1 8552 Soc 102-Sec 1 Winter 14: Final Analysis Essay Choice 2

2 Pervading throughout modern society is an underlying convention of racism. It is not an overt racism that is deliberately planned and carried out, but rather a subconscious understanding that one race is inherently superior to another. Sociologists Michael Omi and Howard Winant define racism as anything that creates or reproduces structures of domination based on essentialist categories of race (Omi, Winant, 219). As much as self-satisfied white men might enjoy celebrating the achievement of an apparently color-blind society that has overcome racism, it is made clear by the overarching hegemonic whiteness as well as a subconscious sense of entitlement that racism is alive and well in society today. This racism, a sense of superiority above that which is apparently abnormal, can be examined by first determining that which is considered normal. Hegemonic whiteness defines the default ethnicity; to be white is to maintain the dominant social position. Typically hegemony implies a preferred set of thoughts and actions regardless of ones physical condition; under hegemonic masculinity it is permissible and even encouraged for females to participate in traditionally male activities while the reverse is typically heavily discouraged. Similarly, especially within the upper classes of society, a black person is encouraged to dress and act white - the typical image of success is that of the rich white male. Interestingly enough, we see the opposite expectation within the lower classes. While racial hegemony still exists in the persistence of the notion of white social dominance, its application is reversed. A white youth may dress and talk like a black person, mimicking the stereotypical image of the urban black youth indeed, doing so fosters a certain level of respect within the culture of the streets. Conversely, a black person of the lower class is ostracized for taking on the appearance and mannerisms typically reserved for white people; he is spurned for selling out his black culture in order to be a part of the dominating social class of whiteness.

3 Both blacks and whites maintain an underlying image of what black should be (Omi, Winant 215). From this reversal of expectations we see a disconnect between race and class. Within different classes, expectations of how a particular race should look and act often vary. Even within white culture, regardless of class, expectations may vary depending on a person's racial identification. Mary C. Waters talks about the concept of symbolic ethnicity, the ability of a white person to choose their race, be it Italian or Polish or any other white European ethnicity, in order to attain a sense of who they were [and] where they had come from (Waters, 230). This invokes a notion of the fluidity of whiteness the definition of what is white and normal can evolve to include a multitude of races. For example, Irish Americans once faced persecution in America similar to that now faced by blacks, Asians, and Hispanics. However, under an evolving and fluid concept of whiteness, it is now permissible and encouraged to take on a symbolic ethnicity of being Irish Now being Irish just means having fun at funerals (Waters, 235). This fluidity of whiteness is not incompatible with the concept of racial hegemony; while there prevails a particular racial identity which holds dominion over all others, the range of those who can claim that identity is widened by the fluidity of whiteness, as those of typically non-white races can elect to maintain the symbolic ethnicity of whiteness in order to attain racial superiority. Racial superiority is not a simple case of black and white, as it were. Rather, it is a hierarchy, constantly evolving to match the current state of racial rankings. Rooted in the tenants of conflict theory, foremost we see a division of whites and non-whites; those perceived as white hold superiority over all others. However, within this set of non-whites there exists a large range of subsets and divisions. The largest of such divisions is that of blacks and non-blacks, with blacks generally considered racially inferior to all others. Essentially the hierarchy is arranged as

4 follows: at the top are whites, at the bottom are blacks, and all other ethnicities, be they Hispanic, Asian, or Arab, lie in between. We can attribute these ever-changing divisions to the measure of how white a particular race appears. A Hispanic with fair skin will be held in higher regard within the racial hierarchy than an Asian who matches all of the visual stereotypes of Asian culture. We can see this hierarchy demonstrated on a smal scale in Elna Bakers story of Babies Buying Babies. Tasked with selling dolls to self-righteous mothers and their racially nave daughters, Baker is faced with disaster all of the white baby dolls sell out. It came as no surprise that the white babies would be held in higher regard than those of other races; the real revelation came when, one by one, the mothers, at first outraged by the lack of white baby dolls, chose the Hispanic or Asian dolls over the black dolls in an effort to find a doll somewhat resembling their daughter. It is evident, then, that this racial hierarchy pervades all of American society. We see it even here on Washington and Lee campus. W&L has traditionally, though not deliberately, maintained a primarily white atmosphere; it was not until 1972 that the first African American student graduated (wlu.edu). The university has since striven to increase the presence of minorities on campus, but progress has been slow; minorities currently make up only 15% of the student body. Furthermore, despite the increasing presence of minorities on campus there still exists a high degree of racial division, as the non-white students tend to segregate themselves from the white students. Again, within this set of non-white students there exists further division as the black students segregate themselves from the rest of the non-white students, who are collectively defined as the internationals. These divisions, however, result not from a perception of racial inferiority, but rather from inherent feelings of both cultural and structural differences. Though white W&L students

5 come from all over the country with their own respective norms and values, their wide range of lifestyles converge into a single distinct culture of bean boots, barbour jackets, and selfimportance. Meanwhile, the internationals arrive at W&L with little to no understanding of white culture and find themselves incapable of assimilating with the huge majority of white students. Bonded by a common sense of cultural dissonance by consequence of their own individual norms and values, the internationals group together and dissociate from their white peers. From a structural perspective, we see the isolation of minority students from the rest as a consequence of their involuntary social status. Though there exist many exceptions, a great deal of minority students, especially the black ones, are only able to attend Washington and Lee through financial aid. Many of these students grew up in drastically different environments than those of their upper class white peers; their need for financial aid indicates their lower-class status, which defines their place in society and those with whom they associate. At W&L, these lower-class minority students feel the pressures of their social class and consequentially group together with those of similar economic backgrounds. Here we observe an inherent relation between class and race; alienation via class discrimination results in racial segregation. Race and class are not strictly intertwined, but class differences often attribute to racial inequalities in a functionalistic manner. In analyzing this connection we first examine the source and nature of entitlement, within both class and race. It is evident that class differences often result in feelings of entitlement, an intangible claim to certain resources and opportunities above those perceived as lower. It could also be argued that whites tend to foster a sense of entitlement over anyone of a different race. The main distinction in these mindsets of entitlement lies in their source and execution. The entitlement of

6 the upper class is primarily a conscious one; they deliberately feel entitled to goods and opportunities because they feel they have earned it. They believe in the meritocracy, the utopian ideal that a child is not born to the station of its parents, but with an indefinite claim to all the prizes that can be won by thought and labor (Kozol, 361). Because they are already reaping the benefits of their advantageous upbringing, the upper class feel, often erroneously, that they have achieved their station in life by their own merit and thus deserve more than their lower-class peers. The entitlement of white people, however, is an unconscious phenomenon. Few white people would willingly admit to feeling that they inherently deserve more than a minority solely by the merit of their skin color; in todays colorblind society the socioeconomic playing field is now level (Gallagher, 227). And yet it is clear that white people take for granted the lifestyle their skin color has permitted them. Scarce resources such as education and employment appear to be in ample supply for white people. However, when these same resources are allotted to minorities, it is seen as a privilege, one of the many benefits of having achieved a colorblind society. This complex relationship between race and class begs the question of the possibility of a solution. If race and class were somehow connected, then the absence of one would suggest the disappearance of the other. But the existence of the racial hierarchy pervades deeper than a simple class structure. The systematic prejudice against minorities is supported and upheld by a division of classes, but it is not based in it. The racial hierarchy is rooted within the very fabric of society, and until a fundamental change is made such that one may no longer believe that one human being holds greater value than another based solely on his ethnicity, racism will continue to prevail.

7 Works Cited Baker, Elna. "Babies Buying Babies." Audio blog post. This American Life. Chicago Public Media, 18 Jan. 2008. Web. 06 Apr. 2014. Gallagher, Charles A. "Color-Blind Privelege: The Social and Political Functions of Erasing the Color Line in Post Race America." Race, Gender and Class. Print. Kozol, Jonathan. "American Education: Savage Inequalities." The Meaning of Sociology: A Reader. Comp. Joel M. Charon. 7th ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1999. Print. Omi, Michael, and Howard Winant. Racial Formation. Comp. Karen Sternheimer. Everyday Sociology Reader. New York: W.W. Norton &, 2010. Print. "University Chronology." : Washington and Lee University. Web. 06 Apr. 2014. Waters, Mary C. The Costs of a Costless Society. Everyday Sociology Reader. Comp. Karen Sternheimer. New York: W.W. Norton &, 2010. Print.