “The Proseribed Ministrations (ehin-fu Sf BiR).*7 the Pattern of every lancing begins with the conduits (shing-ao €$ AR). They form thet by which things Rove; they control their measure. Internally they keep the five ts'ang in sequence; externally they keep the six fu distinct. The Yellow Emperor said: “When people begin to live, they first complete the essence. when the essence is complete, the brain and skull are born. The bones wake the trunk; the conduits (mo) form the “controllers” (ying™@”).9 The sinews provide rigidity; the flesh forms the wall. The skin stiffens and the hair lengthens. Grain enters the stomach. The conduits provide the way (for the blood and ch'i) to circulate. The blood and ch'i then move The Thunder Duke said: “I wish to hear all about how the conduits begin to live.”78 The Yellow Emperor said: “You must comprehend how the conduits are able to decide life and death, handle the hundred illnesses, and regulate depletion and repletion."10 This exchange is clearly not the record of a real conversation nor does it provide information necessary to understand the description of the conduits which follows. At first, this passage seems meaningless, yet it, and exchanges like it, what Lu Gwei-djen and Joseph Needhan call “fictional dialogues,"12 are common throughout the Nei ching.12 The clue to the function of this kind of dialogue jies not in the information, but in the catalyst these questions provide, provoking the discussion and driving it forward, They provide a fictional setting. The Thunder Duke begins by justifying the discussion which will follow, stressing the importance of the conduits--they are, he says, the basis of "The Proscribed Ministrations” and essential for doing acupuncture. Then he says "I wish to hear all about their courses.” After the Yellow Emperor provides a brief response which seems only to emphasize once more the importance of the conduits, the Thunder Duke says again "I wish to hear all about the beginning and life of the conduits.” The Yellow Empreror then responds that this subject must be comprehended79 (guck'o pu-ttung BF] 45H). noth the Thunder Duke's pleas for enlightenment and the Tepeated stress on the importance of the conduits provide the setting in which a master, here the Yellow Emperor, instructs his pupil and the reader. They also serve to stress the significance of what follows, in much the same way as does the appearance of Huang Ti in the title. A second function of such a dialogue 4s illustrated by “The Discourses on the Three Segments and the Nine Diagnoses (san-pu chiu-hou tun = Bf 4K ES)~ o5.y, 6.20). This ptien begins with the same sort of question, this time from the Yellow Emperor to ch'i Post 44. The Yellow Emperor asked: “I have heard of the nine needles from you, sir; (their applications) are iP A +), impossible to count. I wish to hear their essential way. numerous and vast (fu- The hortatory function of this passage is similar to that of the introduction to L.S. 3.10. After Ch'd Po provides @ brief answer, additional questions from the Yellow Baperor provoke further instructions on: what are the three segments; the nine diagnoses; how are diseases located; what happens if the ch'i is cut off in the Great Yang Conduit of the Leg; what is the influence of the Seasons; how does one cure? This fictional setting, the instruction of a disciple by his master, continues80 throughout the p'ien. These questions are not simply a diversion. They are the major structuring device in the Biden, linking what might otherwise be random statements into a unified whole. The uni: then, is provided less by the theoretical coherence of the argument in the p'ien than by the persistent fictional curiosity of the interlocutor. These two functions, hortatory and structural, explain the role of fictional dialogues in the Nei ching. This form of dialogue was not, however, created ex nihilo; rather,it was, like so many features of the Nei ching, a part of the larger literary context of medical text Originally it may have been simply an imitation of the oral exchanges that were the basis of all learning, like the recorded conversations of master and disciple, or master and opponent, in Chou philosophical texts.13 This use of such dialogues was as common in medical writing as in philosophical. One of the simplest examples of this format is the use of rhetorical questions found in a text of Prescriptions at Wu-wei#l $9B1n Kanu and dating to the Later Han.14 one of these prescriptions begins with a title, “the remedy which the White Lord (Pai hou 42 ) offered to treat the seven ailments of men." In most of the Wu-wei Prescriptions, the drugs to be compounded would be listed immediately after the title. But in this casethe usual order is interrupted by a rhetorical question, “what do we mean by the seven ailnents?” (The interlocutor, if any, is the implied reader.) This question justifies an extended explanation before the Prescription itself fs presented. Though simpler than the exchanges in Chou Texts or the Net ching, this rhetorical question functions in the sane way. It justifies the presentation of information. Another example of fictional dialogue was discovered together with the manuscripts from Ma-wang-tud which we have just described. It 4s reported to be a short medical text on wood slips consisting of ten questions exchanged by the Yellow Emperor, the Spirit of the Left (Tso shen %P )15 and ancestor Pieng (P'eng teu Bf ZELy 16 Since this text has not yet been published we cannot say anything about its style or contents. But what little we do know about it coafiras that dialogue was being used at that time to structure a text on medical theory. The best known example of such a fictional dialogue in a medical text is contained in the memorial of the Physician Ts'ang Kung “& to the Han Emperor wen X which we quoted in Chapter One. Ts'ang Kung begins his Benorial by listing the texts he received from his first master, then he describes twenty-five cases he has handled, and finally provides additional information about82 his teachers, disciples, principles of diagnosis, and occasional failures. This additional information is structured as responses to a series of eight questions posed by the Emperor to vi (re‘ang Kung's surnane): “You ask your servant Yi (wen ch'en vif] & Zp: your a vt tut yueh (FB BH Ay 027 Whether or not these questions were actually part of the servant Yi replies (¢: Tequest for this memorial by Emperor Wen is unknown and, for our purposes, uninportant. Whatever their origin, once they are inserted in Ts'ang's memorial, these questions function as a structure for this discourse on nedicine. Im all three examples the dialogues between real or imaginary interlocutors serve, so far as we can tell, to introduce theoretical discourse and to link together otherwise random pieces of exposition, Thus the use of fictional dialogue as a structural device in the Net ching texts was not an innovative response by their authors to certain narrative probiems. It was a device they had long been familiar with in other texts, and specifically in other medical texts. So, this introduction to 1.8. 3.10 Provides us our first internal evidence for placing L.s. 3.10 and the Nei ching in the tradition of Han medical texts.83 Part 3.b. L.S. 3,10b: The Twelve Conduits. On the next line of L.$. 3.10, the topic phrase “the Great Yin Conduit of the Hand and Lungs (fei-shou t’ai-yia enth no At $ A PZ ZAK introduces « description of this conduit. Eleven more parallel descriptions follow, each introduced by a topic phrase naming the conduit to be described, until a total of six yin and six yang conduits are described in sequence, Each description includes the course of the conduit named, the ailments arising from it, ailnents afflicting it, and the modes of treating it. This tight regular structure distinguishes L.S. 3.10b fron the introduction and from the text which follows it. Having described the structure of L.S. 3.10b, we face the considerable textual and theoretical problens this text poses. The most pressing of these is its relationship to the two Ma-wang-tui conduit texts whose structure it parallels and whose language it employs. Despite these strong similarities, 1.8. 3.10b ts distinguished by equally clear differences. For exanple, L.S. 3,10b contains tweive conduits rather than just the eleven the Ma-wang-tui conduit texts describe. The twelfth is the Recalcitrant Yin Pericardium Conduit of the Hand (hein-pao shou chueh-yin chih ao vw @ $/K PE Z Fl) .18 as we wilt see in a moment, the appearance of34 this twelfth conduit also distinguishes it from L.S. 3.19e. In addition, LS. 3.106 appends to each conduit name the name of an internal organ, while the Ma-wang-tul conduit texts do not. It is essential that we evaluate these similarities and differences. The claim that they are similar justified our comparing L.S. 3.10 to the Ma-wang-tui corpus. The explanation of their differences is basic to any understanding of how the Nei ching tradition vas formed. This evaluation will proceed from a tentative translation of L.S. 3.10b and the corresponding conduit texts from Ma~wang-tui and then continue with a deteiled structural comparison. The translation and comparison, to be presented in Chapter Three, rests on two assumptions. First, that L.$. 3.10b is, like “The Leg and Arm Classic” and “The Yin-yang Classic," an independent texty. Second, that such texts are common in the Nei ching. To justify these assumptions, it is necessary to complete the present analysis of L.S. 3.10b and the Nei ching.85 Part 3.c. L.S. 3.10c: The Ch'i of the Five Yin Conduits. After the twelfth and last portion of L.$. 3.10b this sentence appears: “If the ch't of the great Yin of the Hand is exhausted, then the skin and hair will be dried up (Shou-t'ainyin ch'i chueh tse pi-nao shiao 4 ® PE RAGE BI RS fy.» mic ctarencat is followed by a brief passage which elaborates on it. Four Similar topic sentences then follow, each naming a different yin conduit, and each elaborated in turn by a brief passage. Each passage concludes by defining the event according to a certain alignment of the stems and branches. These five yin conduits are the Greater, Recalcitrant and Lesser Yin of the Foot and the Greater and Lesser Yin of the Hand. As in the Ma-wang-tui conduit texts, the Recalcitrant Yin of the Hand is not described. These five passages are followed by a summary passage which describes the consequences if all five yin or six yang ch'd (the latter not described in the text) are exhausted. This pattern of an enumerated set of passages summed up in @ closing section ts the same pattern we saw in "The Leg and Arm Conduit Classic." This device is designed to confirm the completeness of a text, but here it serves the Feverse function of revealing that the half of the text86 concerning the six yang ch'i is missing. The aissing half would contain six passages, each beginning with @ topic sentence naming a yang conduit. The half of the text preserved here in 3.10c is distinguished from 3.10 by its form and also by a crucial substantive difference: ike the Ma-wang-tui texts, it enumerates only five yin conduits, not six, Part 3.4. 1.8. 3,10d: The Twelve Conduits and Attached Conduits. The next sentence begins: “The conduits (ghing-mo) are twelve.” The following passage analyses how the conduits and attached conduits (1uo-mo @& JK) 19 aitter in their locations, functions and dysfunctions. Then the Thun Duke asks “How does one know the difference between a conduit and an attached conduit?” The Yellow Emperor responds by summarizing his previous analysis, adding only one new detait--that the ch'i-k'ou% © (see Glossary, p. xiv, for definition) permit the diagnosis of the hidden conduits. The Thunder Duke expresses his continued bewilderment, and the Yellow Emperor responds by detailing for the first time the structure of attached conduits, as well as how to diagnose and treat them.87 This segment is less clearly structured than 3.10c. Athough an initial topic phrase demarcates it from the Previous segment, there is no total or summary closing. The use of fictional dialogue which distinguishes this Segment compensates, to some degree, for its structural weakness. The dialogue between the Thunder Duke and the Yellow Emperor links the three exchanges together, Justifying a reiteration of the initial statement and then an extended explanation of the attached conduits. It Serves to strengthen what might otherwise have been a very Scattered exposition. Part 3.e. L.S. 3.10e: The Fifteen Branches. The final section of “The Conduits P* ” begins with the topic phrase “the branch of the Great Yin of the Hand (shou-t'at-yin chin pie F AK PE Z Biy.- nis ts the first of fifteen paraliel topic phrases. Each is followed by a brief description of the name and course of the branch, the ailments associated with it, and where to lance the branch to treat these ailments. Finally, there i6 a closing summary which begins “For all these fifteen attached conduits (1uo) This final section is a typical, tightly structured Passage. Each portion of it has a parallel heading; after88 the last there is 2 totalling summary. The formal autonomy of this section is reinforced by its distinctive contents. The £1fteen conduit branches include those of the twelve arm and leg conduits, the Responsible (jen 44) Conduit, the overseeing (tuGR) conduit, and finally the Bain line of the Great Attached Conduit of the Spleen (eta ghin ta luof® 2 7B). the number of conduits distinguishes it from both the Ma-wang-tui conduit texts and L.S. 3.10b, Furthermore, the titles of the twelve arm and leg conduits include five yin and six yang names without names of internal organs and one, the Heart Master of the Hand (Shou hsin-chu 4 +4 -E), with the name of an organ not mentioned in L.S. 3.10b and without a yin or yang quality. Both formally and materially this last section is distinct from the other four, Part 3.f. Summary of Analysis of L.S. 3.10. Bach of the five sections of Ling shu 3.10, “The Conduits,” described here is clearly distinct from the others. Each, after the introduction, possesses some combination of interna structure and opening and closing Phrases which frame it. This formal autonomy is confirmed by substantive differences among the various segments. This concurrence of formal and substantive difference89 leads to the conclusion that at least four of these five Segments are independent texts. The remaining segment, the introduction (1.8. 3.10a), was probably written as a Prologue to one of the texts or by the compiler to justify bringing the four texts together. Part 3.g. Confirmation of Analysis in the T But perhaps my conclusion, that these four segments are texts, is no less subjective than sone of the judgnents I criticised in Chapter One. The independence of the Ma-wang-tui texts was confirmed by the discovery that "The Ying-yang Conduit Classic" could appear in different contexts on two different half bolts of silk. in the Ling shu there are no such repetitions, perhaps due to their excision by Wang Ping.20 Fortunately, there is an equally compelling way to confirm ay formal analysis of L.S. 3.10. If these segments are independent first-order texts, similar to those in the Ma-wang-tui manuscripts, then a compiler other than Wang Ping (or whoever compiled the Ling shu) should have been free to separate these texts into different contexts, i.e., different p'ien. When we turn to the T’ai su we find Yang Shang-shan did exactly that:90 3.10a, The Introduction, is in T.$. 8.1322 L.S. 3,10b, The Twelve Conduits, is in T.s. 8.15 U.S. 3,10e, the Ch't of the Five Yin Conduits, is not in the Tat su; L.S. 3.10d, The Twelve Conduits and Attached Conduits, is in T.s. 9.3; L.S. 3,10e, The Fifteen Branches, is T.S. 9.4, The dispersal in the T'ai su of four of the five formal units collected in L.$, 3.10 indicates that each of these units, save L.S. 3.10a and 3.10c, was Tegarded by Yang or some other compiler before him as an independent text. As we anticipated might happen, this compiler attached L.s, 3.10a to the beginning of L.s. 3.10b, The one unit in uu is LS. L.S. 3,10 that does not appear in the Tad 3.10c. This may be because it was only half a text which other compilers omitted because it was incomplete. The discovery of these four texts (counting L.S. 3.10a and b as one) in the T'ai su completes the analysis of Ling shu 3.10. It confirms that this p'ien of the Nei_ ghing is a compilation of independent texts similar to the compilation found at Ma~wang-tui. In at least this one ease, the kind of formal analysis which enables us to Separate the various late Warring States and early Han texts found at Ma-wang-tui also applies to the Nef ching. f such an analytic procedure is to prove really helpful91 in understanding the Nei ching it should apply to a wider Tange of texts within the Nei ching. The third step, then, is to demonstrate how our analysis applies throughout the Nei ching.92 Part 4, Application of the Model. 4.a, Criteria. In analysing first the Ma-wang-tui manuscripts and later L.S. 3.10 we have relied on four criteria 1, the formal structure of the texts; 2. the repeated appearance of certain texts in different contexts (such as the two manuscripts at Macwang-tui or different versions of the Nei ching Such as the Ling shu or Tat su); 3. substantive differences confirming the formal denarcation between texts; 4 the parallels between different texts such as the Ma-wang-tui manuscripts and L.§. 3.10. Using these criteria one after another we have been able to discover the independent texts (texts,) in the brief Compilation (textz) of the Ma-wang-tui manuscripts, and then, using this example, to demonstrate that L.S, 3.10 is also a compilation which can be analyzed through a similar approach. It 4s impossible to apply this four- cep methodology exactly to the rest of the Nei ching because there are no additional cases in which small independent compilations so clearly resemble portions of the Net_ ching. Nonetheless, having provided a first demonstration93 that the versions of the Nei ching do have the same texts, in common and differ in how they arrange these texts, I will show that the lessons of this demonstration can be applied to a variety of p'ien in the Nei ching, In each case we will find that the differences among the versions of the Nei ching result from different arrangements of texts,. In the two models we analyzed, Ma-wang-tui and Ling shu 3.10, we always looked for at least three criteria (the first three on the previous page) before concluding that 2 given formal unit was an independent text. such confirmation by these three criteria provides the Strongest case for designating any unit as a text. In Seeking to apply these models to the rest of the Nei Ching we will begin by considering further cases in which all three criteria apply. We will discuss different formal structures and different ways in which texts combined. We will also show how it is possible to employ the lost Ch'uan Su wen in our analysis. Then we will consider some instances in which texts appear in the same contexts in different versions of the Nei ching. In these instances formal criteria, confirmed by substantive differences will Provide the only indication of an independent text.94 4.b. Applying these Criteria to S.W. 12.45, One formal structure ts the use of shan, “well done,” marking the end of a discourse. S.¥. 12.45, “The Discourse on Recaleitrance (Chueh 1un/¥ Z4),~ begins wih the Yellow Emperor asking Ch't Po to explain hot and cold Tecaleitrance. After several further questions, the Yellow Emperor says “well done” and asks about deficiency in the Six main conduits. Ch'4 Po answers his question, speaking Without interruption until the end of the ptien. The use of shan aidvay through the p'ien means that the emperor accepts the answer he has received about Tecalcitrance and has no further questions, This would Seen @ natural way to end a text structured by fictional dialogue, and we can confirm that $.W. 12.45 contains two texts by considering the T'ai su where this material ta S.W. 12.45 is divided into two ptien: 1.5. 26.1, "Cold and Hot Receleizrance (Hian~jeh chuen SPAM /PQ), at ends with shan; and T.$. 26.2, “Recalcitrance of the Conduits (Ching~mo chueh ZE Aik X)," vegins with the next question. Shan as a formal marker or framing device is common in the Net ching, appearing for example at the end Of S.W. 4.24, 9.34, 10.38, 12.42 and 12.44, There is a minor difference between T.S. 26.1 and 26.2, on the one hand, and S.W. 12.45, on the other, which95 indicates which arrangement, two texts or one, came first. In T.$.26,1 and 26.2 “well done” stands alone as a comment on Ch'i Po's explanation of hot and cold recaleitrance, The Yellow Emperor's question on recalcitrance in the six main conduits is placed Separately at the beginning of the new dialogue. In S.W. 12.45 the word shan is placed at the beginning of the question on recalcitrance in the six main conduits: “The Yellow Enperor said: 'Well done. I would like to hear about the appearance of the illness, recalcitrance of the Six conduits.'" I propose that this minor difference indicates that originally there were two separate texts which were kept separate in the T'ai su. In the Wang Su_ wen the two texts were compiled into a single p'ien. Stall, the terminal marker shan was kept, although it was run together with the next question, perhaps to avoid Fepeating the words “the Yellow Emperor said” go often. Two features confirm the original separation of these texts. 1. ‘The two texts are different in form. The first uses a series of questions as a structure, to link the various pieces of information tegether. In the Second text an initial question introduces the topic and then the discourse proceeds with no further use of questions to hold it together.96 In S.W. 12.45 Wang Ping feels compelled, after the initial question on the six conguits, to assert in his commentary that the recalcitrance of the conduits relates to the previous topic, as if he Tecognized there were a gap between the two. These features confirm that the word shan originally ended an independent text to which another related text was abutted to form S.W. 12.45, 4.c. S.W, 12,45 and Debates on the Precedence of Different Versions of the Nei ching. This is the second case in which the T'ai su version of the Nei ching has retained texts as separate p'ien while the Wang Ping Nei ching has collapsed then together. this phenomenon has led scholars such as Yamada Keiji to argue that the T'ai su retains the Net ching Baterials in an earlier form than does the Wang Ping edition.?2 others, like Fujiki Toshiro, have made a similar argument for the precedence of the Ch'uan Su_ wen.23 However, there are passages which make it impossible to accept either of these claims. for ex. ple, in T.s, 9.5, “The Condy and the Skin Zones (Ching-mo 2 BE Al 3B) ,- che word shan appears two-thirds of97 the way through the text, at the beginning of a question by the Yellow Emperor. The exanple of S.W. 12.45 suggests that this may be a conflated terminal marker and introductory question, If so, then there are two texts, T+S. 9.5a and T.S. 9.5b, which should be separated at this Point. According to Lin Yi, Ch'uan has a p'ien identical with T.S. 9.5, so hypothetically he also conflated two texts. This hypothesis is confirmed by turning to the Weng Ping version, where the word shan ends a p'ien, S.W. 15.56, “The Skin Zones (Bri-pu)," and the next question by the Yellow Emperor begins p'ien 15.57, “The Conduits (Ching-mo)." Here both the T'ai su and the Ch'uan Su wen conflated two texts into a single p'ien while the wang Ping compilation makes each text a whole ptien. Here, it is Wang, rot Yang or Ch'uan, who preserves the texts in an earlier form, This confirms our observation in Chapter One that these texts reflect different subtraditions and that it {s impossible to designate any one of them ae the ost ancient. Any one may in any given case retain a text; in its independent state by placing it alone in a98 4.d. S.W. 4,13 and a Family of Texts;. These last two examples using shan as a terminal marker are fairly clear-cut. Many of the independeat texts in the Nei ching, however, cannot be located simply by dividing a p'ien in one version and looking for these Parts as independent p'ien in another version. I would like to consider one of the more complex series of texts in the Nei ching, show what framing devices the texts employ, and indicate the difficulties of separating the texts involved, S.W. 4,13, "Shifing the Spirit and Changing the Ch'i (Yirching piencen's 4G BE 4),- begins with the Yellow Emperor asking Ch'i Po how people of earlier times could rely simply on imprecations to shift the spirit and change gh't in order to expel illnesses (k' chu-you eh-yi Of WEB i] GB) write coday we must employ other methods. Ch'i Po replies that they lived simpler, happier lives; hence they could rely on imprécations alone (k'o chu-you ethryi). We live differently and get sicker so that, as Ch'i Po concludes, it is not possible to rely simply on imprecation (ku put 7% k'o chu-you erh-yi), That use of @ single phrase as the topic and concluding phrase suggests this question and answer is a unit. Not surprisingly it ends with shan.99 Then the Yellow Emperor begins a new topic “I wish (to treat) 411 people at their bedside (yu yu 1im ping-Jen Retest teen tt ne ee the end of the fascicle which again terminates in shan. The hypothesis, then, 4s that there are two independent texts here, S.W. 4,132 and 4,13b, And, if we turn to the T'ad Su, we find these two segments appear in different fascicles: T.$, 19.5, “On Knowing Expulsion by Tuprecation (Chih chu-you%a 44, A)" and 7.8. 15.1, “Diagnosis by the Complexion and Pulse (S. chen & Aik 29)." tnis dtviston of $.¥. 4.13 into 1.8. 0 19.5 and 15.1 confirms that $.W. 4.132 and b are texts, and seens to fit the pattern we saw earlier. The pattern begins to look different when we realize that T.S. 15.1 contains more than just the text in S.W. 4.13b, After the shan that marks the end of that text (now 7.8. 15.1a), the Yellow Emperor asks how to differentiate between estimating (k'uet-cug3 j%) diseases and predicting the regular or irregular course of the illness (ch'i-heng = 42 ).24 cht Po answers his Question at length, ending with the words “the essentials of dtagnosis are conciuded(chen-yao pi-yi iP FZ + These last two words, pi-yi, suggest that this segment is completed. The hypothesis that this segment night Constitute a text, T.S. 15.1b, 1s confirmed byturning to100 S.W. 4.15, “The Essentials of The Discourse on The Jade bostt (vispan tus-zeo E AR 3S By the word “essential” both in the text and in the title The appearance of Suggests that, unlike the titles of some ptien, this title was integral to the text before it was compiled in its Present arrangenent. The first words of Ch'i Po in the text confirm the title of S.W. 4,15 is an integral part of the text. ‘Estimating’ is estimating the depth of an illness. ‘Irregular and regular’ concerns irregular illnesses. Allow me to speak about the ultimate method (shu 44) of the way. The five complexions, changes in the pulses, estimating and irregularity are all one... It has been recorded on the jade board and titled ‘The Jade Pole (yi-ch: —& A¥Ky. Ch'4 Po confirms here that the term "jade board” is integral to the text. The final line then indicates that the text entitled "The Essentials of Diagnosis” and Tecorded on the jade board is now ended. This, then, is a clear terminal marker. After this second terminal marker, T.S. 15.1 continues with the words “As for diagnosing the beginnings of ailments, the Five Decisions (according to the conduits101 of the five ts'ang) are the principle.” This is followed by @ reconmended procedure to diagnose by a series of six increasingly specific steps, The first is taking the Pulse of these five conduits. The last ends with two basic criteria for predicting which of the ailments diagnosed will cause death and which will not. This last Segment, T.S. 15.1e, has none of the terminal markers or obvious structures that have indicated previous texts. What it does possess is a clearly structured description of @ diagnostic procedure which provides both the formal structure and substantive coherence and that shows this final portion of the p'ien is a text. Tracing this text to the Su wen, we find it in the second half of S.W. 3.10, “The Birth and Completion of the Five Viscera (Wu-ts'ane sheng-ch'eng Ha 4 if That T.$.15.1le/S.W. 3.i0b is @ text is confirmed by the independent appearance of S.W. 3,108 as a ptien jn the T'ai su, T.s. 17.1.25 Altogether we have traced five texts through six ‘ai_su. The process of Biten in the Nei ching and tracing this complex of textual filiations can be summarized by the following chart.102 Table 2.1 S.W. 4,13 a b T.S. 19.5 T.8. 15/1a/T.S. 15.1b/T.S. 15.16 I S.W. 4.15 S.W. 3,10a/S.W. 3.10b TS. 17.2 Tais example illustrates some of the complexities involved in tracing the existence of independent texts in the various versions of the Nei ching. It also provides some indication of the variety of textual structures that frane independent texts. Neither the process we have gone through nor the chart illustrating it should be taken to indicate that these texts were originally written and compiled in the sequence in which we traced them. 4.e, Comparing Su wen Versions to Reveal Texts . One additional way to discover texts in the Net ching corpus is by comparing the Su wens compiled by Wang Ping end Ch'uan Yuan-ch’t, In one of the examples described earlier we mentioned that Lin Yi provided103 Sufficient information in his subcommentary to Wang Ping's Su wen for us to determine that a ptien in Ch'uan's Su wen conflated two texts in the sane way as T.5. 9.5 (see page 26). Specifically, Wang's S.W. 15.56 and 15.57, each containing a single independent text, were combined by Ch'uan in a ptien in his chuan 2. This example demonstrates that, even though Ch'uan's text is lost, Lin Yi's subcommentary provides sufficient information about the structure of Ch'uan's Su wen for us to use it, on occasion, in our formal analysis. Additional instances in which Ch'uan combines texts which are separate in Wang's Nei ching can be found in a piien in his chuan 1 where he combines S.W. 7.23 and 7.24, in his chuan 6 where he combines $.W. 5.17 and 7.22, and again in his chuan 6 where he combines §.W. 14.50 and 14,51, One example of the reverse relationship is S.W. 18.64, which Ch'uan splits, placing its constitutent texts in p'ien in his chuan 1 and 6. Another example is S.W. 24.79, which Ch'uan also splits in two, Lin tells us he Puts half in his chuan 8, but does not tell us where Sh'uan locates the second half, only that he calis it “Seasonal Ailments (Ssu-shih ping-1ei cq D4 fq HB) .~26 In each of these cases, a detailed analysis, such as those Presented above, would confirm that each of these larger Biien in the Ch'uan or Wang version are combinations of104 two previously independent texts}. There is a third sort of relationship between the Ch’uan and Wang texts, In six cases, S.W. 12.43, 13.48, 9-31, §.19, 10.36 and 8.28, Lin Yi notes that a portion in the middie of the p'ien is contained in a different p'ien in Ch'uan's text. Lin says Wang moved the portion from its correct original location, as indicated in Ch'uan's version, to its present one. The criticism I made against Jin's argument in Chapter One holds here: his analysis is based on no evidence beyond the texts we have and it makes Ro Sense once we examine the evidence. For Re S.W. 12.43, “The Discourse on Rheumatism (Pi tua ff 2% 2a) contains three segnents, the second of which Ch'uan placed together with “A Discourse on Distinguishing Yin and Yang (Xancyang pie-1un PE PY FIEH),~ water ts wang's s.w. 2.7, to form a ptien. Each segment of S.W. 12.43 is a clearly structured argument. The first and third are distinguished further by their use of fictional dialogue, which the second lacks. These features suggest S.W. 12.43 contains three independent texts 12.43a, band c. The contrary position, expressed by Lin, 4e that 12.43 a and c belong together and 12.43b is an integral part of S.w. 2.7, The simplest most obvious problem with this position is that 12.43b discusses rheumatism and has nothing to do with distinguishing yin and yang, and that S.W. 2.7, as105 Presently constituted, has even less to do with rheumatism. Though I have only adumbrated this example, 1 think the point is clear--in this case, and by extension in the other five, where Wang is supposed by some to have inserted material, the problem is better approached with the working hypothesis that these are a series of independent texts; compiled differently by Wang and Ch'uan. ‘-£. Analysis of a Compilation When all Ned ching Versions Place it in a Single P’ien Every case described so far began with the observation either that formal features indicated an independent text or that different editions divided the same material differently. Whichever the starting point, it was possible to confirm the hypothesis by examining one or the other eriterion, When both criteria apply this means either: 1, the compilers of these editions received the Same series of independent texts, and combined them in different ways; or 2, these compilers each received different series of earlier compilations (texts2) of these texts from the subtraditions out of which they cane. In either case, this means that these compilations were106 made after the Yellow Enperor tradition began to divide. This suggests that compilation was going oa relatively jate in the tradition, It should be stressed that there must have been a unified tradition at some point or else the three versions discusssed could not all have received virtually the same texts. Our analysis of the Ma-wang-tui corpus demonstrated that it, too, was a compilation. As I will argue in Chapter Five, compilation was intrinsic to the whole Process of receiving a text. When a student received a text, he would copy it, and, as the Ma-wang-tud manuscripts indicate, it could be copied onto a piece of silk on which other texts were already written. Sometimes the new text would be copied without even beginning a new dine. For this reason we can assume that medical texts were being compiled from the time of the early Han, in other words throughout the period associated with the Yellow Emperor medical tradition. If so, then compilation was almost certainly occurring before the subtraditions Separated. As a result, all three subtraditions--the Wang 4 su--should Nei ching, the Ch'uan Su wen and the 7! contain idéntical groups of compiled texts. If 60, then the versions of the Nei ching into which compilations were absorbed should be treated as tertiary texts (texts3) at least.107 In sone cases, one or more of the compilers might have been aware that a certain unit of material was a compilation of several texts and chosen to separate them into piten. This might result in a series of p'ien in one Version in the sane sequence as texts within a single piien in another version, In other cases, the whole compilation might be placed in single ptien in every Version, In the latter case, only formal eriteria would indicate the existence of independent texts. Confirmation from the way other versions divided the material would be jacking. These early compilations are the most difficult materials to analyze precisely because confirmation is impossible to secure. Onesuch compilation is L.S. 1.2/T.S. 11.1 “Seeking The Origin of the Transaission Cavities (pen yi ABT) .°27 This p'ien begins with an introduction (1.8. 1.2a) in which the Yellow Emperor asks Ch'i Po to explain the courses of the twelve connecting conduits (ching-lo & #3). this is the sane sort of introduction we sa in 1.8. 3.10. What follows is a text enumerating the eleven, not tweive conduits--the five yin conduits linked with the five tsang, and the six yang linked with the six fu. as in the Ma-wang-tui conduit texts, the Recalcitrant Yin Conduit of the Hand is omitted (see p. 83 above). Then a closing summary and count ends this texts (L.S. 1.2b).108 The next text (1,8. 1.2c) is a brief exposition of the acupuncture points of the six yang conduits on the upper chest. Next is a description (1.8. 1.2e) of how tsang and fu are related. This text, like the first, closes by totalling the points it enumerated. L.S. 1.2 ends with a text (L.S. i.2£) advising what sort of acupuncture points to employ in each season. This text also concludes with a totalling summary. If my analysis is correct, then L.S. 1.2 and the identical T.S. 11.1 are compilations of five texts, Prefaced by a fictional dialogue. Since both the Ling shu and the T'ai su include this compilation in a single Blien, it is impossible to confirm this analysis by comparing different editions. A different sort of confirmation can be found by considering the theoretical coherence of this p'ien: does it have the kind of theoretical coherence that we have found to typify texts]? In the introduction (L.S. 1.22) the Yellow Ruperor asks for an explanation of the twelve connecting conduits (ching-1o), but L.S. 1.26 explains only eleven. This 1s precisely the sort of disagreement that we would expect from a compilation of disparate materials rather than @ coherent text. It is precisely the kind of disagreement thet we found between L.S. 3.10b and L.s. 3.10c which we were able to confirm as independent texts109 by comparing editions. It is impossible to be certain why the compiler incorporated this disagreement into his text2. Perhaps he took the introduction (L.S. 1.28) and L.S. 1.2b from different sources. Perhaps he wrote twelve in the introduction because he believed there were twelve ching-lo even though the text he was compiling did not reflect this concept.110 Part 5, Conclusion. At the end of Chapter One I hypothesised that, since the language of the Nei ching remained fairly constant while the apparent format in which that language--the Biien and chuan of the various versions--changed, some hidden format must have remained constant. I designated the units that remained constant as textsy. In this chapter, I have shown that the p'ien of the Nei ching versions are compiled from texts, composed and transmitted individually. The texts remained constant although the combinations in which they appear, the Secondary texts, the p'ien of the different versions, change. The methodology introduced to reveal these texte relies primarily on formal analysis and secondarily on confirmation by substantive analysis. The formal analysis employs up to three criteria( listed on p. 92 above). i, the formal structure ofa text including a) the opening and closing frame, and b) internal formal regularities such as paraliel exposition 2, the repeated appearance of a text in different contexts; andqin 3. the parallel between different texts such as Ma-wang-tui and L.S. 3.10. Substantive analysis confirms, in some cases, that the texts designated as independent on formal grounds are equally distinct in the theories they espouse. It does not deny that two different texts may have similar substance. This last point will be discussed at greater length in Chapter Four. This methodology draws its strength, even its Possibility, from the variety of formats that appear in different versions of the Nei ching. The extent and Variety of materials in these versions that confounds other approaches makes this approach possible. This methodology reveals a second unit of composition in addition to the text itself, the urit of compilation which I have called the secondary text (textz). The Ma-wang-tui manuseripts and some of the Net_ ghing p'ien were compiled from series of texts}. In some cases introductions and transitions between texts were composed in the form of fictional dialogues. In other cases, fictional dialogue is absent. In all cases the Secondary unit of compilation differs from the text, in one crucial respect: it is not independently determined. If we locate a text, in one edition we conclude that it earlier had an existence independent of its present12 context. We predict that we can find it in another edition, in the same context or (more profitably for our Purpese) in a different context. Whatever its context, the form of the text, remains the same: it is determined independently. A compilation, on the other hand, is not determined independently. We cannot predict its existence elsewhere, If we find it elsewhere that gives us some contingent information about the compilation, that it occurred before the division in the tradition that led to the two different editions in which the compilation now appears. Throughout this analysis, form has been stressed over substance. The reasons for this choice ts simple. First of all, it is, as we suggested earlier (note 4 to this chapter), logically untenable to emend a text for a study of its theory by means of a theoretical analysis, Second, by examining the formal frame it is possidle to determine rigorously where the auther intended the text to begin and end. The formal unit can be defined with a minimum of presuppositions. There is no equally certain way to tell what language or theoretical material constitutes a whole. There are no rigorous substantive eriteria that permit us to say that this sentence must be included to make a theory whole, that following sentence must be excluded.113 However, once the textual unit 1s defined on formal grounds, once it is clear that the author intended a given theoretical exposition to form an independent unit, then 4 more rigorous theoretical analysis becomes possible. Such a theoretical analysis should not only confirm the formal conclusions reached so far; it should justify then by showing how the form of a text contributes to the theoretical exposition, In Chapter Three we will consider how form and substance interact in one of the Nei ching texts we have discovered, the conduit text of L.S. 3.10, compare it to the conduit texts fron Ma-wang-tui, and demonstrate the effect of the form of an exposition on the theories enunciated.114 Chapter 3, The Internal Structure of Primary Texts. Part 1. Introduction. In Chapter Two we discovered that certain formal features demarcate primary texts, texts which are integral and independent. Now we will consider how these features function internally within the texty. I will demonstrate that an intensive analysis of form reveals its internal function and also provides an effective way to conduct a theoretical analysis. In fact, analyzing the structure of a text is one of the clearest ways to understand the theory of a text. The more exactly we analyze the hierarchy of structures within a text, the more precisely we can grasp its theoretical hierarchy. Some texts; in the Nei ching are “simple.” They contain a single clear structure which also gives then a unified theoretical stance without internal conflict or inconsistency. other texts, are “complex,” woven from a series of structures. Some are transparently consistent with other structures throughout the text; others appear to contradict the assumptions of” other structures. The author of a “complex” text unifies the text by weaving these structures into a hierarchy in1s which some structures are ascendent or “primary,” over others, In order to make explicit and rigorous the contrasts of structures and the theories they express between and within these three texts, I will employ two new complementary sets of analytic terms. The first set describes the size of structures within a text in three stages. + The overall structure organizes the text and ensures its integrity. In the conduit texts the division into eleven or twelve conduit units organized in a Particular sequence, is part of the overall structure. Titles and subtitles of texts are also part of their overall structure since they*help organize the texts. 2, ‘The intermediate structure organizes and defines the units which make up the overall structure of the text, For example, the structure of each conduit description is an intermediate structure. In some texts such as the conduit texts, the overall structure will be composed of a series of identical or nearly identice! intermediate structures. In other texts there will be a variety of intermediate structures,116 3, ‘The language structure of a text is its chcice of terms and its density of description. These choices of language, particularly for major terms, will often help us to discover the larger structures of the text. It may at first seem curious to designate language as a structure, but, as will become clear, language choices express the same regularities as larger structures. These three structures, viewed externally, form the frame of the text we considered in Chapter Two, Viewed internally, they express the theories of the text A second set of terms expresses the theoretical hierarchy of a text. Each text contains a single primary schema incorporating all the structures in the text which together present its dominant, consistent and coherent argument. This primary schema must incorporate the overall structure; it will also incorporate all the intermediate and language structures in a simple text, or some of them in a complex tert. Complex texts will also contain one or more inconsistent or conflicting secondary Schemata. These schemata will incorporate some of the intermediate end language structures which are inconsistent with the overall structure and the " preponderance of intermedfate and language structures17 consistent with it. In short, they are inconsistent with the primary schemata. To make this a little less abstract, consider the identification of three conduits in “The Yin-yang Classic” as the shoulder, ear and teeth conduits. These identifications are a language structure of the text. The Primary schems of the text includes the designation of all conduits by their yin or yang qualities as well as their location in the leg or arm. The designation of these three conduits by physical features introduces a new organizing structue and thus indicates a second schema. Together these two sets of terms, structures and schenata, describe both the size and the hierarchical relationship of structures within any given text. Once again, contrast is central to my analysis. The contrast will be between the Ling shu and the two conduit texts from Ma-wang-tuf (one of which appears there twice). This chapter is based upon a parallel translation of the three texts which is presented in the appendix to this thesis. The reader should review this translation before continuing and may want to have at hand to consult while proceeding through this chapter. With this translation a background, we will consider the similarities and differences among the texts as well as the consistent and discordant schemata within each text,118 Ecch of the three conduit texts, translated in the appendix, presents the description of eleven or twelve conduits in a different sequence. In order to place parallel sections side by side, I have chosen to follow the sequence of one texty, “The Leg and Arm Classic,” and to reorder the sequence of “The Yin-yang Classic" and L.s. 3.10b to match it. The reason for this choice will becone apparent in the course of this analysis (see p. 157). (The original sequence of the other to texts; is indicated by the number at the beginning of each conduit description. Further, to place parallel portions within each description side by side I have spread the texts where necessary.) The lest section of this chapter will evaluate one standard interpretation of the history of the three conduit texts which considers then as three stages in a unilinear developmental sequence. When such a sequence is considered in light of the analysis of the texts just completed, it is clear that this standard interpretation cannot make sense of the complexities of these texts. This failure will indicate the need for a different explanation of how these texts evolved, which we will Present in Chapter Four.119 Part 2, Analysis of the Three Conduit Texts;. Now we will analyze the structures and schemata of the three texts, according to the three structures ve introduced in part 1 of this chapter: the overall Structure of the texty, the intermediate structure of the individual conduit description, and the language of the conduit description. Throughout we will be looking for what is distinctive about each texty and what they have in common, for how primary schemata control the theoretical exposition of the texts], and for how secondary schemata incorporate different, sometimes even contradictory, theories. 2.a, Overall Structures. 2.ad. Titles. The overall structure of a text, is a mode of organization, The most obvious overall structure is the title. It 1s also the most difficult to deal with, simply because titles have often been created and recreated independently of the text. The titles of the two Ma-wang-tul texts--"The Moxabustion Classic of the Eleven Yin and Yang Conduits” and “The Moxabustion Classic of the120 Eleven Leg and Arm Conduits”--were created by editors after the texts were unearthed in 1973, The editors tell us they created these titles on the model of the “moxabustion classics (chiu ching & 4% y* in the chit dueh 4 BY ana sui shu wz bibliographies. At first, the title of L.s. 3.10, “The Conduits,” would seem much more useful since it dates at least to the T'ang. However, it is impossible to determine whether it dates any earlier. Perhaps it was chosen by the author of L.S. 3,10b, perhaps by the compiler of L.S. 3,10a and b. If the latter, then T'ai su 8.1, the text which consists of these two texts, would Presumably have absorbed the title given these two texts by their compiler. The title cf T.S. 8.1, however, has been lost, and there is no Pre-T'ang use of this title which might help us determine whether this title is intrinsic. We must treat it simple as a name of convenience. This negative conclusion is Salutory in one respect. It suggests the value of the few titles that we can prove are intrinsic to the texts; they nane, “The Leg and Arm Classic” does contain two intrinsic titles, albeit only subtitles. The first half of the text, is preceded by the subtitle "The Legs” and the second half by the subtitle "The Arms." This use of subtitles in “The Leg and Arm Classic” is balanced by the121 Use of a closing line at the end of each subtitled section totalling the number of leg and arm conduits in the texty. These two subtitles and the concluding totels indicate whet the author considered to be the primary Schema of the text; in terms of which the other structures Wete organized--the division of conduits by leg and arm. This schema renders explicit the theory which makes this text coherent. This is the only one of the three texts; to employ this kind of framing device. It should not be too surprising that it is also the most theoretically coherent of the three. Part 2.a.ii. Organization. The subtitles are one aspect of the overall structure; the organization of the eleven or twelve conduit descriptions in these three texts 1s another. The organization of these three texts, can be described as follows: : 3, ‘The "Leg and Arm Classic” presents first the six leg and then the five arm conduits. The sequence is first the three yang conduits of the leg, then the three yin of the leg, the two yin of the arm, and finally the three yang of the arm.ogee 2, "The Yin-yang Classic” presents the three yang of the leg first, followed by the shoulder, ear and tooth conduits, then the three yin of the leg and finally the two yin of the arm. 3. In LS. 3,10b the conduits begin alternately either im the extremities, or in the trunk or head. The terminus of each conduit is near the origin of the next, thereby forming a continuous loop. Yin and yang, leg and arn conduits are mixed together. This sequential presentation of conduit descriptions is interrupted in both "The Leg and Arm Classic” and “The Yin-yang Classic” after the Recalcitrant Yin of the Foor. In "The Leg and Arm Classic” descriptions of the complicating effects of a troubled heart (fanmhein A 7) and of yin or yang influences on ailuents of this conduit are inserted. Each complication concludes with a Prognosis of death or life. A much shorter passage on the same topics is inserted in “The Yin-yang Classic.” In "The Leg and Arm Classic” the Recaleitrant Yin is the jast foot conduit so this description therefore serves as @ conclusion to the first half of the text describing the Jeg couduits. It docs not have any equally noteworthy Position in “The Yin-yang Classic” since this conduit is number eight (in the chia version) or number nine in the yi version).123 The overall structure of these texts, then, is Provided primarily by subtitles, and the sequence of the conduits. The distinct overall structures of the three texts reflect their three different primary schenata. a In "The Leg and Arm Classic” a dichotomy of leg or arm subsumes a dichotomy of yin or yang. Leg conduits are considered more important than arm conduits as indicated by three features: a) the leg conduits are described firs >) there are six leg conduits and only five arm conduit ¢) the section on leg conduits is concluded with a Summary, while the section on arm conduits is not. In "The Yin-yang Classic” a dichotomy of yin or yang subsumes a dichotomy of leg or arm. Again there is a stress on leg conduits over arm, but this is less important than the yin-yang dichotomy. The evidence for this is simply that the sequence of the conduits in the text is set in terms of yin and yang so that the passage which concludes the first half of "The Leg and Arm Classic” appears at the end of conduit 8 (or 9 in version B) where it does not contribute to the balance of the text. It is tempting to argue for @ theoretical predominance of yang over yin124 based on their six-five distribution, but as we shall see in part 3.a,44i, there is another possible explanation for this. 3. In L.S. 3.10b the conduits are placed head to tail in order to provide an uninterrupted cyclical flow of blood and ch'i through the body. Subsumed under this are the same dichotomies of yin-yang and leg-arn. The overall structures of these three texts are composed of the same elements--conduit descriptions. Yet these elements yield three different overall structures and even more different primary schemata. Since primary schenata are composed of intermediate and language structures as well, the differences among the three primary schemata will grow sharper as we consider those structures. 2.a.d4i, The Twelfth Conduit. Before leaving the topic of overall structures, I would like to consider for a moment the issue of how and why overali structures change. One of the most prominent differences among these three texts is the appearance of a twelfth conduit in L.S. 3.10b. Why did this difference occur? The question is impossible to answer conclusively; we cannot even prove which text was composed first.125 Still, it is possible to evaluate the relative merits of various answers to the question “why,” The simplest, and least satisfactory, answer is that the author of L.S. 3,10b began with an eleven-conduit system, and made, or had access to, more sophisticated clinical observations. Therefore he found it necessary to Supplement the eleven conduits with a twelfth and to integrate this addition into the old system. The first of these two steps, the choice to create a twelfth conduit, is certainly possible. But this would not have led by itself to a new integrated twelve-conduit system. The example of L.S. 3,10e demonstrates why. That text lists the branches of fifteen conduits, eleven yin-yang conduits and four others, No attempt was made by the author of that text to integrate the additional four into a comprehensive system even though they clearly supplement the first eleven. This choice by the author of L.$. 3.10e can be, and has been, phrased more generally: no new observation, with all the theoretical choices it nece: arily entails, requires the abolition or alteration of an existing theory.? The same holds true for L.S. 3.10b. Even 4£ the discovery of an additional conduit were involved, discovery is not sufficient to explain a new twelve-conduit theory,126 ‘A different explanation is that the Recalcitrant Yin of the Hand was not added to L.s. 3.10b, but was omitted in the two Ma-wang-tui conduit texts. This would suggest that the physicians who composed these texts organized them into eleven conduits to correspond with the five Fr ———— satisfactory than the last because it acknowledges the importance of a theoretical choice, in this case the choice to link conduits to viscera. However, this explanation is unsatisfactory because there is no indication that conduits are linked to particular viscera in the Ma-wang-tui texts, as they are in L.S. 3.10b. only three of the twenty-two descriptions in these two texts mention a viscera in the course of the conduit.4 tn short, there 4s no evidence that the number eleven was chosen to correspond to the eleven viscera. I believe that the new system of twelve conduits atose from a difference in the understanding of the yinyang teras, specifically the term chiieh-yin fin PZ. In the Ma-wang-tui texts, chiieh-yin is applied only to conduits in the legs. This may have been because the idea of a chileh-yin conduit of the arm was intrinsically contradictory, One meaning of chiieh is a condition arising in the foot and therefore it is difficult to127 conceive how a yin conduit designated by chiieh might course through the arm.5 There 1s no evidence in the Nei ching to indicate the antiquity of this meaning or whether it antedates other meanings of chiieh which might have justified a ghiieh-yin conduit of the arm. But the absence of this conduit from the arm in the Ma-wang-tui texts suggests this meaning does antedate their composition and explains the choice to locate chiieh-yin only in the leg. The term chifeh-yin could only be applied to an ara conduit after a new interpretation of chiieh became current. This occurred when new systematic explanations of the cycle of six yin and yang forces were created during the Han. In these explanations chieh-yin vas not interpreted as a characteristic of the foot or leg conduits. It was interpreted, in light of other, more general, conceptions, to mean exhaustion or inversion or reversion.© This interpret. ion was applied to ailmente and to conduits of the arm and leg which were designated as chiieh-yin. This was only one of several instances in which physicians structured their phystology according to such cyclical theories, Thus, for example, the use of stems end branches in L.S. 3.10c or the use of the five Phases in S.W. 1.4 or 7.13.128 It is possible, even plausible, to treat the difference between the eleven conduits described in the Ma-wang-tui texts and the twelve described in 1.S. 3.10 as the product of changes in the conception of medicine over the centuries between roughly 200-300 B.C,, when the three extant Ma-wang-tui texts were copied, and A.D. 260, which Provides a terminus ad quem for L.S. 3.10b due to its inclusion in the Chia-yi ching.? However, this requires us to assume that L.S. 3.10b was composed last. There is simply no way to prove this. In retrospect this chronology appears reasonable because the conception of twelve conduits enunciated in L.S. 3.10b became orthodox whiie the conception of eleven conduits died out. But this construction is only reasonable. Another reasonable scenario is that the Ma-wang-tui texts were composed by physicians who felt the leg conduits were more important, hence should be more humerous, and that L.S. 3.10b was composed by a contemporary more widely read in philosophy, who therefore employed the currently fashionable cyclic theories, But, finally, neither scenario is provable. Both are based more on our knowledge about the later reception of these texte than the date or circumstances of their original composition. We are left with the near certainty that the appearance of the chiieh~yin conduit of the arm in L.S.129 3.10b was the result of theoretical conceptions. Whether these conceptions appeared contemporary with or subsequent to the eleven conduit theories we cannot tell. Té the origins of the twelfth conduit can only be answered in such vague terms, why indulge in the question at all? I would argue that this question is significant, because it requires us to confront three issues at the center of the Nei ching problem. Firse, our answer to this question demonstrates again how structure is intrinsically theoretical. This is the basis of our entire structural analysis. To propose or alter a structure requires a theoretical insight, not Simply a discovery, Thus the clear link between structure and schema. Second, considering the theoretical insight which led to the twelve conduit system and how it may have cecurred reveals how the historian'’s preconceptions may influence his choices. We saw this in Chapter Gne in considering Lin Yi's analysis of the Ling shu and Chen ching (pp. 39-42), Third, attempting to answer this question rewinds us that our structural analysis is designed to produce a history, a description not just of texts, but first of people composing and handling texts, In Chapters Four and Five we will see that our structural analysis does lead to a history.130 2.b, The Intermediate Structures Descriptions, Intermediate structures are the constituent parts of the text, the building blocks of the overall structure. In these three texts, the intermediate structures are the son descriptions of individual conduits. These intermediate structures exhibit a general similarity in form and content, within which each text displays certain distinctive differences. This general similarity can be expressed in terms of an ideal model form: the model description begins by naming the conduit in teras of the limb it travels through and that conduit's yin or yang quality; then it traces the course of the conduit from the extremities inward; and, finally, it lists the ailments associated with that conduit. Each text alters this model in certain ways which suggest its distinctive theoretical approach. “The Leg and Arm Classic” describes the course of each of ite eleven conduits beginning from the extremity to the head or trunk. In two cases, the Greater Yang of the Leg and the Lesser Yang of the Leg, it adds the description of the branches of the conduit. Then it describes the ailments of the conduit. Each description ends with an identical brief prescription for treating theilinesses listed. The intermediate structure of this text differs from the model in two Tespects: it lists branches for two conduits and it closes with a prescription. “The Yin-yang Classic” describes nine of its conduits from the extremity inward. Two others, the Greater Yin of the Leg and the Shoulder Conduit, flow out to the extremities. This text then divides illnesses into two categories--those caused externally which affect (tung $77) the conduit (exogenous), and those produceé by the conduit (endogenous). The description of illnesses Produced by each conduit concludes by noting the total number of these illnesses. This text differs from the model in three respects: it describes two conduits as flowing outwards from the center of the body; it divides the ailments of each conduit into two categories; and it concludes the second category of ailments by totalling then. L.S. 3,10b provides the most complex description of the conduits. It begins by including a fu in the name of each of the six yang conduits and a teang in the name of each of the six yin conduits. Since there are generaily considered to be only five teang, 2 sixth must be invented. It is the pericardium (hein-pao ny A) assigned to the Recaleitrant Yin of the Hand. Then L.s. 3.10b describes the conduits alternately flowing inward132 and outward. In this way the flow is maintained unbroken. For each conduit, ranches are described and the two viscera to which the conduit is attached (104/48) and subordinate (su E> are named. Then the exogenous and endogenous illnesses of the conduit are listed. For each conduit ai identical prescription is provided, which is different from, and longer than, the one in “The Leg and Arm Classic.” Finally, the pulses characteristic of repletion or depletion of the ch'i in each conduit are described to assist diagnosis. Although this third text adheres to the ideal model we enunciated above, it Provides additional information at almost every step. Another way to compare these variations is by counting the number of divisions in the conduit descriptions of each text. Descriptions in “The Leg and Arm Classic” are divided into three parts: the course of the conduits, ailments, and treatment. In “The Yin-yang Classic” they are divided into three different parts: the course of the conduits, exogenous illnesses, and endogenous illnesses. Descriptions in L.S. 3.10b are divided into five parts: the conduit course, exogenous flinesses, endogenous illnesses, treatment, and diagnosis. Like overall structures, intermediate structures contribute to the primary schemata of these three texts. They render the primary schena of each text more dense and133 complex. For example: 1, In "The Leg and Arm Classic," the primary schema of leg and arm, yin and yang, we now see, also incorporates @ flow inward along single-line conduits from the extremities, a specified set of illnesses (of unspecified origin) for each conduit, and a uniform treatment for all illnesses. 2, In "The Yin-yang Classic,” the primary schema of yin end yang, leg and arm incorporates a flow inward along single-line conduits from the extremities, as well as exogenous and endogenous illnesses for each conduit. 3 In LS. 3,10b, the primary schema of cyclic flow through yin and yang, leg and arm conduits imeorporates branching conduits, each linked with yin and yang viscera, exogenous and endogenous illesses, and pulses characteristic of repletion and depletion. The primary schemata of these texts reveal the consistent theoretical stance of each text created by its structure. As each schema becomes more complex, the way in which structure create: consistency from not necessarily congruent elements becomes clearer. So too do the differences among the schemata of the three texts.134 Not only do these intermediate structures reveal differences among the three texts, they reveal Anconsistencies with two of them as well. In the same way thet structural consistency enebled us to define prinazy schemata, inconsistency reveals secondary schemata. Secondary schemata appear in both the Ma-wang-tui texts. "The Leg and Arm Classic,” for example, provides branches for two of its conduits. This does not fit the assumption throughout the rest of the text that conduits do not have branches, and it is therefore a secondary schema, 2 “The Yin-yang Classic,” on the other hand, reverses the course of two different conduits so that they low outward to the extremities. This, too, violates the conception of inward flow throughout the rest of the text and is therefore a secondary schema. These secondary schema can thus be discovered by locating structural inconsistencies, not by applying our judgments of which theories fit together. Branches in "The Leg and Arm Classic” and inward flow in “The Yin-yang Classic” are secondary because they violate structural consistency. In 1.8. 3.10b they are primary because they are consistent Parte of the structure.135 2.c. The Language Structures of the Three Conduit Texts. The language of these three texts reveals yet again the considerable similarities and distinctive differences between their primary schemata. In addition, an analysis of this Language provides the best indication of secondary Schemata in at lesst two of the texts. We will analyze first the similarities among the texts, then the differences, and finally the secondary schemata within the texts. This analysis will demonstrate what we asserted in the introduction to this chaper: language adheres to the Same regularities as overall and intermediate structures and therefore should be considered a structure. Both the vocabulary and syntax of these three texts are strikingly similar. In fact it was the almost identical lenguage in which an ailment was described in “The Yin-yang Classic" and L.S. 3.10b that 1ed to comparing them. This similarity extends to the names for most body parts, movements of conduits and ailments. For example, heien ZA is the standard term for the nape of the neck, Ch'u H{ is the standard term of a conduit appearing oF coming near the surface. Each text uses the same vord for conduit, moAi&, never ching-no. What seems to be the most glaring exception to this, the appearance -€ the word136 transcribed as wen jl, replacing no in “The Leg and Arn Classic,” turns out to be simply an orthographic variation.9 Still, there are a fev acteworthy differences in thé terminology of these texts. Four of them appear in Ls, 3.10b: 1+ Each conduit is described as “arising (ch'i0)" or beginning at some point before it first appears (ghtu). "The Leg and Arm Classic” and “The Yin-yang Classic” begin each conduit only with its first appearance (ch'u), so this addition of ch'i in L.s. 3.10b indicates that it 1s providing more information. 2. Each conduit is then described as “subordinate to (shu)" the tsang or fu in its title; and 3. “attached to (1o)" the complementary viscera. If it is subordinate to a tsang, as a yin conduit would be, it is attached to a fu, and vice-ver: 4. As in the other two texts, each conduit is described 48 passing or transversing parts of the body. But unlike those texts, the L.S. 3.10b list includes a class of body parts whose names have no innediately Tecognizable anatomical correlation. For example, conduits pass the"Great Greeting (ta-ying K TP)" in the neck and the “Guest Master (k'o chun jen”137 EA)" in the temple. these are shu-hsuen $4) 73, or places where the conduit and its ailments can be treated by acupuncture or moxabustion, Lu and Needham call them “transmission points” although they acknowledge that heueh has more the sense of a cavity,l0 Their suggestion of « cavity is apropos and I will therefore refer to shu-hsueh as ee “transmission cavities.” The appearance of these four sets of terus suggests a crucial distinction between the primary schemata of L.S. 3.10b and of the two Ma-wang-tu texts. The primary schema of L.S. 3.10b presents the conduits enmeshed in a functional web with a complex series of body parts, some immediately locatable, others not.11 Among the more difficult to locate are those which have no visible mark on the body, such as the viscera, the point of arising, and the transmission cavities. All of these “body parts" influence the health and functioning of the conduits which influence the health and functioning of these “body parts” in turn. By contrast, the conduits described in the Ma-wang-tui texts do not flow through such a web, they simply pass by a series of easily locatable anatomical road marks. Another difference among the schemata of these texts is how densely the course of various conduits are138 described, and how many ailments are listed as related to then. The following table summarizes that information. It is organized according to the sequence of conduits in “The Leg and Arm Classic” as is the translation provided in the Appendix.139 Table 1: Conduit Locations and Atiments "The Leg & Arm Classic"| “The Yin-yang Classic’| LS. 3.10b Placeg I1lnesses Blaceg © I1lnesses | Places I1inesses Passed Passed Passed Le Main Moved Main Moved Gofaute | +heancn #Produces titanch +Broducea Names Total total “Total total Greater 943-12 15 10 8+12=208 16+13=29 8+17=25b ang hesser 545-10 16 4 4412-166 20424=44 74189254 ‘ang Yang 8 22 8 6+10=16¢ 23414=37 13425=38f Brightness Lesser 8 12 5 124108228 17+3=20 © 8+13=21h mn Greater 5 10 3 5410915 1643919 74128194 a Recalei~ 6 5 8 s+4=93 2346829 6+7=13k trant Yin Total 39 70 38 4045797 [1354634198 494+92=141 Average [9.83 11.66 6.33 6.6/9.5 22.5/30,5 8.16/15,66 8 Hib.16 733 7388s140 Table 1: Conduit Locations and Ailments (cont.) “The Leg & Arm Classic” | "the Yin-yang Classic’ L.S. 3.10b — IRiaces Illnesses Places Illnesses | Places Tlines Passed Passed Passed Aro Main Moved Main Moved Conduite —feBranch +Produces ¢Branch © +Produces Names roral =Toral “Total =Total Greater 4 al 5 Ereerry 1543918 441125" Yin Lesser 4 1 4 4n1es 154318 344=70 Yin Great Yang| 5 2 5 S+4=9P 16+10=26 —5+9"1449 (Shourder: Yeager Yang 3 2 5 24355 13411924 349=22F ang 5 a 7 245-7 1547=22 248108 prlfheness Teeth) Byhausted 4412916 B43=12t Total laa 8 26 © 15418=33 78+46=124 254+44=69 Average — [4.2 1.6 5.2 3/3.6/6.6 13/7,66° 4,16/7.33 be 720.66 fits141 Note: Notes to Table 1 A table similar to this one appears on p. 167 of Chung-yi yen-chiu-yuan yi-shih wen-hsien yerrehiu-shih 2H AR PR, RL ARE “Eslung san-chung ku ching-mo wen-hsien k'an ghing-lo heueh-shuo t1 heing-ch'eng ho facchan, KA SAP A 48 fie x BR 82 48 F ae, 69 A AL AOE FR” 2 Wurshih-erh ping-fang, pp. 141-178. on pp. 168-174 is a list of the conduit courses and illnesses in the three texts as the Chinese Academy has determined them. In this case, the Chinese Academy concluded that “The Yin-yang Classic" lists ten illnesses if the conduit is moved. They do this by supposing that the four missing characters are two two-character illnesses (p, 171). There 1s no way to be certain of this, Eight illnesses are in the current text.142 Notes to Table 1 (con Notes to Table 1 (cont.) The Chinese Acadeny counts the phrase “this is Yecalcitrance of the knee” as an illness, and thereby counts mine illnesses if the conduit is moved. I will explain later in this chapter (p. 151) why I believe this is inappropriate. The Chinese Academy counts “this is yang Fecaicitrance” as an illness, and thereby finds five illnesses if the conduit is moved. The Chinese Academy counts the phrase “the illness Produced by the bone,” but combines yelling and Pain in the center of the collar bone” as well as “pain in...the outer ankles and all the joints The first is not an illness (as observed in note b) and the two pairs should each be counted as two. The Chinese Academy counts ten “moved” i11nesses by breaking the story of the wood-sound illness into four illness, but not counting “this is Tecaleitrance of the shinbone.”143 Notes to Table 1 (cont.) Notes to Table 1 (cont.) The Chinese Academy counts eleven “moved” illnesses by combining “a cold appearance and shivering” as well as “noises of gastric expansion and the abdomen swells" which I count as two each. The Chinese Academy counts nine “moved” illnesses by counting “his heart seems cut off, illness and hunge: "as one, which I count as three, and by counting “ch'i is insufficient, extreme anger” as one, which I count as two. The Chinese Academy counts nine “moved” illnesses by breaking “If his ch'i is insufficient he feels extremely fearful as 1f men were coming to seize hin” into two illnesses. They count fourteen “produced” illnesses by adding “illness produced by the kidney.” The Chinese Acadeny counts thirteen “produced” illnesses by adding "illnesses produced by the spleen.”144 Notes to Table 1 (cont.) i The Chinese Academy counts five “produced” illnesses by counting the two missing characters as one illness. The Chinese Academy counts five “moved” ilinesses by combining “pain in the waist" and “inability to bend over." They count seven “produced” illnesses as I do, but they add “produced by the liver” and then combine “inability to urinate” and “inability to digest.” The Chinese Academy counts three illnesses by splitting “heart troubied and (erh iff] ) sighing.” The Chinese Acadeny counts four “moved” illnesses by treating “this is recalcitrance of the arm” as an illness. The Chinese Academy counts five “moved” illnesses by adding “recaleitrance of the arm." They count thirteen “produced” illnesses by dividing “coughing” and “panting,” then combining “panting” and “thirst,” and finally splitting “the lesser ch'i is145 Notes to Table 1 (cont) rr insufficient to rest" from “the color of the urine changes." The Chinese Academy counts four "moved" illnesses by adding “this is recaleitrance of the arm." They count five “produced” iilnesses by adding “illnesses born of the heart.” The Chinese Academy counts only four “moved” illnesses by combining “swelling of the chin” and “inability to turn the head.” The Chinese Academy counts four “moved” illnesses by combining “swelling in the chin" and “inability to turn the head" in this text as well. They count ten “produced” illnesses by adding “illnesses born of the fluids.” The Chinese Academy counts ten “produced” illnesses by adding “ilinesses born of the ch'i .”146 Notes to Table 1 (cont) The Chinese Acadeny counts nine “produced” {11nesse. by adding “illnesses born of the body fluids." The Chinese Academy counts four “produced” illnesses by adding “illnesses born of the conduits147 Examining this table yields six conclusions about the relative emphasis of these three texts which further refine further our understanding of these texts’ primary schemata. a L.S. 3.10b is more detailed than either Ma-vang-tut text, as expected since L.S. 3.10b has a more complex intermediate structure and a larger Vocabulary than the two texts found at Ma-wang-tut. “The Leg and Arm Classic" describes the course of the conduits in more detail than "The Yin-yang Classic." This was also to be expected since "The Leg and Ara Classic" describes two branch conduits while "The Yin-yang Classic” describes none. This Suggests, in turn, that the stress on conduits in the primary schenata is related in some way to the Second schemata of branch conduits. We will consider the nature of that relationship in Part 4 of this chapter. Conversely, “The Yin-yang Classic,” which distin~ guishes exogenous and endogenous illnesses, liste illnesses in more detail than “The Leg and Arn Classic.” "The Leg and Arm Classic” describes leg conduits in tore detail than arm conduits. Each leg conduit Passes an average of 9.83 places and hes 11.56148 illnesses while each arm conduit passes an average of only 4.2 places and has only 1.6 illnesses. This confirms the stress on leg conduits we identified as part of the primary schema of this text. The same emphasis on leg conduits over arm conduits appears throughout “The Yin-yang Classic.” Each leg conduit averages 6.33 places and 16.16 i1lnesse. each arm conduit averages 5.2 places and 6.6 illnesses which confirms the primary schema we identified in this text. This same emphasis appears in L.S. 3.10b even though it is not clearly structured in terms of arms and legs as was “The Yin-yang Classic." The leg conduits average 33 places and 23.5 illnesses while the arm conduits average 20.66 places and 11.5 illnesses. Conclusions one through five are not surprising in light of what we had learned of these three texts by studying their overall and intermediate structures. The first five conclusions confirm what we learned earlier about the primary schemata of these texts. Conclusion six is surprising since it reveals an aspect of the primary schema of 1.3. 3.10b which is not apparent in its overall or intermediate structures.149 All six conclusions demonstrate that language, too, is a structure, that it expresses the sane regularities as overall and intermediate structures. In some ways language structures are the most revealing of the three since the choice of terms and of descriptive density enables us to detect finer differences among the schemata of the three texts. 2.4. Secondary Schemata. The regularities of language structure reveal primary schemata ascertainable in no other way. Structural irregularities of language, particularly of vocabulary, reveal equally surprising secondary schenata. Three appear in "The Yin-yang Classic,” two in L.S. 3.10b, and none in “The Leg and Arm Classic.” We will consider each in turn and then consider the signficance of second schemata in general. "The Yin-yang Classic” contains the most readily apparent second schema of all. Three conduits, the Shoulder, the Ear and the Tooth, replace conduits which we would expect to be designated Yang Conduits of the Arm. This expectation is based on: (1) The three yang conduits of the arm are missing, replaced by these three; and150 (2) the Shoulder, Ear and Teeth Conduits respectively Tesenble most closely the Great Yang, Lesser Yang and Yang Brightness Conduits of the Arm in “The Leg and Arm Classic.” These designations have nothing in common with any other Structure in this text and are grouped together in one quarter of this text. This seems to set these three descriptions apart from the other eight even though they share a common primary schema. The second example of an unusual designation appears in the ee this is the stomach conduit (shih wet-mo 2 B Ale inserted between the title of “The Greater Yin Conduit of the Leg” and the description of the conduit's course. No other conduit has this sort of ~ Secondary designation following the conduit title. This designation does not link the conduit to a prominent surface feature as the terms shoulder, ear and tooth do, but rather to a viscera, a fu, and for that reason it seens to manifest a different secondary schemata. Nor is this an isolated use of the same viscera designations used throughout L.S. 3.10b. If it were, “The Greater Yin of the Leg” would be identified with the spleen (ot AR) and the stomach with "The Yang Brightness of the Leg.”15h The third secondary schena revealed by the Vocabulary of “The Yin-yang Classic" appears at the end of the exogenous illnesses (tung-ping) listed for siz Conduits. In each the exogenous illnesses as a group are attributed to the “recalcitrance of x (teu wet x eniien we By x FR)” since the only thing these ilinesses share is the conduit which affects them, x aust be another Way of identifying that conduit. These sdentifications are provided in table 2, Table 2: Recaleitrance Illnesses in “The Yin-yang Classic” Conduit Source of Recalcitrance The Greater Yang of the Leg the knee The Lesser Yang of the Leg yang The Yang Brightness of the Leg the shinbone The Lesser Yin of the Leg the bone The Greater Yin of the Arm the arm The Lesser Yin of the Are the arm All of the terms in this series seem to be general physiological or quality designations. None of these terms makes particular sense as a complement to the names152 these conduits are given in “The Yin-yang Classic.” This raises the very basic question of where this secondary schema came from. To go one step further, the three different Secondary schemata ve have just found in “The Yin-yang Classic” seem to have come from different places. Three factors suggest this conclusion: 1. each designation is of a different physical order-- surface feature, viscera, general body part or quality; each appears in a different portion of the conduit description; none of the terms from any two series are applied to a single conduit. Tf this conclusion 4s correct, then it suggests further that this text may be a composite, and that, by extension, all complex texts may be composites. With that suggestion im mind, we will consider language structures revealing secondary schemata in L.S. 3,10b. L.S. 3.10b also designates conduits in two ways that reveal secondary schema. The first is the same series of six {dentifications, "this is recaicitrance of x” et the end of the list of exogenous illnesses, which appears ia "The Yin-yang Classic." We have already seen that 1.S. 3,10b and “The Yin-yang Classic” are similar in a number153 of ways. They have a number of primary schemata in common. They both include a stress on leg over arm conduits although their overall structures do not reveal it. This is the first case in which the two texts share a common secondary schena. The second series of identifications in L.S. 3.106 also appears in the list of illnesses, this time anong the endogenous illnesses (sheng-ping). We mentioned earlier that the tsang or £u to which each conduit in L.S. 3.10b is subordinate is included in its name. The first endogenous illness of the orignal tsang conduits ts “tliness produced by the tsang (x suowsheng ping AF A But for the conduits subordinate to the sixth tsang and the six fu, the viscera is not named as Producing endogenous illness, but instead another factor is identified as the cause, as shown in table 3 below.154 Table 3. Other Causes of Endogenous Illnesses in L.$. 3.106 Fiace in L.S. Conduit Name 3.10 Sequence Cause Yang Brightness Conduit 2 body juices of the Hand & Large Intestine (chiu_yeh 5? 4g) Yang Brightness Conduit 3 blood fluids of the Leg & Stomach Greater Yin Conduit 6 fluids, of the Hand & Small Intestine (yeh 9B) Greater Yin Conduit 7 sinews of the Leg & Bladder Recaleitrant Yin Conduit 9 conduits (mo) of the Hand & Pericardium Lesser Yang Conduit 10 oh't of the Hand & Tricalorum Lesser Yang Conduit un bone of the Leg & Gall Bladder See So far as I can tell, the physical features that produce the illnesses of these seven conduits do not in any way parallel the viscera with which the conduits are associated. Nor do they complement the five teang in any apparent way. In short, these seven terms identify conduits in ways that do not fit the primary schema of LS. 3.10b.155 2.e, Possible Origins of Secondary Schemata. Before leaving L.S. 3.10b, I would like to return to ny Suggestion that different secondary schemata come from different sources. Since the two secondary schemata in L.S. 3.10b concern two different classes of illnesses it is difficult to judge if they are compatible, but the-use of one designation they share suggests they are incompatible. “The bone," which we have just seen Produces endogenous illnesses in the Lesser Yang of the leg, is identified as recalcitrance, an exogenous iliness, in the Lesser Yin of the Leg. If these two secondary schemata are, in fact, incompatible, then we must consider that L.S. 3.10b is also a composite. As we mentioned earlier, “The Leg and Arm Classic” contains no secondary schema revealed by irregularities of language. This means it has only one secondary schera, the appearance of branches for two conduits, and is the least complex of these three complex texts. This may mean it has the simplest origins, the fewest sources, of any of the three texts. To consider the implications of this Possibility we must turn from the structure to the history of these three texts.156 For Number Sequence Only.157 Part 3. One History of Three Texts. Now that we have described the three conduit texts and their structures in detail, we can pose the question that has lurked just beneath the surface of our description: what caused these three texts to resemble one another in the ways they did? The members of the Medical History Documents Seminar of the Chinese Academy of Medicine (Chung-yi yen~chiu-yuan icshih wen-hsien yen-chiu-shin ch EE eq Up PR EP XBR aa BB) has described the relationship of these three texts quite simply. They have concluded that there is a sequential development from “The Leg and Arm Classic” through “The Yin-yang Classic” to L.S. 3.10b.12 They do not contend explicitly that this line of development was composed only of these three texts, but this seems to be their basic conception, For example, they say that 1.s. 3.10 aitezed (kai ZX) “The yin-yang Classic"'s arrangement of the conduits. That text also altered (kai) the arrangement in “The Leg and Arm Clessic."13 vhese scholars have also stated that “The Yin-yang Classic” suppleménted and corrected (pucch'ung heiu-ting RH Hr, 48 ED) tne description of s11nesses in “The Leg and Ara 14 Classic.This simple conception seems remarkably conmon- Sensical, persuasive, even elegant. However, once we try to explain how such a unilinear sequence could have Produced the kinds of primary and second structures these three texts contain, it collapses. This conception has a nusber of crucial flaws, and, as a result, seriously nisrepresents the history of these texts. Understanding these flaws leads to a new hypothesis concerning the origin of these three texts. The schema proposed by the Chinese Academy of Medicine can be presented either literally, or it can be Presented stripped of those features we are already certain are false. The literal case argues that these three texts lead directly from one to anotier. To prove this arguement would require extra-textual evidence, but mo external evidence has been adduced which leads to such @ conclusion. Furthermore, it strains the imagination to conceive how the sorts of diffe: mees among these texts might have been produced by a physician directly studying and altering one of these texts to produce another. The literal case also assumes that L.S. 3.10 is a unified whole. As we saw in Chapter Two, this belief is untenable. The stripped-down case proposes simply a unilinear Sequence from “The Leg and Arm Classic” to “The Yin-yang Classic” to L.S. 3.10b, with other texts possibly159 intervening between any two, It is this stronger case which we will consider, The argument for this unilinear development can be analyzed into a series of five argument: 1. “The Yin-yang Classic" {s more advanced than “The Leg and Arm Classic 2, the features of “The Yin-yang Classic" developed from "The Leg and Arm Classic;” 3,-1.8. 3,105 is more advanced than “The Yin-yang Classic:” 4, the features of L.s. 3,10b developed from “The Yin-yang Classic;" 5. a text which is theoretically more complex, theoretically more consistent, and factually more detailed ts more advanced. The Chinese Academy offers and defends explicitly only the first and third of these five arguments; the other three are assumed. I have deduced these assumed arguments based on the assertions by the Academy that each text altered the one before it, and because without them the argument for a linear sequence collapses. The evidence which the Academy adduces to show thet “The Yin-yang Classic” is more advanced than “The Leg and Arm Classic” is the appearance of two conduits, the Greater Yin of the Leg, and the Shoulder, which flow from160 the trunk and head to the extremities.l5 There is nothing intrinsic in these conduits or their direction of flow that makes them more advanced; presumably they are considered more advanced as precursors of L.S. 3.10b, where half of the conduits flow out to the extremities so that ali of the conduits are linked together. The inherent uncertainty of this argument is compounded by two problems of fact: 1, neither of the two conduits proceeding to the extremities in he Yin-yang Classic” does so in L.S. 3.10b5 2. neither of the two conduits proceeding to the extremities in "The Yin-yang Classic” connects head-to-tail with the conduits before or after it. Therefore, even if we were willing to consider “The Yin-yang Classic" more advanced than "The Leg and Arm Classic" if it presaged L.s. 3.10, we would have to concede that "The Yin-yang Classic” does not lead to L.S. 3,10b. This arguement then cannot support the assertion that “The Yin-yang Classic” is more advanced than “The Leg and Ara Classic.” In addition, if we accept argument five above, least three features of "The Leg and Arm Classic" make it Seem more advenced than “The Yin~yang Classic:” 1. ft traces the conduits in more detail;161 2. it is more systematically structured, without the intrusion of three conduits whose names violate the primary schema; and 3. it indicates how to treat illnesses of the conduit, Still, “The Yin-yang Classic” is more detailed and systematic in its description of illnesses. It appears impossible to conclude which one of these texts is the more advanced. Thus, the initial argument necessary to support the vailinear sequence proposed by the Chinese Acadeny collapses. The second argument, that the features of “The ¥in-yang Classic" developed from “The Leg and Ara Classic,” fares no better. They did not. Certainly the overall structure of “The Yin-yang Classic"--the eleven conduits-- appears in “The Leg and Arm Classic." It is even possible that one of these texts nay have derived this structure from the other,16 But, what about the four Secondary schemata we noticed in "The Yin-yang Classic"? They were: 1, the names of the Shoulder, Ear and Tooth Conduits; 2, the reversal of two conduits; 3. the identification of one conduit as the stomach conduit; and 4 the identification of six conduits with, the quality which produces exogenous diseases when it becomes162 recalcitrant. Where did they cone from? The Chinese Acadeny speculates that, in the case of the first secondary schena, “The Yin-yang Classic” preserves an earlier textual stage. Presumably the same holds true for the other four. But that earlier stage is not in “The Leg and Arm Classic,” nor did it lead to that classic. Apparently then "The Yin-yang Classic” is, at best, only partially a development from "The Leg and Arm Classic.” The third of the Academy's arguments, that 1.s. 3.108 is more advanced than “The Yin-yang Classic,” appears far easier to support than the first two. The overall structure of L.S. 3.10b is moze consistent; the Structure of individual descriptions and the language of these descriptions are more informative. Perhaps, then, there is a unilinear sequence at least from “The Yin-yang Classic” to L.S. 3.10b. If so, then the fourth argument might be correct, that the features of 1.8. 3.10b developed from “The Yin-yang Classic.” We have already Seen one flaw when we considered the assumption that “The Yin-yang Classic” is more advanced than “The Leg and Arm Ciassic™ (pp. 159-160). If the features of L.S. 3.10b developed from “The Yin-yang Classic,” then the division of conduits into six which flow toward the extremities and six which flow from them linked head-to-tail should have163 developed from the appearance of two conduits flowing toward the extremities in “The Yin-yang Classic.” But, Since neither of these two link head-to-tail with the conduits around them or flow the same way in L.S. 3.10b, it is impossitic to accept that this feature of 1.5. 3.10b developed from “The Yin-yang Classic.” This problem casts doubt on the link between the two texts, That doubt increases when we compare the specific information contained in the two texts. Although L.s. 3.10b is far more detailed and specific, it still omits a substantial portion of the information in “The Yin-yang Classic.” For example, in its description of the Greater Yang of the Leg, L.S. 3.10b lists only 80% of the conduit jocations contained in “The Yin-yang Classic,” even though in total it lists three times as many locations. In describing the exogenous and endogenous illnesses of this conduit, L.$.3,10b lists 63% and 66% respectively of those contained in “The Yin-yang Classic” even though it includes more illnesses than that classic. These two features--the different choice of conduits to direct toward the extremities and the different selection of conduit routes and illnesses meke it very unlikely that the variety of new features in L.S, 3.10b that were described in Part 3 of this chapter developed from “The Yin-yang Classic.”164 Accepting a unilinear sequence of development from “The Leg and Arm Classic" through “The Yin-yang Classic” to L.S. 3.10b poses one final difficulty: if there were a unilinear sequence, the features of “The Leg and Arm Classic" which are also present in L.S. 3.10b must have Feached L.S. 3,10b via “The Yin-yang Classic.” Specifically, the names for the yang arm conduits and the Prescriptions which are used in “The Leg and Arm Classic” and L.S. 3,10b, but missing in “The Yin-yang Classic,” would have had to have reached L.S, 3.10 via “The Yin-yang Classic." With this argument, the proposed unilinear Sequence dissolves into impossibility. Having eliminated the possibility of 2 unilinear Sequence between the three texts, we must still somehow explain why and how there is so much similarity among them. ‘Sureiy they are related to each other, but how? we must account for features which a unilinear sequence fails to explain. For example: ~ How can two related texts, such as “The Yin-yang Classic” and “The Leg and Arm Classic," each be more sophisticated in different areas? ~ How can one asnect of the primary schema in “The Yin-yang Classic," the stress on leg conduits, also appear in “The Leg and Arm Classic,” while four other aspects do not? :165 ~ How does L.S. 3.10b contain features of "The Leg and Arm Classic” absent from "The Yin-yang Classic"? ~ How can L.S. 3.10b be both more advanced than " he Yin-yang Classic" and yet omit information contained in thet text? In short, any new theory we create must make sense of the complex structures we have found in these texts; it must explain how these texts are related, but only through certain structures they share in common. The new theory which I believe will fulfill these Tequirements involves a multilinear sequence incorporating these three texts, as well as others. The multilinear Sequence would establish both of the Ma-wang-tui texts as direct predecessors of L.S. 3.10. To explain the similarities and differences between “The Leg and Arm Classic” and "The Yin-yang Classic" we must consider that there were strata of texts prior to these two. In some cases both would have derived some common structure from a Single text in these prior strata, hence their similarities. In other cases, they would have derived structures from different texts, producing the differences between them. This fits quite well the explanation we Suggested earlier (see pp. 152) to account for the origins of the secondary structures of “The Yin-yang Classic,” as165 well as the origin we proposed for the recalcitrant Yin Conduit of the arm, This new multilinear sequence can be understood as a kind of geneology in which every texty is descended from several parents and ancestors. This requires one qualification: a text; may be the product of any number of immediate parents or more distant ancestors; it is not necessarily produced “bisexually." To prove this kinship structure we must show that the earlier strata of texts we hypothesized do in fact exist. We must show exactly how the different generations of texts are linked together. This is the task for Chapter Four.167 Chapter 4. Textual Lineages in the Nei ching. Part 1. Introduction, We now begin the second phase of our study, In the first phase we took the Nef ching apart to discover the independent first-order texts (téxts,) which preserved the language in the Nei ching compilation (textz), We then discovered that the texts were not necessarily simple entities, They too could be composites formed from Structures of diverse origins. The coherence of these texts, then was hierarchical, not absolute--unified, not unitary. Now we will attempt to rediscover the historical Sequence of texts that produced complex texts which then combined into textsz. I will show that the sequence multilinear, Each text; draws from several before and is drawn on by several after it. The result is several series of texts each composed of several generations of several texts. In order to establish these sequences, we must discover precisely how each text reveals its descent from Previous texts. Since we derived this hypothesis from an analysis of textual structures, it is to them we will now turn to find how texts reveal their history. We will find they do this by encapsulating and integrating structures168 of antecedent texts into their own structures (as defined in Chapter Three). These structures are not merely similar; they are usually identical, or nearly so. They are not semblances of some part of the ancestral texts; they are that part, that structure itself, lifted and made Part of the descendant text. These structures are, in effect, fossils that esteblish the link between ancestral and descendant texts. It 4s possible to argue that most, or even all, Structures in the Nei ching texts; are fossils. Certainly that is implicit in the comparison of the three conduit texts that I conducted in the last chapter. In order to Prove this point, however, it is necessary to focus first on those fossils which are incorporated into one or more of their descendant texts in ways that explicitly reveal their origin in a prior text. For that reason I will concentrate on those fossils which are set into texts by means of structures which cleariy announce their origins. By tracking these fossils as they appear in a number of Nei ching texts we will be able to develop an inventory of Structures by which texts incorporate the remaius of an earlier text into their own theore! cal structure. We will call those earlier texts “ancestral texts” and those later texts which incorporate their remains “descendant texts." Those structures which incorporate fossils, or169 vestigial remains, we will designate as “linking structures,” and the groups of texts which are linked together as ancestral and descendant texts we will call “lineages.” The initial demonstration of how these linking Structures reveal lineages will focus on L.S. 3,10b and the conduit texts from Ma-wang-tui. As we develop the lineage of these texts we will also, and inevitably, begin to establish lines of descent from their ancestral texts to other texts, many in the Nef ching. After we establish this model of descent patterns we will turn to other examples of textual lineages and other kinds of linking structures found in the Nei ching in order to establish the prevalence of these patterns throughout the corpus. We will conclude by returning to the L.S. 3.10b lineage to See whether it is possible to expand our textual lineage beyond the group already linked through explicit linking structures, The result will be a fuller picture of the lineage, one that reveals clearly the limitations of the Nei ching corpus. We will find that the Nei ching corpus does not include some texts clearly identified as ancestors by Nei ching texts, For whatever reason, the Nei ching is only a partial record. Throughout this chapter we wiii be speaking of the history of texts, even of the ancestry and descent of170 fexts. By speaking of these texts as if they were people it {8 possible to see some of the ways in which they were connected --by the actions of their authors. But it is difficult to describe these actions by means of a textual analysis, even an overtly diachronic or historical one such as I am presenting here. The huzan history which this textual history reflects will be the subject of Chapter Five, Part 2, The Ancestors of the Conduit Texts If one text is descended from another, this descent should be apparent from structures of the ancestor which the descendant absorbs. One text may incorporate structures from another text in a variety of ways, It may duplicate its overall structure, or the interrediate structure of a segment of a text. It may copy the janguage structure of a text, excerpting a whole passage ot Tepeatedly using the same terminology. This 1, t sort of fossil is the simplest, the most concrete and hence the most readily discovered. We have, in fact, already relied on it without theoretical justification, linking L.S. 3.10b and the Ma-wang-tui conduit texts because of the identical exiptions of the wood-sound illness of the Yang Brightness Conduit they contain (see pp. 16-17 above).a7. But proving that such identical structures indicate the descent of one text from another, ancestral, text Poses certain problems, We cannot dismiss, for example, the possibility that the similarity is the result of random chance, though we may doubt this in cases of extended identical structures, Even if we reject or disprove that possibility through whatever means, ve face the question of which, if any, of several texts we may find containing identical structures is the source of the others. The discovery of linking structures solves these two problems. A linking structure frames a structure within a text, acknowledges it as a fossil, and perhaps identifies the ancestor. Often this linking structure appears as part of a fictional dialogue. The interlocutor may say “I have heard text x says '...,. What does it mean?” The master may explain a particular problem and thea conclude with “Therefore it is said '. “Therefore text x says '. The opening lines of L.S. 3.10a provide a classic example of this kind of linking strecture, one which we encountered in Chapter Two. The Thunder Duke said to the Yellow Emperor “The Esoteric Ministrations say 'The pattern of every lancing begins with the conduits. They form that172 by which things move, they control their measure. Internally they keep the five tsang in sequence; externally they keep the six fu distinct.' I wish to hear all about this way.” The fossil is the language quoted. The intermediate Structure which incorporates it into L.$. 3.10a is the linking structure. We can confirm this is a linking structure because we can identify the ancestor to which it Tefers. “The Esoteric Ministrations" is the title of 1.S. 8.48, a first-order text, which contains exactly the Passage quoted.1 Unfortunately we seldom encounter cases where the ancestor of a text can be identified through a Teadily apparent linking structure and an easily located fossil. Instead we may find the same passage incorporated inte a series of texts but only clearly identified as a fossil by linking structures in one or two of them. The conduit texts pose exactly this sort of problem. Although at least two passages in them appear to be fossils, the texts contain no linking structures; we must rely on linking structures in other texts to identify the ances- tral origins of these fossils. Although such an approach te initially more complex, it does contain a compensatory benefit. It directs our attention to the existence of texts which share a common lineage with the conduit texts, even though they may not be the ancestors of these texts.173 2.a. The Wood~sound Illness as a Linking Structure. We begin our inquiry into linking structures with the description of the wood-sound illness in b. and “The Yin-yang Classic." This is an example of a structure shared by two texts and which 4s so extensive that it is very difficult to believe that it could have resulted from random chance, Still, neither text frames it with the kind of linking structure that would prove they Teceived it from a common ancestor, To prove the two texts derived this passage from such a common ancestor we turn to a third text, S.W. 8,30, "An Explanation of the Yang Brightness Conduit (Yang-oing-eo chien (B @f] Ale Roe saw. 8.30, a first-order text, contains the linking structure we said we needed to locate, with an interesting twist: there are two linking structures, both Part of the text's overall structure which together point to the text's ancestor. The first linking structure appears in a fictional dialogue in which the Yellow Emperor describes the wood-gound illness and then asks Ch'i Po to explain it. The Yellow Emperor begins:174 “(When) the Conduit of the Yang Brightness of the leg is 111, (the patient) fears people and fire. When he hears wooden sounds, then he is anxious and frightened. The bell and drum do not move,"2 This description is virtually identical with the first Part of the descriptions in 1S. 3,10b and “The Yin-yang Classic," except for the addition of the last sentence. At this point the Emperor stops and asks Ch'i Po to explain certain phrases in the description. For example: “What does ‘he hears wooden sounds and is frightened’ mean?” Ch'i Po replied: “The Yang Brightness is the stomach conduit. The stomach conduit is earth. Therefore ‘he hears wooden sounds and is frightened’ because earth fears wood.” This and other questions by the Yellow Emperor are structured in two parts. First, he quotes a phrase from the description of the iliness and terminates it with the topic marker che then he poses the question “what does this mean (ho yef§t)?" The repeated use of this structure indicates that in S.W. 8.30 (and I am not asserting this for all other cases) the topic of a question terminated by che is a quotation from the Preceding description. The Yellow Emperor, the student in the fictional setting of this text, has apparently memorized a text which he now recites, quotes, to his175 teacher and then asks the teacher to explain difficult phrases which he quotes in turn from his recitation. Then, the Yellow Emperor quotes a longer passage. ‘If the illness becomes extreme, then he will shed his clothes and run. He will ascend to a height and sing. Sometimes he will even refuse to eat for several days. He will (be able to?) leap up to a room (in a tower?), The places he climbs to will all be places he could not ordinarily reach, but now that he is 111 he can' (che). What does this mean?” He does not separate the description into a series of questions. Instead, the whole recited description, followed by che, becomes the topic of a question. After Ch'4 Po responds, the Yellow Emperor asks additional, more limited, questions as he did after the first half of the description, This parallel of the second half of the description followed by che, with the questions which followed the first half of the description suggests the author of this text was treating the whole second half of the description as a quotation. The way in which the description hangs together as an integral unit and was, in the plot of the text, memorized and recited by a student Emperor indicates the whole description is a quotation from sone unspecified source. In the terms I suggested at176 the beginning of this chapter, the quotation is a fossil and the che is a linking structure which is part of the text's overall structure. But where did this quotation come fron? It is unlikely this fossil quotation came from either L.s. 3.10b or “The Yin-yang Classic." Neither of these two texts contain the last two lines of the description quoted in S.W. 8.30: “He will be...i11 he can.” But as I mentioned, the linking structure in $.W. 8.30 4s in two Parts. The second part is the title of $.W. 8.30, “An Explanation of The Yang Brightness Conduit.” This title indicates, I believe, that the ancestor of this text, is a Previous text;, The Yang Brightness Conduit. To prove this we must show that p'ien titles in the Nei ching can be intrinsic to their texts and that they can contain, embedded in them, the name of their ancestors. If both are true, then these titles serve as linking structures. Then we must show that the title of S.W. 8.30 is one such intrinsic title. As I suggested briefly in Chapter Two (see p 100 above), there are at least some p'ien titles which are intrinsic to the p'ien, That is, they were created by the author of a text, as part of the act of composing the text. They were not created by a subsequent compiler of a Second order text. One of these, "The Essentials of The177 Discourse on the Jade Board (¥G-pan-1un yao HIRES By," the title of s. +» 4.15, appeared in Chapter Two (p. 102). There I noted that since it served as terminal aarker for the text contained in that p'len, the title aust be intrinsic to the text. I did not stress a second aspect of the title, that st incorporates @ second title within it. But the first words of Ch'i Po in S.W. 4.15 state clearly that it is about a text composed earlier on the jade board: “Allow me to speak about the ultimate of the way, the five complexions, changes in the pulses, estimating and irregularity ave all one...t¢ has been recorded on the jade board and titled The Jade Pole (yu-chi Ay According to our criteria, S.W. 4,15 would thus be descended from an ancestral text, The Discourse on the Jade Board, also called The Jade Pole. This ancestral text is named in its title. In this case we have found the title is both intrinsic and a linking structure. Other titles in the Su ven also provide explicit acknowledgment that they designate descendant texts: “The Discourse on The Secret Classic of the Vital Peaches The Secret Classic of the Vital Peaches ng- I“ g ys gh S4y~ Glngcian at-tter tue Eb HAA Zep” (sw. 3.8) and The Discourse on The Essentials of Lancing (7s'e-yao tun $| PZ (s.y. 14.50). soth prien are textsy. the178 titles of both are intrinsic. The evidence in “The Vital Peaches" is an explicit reference to the text on “vital Peaches" in its closing line. The second text opens with @ request by the Yellow Emperor for an explanation of The Essentials of Lancing. Notice that all three titles so far each contain two words for text--lun and yao in "The Essentials of The Discourse on the Jade Board;" tien and lun in “The Discourse on The Secret Classic of the Vital Reaches;" yao end lun in “The Discourse on The Essentials of Lancing. on The True Words in the Golden Casket (Chin-k'ui chen-yan The True Words in the Golden Casket (Chin-k'ui chen-ya: dun Bass (S.W. 1.4), contains a similarly embedded title for a p'ien which is also a first-order A fourth ptien in the Su wen, "The Discourse text. Though there is no reference to the title in the text, this title, too, is most likely intrinsic to e descendant text. The possible function of a title as a linking structure is clear. Having shown that a ptien title can be a linking structure we return to $.W. 8.30. Although the title of S.W. 8,30, “An Explanation of The Yang Brightness Conduit,” contains only one word for a title, not the two contained in the examples just cited S.W. 8.30 must be treated as the title of a descendant text because of the word “Explanation (chieh)" in its title. Chieh appears in the titles of only two other p'ien in the Su wen:179 “An Explanation of The Condutts (Mo chten Aix AF (S.W. 13.49)5 “an Explanation of The Needles (chen chien $f, eB (S.W. 14.54), tt also appears in the title of 1.8. 1.3, "The Explanation of the Small Needles (Hsiao-chen chien $B BE. are, like S.W. 8.30, first-order texts. Both are AlL Structured in the same way as S.W. 8,30. Both go through an ancestral text in sequence, quoting it and then interpreting it. Neither of them explains a general topics rather, each explains a specific previous exposition of that topic.3 The parallel between the title and the nature cf the text suggests the title is intrinsic to the text and that the title embedded in that title identifies the previous exposition, the previous text, being explained. I believe the same argument holds for S.W. 8.30, and, therefore, I have chosen to translate the title of S.W. 8.30 as “An Explanation of “The Yang Brightness Conduit." If I am correct, then the title of S.W. 8.30 is a linking structure and $.W. 8.30 is descended from The Yang Brightness Conduit. Having argued that S.W. 8.30 is descended from “The Yang Bright-Brightness Conduit,” that it contains a fossil of that text, that “The Yin-yang Classic” and L.S. 3.10b contain very similar fossils, and that they, too, are180 descendant texts, we can conclude that all three texts are @escended from a conmon ancestor and belong to a common textual lineage. The crucial question which remains 1s the relationship of these three texts within that lineage. It is impossible to prove absolutely the correct lineage relationship. The best we can do is provide a description of the relationships possible. The simplest relationship is the common descent of all three texts from a single ancestor. Each, of course, would have a variety of other ancestors. This relationship can be diagramed as follows (“x indicating other ancestors): Table 4.1 The Yang Brightness Conduit iff i i i i i i | The Yin-yang Lh 3.10b An Explanation Classic The additional lines quoted at the end of the description in "An Explanation” suggests there may have been either of two slightly more complex relationships. In one form of the more complex lineage there would be a common ancestor, y," containing the passage incorporated into L.S. 3.10b181 and "The Yin-yang Classic." This text would then be the ancestor of these two texts as weil as of "The Yang Brightness Conduit" which added the two lines and is in turn the ancestor of "An Explanation.” Table 4.2 . LI | |}! // | | The Yin-yang L.s. 3.10b The Yang Brightness en An Explanation The alternative to this would be a lineage which originates with “The Yang Brightness Conduit.” In the next generation would be a text, Y, conta!ning the shorter fossilized passage inherited by “The Yin-yang Classic” and L.S. 3.10b as well as "An Explanation.”182 Table 4.3 The Yang Brightness ook xxx AR on +8. 3 UI le yang LS, 3.10b Classic The advantage of the two more complex forms of the lineage is that they explain the omission of the same line by both “The Yin-yang Classic” and L.S. 3,10b--"The bell and the drum do not move.” These two are descended from a common text different from the immediate ancestor of “An Explanation.” Thus we are left with a range of possible lineage patterns. Regardless of which one may ultimately be proven correct, the conclusion remains that these four texts, and perhaps a fifth, text "Y,” are genetically related.183 2.b, A Paraphrased Linking Structure. L.S. 3,10b is related to @ second series of texts via another, much briefer, fossil atructuze--once more a quoted passage. Like the description of the wood-sound illnees, this link is revealed by linking structures elsewhere in the Nef ching. But there are three differences between this and the previous fossil: ay (tite fossil sey vee arepheeee ecrte | ut © quotation; and 2 this second fossil is clearly a part of the intermediate structure of the conduit descriptions; 3 this fossil relates L.S. 3.10b to a text which is part of a large and complex lineage of texts. This second fossil is a line which ts repeated twelve times in L.S. 3.10b--"If it is replete then drain it; 1¢ 4t is depleted then supplement ic (sheng tse hsieh chih; tse pu chin Fe AB z, ERG Z).- No linking structure in 1.8. 3.10b indicates this h Statement is extracted from an ancestral text. The first evidence that this line is a fossil structure appears at the beginning of S.W. 17.62, “The Discourse on Regulating BEL). the Conduits (t1ao~ching lun 28 4 2 ER)." the tiree of the two texts in S.W. 17.62a4 begins:184 The Yellow Emperor asked: “I have heard that The fF states (yen z a Method of Lancing (7: ‘If there is excess drain it; if there is insufficiency supplement it (youryi heteh chth pectse pu etn BRA 2: ABA 2 0 How do you explain ‘excess'? How do you explain "insufficiency! ?" The line which the Yellow Emperor cites from The Method of Lancing is almost, but not quite, identical with the one Tepeated throughout 1.S. 3.10b. The Method of Lancing uses youryil instead of shang, pu-teu instead of hsu. Does the slightly different language of these two statements mean that one or both texts were paraphrasing a common ancestor, or do these differences show that their apparent similarity is the result of random chance? In order to conclude that either of these passages is a paraphrase of the original contained in the other, it is necessary to explain how the language of that passage would have derived from the other. This explanation can be found in an exchange between the Yellow Emperor and Ch't Po later in S.W. 17.62a: The Emperor said: What are ‘supplementing’ and ‘draining'?” Ch'i Po said: “If the heueh has excess (you-yu), then drain the replete (sheng) conduit. Remove the blood from it. If it (the185 hsueh) is insufficient (pu-teu), then examine that depleted (hsu) conduit. Incert the needle into that conduit. Leave it there for a long while and then examine it again. When the pulse is large, remove that needle rapidly. Do not let any hsueh escape. This passage establishes that excess (youryil) heueh characterizes a replete (sheng) conduit and insufficient (purtsu) hsueh characterizes a depleted (hsu) conduit. The relationship between these two pairs of terms is made Bore explicit by the comment of Wang Ping tha "If the conduit (mo) is replete and full Csheng-aen fH Sy) chen enere ts an excess (youryil) of hsueh, Therefore remove it. If the ch. 1 of the conduit (ching) is depleted (heu), then the hsueh is insufficient (pu-tsu). Therefore do not let it escape.” This passage and the commentary to it establish that the difference in language between L.S. 3.10b and The Method of Lancing could have come fron using a single ancestor, while focusing on slightly different issues--conduits versus heueh and ch'i. But We must still explain why the change occurred. Tet us assume that L.S. 3.10b paraphrases and S.W. 17.622 quotes The Method of Lancing. We know that the author of186 4.8. 3,10b was primarily interested in a systematic explanation of the course of the conduits, their illnesses and how to treat those illnesses. He was not concerned with the nature of hs this reason these two terms seldom appear in his text. Since he is concerned with prescribing how to treat the conduit, he eaploys the words sheng and hsu which describe it, rather than those, youryG and pu-tsu, which describe the heueh and ch'i in the conduit. Although this explanation is necessarily speculative, it does meet our requirement. It completes a reasonable explanation of why sheng and heu were substituted for you-yd and pu-tsu, and makes it Possible to attribute the two otherwise parallel Statements in §.W. 17.622 and L.S. 3.10b to a single ancestor. Uses of this fossil structure elsewhere in the Net_ ghing confirm that §.W. 17.62a quotes the ancestor and L.S. 3.10b paraphrases it. The sane passage is explicitly Quoted in L.S. 2.5, "The Root and End (Ken-chien4h4) ,~ and in the second text of $.W. 10.35, "The Discourse on Malaria (Nueh 1unfZ%)," 10.35b.5 Im both cases the Passage reads “If there is excese drain it; if there ts insufficiency supplement it."© The use of exactly the Same language in these three texts which all explicitly187 refer to an ancestor makes it clear that the fossil in L.S. 3.10b must be the paraphrase. Not only does L.S. 3.10b paraphrase The Classic on Lancing, it uses that paraphrase es 2 major element in its intermediate structure, introducing that paraphrase as the Prescribed treatment for illnesses of each of the twelve conduits, What may have been only an observation in one text, a part-cf the language structure, has become an intermediate structure in another, setting off the ecommended treatment from the list of illnesses. By its Tepeated use as an intermediate structure this fossil contributes to the structural balance and hence the theoretical coherence of the text L.S. 3.10b. This second fossil has offered two insights: first, fossils can have different structural roles in different texts; second, Paraphrasing can be part of the use of fossils.7 2.c, Extending a Textual Lineage. So far we have established that L.S. 3.10b is descended from The Method of Lancing, as are $.W. 17.62a, B.S. 2.5 and S.W. 10.35b, A11 quote or paraphrase the ame statement from a lost text. But it is possible to recover other statements from The Method of Lancing as well and even to discover one of its now lost descend-188 ants. The other lines appear in $.W. 10.35b where The Yellow Emperor has asked Ch'i Po to explain the meaning of “If there is excess drain it; if there is insufficiency Supplement it" which he says comes from “the classic.” Ch't Po answers him at length and quotes in passing two more passages from the “classi “There is no lancing a roaring fever, There is no lancing chaotic conduits. There is no lancing dripping sweat."9 "To lance (an illness) exactly when it is at its fullness will inevitably cause harm."10 Since all three references to “the classic” appear in the course of a single argument, they clearly refer to a Single classic. Which one? Is it The Method of Lancing 10.356? or one of its descendents which in turn led to $ The name of this classic is revealed in L.S. 8.55, IZ), where a_of “The Contrary and the Conforstag (itt-shua if | Ch'i Po responds to a question by quoting The Me: Weapons (Ping-ta FE $4) and The Method of Lancing. His Selection from the later text is the same caution against lancing roaring fever, dripping sweat or chaotic conduits which in S.W. 10.35b was attributed to “the classic.” Since two of the passages from “the classic” are explicitly attributed to The Method of Lancing in other189 texts, it is likely that “the classic” is The Method of Lancing. These additional statements from The Method of Lancing, incorporated into certain descendant texts, omitted froa others, give us a fuller picture of the ancestral text on which the authors of those descendant texts drew, They also give us some hint of the choices made by those authors, For example, 1.S. 3.10b is a Static and systemic description of the twelve conduits. The author of that text accordingly chose to employ only one line and to change two words (you~yd to shang, pu-tsu to hsu) so it would fit his focus on the nature of the conduits. The author of S.W. 10.35b was concerned with the course of an illness, malaria, and so he quoted additional passages that illuminated how to adapt treatment to the course of the illness. The author of L.S. 8.55 was concerned with when to lance and so chose the single passage which directly addressed that issue. If we could locate other fossils from The Method of Lancing, presumably we would find them incorporated into other texts stressing different problem: In each case so far, where I have concluded that texte in the Nei ching were descended from the same text celled The Method of Lancing, I have required reference to the title and the incorporation of a conmon fossil. Thus190 only the texts which cite fossils that can be link to the fossil in L.S. 3.10b are accepted as related. Furthermore, all additional passages that these descendant texts cite from the same text are accepted as fossils of a common ancestor. From this conclusion it follows that if a text in the Nei ching quotes a passage which cannot be linked to the fossils already discovered, from a text called The Method of Lancing, we cannot be certain that the passage is descended from the same text as those fossils we have already traced to that text. A common title is not enough. Therefore, although The Method of Lancing is cited in two additional texts in the Nei ching, S.W. 13.47 and L.S. 2.7, it 15 impossible to be certain these citations refer to the same text because they lack a fossil. The need to confirm any titular identification with textual evidence should be clear from the problems we encountered with the title Nei ching in Chapter One. As we saw, it is impossibie to determine exactly what the Nei ching contained, or whether the Ned chings consulted by Huang Fu-mi and Wang Ping contained the same materials. Now that we have identified the relationship of Th. Method of Lancing to L.S. 3,10b and $.W. 10.35, it decomes possible to relate a second text mentioned in §.W. 10.35b to this lineage. A few lines later in his dialogue191 with Ch'i Po the Yellow Emperor turns to a different aspect of malaria --how its course relates to the changing easons. The Enperor begins, “The discourse (lun) says ‘If 46 one is harmed (shang | ) in the summer by heat, he will inevitably become il] with malaria in the fall." Since this is nearly the same topic as that on which “the classic,” The Method of Lancing, was quoted, it seems Yeasonable that this lun might be related to “the classic.” As I showed in ay analysis of the use of lun and chieh as the titles of texts about ancestral texts (pp. 177-183 above), the lun reinterprets an ancestral text, the ching, just as the chien (S.W. 8.30) Teinterprets The Yang Brightness Conduit. In the lun the Principle in the ching--that illnesses change--is reinterpreted by being specifically applied to the changes in malaria in summer and fall, The identification of this an as a descendent of The Method of Lancing means we now have a three-generation sequence: The Method of Lancing, the lun on it and finally S.W. 10.35b. Combined with our earlier discoveries, this produces the following lineage structure:192 Table 4.4 The Yang Brightness The Method of Lancing conaages Tsheness The Discourse am ese ee le “~Hethod of Lancing) PON Ke S.W. 17.672 LS. 2.5 I.s. 8.55 S.W. 10.350 Having come this far, it is gratifying to note that one of the lost fascicles of the Su wen, S.W. 21.72, is identified by Wang Ping as “The Discourse on The Method of Lancing.” This title suggests that our argument so far has proceeded along the right trail. Thus far, we have identified two fossils in L.s. 3.10b and one in “The Yin-yang Classic." To do this Yequired that we determine the linking structure which demarcated these fossils within other texts and which identified the ancestors from which these fossils were abstracted. This analysis proves both aspects of our hypothesis:193 fs each text hes, or at least can have, a series of ancestors; and 2. the conduit texts are similar because they are descended from common an estral texts. Strictly speaking, we have proven the first half of our hypothesis only for L.S. 3.10b; we have not found nultiple ancestors for “The Yin-yang Classic” or “The Leg and Arm Classic.” But, we have proven that the mechanisn exists by which texts descend from multiple ancestors. If our hypothesis is correct, then it should lead to additional verifiable observations. We must recognize, first of all, that there is no intrinsic characteristic in a text, either in its structure or theoretical content, that makes it ancestor or descendant, only its Telationship to other texts. Hence, any of the conduit texts which we have been treating as descendant texts cas also serve as ancestors. In Part 3 cf this chapter we will see an example of a conduit text quite similar to L.S. 3.10b that is ancestor to subsequent texts. In addition, if it is possible to construct a kinship Structure of texts beginning from the conduit texts, it should also be possible to construct such textual groupings elsewhere in the Nei ching. Part 4 of this chapter will introduce two of these groupings.194 Fart 3. A Descendant in The Conduit Texts Lineage: S.W.13.49, If, as I suggested in concluding Part 2, there is nothing intrinsic in a text that makes it a descendant Fether than an ancestor, then we should expect to find descendants of the conduit texts. The search for a descendant might begin with the title shared by 1.S. 3.10 and 7.S. 81, "The Conduits (Ching-no Z& BR). the discussion of that title in Chapter Three, part 2.2.1, concluded there is no evidence the title is intrinsic to L.S, 3.10, Sti11, given our analysis of “chien,” it ts tempting to wonder if S.W. 13.49, “The Explanation of The Conduits (Mo chien AK 3 )", night be descended from a text in LS. 3.10 or 7.8, 8.1, As we shall see, it is not, but it is related to these texts indirectly. It is descended from another text in the sane lineage, one quite similar to L.S. 3.10b in part and to “The Leg and Arm Classic" in part. The analysis of the ancestry of S.W. 13.49 will enable us to expand our analysis of the conduit texts, and then to reconstruct the conduit text lineage as a whole. S.W. 13.49 is itself’ textz, and ite text and title fit together in the same way as do the text and title of S.W. 6.30, “An Explanation of The Yang Brightness195 Conduit." Therefore its title is almost certainly intrinsic. The text of §.W. 13.49 begins: As for what is explained in the Great Yang Conduit as (so wei PE ZB) “when there is svelling, there ie pain in the musculature along the spine at the waist (che).” The Greater Yang (conduit) ts (Adentatied with) the Greater Yang and the yin branch. The yin branch is the Greater Yang. In the first month the yang eh'i cones out. It is above and yet the yinPG vapors are replete. The yang has not yet secured its rightful place. Therefore "When there is swelling, there is pain in the musculature along the spine at the waist”. This format is very close to the format of S.W. 8.30. A qWotation is offered, terainated with che, and then interpreted. In this text, the quotation is introduced by so-wetAPSfas well, This linking structure of so-wet plus ghe is repeated throughout S.W. 13.49. Each quotation framed by this linking structure is a fossil from an ancestral text entitled The Conduits which this text explains. The structure of this ancestor is revealed by the fossils in S.W. 13.49, euch as, for example, the title “The Greater Yang” before this first quotation. The next Six phrases quoted seem to be included under the heading196 of the Greater Yang. The eighth quotation is preceded by the title "the Lesser Yang", the eleventh by “the Yang Brightness". Then follow the titles “the Great Yin,” "the Lesser Yin" and “the Recaleitrant Yin.” This sequence of conduit names matches the sequence of the leg conduits in “The Leg and Arm Classic" almost exactly. Only the Great Yin and Lesser Yin are reversed. This match suggests, first, that S.W. 13.49 is descended from a condu. and, second, that its ancestor contained a sequence of conduits very close to that of “The Leg and Arm Conduit." In this case the overall structure of “An Explanation of The Conduits” is clearly a fossil. From this overall structure, it seens the ancestor is “The Leg and Arm Classic" or a text like it. But when we begin to consider this possibility nore closely, two problems emerge. First, why does S.W. 13.49 choose to quote, almost exclusively, descriptions of exogenous illnesses (tung-ping G/J JG) of the legs? If it is seeking to explain an ancestral text that described the course as well as the illnesses of the arm and leg conduits, we would expect two descendant text to quote difficult passages on a variety of these topics. If, for some Treason unknown to us, the author of this descendant text chose to concentrate on one aspect of the text, why did he choose a category (tung-ping) not even defined in197 the ancestral text? Second, none of the passages quoted in $.W. 13,49 match or even resemble “The Leg and Arm Classic.” If we begin to search through L.S. 3.10b and "The Yin-yang Classic,” however, we find a number of identical or similar passages. Fifty-three percent of the Passages quoted in S.W. 13.49 can be found in L.S. 3.10b and 11% in “The Yin-yang Classic.” These include three Passages from the description of the wood-sound illness of the Yang Brightness Conduit which are identical with the description in LS. 3.10b. These problems suggest that identifying the ancestor, specifically the immediate ancestor, of S.W. 13.49 presents a far more difficult problem than we have Seen thus far, Unless $.W. 13.49 violates every convention we have postulated, this text is descended from @ single ancestor, entitled "The Conduite,” which it explicates. The problem is explaining how “The Conduits” came to have features sc like those of other conduit texts, but in such a different mixture? There are two Possible explanations for the features of “The Conduits” we find in S.W. 13.49: 2 the author of “The Conduits” drew feet: most at random, from L.S. 3.10b, “The Yin-Yang Classic” and "The Leg and Arm Classic,” in order to create the text quoted here; or198 2 the author of “The Conduits" was drawing from the Same ancestors as the three conduit texts we have been discussing. At first glance there is little reason to choose one of these explanations over the other. But, in fact, a careful review of the way texts in the Nei ching were formed demonstrates that the second explanation is far more likely. I believe that the most striking feature of texts in the Nei ching corpus is their wholeness. When texts; Were combined into textsz, they were absorbed whole. When @ text, was absorbed into a descendant it was the text as @ whole which was absorbed. In Chapter Three (p, 165-166) I suggested that those structures in "The Yin-yang Classic” which were secondary schemata in that text came from previous texts. Furthermore, because they were mutually incompatible, they derived from dif. Previous texts. Now I am suggesting in addition that such structures and the text in which they appeared were absorbed whole into ancestors. If a text is absorbed whole into a descendent text then its primary, and even secondary, schemata are absor- bed as well. These schenata and the structures reflecting then assume a new structural place in the descendent text. This was the process we first identified in Chapter199 Three to explain the appearance of mutually incompatible secondary schemata in a single text. This prejudice toward wholeness is difficult to Prove absolutely in the case of fossil structures, but at least two considerations make it the most plausible Premise on which to reconstruct the ancestors of the conduit texts. First, on the level of texts, where we have been able to find the same texts; in different compilations, virtually every texty we have seen has been absorbed into various compilations in the same way, that is, a well-structured whole text. There has been no evidence that any compiler took portions of texts, to ereate a compilation which presented a particular analysis. Rather than cut up texts, they chose instead to pile up texts), resulting in sometimes unwieldy, often internally contradictory, texts2 such as L.S. 3.10, Second, in those few cases where we have been able to see a fossil in its original state as well as in its descendents, such as “The Yang Brightness Conduit" we analyzed in Part 2. of this chapter, we found the sane tendency to absorb texts and structures whole. Even in 1.8. 3.10b where the insertion of "The Yang Brightness Conduit” and its wood-sound illness into a list of illnesses created a very unwieldy awkward presentation, still the whole was absorbed, not cut up.200 The problem is how to determine what constituted an ancestral text without being reduced to treating every line as a separate text. I would propose a simple test: Since different descendent texts would have each absorbed different sets of ancestral texts,, then a structure which could be absorbed without other structures must have been an independent texty. If this prejudice toward wholeness holds in the case of S.W. 13.49, then its immediate ancestor, “The Conduits,” must have been descended at least from texts which included as their primary schemata: aa a stress on leg conduits, to the exclusion of arm; 2. @ stress on exogenous tiiness, to the exclusion of endogenous; 3, “The Yang Brightness Conduit" text. Each of these primary schema must have been part of a different text because each appears in a descendant text without the other two in at least one case (see Table 4.5 below).201 Part 4, An overview of the Conduit Texts Lineage. With this analysis of S.W. 13.49 and the consider- ation of what distinguishes a whole independent ances- tral text, I am ready to present my reconstruction of the lineage of the conduit texts, including $.W. 13.49. The generations prior to "The Leg and Arm Classic" (Lac), "The Yin-yang Classic" (¥¥C), L.S. 3.10b and "The Conduits" included at least the following four texts which we can identify by their primary schemata: 1. a text presenting the six leg conduits in succession; 2. a text presenting the six arm conduits in succession; 3. a text which explicitly describes exogenous ail~ ments only; 4, a text which explicitly describes endogencus ail- ments only.202 i contend that each of these was an independent text since, as Table 4.5 indicates, each of these 1s absorbed independent of the others in at least one case. In addition, these generations also included the folloving texts which we have been able to identify by name: fy “The Yang Brightness Conduit;" 2. “The Method of Lancing." These were then related to the four conduit texts as indicated by the diagram on the next page. (For the sake of simplicity I have put these six texts in a single line actoss. This does not mean they were necessarily contemperary, There is, in fact, no way to determine their temporal precedence relative to one another.)203 Table 4,5, Lac (six ara conduits) “The Conduits" —“y¥c—~ 1.8. “an Explanation of...(S.W. 13.49) (six leg conduits) (exogenous (endogenous “Yang “Method of giluents) ailments) _—Brightneas" 3.106 “An Expla~ "the Discourse /s.y, nation of on 4..." 17.67a (sew. 8,30) S.W. 10,35b Zo Ls. 25 Ls. a5204 This table differs from previous tables of descent in two Tespects. The first is trivial. For reasons of space, I have omitted from this diagram the unknown ancestors which I designated “X" in previous diagrams. They are certainly present. The second difference is crucial. I am not presenting this table to prove the case for facts of descent as in the previous diagrams. For that reason it is not limited to one of those ideal cases in which we ean identify both ancestor and descendant among extant texts. Instead it combines two of those cases with others in which we can identify the contours of an ancestor. These are the ts designated by descriptions in parentheses, Rerhaps this is the time to recall an observation I offered in the introduction to this éhapter. The Net_ ghing is a partial collection of the texts in the Yellow Emperor medical tradition. The proof for that statement can be found in the lineage we have just constructed for the conduit texts. Ten of the seventeen texts depicted in that lineage are not contained in the Nei ching. As we turn to other lineages of texts we will see once again the incompleteness of the Nei ching corpusPart 5, Textual Families Elsewhere in the Nei ching An examination of two more textual families confirms that the kind of lineages we discovered anong the Conduit texts exist throughout the Nei ching corpus, and Teveals the quite different sorts of evidence that can be used to reconstruct these lineages. 5.a. The Nine Needles One of the titles in the Su wen which we earlier compared to "The Explanation of The Yang Brightness Conduit” (S.W. 8.30) was S.W. 16.54, “The Explanation of The Needles” (pp 179 above). Another was L.S. 1.3, "The Explanation of The Small Needles (Hstao~chen chieh “ly ‘BB BP). civen thetr sities ve expect both to be descendant texts explicitly quoting their ancescors; we might even expect them to belong to the same family of texts. But we do not necessarily expect them to have the “same ancestor. They do. Both texts are descended from the firet text in L.s. 1.1 (L.S. 1.1a), “The Nine Needles and The Twelve Origins (chtu-chen shih-erh-yuan 7s SA = RR. The ancestral text is difficult to demarcate within L.S. 1.1 because it lacks the clear frame of 01 other206 Nei ching texts. The only internal basis for dividing fascicle L.S. 1.1 into texts is the change in topic approximately two-thirds of the way through, where a Prolonged discussion of acupuncture needles is followed by a discussion of the twelve origins of the teang and fu. A perceived change of topic is 2 more subjective ground for determining texts than the structural analyses we have Previously relied on. Somewhat stronger grounds can be found by examining S.W. 14.54 and L.S. 1.3. Both quote only from the first two-thirds of L.S. 1.1. This suggests that this portion of L.S. 1.1 might be an independent unit, The initial question posed by the Yellow Emperor in S.W. 14,54 indicates this unit, L.S. 1.la, is a text: "I ish to hear the explanation of The Nine Needles, the vay of depletions and substantiveness (shih “EF )." Based on our previous analysis of this kind of question, and considering that the first half of L.S. 1.1's title is "The Nine Needles,” it seems clear that the Yellow Emperor is asking to hear a text called "The Nine Needles" explicated, This conclusion becomes clearer still when we read Lin Yi's comment halfway through $.W. 14.54. This Biden, he notes, explains the same classic as "The Explanation of The Nine Needles” p'ien in the T'ai su, although its analysis differs, (This T'ai su p'ien ts now ost.) The form of the T'ai su ptien title, with the207 words “The Nine Needles” included as an embedded title, ends any uncertainty. We can conclude that “The Explanation of The Needles” and “The Explanation of The Small Needles” quote a classic, entitled “The Nine Needles", "The Small Needles” or “The Needles” which is contained in the first two-thirds of L.s. 1.1. As did texts in the conduit text lineage, both S.W.15.54 and L.S. 1.3 quote passages from their ancestral text, often terminating then by the particle che and Sometimes prefacing them with suo-wei. Each quotation is followed by an explanation. The sequence of quotations in the two descendant texts parallels the course of the exposition in the ancestor, L.S. 11a. Not only do these two descendants illustrate the standard form of an explanatory text, they also reveal how a single ancestor can give rise to two different descendant explanations. L.S. 1.3 explains forty-eight phrases, S.W. 14.54 twelve; they have nine phrases in common. The two texts explain their nine common phrases very differently. For example, the fifth of these phrases is “hsu erh ght tee oun 7] JR AY Bw sw. tse explains that this means “(to prevent bleeding), slowly withdraw the needle, and then quickly press (the point needled).” L.S. 1.3 explains the same phrase “says slowly insert the needle and withdraw it quickly."11 Equally208 contrasting explanations are offered for the other eight phrases, These two texts remind us of one conclusion from our discussion of ancestors of the conduit texts, especially "The Method of Lancing.” The authors of different descendant texts can alter substantially, and in different ways, the meaning of a common ancestor. Before leaving these two texts we should also note how they clarify the temporal relationship between the Su_ wen and the Ling shu, The Ssu-k'y ch'yan-shu tsung-nu oR BBG che vircht kao BES of Tanba Motohiro, and the “Suson Reisu af teuste Z Fal ae a LULULrLU— asserted that the Ling-shu was compiled after the Su wen fron materials later than those in the Su wen.12 Here we have an instance in which a text 4a the Su wen, $.W. 14.54, ts descended from and therefore clearly postdates a text in the Ling shu, L.S, 1.1a, It is also possible, based on the lineage constructed for the conduit text lineage, that S.W. 13.49 48 later than L.S. 3.10b, by what we might call "a textual generation.” $.W. 8.30, by contrast, is in the Same “textual generation” as L.S. 3.10b. The conclusion is clear: there is no simple temporal division between the Su wen and Ling shu. Many texts in the Su wen are contemporary with, and others are later than, texts in the Ling shu209 This is not a new generalization to replace the 11 the Ling ehu is contemporary with or prior to all the Su wen. Inst. old. There is no claim here that a, these examples demonstrate that it is necessary to date texts in the Su wen and Ling shu individually. The essential step in dating any two texts relative to each other is to establish their places within a common kinship structure. To do this, it 1s essential to compare the two texts in detail. 5.b. 4 Family of Names, Im Chapter One, we noted that the physician Ts'ang Kung said he had received from his teacher a text composed of an upper and a lower classic called The Conduit Classic of the Yellow Emperor and P'ien Ch'ueh.13 The Upper Classic and The Lower Classic appear in various p'ien of the Su wen. This similarity raised the possibility ‘that T'ang Kung and the authors and conpilers of the Nei ching Were part of the same tradition because they employed the same texts. Since then we have recognized that the Nei ching is Bot a text but a compilation of texts, and we have developed a more rigorous standard for determining if a title mentioned in any two of these tezts does im fact220 identify the same text. This new standard demands that the same title must be used in both appearances and that the text ust also be identified in some other ‘common way, such as common quotation, in both appearances, This new Standard compels us to consider more carefully whether the titles The Conduit Classic, The Upper Classic, or The Lower Classic identify the same texts when they appear in Ts'ang Kung's memorial and in various texts of the Nei ching, Applying our more rigorous standards to these titles poses an immediate problem. Ts'ang Xung's memorial names these texts, but does not quote them. Although various texts in the Nei ching do quote one or another of these texts they never quote the same passages. For example, The Lower Classic is quoted in $.W. 9.34, “The Discourse on Regulating Contrariness (Ni-tizo lung} 2a ZED,” and again in $.W, 12.44, “The Discourse on Paralysis (Wet lun Jf ZS), since the two Su wen texts do not quote any common passages, however, it is impossible to establish a structure of texts descended from The Conduit Classic, or more narrowly The Lower Glassic, based on their quotation by Ts'ang Kung and in the Net ching. However, there is another basis on which to construct such a lineage. It is the identity or close2u1 similarity of context in the Su wea and the Ts'ang Kung bdography in which the titles The Upper Classic and The_ Lower Classic appear. If the same title appears in the Same context in tvo different texts, it is most likely naming the same text. This context is a list of text titles, and it provides the evidence that common quotation provided elsewhere. The first text containing this list is S.w. 23.77, “The Discourse on Expounding the Five Errors (Shu wu-kuo is RD EH.~ te conciudes: To diagnose 8 without careful study: this is what is meant by" losing the constant (shih-ch'ang (Which I have given you). They and the classics + Assiduously guard these treatments will autually illumine one another: The Upper Classic, The Lower Classic, The Gauge and the Measure,14 The Yin-yang, The Strange and the Regular. These five judge (what portends life and death) according to the Bright Hall Ming tang af B_ they exanine things in detail from beginning to end. One can follow them broadly.15 In this passage, the author of S.W. 23.77 says these five classics and his text illumine one another. He is claiming these five as his antecedents, as the context for his text. In doing so he provides a context for two212 titles we recognize--The Upper Classic and The Lower Classic. These two titles appear in a very similar context in the final text of $.W. 13.46, "The Discourse on the Appearance of Illnesses (Ping-neng lun JH AG ZAI)" s.w. is icceme hie cert ie on ceplanecion tg eecr cere -e t from an ancestor text which includes several titles.!7 Wher is called “the fineness in the depths" strikes the hand like a needie.?? The Upper Classic speaks about how the ch'i penetrates the heavens,2° The Lover Classic speaks about the changes and transformations of illness. The Golden Casket (Chin kui & a ) decides life and death.2} The Gauge and Measure (K'uei tuPF fF) aiscusses taking a pulse and measuring it. What is called "co gauge" (means) how to place your hand to take the pulse. It tells how to take the pulse and get its pattern aizZ), "To measure" is to determine the sources of the illness according to the four seasons.72 The Strange and the Regular discusses strange ill- messes. What is called "strange" causes "strange illnesses," causing deaths out of sequence with213 the four seasons, “Regular” (111nesses) cause deaths according to the four seasons. The classic explicated in S.W. 13.46g lists five texts. Al1 but one, The Golden Casket, appear in the sane order in $.W. 23.77, It is Likely, incidentally, that S.W. 13.46 is not quoting S.W. 23.77, The three phrases quoted innediately before the five titles do not appear in S.W. 23.77, This weans that we have two texts hich independently list the same four texts in the sane order. These two almost identical contexts indicate that S.W. 23.77 and S.W. 13.465 aze both descended, perhaps at @ remove of several textual generations, frou, anong other Sources, the same pair of texts naned The Upper Classic and The Lower Classic. These contests also reveal that S.W. 23.77 and S.W. 13.46g are descended from two other ‘The Gauge and the Measurement and The Strange and The Regular. Having reached this conclusion, it is possible to demonstrate that other texts in the Nei common ancestors: ghing are descended from these same ancestral texts. Earlier we concluded that S.W. 4.15, "The Essentials of The Discourse on the Jade Board,” and S.W. 6.19, “The Discourse on the True Tsang of The Jade Pillar,” were descended from a common text which they quoted. Once we review the beginning of S.W. 4.15 through the first line of the quotation it shares with S.W. 6.19,214 we realize these two texts belong to the same kinship structure we are now tracing. The Yellow Emperor asked: “I have heard that (the theories) to which The Gauge and the Measure and The Strange and the Regular point are not the same. How does cue employ them?” Ch'i Po replies: “The Gauge and the Measure Measures how deep in the body the illness is. The Strange and the Regular is part of the same way.” The important feature of this passage for us is the citation of two texts together which also appeared together in the two lists we have seen already. This Tepeated association indicates that these names probably identify the same texts we have already discovered. Therefore, S.W. 4.15 and S.W. 6,19 can be added to their descendants and be considered part of the same lineage. S.W. 4.15 and S.W. 6,19 ere descended from The Gauge and the Measure and The Strange and the Reguler through another text, “Matching the Jade Pillar” as the following passage, shared by S.W. 4.15 and S.W. 6.19, indicates: “The spiritual force (shen @P) (which se two texts describe) rotates but does not reverse irection.24 If it did reverse, it could not Fotate. Then it would lose the pole (around which215 it rotates). The essentials of the ultimate method (of the Way) fluctuate about (the Heavenly Constant) and are subtle. They are recorded (anu 3 > on the Jade Tabiet which 1s entitied “Mavehing the Jade Pinzer".25 Both S.W. 4.15 and 6,19 quote a text which cites Matching the Jade Pillar, and which Says that text is descended in turn from The Gauge and the Measurement and The Strange and the Regular. This means that S$.W. 4.15 and 6.19 are descended fron a text descended from Matching the Jade Pillar which is descended from The Gauge and the Measurement and The Strange and the Regular. To this lineage of texts we can add one final menber--S.W. 13.46c.27 The first line in 13.46c is “This is discussed in The Strange and the Regular and The Yin-Yang.” The basis for arguing that these titles belong to the texts we have already encountered is that they 7 appear in the same context--the same two names in the same sequence--as in $.W. 23.77, As a result, S.W. 13.46c, which cites them and hence is descended from them, also belongs to this lineage. This lineage, which we have been tracing through the appearance of the titles of ancestral texts, can be depicted as follows216 Table 4.6 The Upper & The Lover The Golden ‘The Gauge & ‘The Strange ‘The Yin Yang Classic Classic Casket The Measure 4 ‘The Regular, (The Conduit Classic) 8.W, 13.466 8.W. 23.77 'S.W. 11.468 Matching the Jade Pillar aN Saw, 405 S.W. 6.19217 Like the structure of the conduit text family, this contains at least three generations. Like that structure, this one excludes several texts which may be descended from the ancestors of the family but whose claim cannot be Proven by at least two criteria (reference to a common mame and one other). In this case that excludes $.W. 5.34, “The Discourse on Regulating Contrariness (Ni-tiao don 7 38 = Se and $.¥. 12.44 "The Discourse on Paralysis (Wet aun ff B® Passages from @ text entitled The Lower Classic. It also which altogether quote four excludes $.W. 23.76, which mentions The Conduit Classic in upper and lower p'ien. Though this impoverishes our Structure somewhat, it also makes it more rigorous. This is the third and final kinship structure we will trace in the Nei ching. It may be possible in the future to locate others by discovering additional fossils embedded in other texts. Still others may remain impossible to prove. These three demonstrate that such textual family trees are a crucial feature of the Net ghing and a key to unravelling its history. Ultimately the history of the Nei ching must be Brounded upon an analysis of the activities that caused the texts in that corpus to be composed and compiled. To Provide this kind of bedrock we aust turn to the history of those who wrote and studied these texts, the physicians218 ) of China prior to A.D. 260. (This terminus ad guen is based on The Chiavyi ching. See ch 1, p. 17.) That history begins with the only physician we can link with any assurance to the Yellow Emperor medical tradition, Ts'ang Kung.219 Chapter 5. The Teaching of Medicine and the Compilation of Textual Lineages. Part 1. Introduction. Thus far we have pursued a structural analysis through a corpus of theoretical texts. By and large, the analysis avoided any concern with such historical questions as who produced these texts or how. This narrow focus on textual form enabled us to discover and delineate the earlier texts from which the corpus was compiled and to provide a nodel for determining the sequence in which these texts were composed. Our structural analysis also enabled us to consider briefly, in Chapter Three, the theoretical implications of textual form. Now we tura from textual structure to the social practices that led to these texts and compilations, to the history of those who composed the texts. The materials for determining what social practices underlay the textual configurations in the Nei ching are few. Only three sorts of materials offer any possible insight. The first is the introductions to Nei ching texts, which are couched in terms of fictional dialogue. They are clearly linked to the Nef ching texts; that indisputable advantage, however, must be balanced against220 certain disadvantages, First, these introductions are usually quite brief. Second, they are conversations between mythic figures discussing the ideals of fransmission and curing, These ideals are intriguing, but to formulate the history of the authors of these texts we need to begin with a source which describes more directly the lives and activities of these humen physicians aad authors in as much detail as possible. Han and pre-Han historical and philosophical texts contain a second sort of material--capsule biographies and anecdotes about medicine and physicians.2 Though these are not as explicitly mythical as the Net ching introductions, they are even less useful. They never mention the Nei ching or contain any theoretical information. They never quote medical texts. Their reports of physicians are merely stereotyped stories of astonishing diagnoses and cures by brilliant physicians. They are more valuable as apocrypha and hagiography than as history, Their limitations for our purposes derive clearly from their function. These anecdotes are meant to glorify, not to instruct other physicians or to impress Potential patrons with a physician's breadth of knowledge or access to texts What we are seeking is a description which is more substantial, mo: firmly tied to reality and, if possible,221 Bore closely linked to the Nei ching texts. Such a description appears in chuan 105 of the Shih chi vhich contains the two most substantial Han biographies of physicians, the 1ieh chuan 3 4G of Ptien Chileh and Ts'ang Kung. As ve confirmed in Chapter Four, the biography of Ts*ang Kung makes reference to texts also mentioned in the Nei ching. Since the structure of that Lineage of texts is similar to the structure of other textual lineages in the Nei ching, we can extend what we learn from Ts*ang Kung's biography about how these texte and lineages were created to these other families and thence to the rest of the Net ching. As We shall soon see, such of the information gleaned from Ts'ang Kung's biography matches the information contained {a fictional dialogues throughout the Net ching, Thus, his biography provides an excellent source for considering the historical structures which underlie the textual structures we have discovered, Provided it can meet our third condition, that it is does in fact describe the actual life and activity of a Physician in sone detail. We will find that one portion of the biography, a menoriel to Emperor Wen, is Particularly reliable, and that this biography and this memorial reveal how Han physicians taught ané transmitted texte such as those collected in the Nei ching. As we222 sketch the history of these physicians and their Practices, we shall find that it is possible to integrate information from fictional dialogues in the Nei ching into our analysis. Finally, we will take up our analysis of these physicians’ activities and show how it enables us to explain several features of the Nef ching and the ™: Wang-tui texts and their compilation which have defied explanation on fornal or theoretical grounds. Part 2, The Memorial of Ts'ang Kung--its Background and Authenticity, Shih chi 105 contains two biographies. The first 1 that of the Legendary phystetan Prien chien fj SE, the second that of Ts'ang Kung. The latter begins, as do so many biographies in the dynastic histories, by Tecounting the birthplace and names of the subject. It then reviews Ts'ang Kung's career and notes in passing how, if he could not cure a patient, that person's family would hate him. In the fourth year of the reign of CC ——C—C—C—CCC—E=C=ti‘“# ‘Ts'ang Kung to the Emperor, Ts'eng Kung was transported to the capital for Punishment, to be saved only when his daughter begged the Emperor to punish her and spare her223 father. The Emperor was so moved he pardoned Ts’ang Kung and discontinued the practice of corporal punishment altogether. After this brief life history, the bulk of the biography is taken up by a memorial from Ts'ang Kung to the Emperor Wen. It is likely that the facts of Ts'ang Kung's life Tecounted by Ssu-ma Ch'ter are correct, for several reasons. First of all, Ts'ang Kung was 2 conteaporary of Ssu-ma Ch'ien, not a legendary figure like P'ien Chueh. Second, the Emperor did bring him to court where Ssu-na Ch'ten resided. Finally, given his reputation as a Physician, Ts’ang Kung almost certainly circulated through the court community treating ailments and would therefore have been well known to its members, including Ssu-ma Ch'ien. Sometime after Ts'ang Kung arrived at court, the Emperor demanded that he provide a complete description of his activities. The Emperor asked specifically: “What are the strengths of your techniques (Fang-chi suo-ch'ang JER KE), ana what itinesses can they cure? Where have you studied either by Teceiving written texts or orally? Fer how many years did you study? What cases have you examined, and where did the patients live? What were the224 illnesses and what treatments or drugs cured then? I wish to hear all of this in complete detail.” According to his biography, Ts'ang Kung composed a detailed menorial in reply. He enumerated his teachers, how and what they had taught him, what cases he had treated and how he diagnosed them. Finally, he closed by answering several additional questions not included in the Emperor's initial charge. If genuine, the menorial Provides the only description of an ancient Chinese physician's practice by a physician himself. Certainly, this memorial looks genuine. It opens with the Emperor's order, employing the formal term for an & order from the Emperor, chao ZAM. Throughout the memorial Ts'ang Kung refers to himself humbly as “your servant" as we would expect in a memorial. In addition, the memorial contains a number of quotations purportedly from medical texts. All these features give the memorial the look of an authentic document. There are indeed good reasons to believe this memorial was the product of Ts'ang Kung rather than a realistic fiction, a well-written recreation of the kind common in ancient texts. First of all, as Edowerd Chavannes has shown, Ssu-ma Ch'ien frequently excerpted materials, often compiling rather than writing his accounts.? This was particularly true for his accounts of225 the Ch'in and Han. Chavannes cites several examples from the basic annals (pen-cht A AC) of the emperors and the histories of the great families (shih-enta ff Ro where internal contradictions reveal how Ssu-ma Ch'ien Patched together sources, without altering then to eliminate inconsistencies. Just this sort of inconsistency appears in the biography of Tsang Kung. The preliminary synopsis of his career states that his saster Kung-eheng Yang-chting “A PB AE nea no sons. But, in his memorial Ts'ang Kung states that his master Wwatned him not to revea! to the master's sons that he had studied with him. This is precisely the kind of variation we would expect if the biography were a patchwork and thie Bemorial were really the work of Ts'ang Kung. Second, 4£ Ts'ang Kung did present this memorial to Emperor Wen, it would eventually have been placed in the palace archives, the domain of the Grand Historian (etaicanth A LS) ssu-na Chien, It would have been an easy matter for Ssu-ma Chien to follow his habit and flesh out his biography of Te'ang Kung with this memorial, For these reasons, I find it very likely that Ts'ang Kung's memorial is authentic. In addition, the Manner in which the practice of medicine it reveals amplifies what we have already learned about textual226 configurations in the Nei ching without inconsistency or contradiction suggests that it was the product of a earned physician working within the same textual tradition as the Nei ching. Part 3. The Texts Given Ts'ang Kung. Ts'ang Kung began his memorial by describing his early education in medicine. “From ay youth I loved to practice medicine with drugs. I practiced with prescriptions of drugs. But as I examined them I found many did not work. In the eighth year of the reign of the High Ancestor’s Consort (kao~hou @y fA, 194 3.0. ), 1 was able to visit and to honor as my master ol 7S in Lin-teai [PA S. (Master) Ch'ing was then over seventy years old. When I hed visited and honored Kung-ch'eng Yang-ch'ing of Yu him, he said to me, “Discard alf the prescriptions you have written out. They are wrong. I possess the Way of the ancients. Its remains have been transmitted to me in The Conduit Text of the Yellow The Conduit Text of the Yellow Emperor and Piien Ch'ueh and The Diagnosis of Illness by the Five Colors. With these one can know if a man will live or die, decide doubts227 (nsten-yt FE ZB), aecermine 1£ an ttiness can be treated, and attain to the very essence of The Discourse on Drugs. My family is wealthy (and therefore I have no need to live by curing and teaching). It is only because I love you that 1 wish to teach you with all ay texts of esoteric (chin ZX) prescriptions." At this, your servant Yi (Ts'ang Kung) said: “This is extremely fortunate. It is something I never could have dared hope for." Your servant Yi then Temoved hinself from the master's mat, and again 444 obeisance to him. In formal audience (yeh B® I received his Conduit Text in Upper and Lower Classics,3 The Diagnosis by the Five Colors, The Methods of The Strange and the Regular,4 The Gauge and Measurement, The External Transformations of and Measurement, The External Transformations of Yin and Yang,5 The Discourse on Drugs,S The spirit of the Stone Probes,7 and The Esoteric Text on Massaging the Yin and the Yang.® Receiving these texts, reading them, having them explained, and Practicing them took a little over one year. The next year I (continued to) practice them. I prac- tieed, but I was still not fully proficient (ching 4D. artogether 1 served hin above three years.228 Ts'ang's description of how he received these texts from a Master contains three elements crucial to our analysis. First, it lists the texts received. Second, it indicates that Ts'ang received these texts only as part of an education in medicine, not to treat himself or read for his own casual interest. Third, it describes briefly the formal ceremony in which he received them. We will consider each of these elements in turn, 3.a. Ts'ang's List of Texts By now this list of texts is quite familiar to us. Five of these titles appear in $.W. 23.77, four in S.W. 13.46g; in each the sequence is slightly different. Both begin with The Upper Classic and then The Lower Classic, as does this memorial, then they.list The Gauge and Measure followed by The Strange and the Regular, in Feverse order from this memorial. §.W. 23.77 then adds The Yin-yang to the list. S.W. 14.46g inserts a text not mentioned by Ts’ang Kung, The Golden Casket, after The Lower Classic. As I argued in Chapter Four, the appearance of the nearly identical lists in these three sources provides the necessary confirmation that the matching titles refer in each case to a single text.229 Now we can go beyond this textual conclusion to a historical one. For the first time ve can identify two recipients of the texts--Yang-ch'ing and Tsang Kung. Perhaps we should be a little cautious when we identify Tang-ch'ing as the recipient of these texts. It is Possible that he was'the author of some or all of these texts and was attempting to exalt them by aging thea. But we should not be overly sceptical. Ts'ang Kung had, in effect, written a memoir under oath in his memorial. If he said his teacher had received these texts he certainly believed that was the case. Ts'ang may have exaggerated, but not beyond the tolerance of his reader, especially since he had already faced execution at the orders of his primary reader, the Emperor. We must assume that Ts'ang Kung sought to portray himself in the best light possible, Undoubtedly he omitted cases he misdiagnosed and so forth, but this will not materially affect our analysis. Our object is to learn how a Participant in the practice of medicine believed it was and should be practiced. As it happens, we can use descriptions of medical Practice elsewhere as a check on Ts'ang's possible abuse of authorial license. This will provide a generally valid, though perhaps idealized, model of the practice which created the texts and families of texts we have been230 Studying. In addition, since our confirmation of Ts‘ang Kung's descriptions will cone primarily from the Nei ching and Ma-wang-tui texts it will demonstrate the high degree to which the practices described by Ts'ang Kung were those of the Nei ching and Ma-wang-tui authors, 3.b. The Teaching of These Texts The memorial by Ts'ang Kung reveals that he was a professional physician (yi ,, always treating others, never himself, travelling from place to place. Emperor Wen's questions to Ts'ang Kung reveal that this Professional medical practice could generally be divided into two halves: the teaching of medicine, and the treatment of illness. The Emperor wished to know about Ts'ang's study of medicine and those who studied under him. He also asks who Ts'ang treated and how. These teal texts were teaching texts. Yang-ch'ing states he would teach Tsang with his texts. When Ts'ang names his students near the end of the memorial he states in several cases that in teaching he employed “the five diagnoses (wu chen F Bo), “the Strange and the regular,” and “the upper and the lower conduits (ching-mo)." The very close parallels between these terms and the titles of the text: Yang-ch'ing taught231 him suggest very strongly that Tc'ang Kung taught his students with at least four of the texts through which he had learned his art. The fictional dialogues used to frame texts in the Nei ching repeatedly reveal that they were texts for teaching physicians. For example, the Yellow Emperor asks the Thunder Duke, “Do you know the way of being a Physician?” (S.W. 23.75), Never is there any mention of Seeking instruction to treat oneself. Instead, for example, the Yellow Emperor says, "I wish to lance and expel the ilinesses of men” (S.W. 8.25). Even when a text stresses hygiene or treating a condition before it becomes an illness, the focus is stili on the physician, never the Patient. Texts are only for teaching physicians. They are not for general distribution or for self-help. 3.c. Transmission of Texts That the central event in teaching was the transmission of the texts is made clear by the attention Te'ang gave it. He opened his memorial by describing hi. youthful fascination with prescriptions, then mentioned his obefsance to Yang-ch'ing, and described Yang-ch'ing's transmission of texts to hin in fulsome detail. Ts'ang's232 Subsequent study with Yang-ch'ing, which took three years, is covered in two lines. At the end of his memorial, Ts'ang Kung disclosed he had studied with another master, Kung-sua Kuang 4 3K 7G. ie approached this master because “Your servant Yi had heard he was good at trausuitting ancient remedies ei ku chtuan fang % Ba a & a] y7.9 Tstang (shan Tecalled: Your servant Yi then had a formal audience with him, Iwas able to pay a formal visit to him and serve him (as a master). I received his Prescriptions to transform yin and yang (fang hue yin-yang HAL, FE FB. as well as the methods given orally at the time of transmission (ch' an yurte 1B 2B % >. vou servant vi received and wrote then all out. Later Ts'ang Kung described a promise he made to Kung-sun Kuang: “I have been able to attend and serve before you as a student. I have received all your esoteric prescriptions (chin-fang M 4), 1 have been extremely fortunate. I will die before I carelessly transmit then to another (seu-pu-kan wang-ch'uan jen FE fF AK F e Aw These two accounts present a sequence of events which provides a model for transmiesion: a formal visit233 to @ prospective master, a promise to serve him, receipt of the texts, oral explanation, copying the texts,11 and the promise to transmit them carefully, The texts which are transmitted and restricted in this way are called esoteric (! D+ These two accounts together add another interesting detail. A single physician aight study with more than one master. Part 4, The Transmission of Texts in the Net ching When we turn to the fictional dialogues of the Nei_ ghing texts, we find repeated reference to the transmission of texts. 1.5. 8.48, “Esoteric Procedures (ohtncte BAR" ,12 vegins vith one of the aost detailed references, a description of a ceremony of transmission remarkably like the one Ts'ang describes. The Thunder Duke asked the Yellow Emperor: “I, imsigatficant though I am, have recetved your skills, I have completed the sixty fascicles on the nine lancets, From dawn to dusk I have applied myself to it, The slips which make up the recent (texts) are out of order; the slips which make up the old (texts) are enudged and unclear. So I have recited them without picking them up. still I do234 not fully comprehend their meaning. (For exanple,) 1 do not understand what the (text called) “The External Measure” means by “unify the bound and the chactic."13° .,,1 fear this (teaching) may be Jost to deter generations, cut off fron wy descendants, I beg to ask you to summarize it.” The Yellow Euperor responded: “An excelieat question. This is something the former masters considered esoteric. You must sit privately to transmit it. If you wish to be given the oath (neng Be ), lecerating the arm and dabbing the blood, why have you not fasted?” The Thunder Duke bowed again, arose and said "Iam pleased to hear your command on this.” Then he fasted for three days and asked: “I dare ask if today at noon I may take the oath.” The Yellow Emperor then entered the fasting hall together with hin. He lacerated (the Thunder Duke's) arm and smeared the blood on him, The Yellow Emperor himself swore (chu FL) “at noon of this day we have dabbed the blood and transnitted the remedies (fang). He who dares Tepudiate these words (of the oath) will face the calamity they bring.”235 The Thunder Duke again bowed and said: “I accept this.” The Yellow Emperor then grasped the (Duke's) hand in his left hand, and gave him the text with his right hand. He said "Be careful, be careful with it. I will explain (the text) for you..." Although this description is clearly idealized, as was Ts'ang Kung's, it is striking how similar the two ideals are. In both cases there is the formal meeting with the Raster, the oath, the declaration that the texts are esoteric, the receipt of the texts, and the oral explanation. Both masters impress on their disciples the value of their texts, particularly stressing they were transmitted by ancient masters, This treatment of transmission is only unusual among the Nei ching texts in its length and detail. “The Nei_ching Discourse on Articulating the Ultimate Doctrine (chu chthcchtse tun & F He Bép" (S.W. 23.75) begins with the Yellow Emperor seated in the Bright Hall (ming-t'ang), quizzing the Thunder Duke on his knowledge of “the way of a physician (xs hth tao BE ZB). mene course of exhorting the Thunder Duke, he says: “The discourses and Biden on the way of a physician should be transmitted to Posterity, for they are valuable.”236 Another aspect of transmission, the oral explanation of the texts, forms the plot for Ling shu 5.28 “The Oral Questions (K'ou wenO fib: The Yellow Emperor, sitting at leisure, dismissed those about him and asked Ch'i Po: “I have already heard The Classic on the Nine ies; I have discussed the recaleitrance and accordance of yin and yang. (My study of) the six conduits is already complete. I would like to pose Some oral questions.” Ch'i Po removed hinself from the-mat, again made obeisance and said: “This is a remarkably good question. These (things which I will tell you) are what the prior master transmitted orally.” The Yellow Emperor said: “I would like to hear the oral tradition.” Here we find the same euphasis on the antiquity of what is transmitted and on its transmission from earlier teachers that had appeared in Ts'ang Kung’s memorial. Here, too, there is a concern for posterity end the reliance on an oral tradition to supplement and interpret the written tradition,237 4.a, The Significance cf Net ching References to Transaission Earlier we cautioned that because the fictional dialogues in the Nei ching were mythical, they were an unreliable guide to the human activities of their authors without confirmation from a more realistic source. The Remorial of Ts*ang Kung provides that confirmation. once confirmed, do these fictional dialogues lose all interest? Hardly. Instead, they suggest the variety of elements that were part of the ritual of transmission and the central place transmission played in establishing the value of texts and teachings. One indication of how closely transmission was linked to value is the Tepeated linking of the two words, “transmission (ch'uan BB )" and “esoteric enn Sy. According to Ts'ang Kung, Yang-ch'ing possessed transmitted texts which contained esoteric prescriptions, Kung-sun Kuang gave Ts*ang esoteric Prescriptions which he swore never to transmit carelessly. “Esoteric Procedures (Chin-fu)" (1.8. 8.48) begins by describing transmission. If transmission was central to the teaching of medicine through texts and central to the valuation of these texts according to both Ts'ang Kung and the authors of the Nei ching texts, then it seems natural to suppose, Net ching238 a8 most scholars have, that the Ma-wang-tui texts were also transmitted, There is no fictional dialogue in these texts which might denonstrate that the authors of the conduit texts transmitted them to subsequent generations of students until they were copied and then interred at Ma-wang-tui, but there is clear evidence that at least one of those who copied texts onto that silk manuscript had Teceived a medical text taught through transmission. The evidence appears in The Wu-shih-erh ping~fang, but to understand it we must take a momentary gtour into another text. 4.d. Confirmation of Transmission Practices from Wu-wei, In Chapter One, I introduced a Han text of Prescriptions unearthed at Wu-wei in Kansu. The phrase “esoteric, do not transmit (chin woceh'uan SF a 4%- or “esoteric, do not carelessly tranamit (chin wu wang-ch"uan s QE 4%). appears eight times in the Wu-wed Prescriptions, more or less abbreviated.14 The phrase is YS appended to the end of a prescription and is normally preceded by the comment that the Prescription is good (1iang @ ), This indicates the text was intended for transmission and provides a odel of how a prescrip-239 tion can be designated by its author or transmitter as valuable and esoteric. With this model in mind, the absence of these phrases in the Wurshih~erh ping-fang te striking, even Considering the numerous lacunae in the silk manuscripts. However, the word ling “@ appears repeatedly at the end of prescriptions and 4s thought to be a loan for Itang.15 Once this identification has been nade then a fragnentary Phrase at the end of the last prescription for a skin ailment called hsiu becomes explicable.16 The + (chin wu x BY (3)."17 though the phrase seems isolated dt 4s clear prescription ends “esoteric, do not. that either the author or a recipient of this text understood transmission and anticipated that this text would be transmitted. This suggests, though it does not Prove, that the conduit texts compiled together with these Prescriptions were also transmitted. Reinforcing this conclusion is the observation by the modern editors of the Ma-wang-tud texts that the Wu-shih~erh ping-feng and the four texts written on the bolt of silk together with it are all the products of a single hand. This implies that the person who copied “The Leg and Arm Classic” and the ghia version of “The Yin-yang Classic” was participating in the transmission of texts.240 Part 5. The Effect of this History upon # Structural Analysis The historical practices whick produced the Net ching texts was implied by a formal analysis of these texts. It is now possible to turn the tables and use this history to solve certain problems in the formal analysis. The first problem to consider is the relationship among the generations of texts in a lineage: were they written by a single author or by a succession of then? In other words, is the concept of textual descent merely heuristic or does it reflect a real temporal succession? Two aspects of the texts in the Nei ching demonstrate that the descent of texts 1s a product of generations of teaching medicine through the transmission of texts. First is the obvious morphological similarity between the generational structures of textual descent and human transmission. This impression of similarity is strengthened if we recall that in several instances in the Nei ching the disciple asks his master to explain to him the texts he has received (S.W. 4.15, 1.5. 5.28, L.S. 8.48). When a master transmits a text he has received from a previous master to his disciple he provides an explanation, sometimes oral, sometimes written. Sometimes, perhaps, the explanation is delivered orally241 and then transcribed by the disciple. (Occestonally, a master aust have atttributed to the ancient sages a text he himself had composed, but as Ts'ang Kung's memorial indicates (see p 231) disciples did transmit texts composed by 2 prior master to their own disciples.) In these cases the master would have provided an oral or written explanation to supplement or reinterpret the earlier text, This is precisely what a descendant text does, The discourse quoted in S.W. 10.35b extended the Tange of The Method of Lancing. The explanation texts (ghieh) (L.8. 1.3, 8.W. 8.30, S.W. 14.54) reinterpreted the classics they quoted (see pp. 176-179, 186 above). In this way, there are three human generations - previous masters, innediate master and his disciple - paralleled by three generations of texts,--classic, explanation, receipt. The different explanations which can be built around a single text, provide the second piece of evidence to support our cenclusion that a textual lineage is Produced by a series of authors linked by transmission. The two different explanations of L.S. 1,1 in S.W. 15.54 and L.S. 1.3 could not have been the product of a eingle author. Nor could the different theoretical structures into which "The Yang Brightness Conduit” is integrated in S.W. 8.30, L.S. 3,10b and “The Yin-yang Conduit” all be the product of a single mind. Even if we concede that a242 eli fe and an explanation of it might be composed by a Single physician, that still means the other explanations are the product of other physicians to whom that classic was transmitted. The practice of transmission explains not only multiple descendants of a single ancestor but multiple ancestors of a single text as well. We saw in Chapter Three that “complex” texts, such as L.S. 3.16b, incorporated several distinctive, often conflicting, theoretical schemata, which we designated as the primary and secondary schemata of a text, derived from several ancestral texts. The closest human parallel to the nultiple ancestors of a text is the several masters with whom a student of medicine might study. Ts'ang Kung Studied with at least two different masters, each of whom transmitted texts to him. It is reasonable to assume that when he taught subsequent disciples he would have combined both teachings to produce complex terts. This reasonable explanation of compiex texts lacks @ crucial feature--an explanation of why a ‘physician would incorporate divergent theories in a text. A glib explanation might be that physicians. were untroubled by Anconsistency, Not only is such an explanation historically arrogant, it flies in the fece of texts such as L.S. 3.10b which were carefully designed to depict a243 consistent system of conduits, or S.W. 4.15 which opens with the Yellow Emperor who is troubled by the fact that two texts he has received do not agree. If these physicians valued consistency and yet incorporated divergent materials into their texts they must have been motivated by some still greater value. The greater value that produced complex texts is Tevealed in the way textual transmission was described, When Ts'ang Kung met Yang-ch'ing, this master told bin how great the texts he would receive were. Yang-ch'ing did not report how effective these texts had been but how illustrious their heritage was. They were transmitted from earlier masters; their antecedents were a better measure of their value than their contents. By accepting these texts, the disciple Ts'ang Kung did more than learn; he received the authority of this lineage of masters. It is for this reason that transmission vas a cerenony preceded by ritual purification and incorporating an oath. The importance to a physician of becoming part of a tradition, being able to claim descent from these former masters is revealed by a uaxin incorporated in the Li ens#B2?; “re 2 physician ts not (at least) the third Beneration (of a tradition) do not take his medicine (yt Bu sancshih, pu-fu ch'i 20% ZU FTRRB-0 In addition, by accepting this authority the disciple is244 given the right to receive additional texts and oral explanation from his master. The text was both textbook and talisman, This talismanie quality of a text, the way it reflected the tradition that gave rise to it, was the value that overrode consistency. By re. iving texts transmitted by two masters, Ts‘ang Kung was receiving talismans of authority of two traditions. Because these texts had this authority, there was good reason to revere them, to quote them, to incorporate them as secondary Schenata into descendant texts whose primary theoretical stance was expressed by other structures, This explanation of how a single text would come to incorporate multiple ancestors leads to the solution of a Telated problem. Why did someone copy first “The Leg and Arm Classic” and then later “The Yin-yazg Classic” onto one of the bolts of silk recovered from Ma-wang-tui? Can We explain this kind of compilation by appealing to the activities of physicians transmitting texte? The differences between the theoretical structures of these two texts, including astters as basic as the ames of three of the conduits, make it unlikely they were composed by the same hand. Hence they were not composed by the copyist, but either by the persons who gave him the texts or by some people still earlier, in other words by245 immediate or prior masters. Since these texts do not complement one another in any significant way the copyist Probably acquired them from different masters for reasons not restricted to their contents, which again leads us to conclude it was for their talismanic value. Even though they repeat one another in many ways, ‘the copyist would have pledged himself to two different masters in order to claim the authority of their traditions. After he pledged himself, he copied and compiled these two texts together. This explanation may also account for the appearance of a second version of “The Yin-yang Classic” on a second scroll from Ma-wang-tui. According to the editors both scrolls were copied at roughly the same tine, though they do not indicate if they were copied in the sane hand.19 There is no indication which scroll was first. But, since they were discovered in the same cache, they were possessed by a single person. Why would someone who already possessed a copy of “The Yin-yang Classic” copy it again or secure another copy? He would secure the second copy to receive the authority of the second tradition. After he had received “The Yin-yang Classic” from one master (who perhaps had copied it), he would have pledged himself to a second ster (who had also received that text) and as part of the ritual of transmission copied it, or been given a copy246 of it, again. Or perhaps he had acquired one copy illicitly, without going through the ritual, either purchasing it or inheriting it from a deceased relative. Possessing the text, but lacking the authority or oral explanations that had accompanied its transmission, this aspiring physician would have sought to pledge himself to @ physician and receive his texts, In either case, the appearance of these three conduit texts on these two serolis can best be explained by considering how texts were transmitted by masters as textbooks and talismans to disciples who then copied and compiled them, rather than by focusing on the theories they contained. This approach to the Ma~wang-tui medical texts as a compilation collected by a single physician suggests the Possibility of looking at it as an example of what an early medical compilation might contain. Even if we limit our consideration to the five texts copied by a single hand onto one of the scrolls, we find a variety of texts: “Two different descriptions of the conduits, one of which includes the use of moxabustion; A text on taking the pulse; ~A text on how to determine whether a patient will die, based on the yin or yang quality of his pulse; and ~A text of treatments for fifty-two ailments.247 One reason for this variety would have been the desire to Teceive texts from different masters, Another reason, I believe, would have been that this variety of texts covers the range of problems a physician might have encountered in treating people. Since these texts resemble the Net ching texts we can assume that, like the Ned ching texts, they were intended for physicians. This range of Practical concerns is even more apparent in the variety of texts Ts'ang Kung received from his master Yang-ch' ing: texts on the conduits, diagnosis, drugs, the effects of external changes on illness, and sexual activities. This reinforces our conclusion that the compilation of texts was a natural outgrowth of transmission and a vital part of the physician's education in, and practice of, medicine. The receipt and reproduction of texts through transmission served the physician in his efforts to treat illness.248 Chapter 6. Conclusion. Part 1. Introduction. We have now cone full circle. In the beginning the organization of the extant Nei ching appeared to pose obstacles to understanding the medicel theories it contained. These obstructions included the haphazard duxtaposition in the Nei ching of disparate, even contradictory, explanations of medical phenomena. We have shown that when such obstructions appear in relatively small conpilations of medical texts, such as Ma-wang-tut and Ts'ang Kung’s, they are really vital indications of how theories of medicine were taught by physicians transmitting their knowledge to their disciples in texts. This kind of transmission, we discovered, was described in the Nei ching as the ideal way to learn. We concluded that the Nei ching includes compilations which are the result of transmission, These compilations within the Nei ching are in fact quite email, most no longer than a single p'ien. It is Row possible to extend cur conclusions and demonstrate that the formation of the extant versions of the Nei ching can be explained in terms of compilations (or texts). This makes it possible to employ our analysis to explain249 the apparent disarray we found in the Nef ching and that Provoked our analysis, This must not only change how we evaluate versions of the Nei ching, it must also alter how we study the history and theory of medicine it contains. Part 2, Summary of the Argument so Far. Before we turn to this final argument, it is worth Teviewing our argument to this point. We began with the observation that the major source for the study of Han and Pre-Han medicine, the Huang-ti nei-ching, exists only in a Tang edition. A review of the history of the Nei ching up to the T'ang revealed that the T'ang Nei ching was only ome of several different versions of the same text, none of which £it Han descriptions of the Nei ching. Comparing these versions disclosed that they all contained the same Language and the sane theories organized in very different ways. To explain why, we proposed that these vers{oas all contained compilations of small primary texts (texts,) which cane from a conmon corpus. Instead of trying to determine which extant version best reflected the Han Net ghing, we began to examine how these textsz were structured and then how they were organized into the compilations, or textsz, we now have.250 Each of the primary texts in this corpus is held together by a formal frame, what we later called an overall structure. This structure preserves that text, and its language, and it also serves as the defining characteristic of a text. Each texty cen then be analyzed into a series of smaller intermediate and language Structures. The theories enunciated in any text, are the Tesult of the way the intermediate and language structures aze organized into a hierarchy within the overall Structure, Sometimes a certain intermediate structure may appear in a few different textey. Sometines ai intermediate structure in a text, is incongruent with, even contradicts, the overall structure of the texty. These discoveries led to another. These intermediate structures, in fact ali structures, are transmitted from one text; to another like so many hereditary traits. By tracking these traits it is possible to array a number of texts; shari ‘tain structures into family’trees or e Kinship structures, By attending to how these hereditary structures are linked with the rest of a text, it is possible to determine, in some c jes, if the texty is the source of a given trait, thus the ancestral text, or the recipient of a trait, the descendent text. Finally, in Chapter Four, we discovered that one family of related texts mentioned in the Nei ching corpus251 is also nentioned in the only extant autobiography of a Han physician. This suggested that this physician, Ts'ang Kung, practiced medicine in a way similar to that enunci- ated in at least some Nei ching texts, and led us to de- seribe in Chapter Five how the activities of a Han physi- clan produced such a group of texts. These texts were composed by physicians to teach their students, who received the texts in a formal ceremony of transmission. The recipient disciple, a student-physician, would swear loyalty as a disciple to the master-physician. The dis- ciple would then copy down the texts he had received. Over time, he might receive additional texts from his master which he would copy after the first. In this way the student produced a coupilation for his own use as a Physician, He might later attend another physician, as a his disciple, and receive different, even contradictory, texts which he would then add to his compilation. The Process would continue as hé composed texts for his own disciples, choosing different theories and structures from texts he had compiled to produce new descendant texts. The parallel between the kinship structures of texts and the practice of transmission leads to the conclusion that compilation was essential to the way medicine was taught during the Hen, and that compilation Produced the families of texts contained in the Nei252 We can now go one final step further by Nei ching are also products of this process of compilation. ching. demonstrating that the extant versions of the Each version is, in fact, a compilation of compilations. Part 3. The Conclusion of Textual and Historical Analysis Present versions of the Nei ching are all massive compilation: They contain the Su wen and 181 p'ien in number of texts; in any one somewhere between 81 p'ien in the T'at su.l The total version may be as high as 300, Since several p'ien contain more than one text. Every version contains the same texts) by and large, but in such different arrangements that they could not be the Successive reordering of a single compilation. Instead, all these versions must have originated independently from @ common pool of texts3. It should be stressed that there must have been a unified tradition at sone point or eise the three versions could not all have received virtually the same text It seems, in fact, that this unified tradition is the phenomenon scholars are implicitly talking about when they speak of a Han Nei ching. Although the various versions of the Nei ching were all compiled from a single unified tradition, it is clear that none of them was compiled by a single person choosing253 and compiling texts,. First of all, it is inconceivable how this single physician could have accumulated 300 individual texts, Each text was composed by a physician who transmitted it only to students who swore to be his disciples. No one student could have gone through sufficient ceremonies of transuission to receive that many texts1, even if he had achieved the legendary longevity of the Yellow Emperor himself. Furthermore, many of these 300 texts; would not be available as individual units. Each master had once sworn himself to a previous master from whom he received texts and compiled them. These he transmitted to his disciples as compilations together with the texts he himself had composed. The compilers of the versions of the Nei ching were drawing on a common corpus of texts; and compilations, which they in turn combined into larger compilations. We have already seen evidence which confirms that the common pool contained compilations. In Chapter Two we saw a series of texts; which appeared in the same sequence in different versions of the Nei ching (see p.105 ££), Sometines one version would separate the compiled texts, into fascicles as if the compiler realized, or had been taught, that they were separate texts. Other times all the compilers kept them as a single unit, apparently ignorant that they held not a primary text but a secondary254 one, This is further proof that the versions of the Net ghing are not simply compilations but the last in a Progressive series of coupilations. At some point in this series, before or during the Han, some physician attached a title to the texts and compilations he had received and compiled. He called then the Huang-ti nei-ching, This title crystallized the continuing process of transmission into an ideal form. In @ way we still do not understand, this title prevented his coapilation from being attached to others, the way he had absorbed earlier compilations into his. As the fame of this ideal corpus spread, so too did conceptions of its ideal extent and form. This explains the prevalence of numerological prescriptions for the length of the Nei_ ghing and the maintenance of the title Nei ching for severai different versions of the compilation. One of these was listed in the Han shu, others led to the versions still extant today. All are products of the same Process of transmission that produced the primary texts they contain,255 Part 4, Further Research Issues--A History of Early Chinese Medicine This conclusion leads to two separate subsequent Tesearch issues, The first of these issues rerains essentially within the confines of the Ned ching. 1 have shown that the Nei ching contains some of the records of medical theorizing, teaching and debate until approximately the end of the Han. The Nei ching is not a final synthetic product which integrated all these sedical activities into a cingle homogenous whole. Instead it is #@ collection of records, the materials for a history of Han medicine. 7 In previous chapters I have developed the analytic tools to reconstruct the history of medical texts in the Ned ching. The next task is to extend this task to the entire corpus of texts; contained in the Nei ching, demarcating texts}, and establishing textual lineages. With these texts and structures articulated it will then be possible to trace the evolution of medical theories through the textual, and human, generations spanned in this compilation. With the textual evolution independently established on textual rather than theoretical grounds, it will then be possible to discern the theoretical distinctions made by the authors of these256 texts and to produce a history of medical theory that is faithful to the ideas of Han physicians rather than late. comnentators and medical theorists. As noted in the introduction, it is in large part the reliance on such later commentators and theorists that limits the applicability of Needham and Lu, and Porkert, to Han medicine (see p. x-xi). Such a history of medical theory in the Nei ching then leads to a second research issue, the reconsideration of other medical texts which date roughly to the period of the Han dynasty, Several of these were mentioned in Chapter One, texts such as the Nen ching and the Chia-yt ghing. The Nan ching has traditionally been described explanations of eighty-one difficult passages in the Net ghing. As indicated in Chapter One (pp. 31-33), the Naz ghing contains no quotations from the extant Nei ching, and there is no clear indication that all eighty-one Passages it explains come from the same text. These factors suggest that it may be a collection of passages from several different sources. The analysis developed in Previous chapters should enable us to gain new insight into the Nan ching, the mutual coherence or imeonsistencies of the medical theories it presents, and their relationship to medical theories in the Nei ching. A second text to which our analysis might be profitably257 applied is the Chie~yi ching. Huang Fu-ni expressly acknowledged that the Chia-yi ching was a compilation. Once we develop 2 clearer comprehension of the history of Bedicine in the period prior to the Chia-y! ching, it may de possible to analyse how the structure of the Chis-yi ghing compilation reflects the theoretical understanding of its coupiler. Finally, this analysis of medical history enables 4s to go beyond the confines of the Yellow Emperor medical tradition, A first step outside the Yellow Enperor tradition should be to the Shang-han rue 4 F 3 ot chang Chung-ching RTF RK 2 nds text attters from the others we have discussed thus far in that ir is identified as the work of a single author who lived during the Letter Han, Despite the attachment of a single name to this work, the text itself seens to have many of the same discontinuities of subject matter that characterize the Net ching and scholars continue to debate which portions of the text are really the work of Chang. The application of the analysis presented here should enable us to determine whether Chang Chung-ching was the author of a text, or compiler of a textz, and in either case to analyse the sources and medical theories from which he drew.258 The completion of these two research projects Should bring us within reach of understanding Han medical texts, and their origins, while developing a theoretical Stance which does not rely excessively on T'ang and later medical theories, Part 5, Past the Ideal Nei ching The prerequisite for the analysis I have presented was the decision to abandon the search for the Nei ching listed in the Han shu. The result of this analysis is an explanation of how the Nei ching listed in the Han shu was created. None of the versions of the Nei ching is a more or less perfect replica of the Nei ching listed in the Han Shu. They are all equally the product of the same Practice of medicine, the same teaching of medicine through textual transmission. This dispels a major misconception upon which many Present studies of the Nei ching are based. It means that none of the final compilers can be honored for preserving, or damned for defacing, the true Han Nei ching. That ideal form existed only as an ideal. The reality was a series of Nef chings. Each w compiled and recompiled repeatedly, For this reason, to identify any one version with its final compiler, be he Ch'uan Yuan-ch'i, Yang259 Shang-shan or Wang Ping, is no more than a convenience. Their effect upon these versions was not so dramatic as is often assumed. Wow that we understand how the Net ching evolved and can identify the basic textual units from which it was constructed, we are ready to go beyond evaluating these compilers, beyond searching for an ideal Nei ching. We are ready to study early Chinese medicine and the debates on medical theory through which it grew.260 Appendix One. Below is a table of contents for the Huang-ti nei ghing compiled by Ch'uan Yuan-ch't reconstructed by Tanba Motohiro from Lin Yi's Sung commentary to the Huang-ti nei ghing of Wang Ping and contained in Tamba's Su-wen shih. I present it here to give some indication of the extent to which Ch'uan and Wang drew from the same corpus of materials and organized them in very different ways. It Should not be assumed that because p'ien have the same title, the contain the materials. on this point see chapter two, Chuan one SW. Pring~jen ch'i-hsiang 1un FF A H % 3.18 Chiieh _ssu-sheng lun J 4 ES 4,201 Ts'ang ch't fa-shih tus Jy @ ie oF SG 4.22 Hevan-ming wurch'i piien wag x HB 4.23 Ghing-ho lun ZB S By 4.272 T4ao-ching 1un A] AF BS 7.62 RX x Ssushih tote ni te'ung tun @ OF hf ittChuan Two Hicehing psen-eh!s 1a 43 9h HA 26 23 wispen ius-yso plien & ARISE SF as Chen-yao ching-lo Wa 35H AE B26 3.16 Paccheng shen-ming lun /\ = ## af 26 4.26 Ghenchsten tun B AP HG 4.27 Daozpen singcenunn LaAR GH ae Piicpu tun & BP EG 7.56 recitung tun BPH a cuts neveh ton 3 EA 738 cn'sote 100 & fH a) Miao tste 1un ¢ Hl 24 7.63 Chuan Three Shih-erh ts'ang hsiang-ehih lun ? $= J Lisohdeh totonpchatane 1a BRIG 2.9 Zang-ning no chich ptien PB OA Ak BF 4.30 Chtang tste chien un & fl SF 26 6.55 woctetang onl etune Ff HE s.3stChuan Four chin-kut chencyen tun EB 2 Yanzyang pieh-tun PE PZ Fl SE Ching-mo pieh-lun £8 Ak Fi 2S TMung-p'ing bev-shin tun 4) ZF Etaicyin yang-ming tun K PE PG AY ES Miztiso tun # 3] ES Wei lun Chuan Five ae woctstang pion tun BBY Tang eo-2i iun $3 9X G ton tun BR 2S nate smn ae eB Bling jyheping tun BF BA Nien 1un fe 2S Furehusg un BG ch 2 chien 1un IR ZG Ping-neng lun f& AE Z cnta ping un A ft ES we 32 tH OW jog ar on ay ar aw263 Chuan Six5 Mo yao ching-vet lun AIRE #8 KES 3.17 Yoreht chenvts'ang ime EAE BP SE 3.18 Paorming ch’ Gan-hsing 1un 2 GEM 4.2 tote afenton HO) J ES 5.36 Tete yao-ttung lun Hail ABR SG 6.50 Tete chi lun Hel S| SE 6.51 Tete chin 1m Gj A Ze 6.52 Notes 1. The Chueh ssucsheng lun is the San-pu jfu-hou un = BF AK SH tn the wang Ping edition. 2, The Ghing-ho lun is the Licho chen-hsteh 1un Sf¢ & a SP B@ sm the wong Ping edition. 3. So far as I can detemine, there is no directly equivalent p'ien in the Wang Ping edition. 4a ‘The Wu-ts'ang chi t'ung appears in the Wang Ping 2 edition as the chi ttung In BI ES,264, Notes (cont.) 5. Tamba indicates in this notes that there are ten Blien in this chuan, but he lists only seven.265 Appendix Two. A Parallel Translation of Three Conduit Texts. This appendix provides a parallel translation of the three conduit texts upon which the analysis in Chapter Three is based. The reader should review this translation before reading Chapter Three and may want to have at hand to consult while proceeding through that chapter. This translation provides a background for an analysis of the similarities and differences among the texts as well as the consistent and discordant schemata within each text. Each of the three conduit texts presents the description of eleven or twelve conduits in a different Sequence. In order to place parallel sections side by Side, I have chosen te follow the sequence of one text, “The Leg and Arn Clacsic,” and to reorder the sequence of "The Yin-yang Classic” and L.S. 3.10b to match it. The original sequence of the other two texts, is indicated by the number at the beginning of each conduit description. Further, to place parallel portions within each description side by side I have spread the texts where nece! ary.266 "The Leg and Arm Classic" The Legs. 1. The Greater Yang Conduit Br ees hollow? in the outside of the through the calf, and comes me AL err sides of the spine ~ -, neck, “The Yin-yang Classic" 1., (The Great (chii $B) yang Conduit)! (goes through? the hollow in the cuter ankle; £t cones out from the back of the knees it ascends and pierces (ohtuan 9") the buttocks; 1 comes out behind the hip Joints (pti yan ff fi. It , Pfesses on the spine and comes out at the nape of the neck, - the crown, descends the fore- head, presses along the stem of the nose and is tied to the inner corner of the eye, “the Conduite” 7, The Conduit of the Bladder and the Great Yang of the Foot arises in the inner corner of the eye. It ascends the fore~ head and intersects at the crown, Its branch goes from the crown to the upper lobe of the ear, ‘The mainline leaves the crown, enters and attaches to the brain it tums about, cones out and descends past the nape of the neck, Following the inside edge of267 It branches to the center of forehead and goes to the ear, Its mainline goes through the inside corner of the eye and goes to the nose. the shoulder blade it preases along both sides of the spine until it strikes the waist. It enters and follows along the muscles along the backbone, attaches to the Kidneys,} and 1s subordinate to the blaader.2 Ite branch leaves the middle of the watst, pr along both sides of the spine, goes through the buttocks, and enters the back of the knee, Another branch leaves the inside of the shoulder, moves to the side and descends separately. It goes through268 Its illnesses: it Sickens the foot, the small toe 1s incapacitated (fet, If it is moved4 then the illnesses are: swelling, head pains, ~ ~~ - spinal the shoulder blade, presses on both sides of the interior of the spine, and passes the hip Joint, and rine along the outside of the buttocks. From the back (of the thigh) se coverges (with the mainline) in the back of the knee. This then descends and goes through the inside of the calf. It comes out behind the outer ankle. It follows the metatarsal bone, runs to the outer edge of the little toe. If this ts moved then the illnesses are: violent headaches, a feeling the eyesi the small toe, the calves pain, the back of the knee is eramped,5 the buttocks pain, it causes piles, waist pain, pain where it (the conduit) presses on the spine, ~ pains, the nape of the neck® the neck® pains, the hands pain, 269 the middle of the forehead Pains. It produces deafness, eye pains, nasal drip, nose bleeds, repeated attacks of flts (tten jh 7 pain, waist seems broken, hips can't move (che SIF Dy (the: back of the knee seens tied up),> the calf seems (Split. This)® is recalcitrance of the knee. ‘This Great Yang Conduit controle treataent.7 The 11inesses which tt Produces: head pain, deafness, pain in the nape of the neck, (stiffness of the ear,)® malaria, back pain, Waist pain, pain in the buttocks, piles, pain in the back of the knee, pain in the are going to fall out, the nape of the neck feels pulled, spinal pain, the waist feels separated, can't bend the hips, the backs of the knees seem tied up, it feels like the calves are splitting. ‘This 19 Recalcitrance of the ankle, T1inesses caused by the sinews which this controls are: piles, malaria, madn fits, pain in the crown of the head and the nape of the neck, yellow eyes, tears, nasal drip and bleeding, simultaneous Pain in the nape, back, waist,270 For thie category® of several t1lnessea always moxtbust the Greater Yang Condute calves, (rheumatism)? (of the small toes, this makes) (twelve 111nesses),10 coccyx, calf and foot,2 Ancapacity of the left toe. For these several diseases if it 10 replete then drain it, if it 1s depleted then supplement it, If it 18 hot then do (the acupuncture) rapidly, 1£ tt 18 cold then leave (the needle) awhile, If it has collapsed, moxibust it. If 1t de neither replete nor depleted, use the ching conduit to get it. As for repleteness, the pulse of the Human Welcoming (Jen-ying A #f! )3 18 twice272 the rstun-k'ou tO .4 As for depletion, the Human Welcoming is smaller than the tstun-k'ou,272 2, (The Lesser) Yang Conduit of the Foot comes out in front of the ankle. (it sends a branch between the bones of the lover leg. (it ascends and transverses the outer side of the knee, it comes out on the outer side of the thigh, It comes out on the flanks, A branch goes to the shoulder blade. ‘The mainline goes through the armpits, comes out at the nape, (and then at) the ear, comes out at the 2. The (Lesser)12 Yang Conduit is tied to cos 42, the front side of the outer ankle, 1t ascends and coaes out (outside) (-the “fish thigh” Cyt ku AR.22 core comes out of+) - and ascends, (4It comes out in front of the eyest) 13 11, The Conduit of the Gall Bladder and the Lesser Yang of the Foot arises at the outer corner of the eye. It ascends to the top of the forehead, descends to behind the ear, and follows the neck, passing in front of the Lesser Yang of the Hand. It reaches the top of the shoulder where it strikes, intersects, and comes out behind the Lesser Yang of the Hand. It enters the central depression in the collar bone, Its branch enters the ear from behind, comes out and273 cceipital bone, comes out at the outer corner of the eye. travels in front of the ear. It reaches to behind the corner of the eye, Another branch leaves from the corner of the eye, and descends to the Great Welcoming (Ta-ying € i#f ),5 it conjoins with the Lesser Yang of the Hand, and strikes below the cheekbones. Tt Teturns again to the jaw, descends the neck, and joins (the mainline) at the depression in the collar bone. At this, the branch descends into the chest, goes through the diaphragm,274 attaches to the Liver, and 19 subordinate to the gall bladder. It follows tneide the flank, cones out at the Vapor Sereet (oh'tohotang FED. 1 moves around the pubic hair region, moves laterally and enters into the pelvic region, The mainline descends from the depression in the collar bone to the armpit, follows the chest, and passes by the side of the abdomen. It descends and joins (the branch) in the pelvic Tegion. At this it descends, following275 the yang (outside) of the hip. It comes out on the outer side of the knee, descends in front of the fibula bone, etrtking the lower end of the ¢1bula bone in the ankle. It descends and comes out in front of the outer ankle. It follows the top of the instep of the foot, and enters the space between the small and fourth toes, Another branch separates on the instep, enters the space between the large and second toes, and follows the inside of the276 Its Wnesses: it sickens the foot and the (toe)? next to the small toe is incapactted; the outer side of the calf near the knee pains, the calf near the knee is chilled; the outer side of the knee pains; the outer side of the thigh pains; the outer side of the hip pains, the flanks pain, ~ pains, it Produces scrofula (ma &% )10 If it is moved then the illnesses are: (+the heart and flanks are painful. and cannot+) bend to the side. If this becomes extreme then the body is enaciated.14 this is the (trecalcitrancet) of Yang. This Lesser Yang conduit ‘controls treatment. large toe bone. It cones out at ite tip, circles, traneverses the nail, and cones out at the three hatrs (on top of the toe). If this 1s moved then the illnesses are: a bitter taste in the mouth, frequent large sighs, pain in the side and heart, and difficulty in turning to the ede. If tt becomes extreme then the complexion 1s pale, and the body is emaciated, There 18 turning (fan /& ) and heat in the leg. This 19 recalei~ trance of yang.277 and the center of the collarbone pains, swelling of the neck,11 goitre, deafness, occipital pain, pain in front of the ear, pain at the outside corner of the eye, ‘swelling on the outside of the flanks. The (-A1lnesses it Produces are-): - ~~, (tneck and head+) pain, flanks Gpain-), malaria, sweat, (-pain-) in all the joints, the (outer)15 side of the (chips) pain, ~ (tpaint), the “fish thigh" is painful, the (outside of the kneet) is painful, shivering, the middle toe is rheumatic.16 This makes twelve illnesses. ‘The illnesses produced by the bone which this controls are: head pain, jaw pain, pain at the outer comers of both eyes, swelling and pain in the center of the collar bone, swelling under the armpits, scrofula,® sweating and shivers, malaria, simultaneous pain in the chest, flanks, ribs, hips, calves, the knee joint where it meets the fibula, the joint of the fibula in the ankle, the outer ankles and all the Joints, The small and second toes are incapacitated.278 For this category of several (illnesses)12 always moxibust the Lesser Yang of the Foot. For these several diseases: if it te replete then drain it, 1 46 48 depleted then supplement it. If 4t 4s hot then do (acupuncture) rapidly, if 1t 49 cold then leave (the needle) awhile, If tt has collapsed then moxibust it. If it 48 neither replete nor Vacant use the ching conduit to get it. As for Tepleteness, the pulse of the Great Welcoming 19 twice as large as the tetun-k'ou, For depletion, the Hunan Welconing is smaller than the te'un-k'ou,279 3. The Yang Brightness Con duit of the Leg follows the middle of the calf near the knee, 1t ascende and goes through the knee; it cones out of the thigh, presses on the small abdomen,13 it ascents and comes out at the throat, circles both sides of the mouth and at this point it ascends to the nose. 3. The Yang Brightness Conduit 18 (+tied+) to the outer side of the shin (-bone-); it follows the shin (bone) and (-ascends~); tt penetrates the kneecap, comes out at the “fish (-thigh-)" - ~~~ Cpenetrates-) (+the breast), penetrates the upper Jaw, Geomes out at the outer+) comer (tof the eyet). etreles around .t to the center (tof the forehead+).17 3, The Conduit of the Stomach and the Yang Brightness of the Foot arises at the corer of the nose. To the side it draws in the Great Yang Conduit. It descends, fo1- lowing the outside of the nose,? and enters into the upper teeth, It turns around, comes out, end presses on both sides of the mouth, It circles the lips, descends, and intersects (the sane conduit from the other side of the body) at the Borne Fluid (ch'eng-chtang7 8 ).8 then it follows behind and below280 the edge of the mouth, and cones out at the Great Welconing, follows the Jaw, ascends to the front of the ear, It crosses the Guest Master (kto chu-jen® FAy,9 and follows the hairline to the center of the forehead. Its branch descends from the front of the Great Welcoming to the Hunan Welcoaing, follows the throat, and enters the center of collar bone. It descends to the diaphraga, 18 aubordinate to the stomach and is attached to the spleen,281 Ite mainline descends from the center of the collar bone to the inner side of the breast.10 Te descends and Presses on both sides of tie navel, It enters into the middle of the Cit street, Ite branch arises at the entrance of the stomach, descends along the inside of the abdonen, and into the cit street. ‘Then it joins (the mainline), At this the mainline descends to the Buttock Gate,1 reaches to the side of the Bowing Rabbit,12 and282 descends to the middle of the kneecap. It descends following the outer side of the tibia, and then descends to the instep. It enters the space between the second and the middle toes, Three inches from the lower side (of the knee) its branch separates, descends and enters the space between the third and middle toes, ‘Another branch separates on top of the instep, entere the space between the second toe and the big toe, and comes out at the283 Its illnesses: it sickens the foot, the middle toe is tncapacited, the calf near the knee pains, the knee swells, the abdomen swells, the inner side of the breast 1s painful, the outside of ~ swells, the cheekbones pain, the nose drips and bleeds, there are repeated fits,14 hot sweat comes out, the thigh is thin, the forehead is chilled. (If it is moved then-) the problems are: a cold appearance and chills (hsi~hst hans eB )18, severely stretched,19 numerous gasps, the face (blackens, the 111- ness is swelling; when the Problem becomes extreme then (the patient) hates people and fire, he hearst) wood sounds then he is anxious and fright- ened, his heart is anxious, he wishes to be alone, (-shuts~) the door leaves and remains there, (+when the illness is extremet) he will want (to tip of the big toe. If this is moved then the illnesses aret a cold appearance, shivering, severely stretched, frequent sneezes, a blackened coun~ tenance. When the problem becomes extreme then (the patient) hates people and fire, If he hears wood sounds then he 1s anxious and frightened. His heart is about to move, He stays alone, shutting the door and blocking the door leaves. If it {8 extreme then he will want to mount to a height and284 mount to a height)20 (and sing, to shed+) his clothes (tand run, this ts+) Tecaleitrance of the shinbone. These are the cures which the Yang Brightness Condult controls. ‘The problems which it Produces are: facial pain, nasal drip, (-pain-) in the chin and (¢neck, breast paint), pain in the heart and upper flanks, avelling of the outside of the abdonen, pain of the intestines, knee stiff, 21 and foot and instep - - .72 ‘this makes ten problems. sing, to shed his clothes and tun, ‘There are burping noises,13 the abdomen awells, This 4s Recaleitrance of the shinbone. ‘The illnesses produced by the blood which this controls are: madness, malaria, warm perverseness, a perspiration, nose drip and nose bleeds, a crooked mouth, itching lips. The neck swells; the throat 1a theumatic. The large abdomen285 4 svollen with water. The knee cap is swollen and Painful. The side of the breast, the breasts, the Vapor Street, the thigh, the Bowing Rabbit, the outer aurface of the calves, the top of the instep all pain, ‘The middle toe is incapacitated. If the gh'l is replete then the front of the body 1s all hot, If there is excess in the stomach then if (the patient) digests grains he 1s (still) very hungry. The urine ts yellow in color. If the cht is depleted then the front of the286 For this category of several illnesses always woxibust the Yang Brightness Conduit. body is all cold and trembling. If the stonach 18 cold then it swells full, For all these illnesses: 1£ it is replete then drain it, if it 18 depleted then supplement it. If it 4s hot then do (acupuncture) rapidly, 4£ 1t is cold then leave (the needle) awhile, If it has collapsed then moxibust it, If it 1s netther replete nor vacant use the ching conduit to get it. For repleteness the (pulse in the) Huzan Greeting is three tines as287 large as the ts'un-ktou. For depletion, the Human Greeting 49 smaller then the te'un-k'ou.288 4, The Lesser Yin Conduit of the leg comes out of the hollow inside the ankle. Tr ascends and goes through the calf; 1t enters the back of the knees it comes out on the thigh; it enters the abdomen and follows the spine on the Annet - sides tt cones out at the liver, it enters in the upper flanks, (4t 1s tied to the base of) the tongue,15 4-9, D8 The Lesser Yin Conduit is tied to the outer side of the toner ankle, it penetrates the calf, comes out of the (-center of the back of the knee,?3 ascends and penetrates the ~ eide of the spine, it is tied to the kidneys and presses upon the tongue from both sides.-) 8. The Conduit of the Kidneys and the Lesser Yin of the Leg atises on the underside of the small toe, and moves obliquely to the heart of the foot. Te comes out below the Accordant Valley (jan-kuZ& @),14 skirts behind the inner ankle, and sends a branch to enter the middle of the heal. At this it ascenda the interior of the calf, comes out on the inner side of the back of the knee and ascenda the toner rear side of the thigh, It goes through the spine, is subordinated to the kidneys,289 Tes t1nesses: te sickens the foot, making it hot, inside the calf is painful, inside the thigh 4s painful, the “abdominal street (fu chien QED and the (If this 1s moved then the {1inesses are: to pant gasping for breath), 4£ (the patient) is sitting and then arises, then his eyes go blank and attaches to the bladder. ‘Its mainline ascends from the kidneys, and goes through the diaphragm. It enters into the Jungs, follows the throat, and Presses on both sides of the base of the tongue, Its branch comes out of the lungs, attaches to the heart, and flows into the middle of the chest. If this is moved then the problems are: hunger but no desire to eat, the face looks black, (The patient) coughs and spits blood, and he can't see, his heart seens*heezes and gasps. If he is290 inner side of the spine are Painful, the liver is painful, the heart is painful, it makes the heart troubled (fan hata XQ 7G),17 stains - - = ~ the axis of the tonguel® — only still - - ~ repeatedly hoarse, = cut off (houan $4), 111ness and hunger, breath (+18 inguffictent+), extrene anger, the heart 1s apprehensive, (fear of being seized-), no desire to eat, the face 1s as black as a blown-out candle, Af he coughs (-then-) there ts blood. This 1s (bone recaleitrance. These are-) (the cures)24 which the Lesser Yin Conduit (tgoverns+), (The 11Inesses which it Produces are):25 - - - - ~ - : (tongue cracking, throat dry, exhaling breath -),26 choking, the throat is painful and dry, sitting and wants to arise, his eyes go blank, The heart is unsettled. He has a starved appearance. If his gh't 18 Inoufficient he feels extremely fearful, as if men were coming to seize him.. This is recalcitrance of the bone, ‘The illnesses produced by the kidneys which this controls are: hot mouth, dry tongue, swollen throat, & Panting, (shang ch'i t3%)15,291 For this category of (several) illnesses (always moxibust) the Lesser Yin (Conduit) of the foot. a desire to lie down, coughing, muteness, These are ten illnesses. If you perforn moxtbustion on the Lesser Yin conduit, then urge the patient to eat lote of raw meat, loosen his belt, give hima cane and overshoes and have him walk around. stop moxibustion and the illness will be cured, a dry throat and a painful troubled heart, heart pain, yellow jaundice, diarrhea, pain in the inner rear side of the spine and thighs, Paral- ysis and exhaustion (wei-ch teh £ FR) 26 a desire to lie down, heat and pain on the bottoms of the feet. For these several illnesses: if it 1s replete then drain it, if it ie depleted then supplement it. If it is hot then do (acupuncture) rapidly, 1£ ic is cold then leave (the needle) avhile, If dt has292 collapsed then moxibust it. If it 16 neither replete nor depleted treat it on the ching conduit. For repletion the tstun-k'ou is twice as large as the Human Greeting, For depletion the tetun-k'ou is smaller than the Human Greeting.293 5. The Greater Yin Conduit of the Foot comes out on the inner side of the Large toe, at the edge of the bone. It comes out on the upper side of the inner ankle, it follows the inner side of the calf near the knee, - the inner side of the knee, it comes our on the inner side of the thigh. 7. The (~Greater Yin-) Conduit of the Leg. This is the stomach conduit. It covers the stomach, cones out on the lower yin (inner) side of the “fish thigh" and on the upper surface of the calf, it comes out on the upper surface of the (+innert) ankle. 4, The Conduit of the Spleen and the Greater Yin of the foot arises in the tip of the big toe. It follows the boundary of the white meat17 on the inner side of the toe, and, after it passes the joint of the toe bone, it ascends the front side of the inner ankle and ascends the inside of the calf. It follows the back of the tibia, intersects with, and comes out in front of, the Recaleitrant Yin, and ascends the front inside of the knee and the thigh, It enters the abdomen, is294 Its illnesses: it sickens the foot 111 incapacitates the large toe, the inner side of the calf near the knee 1s painzul, inside the thigh 1s painful, If this is moved then the illnesses are: an ascending and running heart -.?7 this causes the abdomen to swell, much sighing, desire to vomit after eating. (-If subordinate to the spleen, and 4a attached to the stomach. It ascends to the diaphraga, Presses on both sides of the throat, links to the root of the tongue and disperses beneath the tongue. Its branch comes from the stomach, ascends separately to the diaphragn and flows into the heart. If this 1s moved then the i11nes aret rigidity in the root of the tongue, Vomiting after eating, pain in the stomach and the inside of the stomach, @ evollenthe abdonen 18 painful, the abdomen swells, returning - , __one does not desize to eat, belches a great deal (yt ad, ), the heart - , considerable palpitation, 19 295 one 4s able to pass it~) with gas then one 48 quickly exhausted.28 (—These are the cures controlled by the Great Yin Condutt of the Leg. The illnesses which it produces are: ~) - -, heart distress and death, heart pain, abdominal swelling and death, inability to eat or sleep, almost yawning (chen ),?9 46 these three occur together then (the patient) dies, 1f there 1s incontinence then he will die, 1f there to Gwatert) and blockage together then he will die. abdomen, strong belches, bowel movenents accompanied by gas and followed by relief and exhaustion, a heavy feeling all over. The 111nesses born of the spleen which this controls are pain in the root of the tongue, inability of the body to (move or) sway, inability to eat, @ troubled heart, extreme pain below the heart, dlarrhetic bowels, blocked urine, yellow jaundice inability to lie down. I£ one stands erect there ie swelling and exhaustion (chue ffi ) on296 These are ten problens. For this category of several illnesses always Moxibust the Great Yin Conduit of the Leg. the inside of the thighs and knees, incapacity of the big toe. For these several Allnesses; if it 48 replete then drain it, if it 18 depleted then supplement it. If it is hot then do Cacupune- ture) rapidly, if 4t 18 cold then leave (the needle) awhile, If tt has collapsed then moxibust it. If it is neither replete nor depleted treat it on the ching conduit, For repletion the ts'un-k'ou is three times Jarger than the Human297 Greeting. ¥or depletion the ts'un-k’ou is smaller than the Hunan Greeting,298 6. The Recaleitrant Yin20 Conduit of the Foot follows the inside of the big toe, 21 at that point it ascends and comes out on the inner surface of the calf near the knee, it ascends eight inches, Antersects the Great Yin Conduit, - the inner side of the thigh, it ascends to and enters the inside at the top of the thigh, 4-8, B-9, ‘The Recaleitrant Yin Conduit is tied to the tufted hair on top of the large toe, it rides (+the uuppet side of the foot and the instep+), it passes the inner ankle one inch away. Tt ascends to five inches above the (+ankle+); it (-then-) (cones from behind the Great Yin) 330 (-1¢ ascends and cones out of-) the inner side of the (-"fish-) thigh", it strikes the small abdomen, the side of the (-large (inner)-) corner of the eye, 12, The Conduit of the Liver and the Recaleitrant Yin of the Foot arises at the edge of the tufted hair of the big toe. It ascends along the upper side of the instep, goes to one inch before the inside ankle, and then ascends to eight inches above the ankle. There it intersects and comes out behind the Great Yin. It ascends to the inner side of the back of the knee, follows the yin (inside) of the thigh, and enters the middle of the (pubic) hair, It bypasses the penis, strikes the small (or299 Jower) abdomen, and presses on both sides of the stomach. It i subordinate to the liver and attached to the gall. It ascends and goes through the dlaphragn, spreads out at the Side and ribs, and follows the rear of the throat. It ascends and enters the pharynx and the back of the mouth, Jinks with the eye system, and ascends and comes out at the forehead. It meets with the Overseeing Conduit (tu-no 4 RIK ) at the exo, Its branch descends from the eye system to inside the jaw,300 Its illnesses: it Sickens the thigh, making it emaciated, much urine, a desire to drink, instep swells, sick with rheumatiea cot fB).22 Tf this is moved then the (illnesses) aret if dt is a man there is (+illness of reproductive organs and urine retention, if it te a woman then the small abdomen swells, the waist hurtst) and she cannot scratch it, if this becomes extreme then the throat is dry, the face is ashen, ‘These are the and circles inside the lips. Another branch separates at the liver, penetrates the diaphragm, and ascends and pours into the lungs. If this is moved then the {11nesses are: pain in the waist and inability to bend over, 411nesa of the sex organs in a man, svelling of the lesser (or lower) abdomen ina woman, If it 4e extreme then the trachea drys, the countenance gets dusty and loses color.301 treatments controlled by the Recaleitrant Yin Conduit. ‘The illnesses (~which-) itt) (-produces-) are: hot middle, (tanuria, illness of the sex organs, partial urine retention,+) - - illness, For this category of several illnesses always Moxibust the Recaleitrant Yin Conduit. The {1Inesses produced by the Liver which this controls are: filling of the chest, vomiting and reflexive coughing, inability to urinate, inability to digest, hernia incompleta, 18 Incontinence, difficulty urinating (pt-tung Jf). For these several {lineases: if it te replete then drain it, 1f tt ts depleted then supplement it. If it is hot then do (acupuncture) rapidly, 4€ it302 In all cases of having these five illnesses (of the Recaleitrant Yin Conduit of the Foot) if there is also a troubled heart (the patient) will die. If there is chaotic If the (illness) includes a troubled heart he will die, there is no cure, If a Yang conduit is i1l with it then the illness can be cured, is cold then leave (the needles) awhile, If it has collapsed then moxibuet it. If it ie neither replete nor depleted use the ching conduit to get it. For repletion the pulse in the tetun-k'ou is twice as large as the Hunan Greeting. For vacancy the fs'un-k'ou pulse is smaller than the Human Greeting.303 illness of the three yin he will die in no more than ten days, If you feel the conduit and it is like three men coordinately making post holes?3 he will die in no more than three days. If the conduit is cut off for an instant, he will die in no more than three days. If the heart is troubled and the abdomen swollen he will die, If he cannot lie down and also has a troubled heart he will die, If the three yin illnesses variously take yang illnesses it can be treated.304 If yang has made 111 the back 80 it is like a flood he will die.24 If the yang 111ness Separates the bone, cuts the sinews and yet there is no yin {liness he will not die.305 ‘The Arma 7. The Greater Yin Conduit of the Arm follows the upper side of the sinews. In that way it Teaches to and collects in the inside of the upper arm, it comes out at the inner side of the armpit, it goes to the heart. 10, The Greater Yin Condutt of the am is in the palm of the hand, 1t comes out on the lower yin side between the two bones, it ascends the lower surface of the bones, above the sinews, it cones out of the (inner yint) side of the am and (+enters the middle of the heart+). 1, The Conduit of the Lung and the Greater Yin of the hand arises in the Medium Calorium.19 It descends and attaches to the large intestine and turns following the mouth of the stomach. It ascends to the diaphragm, and is subordinate to the lungs. It leaves the trachea, and moves laterally coming out below the armpits. It descends along the interior of the upper am, passing in front of the Lesser Yin Controller of the Heart,20 rb descends into the elbow,306 Its illnesses: heart pain, Ié this {8 moved then heart troubled and sighing. the illnesses are: the heart will be overflowing (and) be in pain, the center of the follows the interfor lower side of the radius in the lower arm, and enters the tstun-k'ou. It ascends to the Fish, follows the border of the Fish, and comes out at the tip of the thumb. Its branch splits off below the wrist, goes straight, comes out on the Anterior side of the index finger, and comes out at ite tip. If this 18 moved then the 4llnesses are: expansion and fullness of the lungs, 22 huffing and coughing, pain in307 collarbone is painful, if this becomes extreme (+thent) (the patieut) will clasp his two hands and fight, This te recaleitrance of the ara, (These are the treataents which the Great Yin Conduit of the Arm controlst). The illnesses which it Produces are: chest pain, pain inside the stomach, (theart paint), pain of the four limbs, and abdominal trouble.32 These are five i1lnesses, the center of the collar bone, If it is extreme then (the patient) clasps both hands, and is dazed, This te Recalcitrance of the arm. The diseases born of the lungs which this controls are: coughing and panting, thirst, a troubled heart, fullness of the chest, pain in the front interior of the upper and lower arms, heat in the palm of the hand. If the el 4s replete and308 For this category of several 11lnesses always moxibust the Greater Yin Conduit of the Arm. overflowing then there 10 pain in the back of the shoulder. If the wind 19 cold sweat cones producing chung-fang.cp (Sl, (The patient) urinates repeatedly and 18 deficient. If the ch'i 1s vacant then the back of the shoulder will be painful and cold. If the ch't, is insufficient the color of the urine changes. For these several illnesses: If it is replete then drain it, if 4¢ 18 depleted then supplement it. If ie ie hot then do (acupuncture) rapidly, 1f it309 is cold then leave (the needle) avhile. If it has collapsed then moxibust it, If tt 1e neither replete nor depleted use the ching conduit to get it. For repletion the pulse of the tetun-ktou is three times larger than the jan Greeting. For vacancy the ta'un-k'ou pulse is smaller than the Hunan Greeting.310 6. The Lesser Yin Conduit of the Arm follows the lower side of the sinews. It cones out on the inner lower side of thé upper arm, It cones out in the armpit, reaches to and collects in the flanks. 11, The Lesser Yin Conduit of the Arm arises in the space between the two bones of the lower arm, goes to the upper Side of the lower bone below the sinews. It comes out of the inner yin side of the upper arm (+and enters the ceuter of the heartt).34 5, The Condute of the Heart and the Lesser Yin of the Hand arises in the heart. It cones out and is subordinate to the heart systen,?3 descends to the diaphragm, end is attached to the small intestine. ‘Ite branch ascends from the heart system and presses on both sides of the throat, and ties to the eye system, 24 Ive mainline arises from the heart system, turns and ascends to the lungs, descends and comes out below the armpits. Following the tear inside of the upper ara,311 Ite illnesses: the flanke, pain in GHIE this is moved then the illnesses are: heart+) pain, throat (-dry, thirst and a desire to drink-), These At descends, and goes behind the Great Yin and the Yin Heart Controller. It descends to the inner side of the elbow, follows the inner rear side of the lover arm, and stcikes the tip of the bone behind the palm which runs to the Little finger. It enters the inner rear surface of the palm, follows the interior of the Little finger, and cones out at its tip. If this is moved then the illnesses are: dryness in the throat, pain in the heart, thirst and a desire to drink,312 are the recaleitrance of the arm, These are the treatments the Lesser Yin Conduit pf the Arm controle. ‘The (+111nessest) which it produces are: pain in the rflanks+). ‘This ie one illnese, For this category of several illnesses always moxibust the Lesser Yin Conduit of the Arm, This is Recaleitrance of the ara, The illnesses which are born of the heart which this controls are: yellow in the eyes, pain in the flanke, pain and recalcitrance on the inner rear side of the upper and lower arm, heat and pain in the middle of the pala, For these several illnesses: if it is replete then drain it, if it te depleted then supplement it. If it te hot then do313 (acupuncture) rapidly, 1€ tt is cold then leave (the needle) awhile. If it has collapsed then moxibuet it. If it is neither replete nor vacant treat it on the ching conduit. For repletion the pulse of the tetun-k'ou is twice as large as the Human Greeting. For vacancy the tatun-k’ou pulse is smaller than the Human Greeting.314 9. The Greater Yang Conduite of the Arm comes out at the Little finger, follows the rear side of the finger bone. ‘It comes out on the lower side of the upper arm, It comes out on the outer side of the shoulder, comes out at the —~ of the nape of the neck, ~ the outer corner of the eye, 4, The Shoulder Conduit 35 \Garises at the rear of the ear, descends to the shoulder, comes out on-) the outer (side) (-of the upper ara, tt cones out at the -) ~~~, it tides the back of the hand),36 6. The Conduit of the Smali Intestine and the Greater Yang of the Hand arises at the tip of the Little finger. It follows the vuter edge of the hand, ascends to the wrist, and comes out the wrist bone, It ascends straight, and follows the lover side of the bone in the forearm, coming out in the space between the two sinews on the inside edge of the elbow. It ascends and follows the outer rear side of the upper arm. comes out at the shoulder joint, circles the shoulder blade, and meete315 at the top of the shoulder. 25 Tt enters the middle of the collar bone, attaches to the heart, and follows the throat. It descends to the diaphragm, strikes the stomach, and is subordinate to the small intestine, Its branch leaves the middle of the collar bone, follows the neck, and ascends to the jaw. It goes to the outer corner of the eye, and then turns and enters the middle of the ear, Another branch separates at the jaw and316 Its illnesses: pain on the outer side of the arm, (LE this te moved then the 11inesses are: throat pain)37, (+swelling and pain of the chint), inability to turn the head, the shoulder sens to have fallen off, the upper arm seens disconnected. These are the treatments the Shoulder Condutt controls, (+The 1linesses which it Produces are: pain int) the Jaw, (+rheumatism of the throat, ara ascends to the cheekbone, It strikes the nose, reaches the inner corner of the eye, then slants and attaches to the cheekbone. If this 1s moved then the 11inesses are: pain in the throat, swelling in the chin, an inability to tum the head, a feeling that the shoulder 1s pulled out and that the upper arn is separated. The diseases born of the fluids which this controls are: deafness, yellow eyes,317 pain, elbow), - pain, This makes four 11lneases. For this category of several illnesses always moxibust the Greater Yang Conduit of the Arm. swollen jaw, pain in the neck, chin, shoulder, upper ara, elbow, and outer rear side of the lower arm, For these several. illnesses: 1f it te replete then drain it, if it is depleted then supplement it. If it is hot then do (acupuncture) rapidly, if it + is cold then leave (the needle) awhile. If it hae collapsed then moxibust it. If it ie neither replete nor depleted treat tt on the ching conduit. For repletion the pulse of the Hunan Welcoming318 ia twice as large as the tetun-k'ou, For vacancy the Hunan Welcoming pulse is smaller than the ts'un-k'ou,319 10. The Lesser Yang Conduit of the Arm comes out at the middle finger, follows the lower side of the upper bone in the am, It follows into and collects in the ear, 5. The Ear Conduit arises (ron the back of the hand, it comes out in the space between the two bones on the outside of the lower am-), (+t ascends+) along the lower side (tof the bone+), it cones out of the elbow, it enters the ear, 10, The Conduit of the Tricaloriun?6 and the Lesser Yang of the Hand arises in the fourth finger, It ascends and comes out in the apace between the fourth and Little fingers. It follows the hand and the back of the wrist, and cones out in the space between the two bones on the outeide of the lower arm, Tt ascends and goes through the elbow, follows the outside of the upper arm, and ascends to the shoulder. Then, it intersects and cones out behind the Lesser Yang of the foot. It320 enters the alddle of the collar bone. Tt covers the Tan-ehung FBP 527 ana disperses and falls into the pericardium,28 It descends to the diaphragm, follows and is subordinate to the tricalorium, Ite branch ascends from the Tan-chung to the middle of the collar bone where 4 coues out. It aecenda to the nape of the neck and is tied to the back of the ear. Tt ascends ateaight and cones out at the upper lobe of the ear. At this 4t bende and descenda to the jaw and then to the cheeks.Its illnesses: deafness, ~ pain, it produces Tf this is moved then the illnesses are: deafness, confused hearing, swollen throat. These are the treatments the Rar Conduit controls. ‘The illnesses it causes are: the outer corner bf the eye is painful, the jav 19 Painful, deafness, This makes three illnesses, Another branch enters nto the ear fr0a behind, Gomneleret eayemt front of the ear, tt crosses the front of the Guest Naster (eto cmun jen E Ay, intersects on the cheek and Teaches the outer corner of Po If this is moved then the problems are: deafness, muddled hearing, and rheumatic throat, ‘The i21nesses born of the ch'i which thie dominates322 For this category of several illnesses always Moxibust the Lesser Yang Conduit of the Arm. are: eweating, pain of the outer corner of the eye, simultaneous upper jaw pain in the back of the ear, shoulder, upper ara, elbow, and the outside of the lower arm, incapacity of the fourth finger, For these several illnesses: if it ig replete then drain tt, if it 4s depleted then supplement it, If it is hot then do (acupuncture) rapidly, 4f it is cold then eave (the needle) awhile, If it has collapsed then moxibust it. If it is neither replete nor323 depleted treat it on the ching conduit. Yor repletion the pulse of the Human Greeting 1s twice as large as the ts'un-k'ou, For depletion the Human Greeting pulse is smaller than the ts'un-k'ou,324 11. The Yang Brightness Conduit of the Arm comes out at the space between the middle fingers. It follows the upper side of the bone, comes out on top of the —~ of the upper arm, it flows into and collects in the occipital region, aad goes to the mouth. 6. The Tooth Conduit arises at the tops of the index finger and the thumb,38 rp comes out on the upper side of the lower arm, enters into the elbow, rides along the upper arm, (tpenetrates+) the jaw, enters the teeth, and press on both sides of the nose. 2. The Conduit of the Large Intestine and the Yang Brightness of the Hand arises jat the tip of the index finger. It follows along the upper aide of the finger, and comes out in the apace between the two bones of the Conjoin- ing Valley (ho-ku & @).29 re a ascends, enters the middle of the two sinews, and follows the upper side of the lower am, It enters the outer side of the elbow, ascends the outer front edge of the upper arm, ascends to the shoulder, and comes out in front of the325 shoulder socket. It ascends and comes out at the top of the Pillar Bone (chu-ku QE, By convention,30 descends, and enters the center of the collar bone, It is attached to the lungs, descenda to the diaphraga, and 1s subordinate to the large intestines, Ite branch ascends from the center of the collar tone to the neck, goes through the upper jaw, enters into the lower teeth, and then turns around and comes out, circles around the mouth on both sides and meets at the Center of thesickens the teeth and makes them painful. - ~ ~~. If this (+18 movedt) then the {1lnesses are: tooth Pain, cheek swelling. These are the treatments the tooth conduit controle, The illnesses it produces are: tooth pain, cheek swelling, eyes yellowing, mouth dry, upper arm pain. ‘These are the five illnesses. Man (Jen-chung X FP), the condutt from the left arm goes right and from the right am goes left. It ascends and Presses on both sides of the nostrils. Tf thia 18 moved then the illnesses are: the teeth are painful, the neck ewollen, ‘The 11Inesaes which are bora of the body juices which this controls are: yellow eyes, dry mouth, running nose and nose bleeds, rheumatic throat, pain in the front of327 For this category of several illnesses always moxibust the Yang Brightness Conduit of the Arm, the shoulder and the upper arm, pain and incapacity of the index finger. If there is surplus eh't then what passes through this conduit will be hot and swelling, If the ch't, 4s depleted then it will be cold and shivering, and will not become (warm) again, For these several illnesses: if i is replete then drain it, if it is depleted then supplement it, If it is hot then do (acupuncture) rapidly, if it 4s cold then leave (the needle) awhile. If it has328 The above leg conduits are six; the hand (conduits are five), collapsed then moxibust it. If it 19 neither replete nor depleted treat tt on the ching conduit. For repletion the pulse of the Human Greeting is three times larger than the te'un-k'ou, For vacancy the Hunan Greeting pulse is smaller than the ts'un-k'ou,329 9. ‘The Conduit of the Heart Master, the Exhausted Yin of the Hand and the Pericardium arises in the middle of the chest. It comes out and is subordinate to the pericar- dium, It descends to the diaphragm, crosses and attaches to the tricaloriua, Its branch follows the chest, comes out on the flanks, and descends to three inches below the armpit. It ascends, strikes under the arm pit, and (descends) following the interior of the upper arm, It crosses between the330 Greater Yin and the Lesuer Yin, enters into the elbow, and descends the lower arm, It erosees between the two sinews, and enters the alddle of the palm, It follows the middle finger and comes out at ite tip. Another branch separates in the middle of the palm, follows the ring finger, and cones out at its tip. If this 12 moved then the illnesses are: heat in the heart of the hand, sharp spasas in the lower arm and elbow, and swelling in the331 armpit. If this becomes extreme, then the chest, sides, and Limbs will be ful, The heart will be frarful and greatly moved; the face will become red, the eyes yellow. (The patient) will laugh a lot and not xelax. The illnesses which are born of the conduits which this controls are: a troubled heart, pain in the heart, and heat in the afddle of the pala, For these several diseases: Af it 19 replete then drain it, 1f 16 18 depleted, then supplement it.332 If it 48 hot then do (acupune- ture) rapidly, 1£ it te cold then leave (the needle) awhile, If it has collapsed then moxibust it, If it 1s neither replete noz depleted treat tt on the ching conduit. For repletion the pulse of the te'un-kou is twice as large ae the Hunan Greeting. For vacancy the ts'un-kou is saaller than the Human Greeting.333 Appendix One Note The Moxabustion Classic of the Eleven Leg and Arm Condut: is Moxabustion Classic of the Eleven Leg and Arm Conduits The text of The Moxabustion Classic is taken from Marwang-tui hsiao-tsu, Wu-shih-erh ping-fang, pp. 1-9 (hereafter Ping-fang). 1. The word which is translated here as “conduit” is rendered in Ping-fang as wenJ@. rt ts writtentL& on the silk manuscript. See the photograph placed before the table of coatents in Ping-tang. The character for the word conduit mo Aig has the small seat forafS{MFiD), the anail seal form of ven NR 1sWB_ rere are uve aisterences apparen (1) the top left-hand port of mo ™ is missing in wea; (2) the top right-hand portion of mo ts written U while the standard seal form of wen is O, Note however that the top right-hand portion of the character on the silk aanuscript is closer to ao than to wen. Note also how the water radical is straightened in this character. Clearly the character on the silk bolt is similar to the standard forms of both wen and mo, and clearly the copier took certain orthographic liberties with the standard forms. Given this, and given the function of the word wen/mo in this “Leg and Arm Classic,” it lis best simply to render this character as mo. 2. Ping-fang designate this hollow (cha ase heueh YY acupuncture point. While this is reasonable since both chu and hsueh mean hollow or cavity, it seems better to interpret this simply as the hollow or cavity in the ankle joint, especially since othervise this is the only mention of a heaed point in this text.334 a 3. AB apparentty designates a part of the body. I have uct been able to deteraine which part, nor is it identified by Ping-fang of any other source I have seen. 4. Hsu yan, Ping-ming, p. 114, 5. S.W. 15.56, “Skin Sections (pt pu BP), contrasts aan $4 wich shih G48, meaning relaxed. Commenta- tors have interpreted luan as ont Be meaning cramped. 6. Note that the word used here for nape, hsiang 2 , difters fron that used above, cou. support for anwa 29308 one eeeeeed, ns SOE cae pes fe 8 shi d be noted that at two other entries for tou in the Kuang-ya shu-cheng, pp. 572 and 639, Wang & Fh Nien-sun EH Gi nas commented that tts aeaning ts unclear. Hsu yan, Ping ming, p. 111. 8. Ping-fang, p. 2, note 13, cites the commentary to the Chinryl in the Kuo y as support for interpreting wt 49 as 2et RB. According to Ping-fang, p. 3, note 1, this character was added to clarify the sense. 10, Ping-fang considers this an abbreviation for chat~ying & AAP, 1 nave deen enable to ma-tao chai-ying does appear in the L.S. 3.11 description of the Lesser Yang of the Foot, and I know of wo other illnesses whose names begin with ma. These considerations make the identification Iikely, but not certain, Ping-fang then 18 IB 0: identifies ma-tao chai-ying with luo: Ping-fang also proposes an alternate scroful; identification with ma//M which the Kuang-ya ~shu-cheng, p. 47, defines as an injury. This latterale 12. ass 14. 1s. 16, 17s 18, 19, 335 term also appears in “Wu-shih-erh ping-fang” (Ping-fang, p. 128). Lou se UG has generally been explained as goiter or rofula. Hsu Shen, Shou-wen, p. 353, explains it as a swelling of the neck. Ping-fang adds this word to the text for clarifica- tion. See p. 3, note 7, The shao~tu’S AR , che lesser abdomen, is the abdomen Below the belly button. See Ping-fang, p. 4, note 1. Wen-wu 1975.6, p. 3, supplies the word “eten HG Cite)” in'brackets at this point, The only portion of the tongue which conduits enter ta any of these three conduit texts is the “pen # (root)” or base. For this reason, I have ineesiaa “base” in this lacuna. Zing-fang, p. 4, note 2, observes that the passage “the abdominal vapors have a street (fu-ch't you enon AR$ 79 4ET > arco appears tn 1.5. 8.52, = “The Protective vapors (wei~ch'i 4#THL)" and Suggests that this is where the legs attach to the trunk, Ch'en and Cheng, Ling-shu, p. 376, note 3, interpret ch'i-chieh as pathways where the okt collects. “In addition to the abdominal eh'f street, there are ch's streets in the chest, neck and head, in the Nei ching, fan-hsin appears to be some sort of emotional discomfort. See $.W. 6.19, L.S. 3.10 and LS. 5.22, Presumably she-1u means the central line of the tongue, running from the base to the tip, but I have found no evidence supporting such a conclusion. The word written in the text is “elbow (chou Aq)" which makes no sense unless there were s wore missing after it such as “pain.” As suggested in Ping-fang, chou should be emended to chi meaning a disease of the heart end abdomen aarked by20. 21. 22, 23. 24, 25, 336 palpitation (Dai kanwa 22034). Both have the archaic pronunciations of *t'iog (GSR 301c). Further support of this emendation can be found in the Shuo wen definition of chiu in which Heu Shen notes that the word comes from chuang) and the sound chouft p. 353), Since chiu is a heart ailment, it aakes -oeace that it would appear after the heart is mentioned. The word which sodifies yin here is “bag” (*kivan,# gh'teh-yiin pronunciation 2 44). see pat kanva BGBL, GSR G5 and 2261, The Coatexe sarees clearly that this is the third yin phase elsewhere designated chueh (*kiwat, GSR 302e)” The text says “follows along the space (chien Pl) of the big toe." This is the location elsewhere identified as the inside. For the distinction between “rheunatien (pi J )” and pperalysis (wei J® ),” see Hsu Yan, Ping-ning, pp 39-41, The same words appear in $.W. 6.20 (T.5. 14.1) in the phrase “reciprocating as if coordinately making post holes (heteng-ying ju ts'an ch'ungAB/G go Hy» Yang Shang-shan explains this means the conduits “are moving 4s if one were pulling a rope (tung ju ia shana ff 4 3) £88. Ping-fang, p. 7, note 5, suggests this means the patient is sweating so profusely that he is bathed in his sweat. This addition is based on the parallel construction of the preceeding clause.337 The Mozabustion Classic of the Eleven Yin and Yang Conduits The text of "The Yin-yang Classic” is taken from Ping-fang, pp. 11-23. I have adopted certain format conventions in order to indicate economically the differences between the chia @ and yi 7 (A and B) versions of the text.: ¢ a 7 ">> andieates an unfilled lacuna. Each missing . character (as best as I can estimate) is indicated by a dash. ¢ dB indicates a lacuna which can be filled by neans indicated in the note provided. (+ +) indicates a lacuna in the A text filled by drawing on the corresponding portion of the B text. (- -) indicates a lacuna in the B text filled by. drawing on the corresponding portion of the A text. These first words are aissing fron both A and B texts. They are reconstructed by parallel with the fizst lines of the descriptions of other conduits, The editors have inserted the word chi $E rather than the more comnon t'ai A before yang based on its appearance later in the description of this conduit. 2. Fingcfaag, p. 11, note 2, enente sung} to chtung of a8 weaning to connect. Dai kanwa 18302 equates trung with ch'ung4$J, to transverse. This seems nore in keeping with other descriptions of conduits. 3, Wang Ping identifies hsien MX as the area behind the hip joint. See Su wen, p- 268. 4. “If te 4s moved (shih tung 2)” means if at is affected by some external condition which produces an ailment. This is in contrast to the second type of ailment which is caused by conditions within the conduit. This division of ailments into externally and internally produced is common to conduit texts. See Ch'en and Cheng, Lin; shu, p. 108, note 1.a 10, a. 12, 13. 14. 15. 16. a7, 18. 19, 338 Based on L.S. 3.10. Based on L.S, 3.10. This means that although these illness are caused by factors which are external to this conduit, they can be cured by treating this conduit. The meaning of this term is unclear. Ihave found no clear basis for this addition provided in Ping-fang. Based on parallels in other descriptions of conduits in "The Yin-yang Classic.” Based on parallels elsewhere in “The Yin-yang Classic.” Ping-fang suggests that this term refers to the front of the thigh where the auscles tense and resemble a fish. Presumably this means just below the eye. The Ping-fang diagram of this conduit (p. 153) supports this conclusion. Fing-tang takes kao as equivaient to kao-tse HIE based on parallel with L.S. 3.10, —, Based on L.S. 3.10. 2 The word appearing in the text is27 which Ping-fan suggests is @ mistake for, or a variant of, pit ye The B. text appears to be missing three words here. See Wen-wu 1975.6, p. 2. Wang Ping explains hei-~hsiJ@3@ means a cold appearance. See S.W. 4.16, p. 81. There is no gap indicated here in the B test. Text A hes shan-lung Be: text B has sh EE. srng-eang ousgests hein covtd be interpreted as shen{@ (see also Dai Kenwa 481). Bing Pang argues further that the silk text Lao-tsu20. an. 22. 23. 24, 25. 26, 27, 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 339 fron Ma-wang-tut uses yt & where het Fis commonly used which indicates in their judgment that shan-hsin could be a variant of shan-lung, both terms meaning shan-shen or extremely stretched Presumably this insertion by Ping-fang 1s based on Parallel language in L.S. 3.10. The A version has "hsi-t'iaoffh By which the Shuo wen identifies as chuch Sffneaning stitt (chuan 2b, P. 83). The B version has “hsi-tsu wei-pift J ,- Beaning "the leg and the knee are parsiysed-” See Ping-fang, p. 14, note 7. Instead of “knee throbbing and instep - ," the B version has “paralysis and rheumatism of the foot.” Version A reads * - yang." The normal choices for such a binome are “front” or “center.” Based on context, - yang can therefore only be center. Presumably Ping-fang adds chung before yang based on this kind of reasoning. Based on parallel with descriptions of other conduits. Based on parallel with descriptions of other conduits. See note 24 to “The Conduits” translation. Ping-fang suggests this gap be filled with tang é and that the phrase describes "recalcitrant ¢ flooding the heart." See p. 16, note 4, Based on interpretation in Ping-fang, p. 16, note 5. Ghttang-ch'ien FR K based on Commentary of Yang Shang-shan, T.S. 8.1, p. 76. See Ping-fang, pe 16 note 6. Based on L.S. 3.10, text B has fan-hsin. HR can be defined as either a throat or nal problem. See Dai kanva 22334, Instances of the latter are nore common,33, 34. 35. 36. 37, 38. 340 2 The words cntn-chten 7 fil) are repeated in text A, but not in text B. There are superflous and should Text A has no lacuna into which the phrase “and enters the center of the heart” would fit. Therefore it should not be used to emend text A. The discussion in Chapter Three shows that the closest parallel to this conduit is the Great Yang Conduit of the Arm in both "The Leg and Arm Classic” and 1.8. 3.20, Text B replaces from “of the upper ara" to “back of the hand” with: “of the elbow, comes out on the outside of the lower arm, and comes out on the upper side of the fingers.” Based ou paral. LS. 3.10b, Text B reads “arises at the ~ finger(s).” If Fing-fang is correct that only one word is missing then the original wording of texts A and B must have differed here.341 “The Conduits,” L.s. 3.10b, 1. Lue # means to attach to a ts'ang or fu which then affects the activity of the conduit. For the theoretical basis of this, at least in later Chinese medicine, see Porkert, Theoretical Foundations, p. 294, es 2. For shuf, see 1y4 3, The Human Greeting is a foramen (or sensitive point, Abid., pp. 199-200) located in the neck. See also ehupactan gicheuen cectete een cb GEE Abst (Taipe:, 4. The tstua-k'ou ts explained by me shin AF as being located behind the palm of the hand. Sea Ts'at Le-nsten§tEiled., chung-kuo yi-yao hut-bas Cp ER pa Stanackie yinyae huswbat Bg 2g SPE VE cohanghet, 1941), p 127. 5. The Great Greeting is a foramen located near the jotat of the jaw. See Yirhsueh ta-ts'e-tien, p, 228, 6. For aa-tao hsia-ying & 7 PRI cee te'ai, Hut-has, p. 1041, also tote 10 to "The Leg and Arm Classic.” 7, Since this conduit begins at the base of the nose it clearly cannot descend alongside it. Porkert, following Ma Shih, expands the course of the conduit in a way that removes this problem: "This conduit originates at the base of the ala nasi...ascends to the radix aaei...and from there runs laterally to a foramen situated centrally under the eye.,.where it unites with the cardinalis vesicalis yang majoris It then continues downward.” See Porkert, edd. Theoretical Foundations, p. 225; also Ts'ai, Huithai, p, 129, 8. The Borne Fluid is the intersection of the Yang Brightness and the Responsible (jen #£) conduits just below the mouth (Dai Kanwa 11! 52.103). 9. The Guest Master is a Foramen located in front- of the ear.10, i. 12, 13. 1s. 15. 16. 17, 18, 19, 342 This means between the breasts. See Ch'en and Cheng, Ling shu, p. 111, note 7. The Buttock Gate is on the front of the body where the thigh meets the trunk. See ibid., p. 113, note The Bowing Rabbit is on the front of the thigh. See ibid., p, 113, note 10. Literally there are zee B sounds." While none of the texts I have seen 1fnk this sound clearly te either belching or burping, its association with a Swollen abdomen suggests pen should be translated with this sense. Porkert, Theoretical Foundations, pp. 251-252, places this on the arch of the foot. i have not yet found a basis for his locating it here. z The term shang-ch'i + $1 appears in the “Illness Doctor (ont-yise GE = section of the chou 11 38 (ghuan 5). “In winter there are illness with coughing and shang~ch't." cheng Houan SPY states "Shang-ch'i is to pant in reverse (ni-ch' wand of)» Lu Te-ming explains “In saying shang-ch'i is fo pant in reverse, this means to pant nes See Ghouls chucshu chi puccheng (A]7S ye Stu 2H nity = (fai pais 1961) 1p 5 10 Yang's commentary to T.S. 2.1 says this disease causes inmobility and some enaciation, Chien and Cheng, Ling shu, p. 115, note 1, identify this as the upper edge of the white muscie on the underside of the toe. Heu Yan, Ping ming, p. 229. The Medium Calorium is described in L.S. 4.18: “The Medium Calorium likewise (with the Upper Caloriun) originates in the Stomach, behind the Upper Calorium. The Ch'ing Commentator Ma Shih says the Medium Calorium is in the interior of the stomach, See Hui-hai, po. 7.127,22. 23, 24. 343 This is conduit number five in the L.$. 3.10 sequence. Ma Shih says thet "what we call 'the fish’ is the Pee Fish Border (yil-chi @ FR) which means in front of the bones of the palm and behind the first joint of the thumb. This place where the flesh rises sharply is generally called the Fish or the Fish Border." See Hui-hai, p. 127 The term "full (man iy Benerally denotes health ina tsang. See Porkert, Theoretical Foundations, Pp. 110, = Tn Lis. 1.4, “Hsichch's seangofu ping-heing OPA Fit A FE. che vort0w emperor asks cnt Po "What is the effect when the five ts'ang are chung-feng?" Throughout this prien, chung is used in a verbal sense of "to strike” or "to affect. Here it appears in a passive mode. Although it is chung-yi tste tien (Hong Kong, Joint Publishing Co., stroke-like symptoms (p. 135). Ma Shih defines two different Heart Systems. One runs to the lungs. The second runs from below the lungs to the spine and then links to the five tsang. See Hui-hai, p. 7.132-133,25. 26. 27, 28. 29, 30. 31. 344 Porkert says that the “eye system" is "the eyeball and its surroundings” (Theoretical Foundations, pp. 159-162); Ma Shih says it is only the eye (Hui-hal. pe 7.134). Ma Shih says the left and right conduits of the Great Yang of the Hand meet here. See Hui-hai, p. 7.134. Tricolorium is Porkert's translation for san-chiao fa: He explains that there is no organic substratum identified with this functional orb. There is substantial consensus, beginning with Wang Ping, that the tan-chung is located between the breasts (S.W. 3.8), However, it is unclear whether or not it should be identified with the pericardium and the Heart Master. See Ch'en and Cheng, Ling shu, p. 162. The hsin-pao-10 /u % 48 1s tdentifies by Porkert as the orbis pericardialis or pericardium. “See Theoretical Foundations, p. 147. He notes that this orb is treated as a sixth te'ang, at Jeast when speaking of conduit systens, and that it is synonymous with the Heart Master (hsin-chu). This jast observation is based on L.S. 6.35. See Chien and Cheng, Ling shu, p. 282. It should be noted, however, that both the pericardium aad the Heart Master are included in the name of conduit aine, Suggesting they are closely related but not identical. The Conjoining Valley is the foramen located at the intersection of the bones of the thumb and the index finger. See Ch'en and Cheng, Ling shu, p. 108, note 2. The Pillar Bone is located along the spine at the height of the top ridge of the shoulder blade. See Ch'en and Cheng, Ling shu, p. 108, note 5; also Porkert, Theoretical Foundations, p. 222. It is called a convention because all six yang conduits cross here.-345- FOOTNOTES. Chapter One. ny 2 The translation of the title will be discussed in part 2.a.4i of this chapter. The Huang-ti nei-ching is hereafter referred to as the Nei ching. The bibliographic essay of the Han shu was composed by Liu Hstang $I fa]. wnen taperor ch'eng 11 Ae ordered chten nung PR BE tn no-p'inesd F 3 (approximately 25 B.C.) to collect books which had been dispersed outside the capital, he also ordered Liu Hsiang to collate the books in the Palace Library Cchung-at abs PHB). see van xu BEG, tan age % : (Taipei shih eee 1974, reprint of Beijing edition), p. 310. The Attendant Physician at court (etat-ys FE aE ) ut chuckuo $42 BY was assigned to collate works on fang-chi 4 4X , including medicine. Nothing further is known about Li chu-kuo. see xu such B, uan-stu yt-wen-entn ot s chtang-shu R BAP X A, EET cchacgnes, Commercial Press, 1933), p. 9. Pan Ku, Han shu, v. 3, p. 1776. Ku Shih, Han shu chiang-shu, p. 246, Ku offers the only ecknowledgenent of this discrecpancy which I have found, but he offers no explanation for it. Ibid., p. 248, Akira akahort A 3M BA, “wut kandai skan at seni ASHE 77,” Toho Gakuho (Kyoto) 50:94,a 8 9 10. a. 12. 13. 14 15. 16. ~346~ Tbid., p. 105, note 213. See also Kan-eu-sheng Po-wu-cuan tiff § +2 40 igh eeettimenn genoa ds A RM EE © wenwa X Hesse BAA AB cottons wenee Typical of the kinds of shifts in power and properties of a mythical figure is the qualities attributed to Siva in Indian mythology. See Wendy Dongier O'Flaherty, Ascetism and Eroticism in the Mytholo; of Shiva (Oxford: the University Press, 1973). ae: Takigava xaneterodHOG@A FP, snrxt atone kosho £ Zf, AF 8: £28 cratpe Chung-shin PPT 7 Publ. co., 1977, reprint of Tokyo 1932-34 edition), ghuan 105. Lu Gwei-djen and Joseph Needham, Celestial Lancets: 4 History & Rationale of Acupuncture @ ora (anbridger the Usiversity Pes toes the University Press, 1981), pp. 85-87. Tekigawa, Shiki, chuan 1, pp 4-5. Pan Ku, Han shu, pp. 1763-1780. Fang vi-ehih 3) 4%, rrung ya MENG cited in Taba Motorane A IR 7G BL, chung-kue yi-cht k'a0 og BES , sucngenan yi-neven teung-anu @ RE BES shangnat: shih-chienh@ IR puri. co., preface dated 1935), v. 3, p. 10. iiza Veith, The Yellow Emperor's Classic of Interzal Medicine (Bezkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1966). ‘Veith’s introduction provides no explanation of why she chose this translation for the title. See for example S.W. 10.35, pp. 179-180, or S.W. 2.5, p.21. See S.¥. 14.53, p. 251, for an example of the use of shang. More important that the use of this word is the whole theory of medicine in the Ned ching which treated the body as a microcosm embodying, and17. 18, 19. 22. 23, 24, ~347- responding to all conditions in the world. See S.W. 1.2 and 2,5. In this theory of. medicine it is impossible to treat internal medicine as divorced from external conditions. Pan Ku, Han shu, p. 1708, Ibid., p. 1741, Joseph Needham, "Medicine and Chinese Culture.” In Clerks and Craftsmen in China and the West Canbridge? The University Press, 1970), pp. 271-272. See Wang Ping's commentary to $.W. 1.1, p. 2, and S.W. ze Seipsn27e This translation is the one presented by Burton Watson in The Complete Works of Chuang-tzu (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1976), p. 25. Nathan Sivin, Chinese Alchemy: Preliminary Studies (Cambridge: “Harvard Univ. Press, 1968), p. 111, note 53, Tanba Hotoniro A WR A, fA] provides a thorough review of traditional scholarship on the Su wen is the “Collective Examination (hut: HF >> caper of Su-wen shih k FAB, vor. 2 of Huang-han yichsueh tstung shu SE eB % & (shanghai: shih-cnieh t& FE pubt. co., preface dated 1935). Tamba Motohiro collects passages from various texts which he considered similar to Nei ching passages tm hic vi 11 SE BE, wien chiao-pienA¥ 4 by Sen te'un-ch'en = FR , contained tn vol. 13 of Huang-han yi~heueh tetung shu. Malnquiet hes argued that the Chtun-ch'iu fan~lu is a sixth centry A.D. fake. It is beyond the scope of this dissertation to judge this contention of to defend such a judgment. I would simply observe25, 26. 27, 28. 29, 30. -348- that none of the scholarship I have seen sccepts, oF even refers to, this arguement. Instead, these scholars treat the Chtun-ch'iu fan'lu as a text reliably dated to the Han. — The only text which may be an exception to this is the tseh-teu 7] F which contains a passage that Parallels 2 Ling shu passage. See A.C, Graham, “The Date and Composition of the Liehtzyy ™| F* in Asia Major 8.2 (1961):150. However, if we accept the analysis Graham preseats in the article, then the Lieh-tzu was only composed after the Han. ens wan ORSC ceeces wit tee tee a own interpretation in his Ch'i-hetu let-k'a0 ¥4f BAH, qvored ts okanisht taxero] BS A, Sung piceh'ten ytncht kao A 4A By SE SE 3 ‘Gpetging, T9870 pT Here I am simply noting that Nieh and Lang's argument 4s insuffictent or unconvincing ao df stander’ Ast will show in Chapter Three, I believe that they are Wrong, that the Nei ching was not composed at any single tine or place, including the the fvalcnes court at the tize of the composition of the Huai-nan-tzu. Maruyane wasao HAH , -somen no setziteu © ronsura 3 fil Ok St Ee ti >" Nihon Toyo Igaku saisni © A $F Pt KE FSSA 13.2 case. See for example S.¥, 7,22 and 8.25. Joseph Needham, with the assistance of Weng Ling, Science and Civilization in China, vy. 2 The Histor: of Scientific Thought (Cambridge: The University Press: 1956), p. 239, See also Hsu Fu-kuan 1 12 Be. “Yin-yang wu-hsing chi ch'i you-kuan wen-hsien te yen-cniu SPS 877 RH HR XK --349- (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1969), p. 575. 31. This conclusion does not imply that yin-yang and the five phases theories were first created by the figures cited or in the philosophical works they composed. It is equally likely they were first developed in more technical pursuits, such as medicine, and only then came into more general use. 32, For a detailed translation of these two passages including references and indications of lacunae in each of the Ma-wang-tui texts, see Chapter Three. 33. Chung-yi yen-chiu-yuan yi-shih wen-hsien yen-chiu-shih eZ oy 7 bs Se XBR ote, -we-vang-tut hhan-nmu po-shu ssu-chung ku-yi-shih yi-shu cme-nG EARS SE meh sore G Ma-wang-tui Han-mu po-shu cheng-1i hsiao-teugy =. RS EBD, samen nectin B = eS T= JRF coetjing, weavu Press, 1979), p. 137, It is worth aoting that no manuscript copies of the Nei ching exist, and therefore this kini « dating procedure is unavailable. The dare of the Chianyi ching is indicated by the author in his preface, I will demonstrate that these texts from Ma-wang-tui are texts, in Chapter Two. 34. The estimate of the overlap of the T'ai su and the Nei ching is based on cx index which I have € compiled from the subcommentary of Huang Po-heiao: PR BR co che suang-tt netechtng t'as-ou to which he identifies all T'al su passages which appear in the Nef ching and the Chie-yi ching. 35. On this definition see Nathan Sivin, “On the Word “Taoist” as a Source of Perplexity,” History of Religions 17(1978): 303-330. 36. shih chi, chuan 105. This biography is considered in more detail in Chapter Five.37, 38, 39, 40. 42, 42. 43, 4a, 45. 46. 47. -350- Zbid., chuan 105, pp 19, 22; R.F. Bridgman, “La Bedicine dans la chine antique," Melanges chinois et bouddhiges 10 (1955): 65, Other texts cited in the Ned ching are listed on p. 23, Pan Ku, Han shu, v. 3, pp. 1777-1779, Chang chang-ching Sift R , shane-nen 1uaf KES (Taipei: Hsuan-feng¥@ AL, 1976), preface, Tamba Motohiro, Yi-chi k'ao, p. 13. Lu and Needham, "Medicine in Chinese Culture.” veers In his Nanvching chi-chuki OE ESF crees an Okanishi, Sung yi-chien yi~chi k'ao, p. 98, analysis of the Nan ching cited by Okanishi, Sung ji=ch'ien yi-chi k'ao, p. 98. A Teview of Tamba, Nan-ching shu-cheng reveals that only a smail peccentene of the 81 passages in the Nan-ching can be found in the Nei ching, The Kucehin yict'ung tavch'uan & SEL MEX SE, ch. I, suggests this possibility. Cited by Okanishi, Sung yi-ch'ien yi-chi k'ao, p. 100. Okanishi, Sung yi-ch'ien yi-chi k'a0, p. 95. ou-yang Hetu BR PQ FF and Liu tou ZY AQ, trang shu ghing-chi_yi-wen ho-chih (Shanghai: ConmereisT Press, 1958)- 2 Ihave not yet found a satisfactory translation for the title Chia~yi ching. As Huang indicates in his Preface, quoted below, he composed the Chia~yi ghing to put the medical knowledge he had @ccumulated into an easily usable order. Chia and Yi are the first two of the celestial stens traditionally used for enuzerating objects in a series, in the same way we use the alphabet, Perhaps, the, “chia-yi” carried the same connotations of sequential orderliness that “ABC” has for us. If so, it could be rendered as The ABC Cla-351- 49, This is the bibliographic treatise of the Han shu which was based on the seven lueh of Liu Hsiang. 50. The debate over the meaning of the terms ching and mo has been and bloody one. One dispute has ~ concerned the most appropriate translation for then; a second has concerned the distinction between ching and mo. Needham and Lu have addressed both issues. On the question of translation they offer the following comment: “It has become customary for Western writers translate ching as “meridians” but the analogy with astronomical hour cizcles or terrestial logitude is so far-fetched that we do not adopt the term, “Tract” is as nearly non-committal as pssible for the supposed channel of the ch'i and pethaps the established use of the word for the b adles of neuron fibres in the spianl cord may be a tecommendation for our usage rather than the Feverse. We applaud the attack of Huard aud Juang Kuang-ming ("La notion de cercle et la science chiwoise,” in Archives Internationales d'histoire des science 1956:9.11) on the translation “meridians.” As for the "sinarteries” and “sinarteriology” of Porkert we fear this is going farther and faring worse. To put @ syllable indicating “Chinese” in front of “arteries,” when (a) they were never really visualized as tubes, (b) they did mot radiate from the heart, and (c) they aiso performed a quasi-venous function seems to us more quixotic than helpful (Celestial Lancets, p. 16, note a). Generally I agree with Needham and Lu. “Tract” or “channel” seens an adequate translation for ching or mo, but one which presents some minor problems. “Tract” is a “Course, path, way, route, with of or possessive, the course or path transversed by Person, animal, or coving thing.” See The Compact Edition of the Oxford English Dictionary (Oxford? The University Press, 19/1), p- 3370, this sencg of tract seems derivative from another sense of tract, “a drawing, dragging, pulling, trailing; a train, track, course, a tract of space or tine,7352 scourse, progess, duration, protraction, from past participle stem of trahere to draw, drag." These definitions suggest that tract describes primarily jucidents in time or on land. Ching and mo are, however, primarily courses for Fluids or fluid-iike Substances, When they are compared, it 1s to oceans or the rivers of China, not to roads. See Chren ri-11ufi BF ZR and Cheng Cho-jen are A Wingcehu ching pat-hus chieh Se ARE 6 55 BE (Beijing: Jen~uin wei-shengAd (#1 = Press, 1962), L.s. 3.12, p. 157, For this reason, ¢ Prefer the transiation “conduit.” Needham and Lu claim to discern a difference between the terns ching and mo. Ching, they claia, are vessels containing yang ch"i. Ho are vessels containing yin blood. I find it difficult to accept this distinction, especially since Needham and Lu provide no evidence for this claim (Celestial Lancets, p. 25). I find little evidence an the texts I have seen that ching and ao were distinguished as sharply as Needham and Tv suggest. Consider for example a passage fron the Chia-yi ching. The Yellow Emperor asks about the twelve ching-mo. Ch'i P replies, in part: “In the twelve conduits (ching) there are set numbers of those with much blood and little ch'i, those with much blood and ch'i and those with little ch'i and blood (Huang, Chai-yi ching, p. 10).” In this Passage, both blood and ch'i are described as being in the ching. There 1s no way to interpret this Passage with the rigidity proposed by Needhan and Lu. For this reason, I will not attempt to distinguish ching and mo by translating them in different ways. Instead, I will use conduit for both and simply note in parenthesis which one is being translated. 51, Literally not one or two. s 52, The Sung scholar Su Hound S@ defines ping-feng as a kind of derangement (Morohasht Teteujish 425K UX, Dai kan va jiten AJS fo Ee (Tokyo: Taishukan53. 54. 56, 37. 58. 59, 60, 61. -353- eas shoren A4F GES » 1957-1960), 2127.95, Huang Fu-mi, Chia-yi ching, p. 71, Ssurk’u_ch'uan shu cited in Okanishi, Sung yi-ch'ien yitchi k’ao, p. 33. Lu and Needhan''s analysis is presented in Celestial Lancets, p. 88. For Sun Peucyou Bee Breas, So7ep pee Ensen (Taspet miyagnisa sabsro'® K = BB , sogen ao try0Ra,0 VRE" im vavuens xtyosms BK POYB sogan j1dat no kaigekw gi jutsu shi & AG AFUE DAE AT ¢ (yotor Kyoto Univ. Press, 1967), p. Wang Ping, Nei ching, p. 306 The last reference to the Chen ching appears in the Sung sain ¥® 2 for the year 1094 (yuan-you 7 746 we 8) when Che Tsung @ R ordered it republished and distributed throughout the empire. It is an ironic - epitaph. See Ou-yang HouanGak[y & , sung shih RL, ctvea in Tamba, Yi-chi k’a0, pp. 49-59. See for example S.W. 15.58, p. 269 and p. 272; S.W. 16.60, pp. 290-291; $.W. 15.56, p. 260; S.W. 8.27, p. 150 and p, 151. Ou-yang and Liu, T'ang shu ho-chih and Wei cheng £% ABT sur onu PRS Coersjing, 1974). See the subcommentaty of Lin Yi in Wang Ping, Net ching, p. 1. On the role of the t'ai-pu see Liw Po-ehs S43 EW, chung-kuo ys-heueh ontn p fy BE K crater: ua-Rang f AY vreos, 1974), v. 1, p. 193. Ou-yang and Liu, T'ang-shu ho-chih, pp. 269-271 passim; Wei, Sui shu, pp. 1040, 1047 passia..-354- 62, See Huang, Chiaryi ching, preface, translated at p. 35 above. 63. This terminology is first presented in the Glossary and its appropriateness will be fully demonstrated in Chapter Two. 64. see 1s van-cnou $ SE-B, van one AE an 65. See the “Su-wen chu-chia chu-chieh shu-ay $F BRE REG - sa ronda, sucven arth, p. 2, 66. Okanishi, Sung yi-ch'ten yi~chi k'ao, p. 47. 67. Yang Shang-shan AG + B , wuang-ti aei-ching t'ai-su (Beijing: Jen-min wet-shengA ET press, 1965), pp. 148-149, 68. Ibid., p. 130. 69. Ou-yang and Liu, T'ang shu ho-chih, p. 270. 70. Wang Ping, Nei ching, p. 2. 71, Ibid., p. 149, This same passage appears in T.S. 4.3. Yang comments “The eighty-one p'ien is one of those classics identified by its aumber (of chapters) (p. 404). Yang does not acknowledge this number is significant in any way related to the Trai su. Chapter Two 1. Macwang-tui_hstao-tsu, Wu-shih-erh ping-fang, preface, pp. 1-2. 2, Textual criticism, including eaendation, is designed to return the text, as far as possible, to its original state as a preliminary to subsequent study of the content of the text (higher criticism). To base emendation on analysis of theoretical contradictions is to base it on higher eriticisn, which 4s logically untenable. ( Edward J. Kenney, “Textual Criticism,” Encyclopedia Britianai| fifteenth edition (Chicago: ,1981, pp. 189-195.)-355- 3. Marwang-tut hsiaorteu, Wushih-erh ping-fang, preface, p.l. 4, Please note that I am here reconstructing the process of finding the medical texts written on these silk bolts as carried out by the editors of the excavated texts from Ma-wang-tui. My conclusions as to what constitutes a text confirm the decisions of the editors. Such a reconstruction is necessary because it: (1) demonstrates the appropriateness of the editor's choices, and (2) provides a model for locating texts in the Nei ching 1f the Nei ching contains texts sinilar to the Han. 5. The texts are transcribed in Ma-wang-tui heia Wucshih-erh ping-fang. Wen is simply another script fore for ao Kas 1 denoustrate in Chapter Three. su, 6. There is no reason to believe that these eleven texts Were composed when they were written on these bolts of silk or that this is the only place at which they were copied down, 7. Fu appears as mo AK in the Ling shu text. Ch'en and Cheng, Ling-shu, p. 104, 8. The previous two sentences, from “The construct..." are missing from the T'ai su version (1.3. 8.1). See Yang, T'ai su, p. 95. 9. Wang Ping says that the ying are thet which control the hsueh (chu heueh & (7? ). Wang Ping, Net ching, 5.W. 17.62, p. 310. 10. Ch'en and Cheng, Ling shu, pp. 104-105, 11, Lu and Needham, Celestial Lancets, p. 90. 12, See for example S.W. 10.35 and 10.36, L.S. 8.55 end 11.76. 13. Lu and Needham, Celestial Lancets, p. 90. 14. Kansu-sheng Po-wu-kuan, Wu-wei_yi-chien, p, 23a. 15. Morohashi, Dai Kan-wa jiten, 8720.270.16. 17 18. 19. 20. 21. 22, 23, -356- Hu-nan sheng Po-wu-kuan, Chung-kuo k'e-hsueh yuan kaocks yen-chiu-suoltf M § 19 4708 ¢@ EEE BUR PA cy ang-shao Ma-wang-tui eth, san hao Han-au favchueh chien-k'ao E¢EE + == 98:2 Be 45 lz "“, Wen-wu x 74.7 (1974): 39-48, p. 43. Takigawa, Shi ki, chuan 105, pp. 53-58. chang chin-tsung 9 % 48) says chueh scans contrary or contraversant (ni # ), a situation in which the ch'i is contrary and chaotic. He also notes that it refers to a condition originating in the foot (Tamba, Su-wen-shih, p. 205). chueh-yin should be defined as the exhaustion of the intercourse of the Great and Lesser Yin. See Shanghai chung-ys beuen-yuan § jaf BESS Bp, Ghen-chiv-nsuch chtang-yt 2B) 2 4S oe (Shanghai: va-1in 2 4K Press, 1973, p. 29). The Luo are conduits subsidiary to the main conduits which link these conduits together into a system (Shanghai yi-~heueh-yuan, Chen-chiu chiang-yi. p. 36). Wang Ping states in his preface that he excised repetitious passages, (Nei ching, preface, pp. 1-2). Two sentences of the introduction in L.S. 3.10 are not included in the T'ai-su version. See this chapter, note 8. Yamada Keiji, “The Formation of the Huang-ti Nei-Ching,” Acta Asiatica, 36 (1979): 368-369. Fujikt toshiroli 44K HP , so won no Sekia, Kodat Shugote take vo Tenkar FAH Q UR . aff doe BF BoB FAcrorso: 1976), pp. eR =24, 25. 26, 27, -357- See commentary in Yang, T'ai su, p. 275, Since the first few lines of this p'ien have been lost, we don't know its title. At the end of this p'ien is a single line which does not appear in S.W. 3.102 although it is quite siailar in form to it. Huang Po-hsiao's subcommentary to the T'ai su tells us this line appears in L.S. 11.74, It does. See Ch'en and Cheng, Ling shu, p. 502. Wang, Nei ching, p. 508, The title of this fascicie presents a problem which I have not yet been able to resolve--the meaning of pen, the origin, Chapter Three 1 5. Mavwang-tui hsiao-tsu, Wu-shih-erh ping-fang, p. 132. The reference in the Ch'i lueh is not inciuded in the present Han shu bibliography. Consider this statement by Thomas Kuhn: “Once it has achieved the status of paradigm, a scientific theory is deciared invalid only if an alternate cendidate is available to take its place. No Process yet discussed by the historical study of scientific development at all resembles the methodological stereotype of falsification by direct comparison with nature.” The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, second edition. (Chicago: 1970). Ma-wang-tui hsiao-tsu, Wu-shih-erh ping-fang, p. 175. These are the Greater Yin Conduit of the Arm in “The Leg and Arm Classic,” as well as the same conduit and the Greater Yin Conduit of the Leg in “The Yin-yang Classic.” See chapter 2, note 19. Note also that chueh is written with a foot radical in "The Yin-yang Glassic." This would tend to confirm that it wes a condition peculiar to the lower limb:-358- $. For a systematic description of the cycle of yin and yang see Manfred Porkert, The Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Medicine: Systems of Correspondence (Cambridge: MIT Frese, 197¢); chapter I, “Basic Standards of *alue:’ Yin and Yang and the Pive Evolutive Phases,” pp. 9-54, On the history of these ideas see Hsu Fu-kuan, "Yin-yang wu-hsing.” 7, vane rora® Hi SM, toang-tt aetching chtanyt ching HO OE PZ oo cessing: Jen-nia wei~sheng chtu-pan-sheh, 1962), chuan 2, p'ien la, pp. 27-35. This is to be expected. When the twelfth conduit is added, a twelfth viscera is designated. Naturally it is assigned to the twelfth conduit, 9. See footmote number 1 to the translation of “The Leg and Arm Classic.” 10. Lu and Needham, Celestial Lancets, p. 13, note d. - - ii. Porkert refers to the "ill-defined materiel and spatial gontours" of ts'eng in Theoretical Foundations, p- 107, 12, Ma-wang-tut hsiao-teu, Wu-shih~erh ping fang, p. 136, 141, 13, Ibid., p. 135. 14, Ibid., p. 135, 15. Ibid., p. 144, 16. See chapter four for the mechanism through which this night have occurred, Chapter Four 1. Chen and Cheng, Ling shu, p. 354, 2.° The last sentence here, tung-ku ‘pucwei sung 9E SK $ %s B40 wost itkety pareiiel to the sentence3. 9 1. 12, 13, 14, -359- “The heart palpitates (hsin yirtung “COR H])~ in 1.8. 3.10b. I see no way to judge which fs prior. A specific analysis of these texts is provided in part 2.a. of this chapter. This text ends with the terninal marker shan on p. 309 and corresponds to T.$. 24.4. The first text parallels T.S. 25.5 and the second T.S. 25.6 Chien and Cheng, Ling shu, p. 62 and Wang, Nei ching, pe 182, A Marianne Moore Reader (New York, 1965), p. xv. Joseph Levenson, Confucian China and its Modern Fate, v. 1 The Problem of Intellectual Continuit: (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), pp. 132-3 and passin. T.S. 25.6 has chti for fever (Yang, T'ai su, p. 450) as does the Ch'uan Su wen, according to Lia Yi. 25.6 says “Do not dare (lance it) when it is at its fullness for it wili inevitably cause harm.” (Yang, T'at_su, p. 450). Wang, Nei ching, p. 252, Ch'en and Cheng, Ling shu, p. 31, The first two are quoted in Okanishi, Sung yi-ch'ien ‘ivehi k’ac, p. 33 and 35. The third is Fujiki, Sumoa ni teuite.” Takigawa, Shiki, chuan 105, pp. 20 and 22, KivetF¥ and tuff have, so far as 1 can deteraine, the ‘same meaning. For this reason, I would be inclined to treat kai-tu as a binome and translate it simply as “measurement.” But, as the passage quoted below from S.W. 13.46g indicates, some Ned ghing authors distinguish the two terme. To facilitate translating their distinction, I have translated the title as two terms.-360- 15. Wang Ping indicates that there are only four titles here: The Upper Classic, The Lower Classic, Measuring the Yin-and Teagy fhe eer e_and the Constant of the tanertive (Wiscera)- Wang" tet Presents several problems. First of all, as we will see in 2 moment, Kai-tu appears elsewhere as a title without yin-yang. Second, although Wang first explains that the third title means measuring yin-yang vapors, he then notes that kai-tu means to Beasure if an illness is deep or shallow in the body. These two explanations are incompatible. Third, the first half of the next title, The Strange and the Constant, appears elsewhere as a title without wu-chung. Finally, if we treat this as a four-character title, as Wang suggests, it is difficult to understand what the title might mean. To wean what Wang suggests it means, the title should be Wu-chung ch'i-heng. This last problem is dest solved by treating wu chung not as part of the jest title, but as the topic of the subsequent verb chueh. Te also aakes sense to treat chung as a loan for shuns as Tamba suggests in his Su-wen shih, p. 472, These considerations are the basis Tor ny translation. According to $.W. 23.75, the Bright Hall 1s where the Yellow Emperor discoursed with the Thunder Duke on medicine, rE I 16, Neog 4s ¢ loan for stat AE. see Surwen ehin-shit, P. 220, 17, The format is the same as the explanation texts we saw earlier. That $.W. 13.46, is an explanation text is confirmed by the title of the S.W. 13.46¢ text in the T'ai su where it appears independently as 1.8, 30.40, “The Explanation of The Conduits (Ching chien S839 .- 18. Yang states this means our knowledge about using the pulse to diagnose (T'ai su, p. 595.) 19. Yang explains this is how a fine pulse appears (ibid.).-361- 20. This title is im quotation marks because it is the phrase being quoted from the ancestral text. 21, chang Tin-an 96 PS /@, wuang-et set-ehing sueven chi-enu & HH ete § SE conanghas:_ ‘Shangha! ghai k'e-hsueh chi-~shu ch'u-pan she BS RABE EH FIR%+,1959), p.80 says this means thet “The Golden Casket” describes which symptoms portend life and which portend death, 22. Originally the explanations of “to gauge” and “to measure” were separated from the explanation of the title by the explanation of The Strange and the Regular. I have moved them for the sake of clatity 23. Tamba in the Su-wen chin-shih, p. 78, note 3) suggests these three phrases are also titles. 24, Hut (B). Wang Ping states hud means ch'uch- hsing $P4T. ° 27. The last lines of this passage in S.W. 6.19 differ slightly. They read: “They are recorded on the Jade Tablet. Store it in a treasury. Read it every day at dawn. It is entitled The Jade Pillar,” 28. S.W. 13.46g corresponds to T.S. 30.22. §.W. 13.460 has no parallel in the T’ai su, and seems to be @ fragment as will be clear when we quote its opening line. Therefore S.W. 13.46b & c may be part of 3 Single larger text which would then be designated simpiy as $.W. 13.46b. Chapter Five 1. This sort of capsule biography ts collected in texte such as the Fang-shuh iieh chuanF#TAE chuan 82 of the Hou~han shuh. This text hae been translated by Ngo Van Xuyet in his book Divination ie et politique dans le Chine ancienne (Paris; i9#8}o—-362- 2, Edouard Chavannes, Les Memories Historiques de Sse-ma Tstien (Paris, '1895) v. 1, pp. 157Tebs ee 3. The conduit text is named immediately before The Diagnosis by the Five Colors. This is exactly where The Conduit Text of the Yellow Emperor and Piien Chiueh appeared earlier in Yang Ch'ing?s enumeration of the texts of the ancients transmitted to him (Takigawa, Shiki, chuan 105, p- ). For this reason, it is very likely that The Conduit Text in Upper and Lower Classics given to Ts’ang Kung was The Conduit Text of the Yetlow The Conduit Text of the Yellow Emperor and P'ien Ch’ueh. Many of the following several notes will explain why 1 disagree with translations offered for these titles by Joseph Needham in "Medicine and Chinese Culture": This essay, orignally a lecture, was published with a few notes in Clerks and Craftsmen in China and the West (Cambridge, 1970). Unfortunately, none of these notes explaia the decisions made in translating these titles. I hope « that Needham will have occasion to inciude such explanations in a future volume of Sefeace and Civilization, Needham translates this title ch's Kro as "The Art of determining the Locii of the—— ight) auxiliary Tracts" (Needham, “Medicine and Chinese Culture” pp. 273-274), This translation is Presumably based on the Passage from The Eighty-one Difficulties cited in the Shih-chi Cheng-yi (K'ao cheng, SC 105, p. 22) and involves interpreting k'e OK as a toan tork'ai AK. there 1s 20 indication in this passage that such ex interpretation is justified, As I will demonstrate in amoment, this sane list of texts appears in the Ned ching passages we included in the fanily of texts discussed in Part 5 of Chapter 4 (ps 203). In all those lists of texts, the title ehis hea appears, and for this reason it seems better te treat k'o OF as an erroz for heng HZ . 5. Most commentators conclude these external changes are events such as wind and rain, dark and light (4bid., p. 23). Needham combines The Gauge and Measurement and The External Transformation of Vin and Yang into a single title “The Deteraination of~363- the Degree of Yin and Yang (involved in different diseases)." My objections to this are three-fold. First, there is iittle reason to link kai-tu and yin-yang, and good reason not to, Kai=tu appears Several times as a title without yin-yang. See chapter 4, p.211-15, above. Second, the translation Needham offers would require that the title be Kai yin-yang tu; it is difficuls to derive his transiation from the present word order. Third, I cannot accept the way in which he treats what I consider the last two words of the title--wai and pien. The first word he ignores, in fact contradicts, by adding the words “involved in different diseases" to the end of the title. Then he links pien to the beginning of the succeeding title. 6. Needham divides this title from the previous and succeeding ones in a different way than I. Incorporating the last word of the previous, p'ien, as the first word of this title, he translates ir as “The Drugs that Effect Changes (in the Body)” The major problem with this deciston, aside from the problems it creates in the previous title, 1s that it introduces into this title a category of drugs not known elsewhere. Nowhere have 1 seen a @rug categorized as pien. The closest would be « designation such as 1tang R or shan & . then Needham removes lun from the end of this title to the beginning of the succeeding title, another erious violation of customary usage.’ Though 1un is @ common first word iz the title on non-nedical essays, in the Su wen and ocher medical texts, lun is the final word of a title, not the first. 7. There are two possible interpretations of the title. » Stone, can either refer to mineral drugs as Needham believes it does or to stone probes (pien-~shihw% 73) as Tamba believes. I am inclined to accept Tamba's explanation simply because the Previous essay discu: drugs and no other ecsay discusses acupuncture, 8. Takigawa suggests this may be a text on sexual Practices.10. a. 12. 13) 1s, 15, 16. 17. 18. 20. Notes to Chapter six 5 -364~ Wang Niea~sunZ Gf, cited in K'ao cheng, notes that both the Suo-yin and cheng-yi-commentatios say gh'uan ku-fang and suggests this 1s the orieteal order. Certainly it makes better sense of the line. Takigawa, Shiki, motes it is unclear what this means. Necessary since they weze obviously wanuscripts over a thousand years before printing. Ch'en and Cheng explain that fu means directions for already established therapeutic procedures which should be folloves (ARE RERBIAST Jk Blasts F, Ling shu, p. 353. Ch'vat4% means a measure of height. Whether it has "that specific neaning here of simply an estinete, 1 do not know. shu HR , bound, has the sense of constrained or organized, hence contrary to chaotic. The subsequent lines omitted in this translation seem to be the Thunder Duke's effort to make sense of this cryptic passage. This phrase appears at the end of lines 34, 36, 54, 59, 62, 65, 74, 82b, 84b in the edition published ta Kansu-sheng po-wu-kuan, Wu-wel han-tai yi-chien. Macweng-tui hsiao-tsu, Wu-shih~erh ping-fang, p. 34. Ibid, p. 115, note 1. Ibid, p. 117. ony & Licht passage cited in Ku-shu yi-yan 4 g ‘Tn Huang-tat yi-heueh tetung-shu, v. 13, Wucshih-erh ping-fang, p. 137, The estimate of 181 p’ien in the T! is based om counting the minimum one p‘ien for each lost chuan. See pp. 28 and29 for Chang's references to the Nai ching.365 BIBLIOGRAPHY Zz of sktze aghors Wh M8 AB. wus xondat teen at toutcest fb BH Browz +" Zoho Gakuho (Kyoto) 50:75-107. Bridgman, R. F. “La medecine dans la chine antique.” Melanges chinois et bouddhiques. 10 (1955): 1-210, cheng chase-chine GR MER. shang-nea sunt #4, 35 Taipei: Heuan-fengH@ Al uri. 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