Sot. .%I. M&. Vol. 18. No. 2, pp. 147-157. 1984 Printed m Great Britain.

All rights reserved

0277-9536/84 $3.00 + 0.00 Copyright cc 1984 Pergamon Press Ltd

BLACK MAGIC AND ILLNESS IN A MALAYSIAN CHINESE COMMUNITY

BERTHA MO

Department

of Anthropology,

Kroeber Hall, University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720, U.S.A.

Abstract-Ah Yuk Je is a successful Hakka Chinese spirit medium practicing in a small Chinese community in Malaysia. Her clientele consists largely of young children suffering from a culturally specific condition called husk gerzg or soul loss and women concerned about infertility, prenatal problems and errant spouses. While in a trance state, assisted by her tutelary spirits, she diagnoses, prescribes and treats illnesses. Her treatment includes naturalistic and magico-religious elements such as cooling herbal teas, tonics to strengthen the body, rituals and amulets. Because Ah Yuk Je is a wife and mother, women find her sympathetic and astute at solving family problems.

When faced with an illness herself, which she suspects to be the result of kong tao (black magic) instigated by someone in her own village, she seeks assistance from a healer outside her own ethnic group
as well as outside her community. Four important factors influence Ah Yuk Jes decision to seek out this healer. The first two, recommendation from a trusted friend and a positive previous experience, are obvious. and require no further discussion. The remaining factors are the special nature of the illness, which requires treatment from a specialist, and her practice as a spirit medium. Successful spirit mediums are perceived to have a certain immunity to and control over supernatural forces. Thus the need for secrecy when a spirit medium becomes the victim of evil forces. She is able to preserve her professional reputation by consulting someone outside her ethnic group of potential clients as well as outside her physical community.

INTRODUCTION

Malaysia, with a heterogeneous population of 12 million people roughly comprised of 50% Malays, 35% Chinese, 10% Indians and 5% others (including Europeans, Eurasians and Orang Asli aborigines) presents medical anthropologists with a rare opportunity to study medical pluralism [l-6]. In addition to studying the health and medical culture of each separate group, there is the fascinating opportunity to examine medical behavior across ethnic boundaries [7-91. The work of Golomb [IO] on the role of Siamese magical/medical practitioners in treating Malay and Chinese clients is an important first step. In this paper, I examine the case of a 42 year old Hakka Chinese female spirit medium and one illness episode for which she chose to consult an outgroup healer. In Chinese society, female spirit mediums termed mahn sahn poh in Cantonese (women who speak to the gods), intercede for villagers with beings in the supernatural world. When possessed by their tutelary spirits, these women can predict the future, and diagnose and cure illnesses. Some female spirit mediums also engage in calling the spirits of the dead. This practice is called mahn maih (ask rice) because rice is scattered or offered in a bowl to attract the spirits. Women specializing exclusively in seances are called mahn maih poh (ask rice women) [I l-131. Ah Yuk Je, the female spirit medium who is the subject of this paper is a specialist in curing illnesses of women and children. Applying the term magicoreligious specialist to her inadequately describes the scope of her work. Although her diagnostic techniques are magico-religious in nature and much of her treatment also falls under this category, she has skills used in naturalistic treatment. Her practice

encompasses a broad spectrum of beliefs and practices from Chinese folk medicine (with some unique Malaysian variations). To place this case in a social/cultural context, I will first give some background information about the fieldsite, and then briefly discuss Malaysian Chinese folk theories of illness causation. Then I will give a short biography of the female spirit medium, her practice and the details of this single illness episode. The latter will be discussed as an example of integration of medical beliefs and care within a multi-ethnic, medical pluralistic context.

SETTING

OF THE STUDY

The Federation of Malaysia consists of Sarawak and Sabah in Northern Borneo and eleven states in the southern two-fifths of the Malayan Peninsula. Today, the former two states are known as Eist Malaysia, while the latter eleven are referred to collectively as Peninsular Malaysia. As used in this paper, Malaysia means Peninsular Malaysia. The material presented here was collected as part of a large study of health and illness behavior of ruraJ Chinese in the Kinta District of Perak State from January 1978 to June 1980. Prior to the 18OOs, Chinese settlements on the Malay Peninsula were limited to small numbers of traders and laborers who made the Straits Settlements (Malacca, Penang and Singapore) a temporary base. At that time, Perak was a sparsely populated part of the Malay States. However, from the 1840s Chinese laborers. followed closely by mer-

147

148

BERTHA MO
CHINESE FOLK THEORIES OF ILLNESS

chants, flooded into Perak from other parts of the Peninsula, attracted first by tin and later by rubber and other cash crops. Today Perak, particularly the Kinta District, is known as the tin mining center of the world. According to the 1970 census, 309,23 1 Chinese live in the Kinta District as compared with 104.064 Malays, 68,025 Indians and 1640 Others [14]. One of the largest towns in the district is Gam Luhng (a pseudonym meaning golden dragon) which in 1970 had a population of over 26,000. By 1980, community leaders estimated the population of Gam Luhng to be approx. 50,000, which was spilling over into several suburbs. Although all three major ethnic groups (Chinese, Indians, Malays) are represented, Cantonese and Hakka Chinese make up most of the population. The town is the locus of social and economic activities for Indian workers from rubber estates, Malays from nearby kampongs (villages with primarily dispersed settlement) and Chinese living in surrounding new villages. The term new villages refers to the predominantly Chinese communities formed during a period of Malayan unrest, called the Emergency (194%1960), during which more than half a million individuals living in dispersed settlements or in isolated villages were forcibly resettled in new villages behind barbed wire. Many of those moved were Chinese, thought by government officials to have aided the predominantly Chinese communist guerrillas. Although the villages are no longer new and the wire fences have been torn down, the term itself and the communities remain as a reminder of a traumatic period in Malaysian history. Tin Saan New Village (a pseudonym meaning heavenly mountain), the home of Ah Yuk Je, the spirit medium and subject of this paper, has a population of over 2000 people. The village is located about 7 miles from Gam Luhng just off the main trunk road that runs from Malaysia to Thailand in the north and Singapore in the south. The majority of the population are Chinese who speak the Hakka dialect, although the market language is Cantonese. Most residents are employed as wage laborers in tin mines and on rubber estates. Others have market gardens or commute to jobs in Gam Luhng or Ipoh. According to official definitions, the village is rural [15]. However, it does possess amenities such as running water and electricity. The most notable institutions in the community include the Chinese primary school, police station, several sundry and coffee shops,.and the Goddess of Mercy (Gun Yum) temple and orphanage, in addition to several spirit medium shrines. Although the temple and spirit mediums provide some of the same services to clients, they all specialize to some extent. For example, no medium is available at the temple for consultation. Instead divination is done by throwing yarrow sticks and having the abbess or one of the nuns interpret the fortune slip that corresponds to the number on the particular stick. Even the two female spirit mediums from this village with whom I became personally acquainted specialize; one is skilled at advising individuals on business ventures and changing ones luck. and performing rites to insure future prosperity. The other, Ah Yuk Je, specializes in healing women and children. I will return to Ah Yuk Je later.

Chinese spirit mediums specializing in healing draw from a wealth of knowledge about folk medicine and are not merely magico-religious specialists. Therefore the reader must be apprised of the major elements of Chinese folk medicine. the medical tradition in which they work. Chinese folk medicine. defined as the day-to-day beliefs and practices used by people to promote health and deal with illness encompasses a broad spectrum of ideas from classical Chinese medicine. both Western and Chinese popular medicine, magico-religious healing and bio-medicine. The concept of systematic correspondence, popularly known as the yin/yang five element theory. originated by the Chinese philosopher, Tsou Yen (c. 350-270 B.C.), forms the basis for classical Chinese medicine [16]. Thought to be the primordial elements from which the universe evolved. the yin represents the dark, cold, wet, feminine aspect while the yang represents the bright, hot, dry, male aspect. Health is viewed as the balance within the body of these two forces. Imbalance brought about through external. internal, physical or mental causes results in disease. More complex concepts such as the five elements. wood, fire, metal, water and earth. as well as their corresponding organs (spleen. liver, heart. lungs and kidneys), which are further developed as a complex system of interaction and opposition to the planets. colors. directions and tastes are beyond the grasp of most lay Chinese. For a more comprehensive discussion of Chinese philosophy and medicine see Needham [17], Porkert [18] and Unschuld [19]. The concepts of hot and cold, wet and dry (in Cantonese yihr, feuhng, sup and gon, respectively) implicit in the yin/yang dichotomy, are beliefs central to Chinese folk medicine. Illnesses [20], foods, different types of medication and other treatments are categorized as hot or cold and sometimes also as wet and dry. Health is viewed as resulting from balance among the various elements. For example, a common complaint of imbalance among Malaysian Chinese is said to be due to overexposure to the sun or to eating too much hot, spicy foods. In Cantonese, the condition and the major symptom are termed yihr or yiht lrei (hot breath). (Heatiness is the colloquial Malaysian English term meaning the same thing.) To offset the imbalance caused by this condition. beverages thought to possess a cool quality (not related to temperature) such as sugar cane juice, wintermelon boiled with cane sugar or various cooling (Malaysian English term meaning to have a cool quantity) herb teas are taken. Other concepts important in Malaysian Chinese folk medicine which may be mentioned briefly include wind (.fing), poison (&Ilk). blood (hyut) and energy (hei) [21]. After the hot/cold syndrome, wind is probably the most important causal explanation of illness among Malaysian Chinese. They believe that wind is easier to prevent than to cure. Exposure to drafts (and nowadays to fans or air conditioning), drinking unboiled water, soda water or bathing in cold water are likely to result in wind. After childbirth a women is especially susceptible to this condition because of blood loss and the notion that her joints are open. Consequently special dietary and

Black magic and illness in a Malaysian Chinese community

149

behavioral prohibitions are prescribed during this time. Due to the tropical climate of Malaysia, where bathing several times a day is necessary to maintain comfort and health, the usual Chinese prohibition against bathing during the confined period of 3&40 days after childbirth is modified to allow women to bathe in hot water to which ginger, lemon grass and other heaty herbs are added. In Chinese folk medicine poison is analogous to allergen in cosmopolitan medicine. Skin diseases and wounds contaminated with pus are described as poison and are defined as a negative reaction to some irritant. Also labeled poison are foods thought to aggravate these conditions or believed to be detrimental to the sick or to persons convalescing from an illness. The Chinese believe that these poison foods, which include shellfish, duck, lamb and certain types of fish, contain natural toxins which tend to exacerbate the condition of those who are physically weak. Blood represents energy, which is difficult to replace when lost. Hence the reluctance of Chinese to donate blood and to have blood drawn for medical analysis. This also accounts for the proliferation of blood replenishing tonics (bou hyut) for women after their menstrual periods, during the confinement period and for patients of both sexes convalescing from an illness. Hei (more commonly known by the Mandarin term chi) translated loosely means life force or life breathe, which flows through the meridians of the body. Chinese normally speak of hei lihk which refers specifically to physical power. Having an imbalance of hei or a blockage due to disease or broken bones adversely affects ones health. Magico-religious explanations for disease causation, common in ancient China, were viewed with disfavor after Han times (202 B.C. to 221 A.D.). Nevertheless, recent studies in contemporary Chinese societies demonstrate that such explanations continue to flourish [22-251. They also incorporate the concept of a harmonious equilibrium between the yin and the yang. Beliefs about the other world (the yin world of hell) are manifestations of Chinese ideas regarding the continuous relationship between those who live in this world and the dead, who inhabit the yin world. The relationships are maintained through ancestral worship and other religious rites. Because the distinctions between the various religious practices and philosophies are often blurred even in the minds of the Chinese, I will not attempt to discuss differences here. Supernatural beings dwelling in the yin world include gods, ancestors, ghosts and demons. Gods are mythical beings or humans who have died and have been deified by the people because of miracles or great deeds they have performed. Ancestors are ones own deceased kin. Although there is a controversy over the definition of ghosts among scholars [26-281, Chinese Malaysian informants claimed they would never call their own kin ghosts, reserving the term for other peoples deceased relatives. Gods and ancestors are not normally feared. If propitiated regularly they will not cause trouble. On the other hand, ghosts are felt to be capricious and can bring misfortune and illness at any time. They are especially dangerous during the seventh lunar month, when the gates of the

underworld are open and ghosts can wander on earth as they desire. Demons, believed to be intrinsically evil, act independently or as agents for human masters in deeds of sorcery. Black magic or sorcery as a cause of misfortune including illness appears primarily in accounts of ancient China [29,30] and are conspicuously absent in contemporary studies of Chinese societies [31]. Nonetheless the phenomenon does occur and in Malaysia is quite a common topic of conversation among the Chinese (as well as among individuals of other ethnic groups). Chinese often speak of individuals who practice the art alone. In Malaysia, informants report that devotees of a local cult called Mao Suan practice black magic. This cult appears to be concerned with invulnerability and is named for a mountain in China where three brothers surnamed MO lived and are reputed to have achieved immortality through the practice of alchemy [32]. This suggests that present day concepts of black magic developed from the alchemists tradition which existed in Chinese antiquity 133,341. The Malaysian-Chinese phrase for black magic is kong tao. This is a derivation from Hokkien and literally translates as to surrender head, to lose ones head. In Cantonese the term is kong tauh. A more common Cantonese expression for black magic or sorcery is cheh seuht. The word cheh refers to ritual pollution associated with evil. Ritual pollution with no evil connotation, such as that arising from contact with menstrual blood, is luaht tai or luh ju, which literally means dirty (dangerously dirty) [35, 361. Black magic, an acquired skill, involves a human agent who voluntarily and deliberately instigates activities to harm another. A noxious substance ingested by the victim constitutes the most prevalent form of kong tao. In his discussion of sorcery in pre-revolutionary China, deGroot [37] describes a poison (ku in Mandarin) derived from the remains of venomous reptiles and insects confined in a cauldron until all have been devoured save one. In Malaysia, the actual poison used is not specified. However, one researcher reports that ground glass added to food was said to be a common method of kong tuo among Hokkien peoples in Penang (J. DeBernardi, persona1 communication). The raising and use of demons in sorcery discussed by deGroot [38], and more recently developed by Unschuld [39] in a social history of demonic medicine in Chinese antiquity are rumored to be evident among kong tuo adepts in Malaysia. (Chinese friends warned me that a medium I knew raised devils under her bed and one individual even suggested that I was a likely victim. In the last instance, the man who was a Thai medium hoped to ingratiate himself to me by first lodging an accusation against a protagonist and then offering himself as both healer and protector).
BIOGRAPHY OF THE SPIRIT MEDIUM, AH YUK JE

Chinese friends in the village in Perak where I lived and worked, introduced me to Ah Yuk Je, who lived 5 miles away. Many of them consulted her when they or their family members were sick. They described her as a friendly and helpful person whose diagnoses and predictions are leng (usually meaning pretty,

150

BERTHAMO

but used here to mean accurate or efficacious). The spirit medium willingly consented to my observing her in her practice and interviewing patients. Ah Yuk Je was 42 years old in 1980. She described her early life as difficult. Born to a poor family near Kuala Lumpur, she was sold to a Chinese family as a sun pouh jai (little daughter-in-law) when she was less than 5 years old. The arrangement, virtually severing any ties she might have with her natal family, meant that she would stay and work for the family until she was old enough to marry the familys elder son [40]. At the age of 12, after being treated like a slave for 7 years, she ran away and found a job at a tin mine. There she was well taken care of and eventually met her future husband. At age 20 she married and moved to Tin Saan New Village, where her husband had relatives and job prospects were better. Soon after her marriage, her biological mother died and her natural brother and sister felt free to contact her. Although bitter about her early experiences, Ah Yuk Je claims she harbours no resentment against her remaining family and maintains contact with them. Ah Yuk Je worked at odd jobs for the Malay manager of a rubber estate until she became ill over 3 years ago. Villagers described the disorder as a kind of mental illness or nervous breakdown (in polite language sahn ging behng and in colloquial terms ngong or crazy) [41]. They recalled that she neglected her home and children, and wandered aimlessly about the village. She looked disheveled and scolded whomever she happened upon. When I questioned her, she was ambivalent about the precise nature of her illness. She merely said that, at the time, she experienced weakness and felt anxious and uneasy (mh ngon fohk). She consulted many healers and was finally cured by eating paper charms from the temple of Ho Hsien Gu near Ipoh, the capital of Perak. (Thefuh as these charms are called are burned and the ashes are mixed with water or tea blessed by the gods and the resulting liquid ingested.) Ho Hsien Gu, she said, is one of the famous Eight Immortals. Local folklore attributes the healing powers of this immortal to her father, a famous herbalist in China. She often helped her father collect wild herbs and became immortal because of her diligence and filial piety. As part of her cure, Ah Yuk Je became a spirit medium and today practices this profession full time. She lives with her husband and seven of her nine children, plus one granddaughter, in a house-cumshrine (baai taahn) in a side street of Tin Saan. Her husband is away all day working as a tin mine laborer and she is left to care for the house and children and conduct her practice, assisted only by her 16-year-old daughter. As is common practice among poor families, the daughter, Ah Lan, left school after completing the Chinese primary level (6 years) to help at home.
THE MEDIUMS SHRINE

The spirit mediums house of unpainted planks with a tin roof and floor of concrete is modest compared with the homes of rich villagers, which have painted walls and are enclosed by fancy metal fences. However, it is of finer construction than the homes of poorer villagers which have only roofs of

atup (a type of palm frond) over a dirt floor and bare wooden walls. What immediately distinguishes Ah Yuk Jes house from the others are two objects in her front yard. The first is an elaborately decorated shrine to the Jade Emperor. The second are the colorful spirit medium flags flying from a tall tree. The Jade Emperor, known as Yuk Wohng or Tin Gung, is the powerful but benevolent deity who rules over all the other gods and spirits. In Malaysia. he is an important part of domestic worship. Almost every Chinese house has an incense burner for Tin Gung. attached either to a post opposite the doorway or on the wall to one side of the entrance. At temples and shrines he serves as a special protector against demons. The elaborateness of the shrine at Ah Yuk Jes house attests to her success and prosperity, which she attributes to Tin Gungs patronage. The medium flags, made of triangles of green, red, yellow, white and black cloth, correspond to the five cardinal directions. They serve as an advertisement for the medium and also as a protection against evil spirits. An altar approximately five feet high by six feet long, dominates the back wall of Ah Yuk Jes front room. On this altar stands figures of her two main tutelary guardians, Gun Yam (Goddess of Mercy) and Fuht Mou (another name for the Goddess of Heaven). To one side is a large framed figure of the three Taoist spirits, Fuk, Luk, Suuh (happiness, position or affluence and longevity). Written on red sheets of paper are the names of other spirits who helped her, including the Seven Sisters (Chat Je), the monkey god (Dui Sing Yeh) and Guu Ling. Of the latter, she could not tell me much except that they were nine related spirits. The Seven Sisters are the daughters of the Jade Emperor. Most Chinese are familiar with the romantic tale associated with the weaving maid, the seventh and most beautiful of the Jade Emperors daughters, and her lover, the heavenly cowherd. Preoccupied with one another, they neglected their duties and incurred the wrath of the Queen of Heaven. They were separated and now are only allowed to meet, weather permitting, on the seventh day of the seventh lunar month. In Malaysia, at 12 midnight the preceding night or at 12 noon of the seventh day of this month, water is drawn from wells and taps into bottles and kept to use in case of illness. Malaysian Chinese believe that the Seven Sisters bestow medicinal properties on the water, which can be taken either plain, mixed with the ashes of burnt paper charms, or brewed with herbs. A large incense burner, packets of incense sticks, vases of flowers, plates of fruit and other offerings crowd the altar of Ah Yuk Je. In front of the two statues are three cups of weak Chinese tea (sometimes plain water is used instead). This gods tea (suhn chub) given to patients as part of the treatment was constantly replenished from a large metal tea kettle kept in the next room. In its own niche under the altar was a wooden plank with the name of the household or earth god (Touh Deih Gung) carved upon it. He is also a part of domestic worship. He has his own incense burner and offerings are placed right on the floor in front of his tablet. This places him within easy reach of toddlers who are attracted to the offerings. Although Touh Deih Gung is not a malicious god, it is believed that he gets angry

Black

magic

and illness

in a Malaysian Chinese community

151

with these young children who play with his incense burner or offerings and may make them sick. The cure is quite simple. It involves propitiating him with an offering and a verbal apology. In front of the altar about a foot away, leaving just space enough for one individual to pass through, is a table at waist level holding an overflow of offerings from the main altar. In front of this table is a Western-style desk with several drawers for storing paper offerings to the gods and spirits such as spirit money and clothes, as well as the yellow paper and red ink used in writing paper charms (/iah). On top of her desk is a Chinese almanac (rung sing) and a curious version of the wooden divining blocks (biu) favored by priests and fortune tellers. Instead of the usual wood, these were of silver-colored metal. Shaped like two crescents with one side flat and one side convex, they were each attached to a pencil-like object by a short chain. In divination, the stick is held up and the bui are allowed to fall on the table. If they land so one side faces up and one down, the oracle approves of the activity. If the blocks land with the same side facing up, the implication is of disagreement with the decision. Although the medium claims no forma1 education, she reads enough written Chinese to consult the almanac. Using it as a reference book to locate the cosmic correlates of a persons horoscope she uses the former to discover lucky and unlucky days for activities as mundane as washing ones hair or getting a haircut, and as universally important as marriage. Ah Yuk Je pointed out one section of the almanac that is especially useful in her own practice. This was an illustrated list of 100 barriers or bridges (gwaan) young children must cross in early childhood. The gwaan represent particular periods or stages of a childs life. When a child becomes sick. the medium matches the childs horoscope to the present data and its corresponding gwnan. To cure the sickness and help the child over the bridge a simple ritual called gwo gwaan, crossing the bridge, is performed by the medium. Along both sides of the room, which served as her bai taahn as well as living room, are low chairs where clients sit waiting their turn. The room is alive with the activity and chatter of Ah Yuk Jes children, combined with the conversation of clients and their children which dies down only when Ah Yuk Je begins her trance. The informal atmosphere lends itself to casual conversation about childcare, cooking, folk remedies and the untrustworthy nature of men.
AH YUK JES CLIENTS

Most of Ah Yuk Jes clients came from within a 25 mile radius. Although they represented all dialect groups, the majority were either Hakka or Cantonese. The range of educational levels varied from those with no education to one university graduate. However most clients had little forma1 education. Females out-numbered males as both clients and patients. (A distinction is made between client and patient because the person coming for the consultation is not necessarily the person who is sick. In practice, diagnosis and even treatment can take place without the patients presence. The patient is represented symbolically by the bat ji; see p. 152.) Of a total of 79

encounters observed only 10 were male; of 91 patients diagnosed, 64% (58) were female. Patients ages ranged from a baby, 20 days old, to one 80 year old man. The largest single category was children under 8 years of age. Most of these younger patients suffered from a culturally specific condition called ha& geng or fright. They believe that the childs soul has been frightened from its body, making him ill. Women concerned about infertility, prenatal care and those seeking advice about marital problems comprised the second largest group of patients. These three categories are combined here because in Malaysian Chinese society the desire for male progeny to carry on the family name is still important. Consequently, infertility, or a lack of male heirs often leads to marital problems. Marital problems also arise from another cultural norm, which is the custom for men to express their status, wealth and prowess by taking mistresses or secondary wives. In Malaysia prior to 1976 non-Christian marriages were contracted according to customary law. In the case of the Chinese, polygamous unions were recognized and this custom was sanctioned by Malaysian courts long after China prohibited the practice [42]. At the same time, non-Christian marriages required no registration and a man could unilaterally divorce his wife. However, a woman in a similar situation could not do the same [43]. In contrast, traditional Chinese clan rules, which prescribe and sanction marriage and divorce, protect the rights of the first wife and children by requiring at least nominal consent of the first wife to the second union and by making a clear distinction between the former and secondary wives or concubines and their progeny. in addition, divorce was forbidden under certain circumstances [44]. In Malaysia, the lax laws making it difficult for women to prove abuse of current marital regulations coupled with the absence of the traditional Chinese clan organization and its rules governing marriage and divorce, leave men free to contract liaisons with other women, both informally and formally as marriages. (In some instances, the new relationship begins without either the first wifes or the second womans knowledge of the mans situation). In the past, Malaysian authorities focused attention on this problem only in terms of its effect on inheritance [45]. Although recently laws making polygamy illegal and requiring the registration of marriages have been instituted [46], irreparable harm has already been done to many innocent women and children. In addition, legislation has not been able to reverse overnight what has been both a cultural norm and an attitude of male privilege. This issue is discussed at length because female informants recognize it as a problem that creates distress and anxiety. Both are seen by Chinese as an imbalance of emotions, which can result in illness (both mental and physical). My observation of healers at work suggests that spirit mediums in their diagnostic trances are not averse to defining marital stress as an underlying cause of ill health. Mediums in this special liminal state, in which they speak on behalf of the gods, are not confined by social norms which determine topics appropriate for conventional healer/patient interaction. Ah Yuk Je, because of her personal history as a former sam pouh jai, is especially

152

BERTHA MO

cognizant of the problems of powerless women in Chinese society. Although she never gave a hint of problems with her own husband, in informal conversations she often counseled young women to be wary of men.
AH YUK JES TRANCE, DIAGNOSES AND TREATMENT

Clients who desire to consult the gods enter her bai taahn and without any ceremony approach her altar. Sometimes Ah Yuk Je, anticipating a client before one appears in the doorway, begins lighting and placing incense in the incense burners outside and inside the shrine. These preliminaries completed, and seated on a chair behind the desk, facing the altar, she begins to chant rhythmically, all the while swinging her head around in small circles and keeping time with her bare feet. As she goes deeply into her trance, her entire body starts to shake and she makes sounds as she were alternately burping and vomiting. At this point one of her tutelary spirits enters her body and she begins to speak with that voice. The spirit asks the client what she has come for and requests the bat ji of the patient. The bat ji are the eight Chinese characters associated with the exact hour, day, month and year of a persons birth, much like a horoscope. Although the horoscope determines ones fate in life, the Chinese believe it is possible to alter this fate (jyun wahn) [47]. Using this information Ah Yuk Je locates the patient in the Heavenly Garden of Flowers. The condition of the flowers indicates the patients health status as well as present fate. Ah Yuk Jes diagnoses are quite complicated and may involve both natural and supernatural causes of a particular illness. Here we will touch on a few aspects of the standard treatment. Included in every cure there are three cups of the gods tea (sahn chah), which are poured from the three cups on the altar into a plastic bag for the patient to take home, and an equal number of paper charms (fuh), which are handwritten for each patient during the trance. For three consecutive days, the patient burns a fuh and puts the ashes into one cup of sahn chah. The tea may then be strained to remove the ashes because it is only necessary to ingest their essence and not thefuh itself If the patient is present and the condition is judged to be serious, the medium may suggest that a cup of the preparation be taken immediately. Prescriptions for herbal teas are also given to practically every patient. Since the medium is illiterate, she chants the recipe to her daughter who writes it on a piece of yellow paper. The yellow paper is a sign to the herbalist filling out the order that it is a sahn dam, a prescription from the gods. Ah Lan, the mediums daughter, said the suhn duun her mother prescribes were of two types, one for children and another for adults. Herbalists I consulted described both as cooling teas (feuhng chub), harmless and a common beverage to counteract heatiness. Suggestions for dietary changes, behavioral constraints and much reassurance are also conveyed during the trance (and may continue informally afterwards). Sometimes, she prescribes patent medicines (Western or Chinese), herbs to strengthen the body or reduce heatiness and rituals. The latter can be performed by the medium or in some instances at

home by a knowlegeable person, usually an older woman. The last activity of the medium before she comes out of the trance is to predict the likelihood of monetary success for either the client or the patient. If success is likely, she scribbles a four-dieit lottery number on a piece of yellow paper for the rndividual to buy. TWO of the most common rituals prescribed by the medium were huum geng. a rite to call back a soul that has been frightened from its body and kui (usually kui suhn, which refers to ritual adoption by a deity). The former constitutes part of the treatment for fright (huuk geng), mentioned earlier as the most common condition brought to the medium. The most common type of home treatments were Chinese patent medicines with names such as afraid of windpowder and green box pill pill. These were also recommended by the medium. If fever was a symptom, the child would be taken to a cosmopolitan physician after home care and before referral to the medium. Fright is a result of natural causes such as the loud noises made by dogs or cars as well as supernatural forces and beings such as ghosts or the fetal soul inside a pregnant woman. The Chinese believe that the frightened childs soul is scattered or lost. The rite, for which Hakka women are particularly noted, is usually performed at dusk on the lane in front of the patients house or at the intersection of two roads. The latter is believed to be a place where wandering spirits congregate. Candles and incense sticks, usually in multiples of threes, are lit and stuck in the ground. The spirits are invoked by scattering raw rice and green peas, and are given offerings of cooked rice, a small fried fish or raw egg in its shell, and perhaps some wine and suits of paper clothing. The spirits are told that the child means them no harm and they should go away and leave it alone. A shirt belonging to the sick child is waved over the incense and candlesticks as the childs name is called. The soul of the child is thought to slip into the shirt. Depending on personal preference, the shirt is placed on the childs bed for several days and then given to him to wear. Alternately the shirt is given to the child to wear immediately. To conclude the ceremony, the wine is poured on the ground. the food scattered and the paper clothing set afire. The only variation when the ritual is performed by the medium is that the latter often puts a protective stamp (chop) on the shirt. When a child is weak and always sick, Chinese often suspect that the horoscope of the child and the parents, usually that of the mother, are incompatible. In this case, the medium may recommend that the child kai suhn, that is, become the godchild of a deity (often Gun Yam). On the designated day, the child arrives at the shrine with an adult (usually its mother) bearing offerings for the goddess: pink colored cakes, fruits and several suits of brightly colored paper clothes. They must also bring a set of new clothes for the child and perhaps a jade talisman on a red string or chain. The latter may be of any shape, although recently jade carved in the shape of Gun Yam has become popular. The medium lays the offerings on the altar. lights the incense and goes into her trance. The child is made to bow three times towards the altar and a

Black magic and illness in a Malaysian Chinese community

153

request is made to Gun Yam to adopt the child. The request is granted and the goddess agrees to protect the child until it grows up. The medium blesses the clothes and returns them to the mother with instructions to put them on the child. The medium then takes the jade talisman and blesses it (hoi gwong), imparting to it the goddess protective power. After coming out of the trance, she returns a portion of the offerings of fruit and cakes to the mother (Chinese sense of reciprocity dictates that the giver should leave with a portion of what was given), and presents the child with a pair of red chopsticks, a spoon and a bowl of uncooked rice. For 100 days, or as long as the rice lasts, a few grains of it should be cooked with the familys daily rice. The metaphor is that of eating Gun yams rice and being under her care and protection. From now until the child marries, he must worship the deity on her feast days as his own parent, addressing his biological parents as auntie and uncle. This relationship continues until just before marriage when he terminates the special association by coming to her temple with gifts to thank the goddess for her protection.
AH YUK JES ILLNESS EPISODE

to the side of the main altar, he rubbed ashes (of sanctified cow dung) from a small brass container on his forehead as a protection against evil spirits. He began to chant in an almost inaudible voice, swaying his body and stamping his bare feet. Punctuating his chant with grunts, he began to make scratching gestures with his arms, while his head swayed back and forth. Ah Yuk Je whispered to me that the priest was now Dai Sing Ye/r, the monkey god in the Chinese pantheon of supernaturals. Speaking in Malay and Tamil, Ravi seemed to address his comments to no one in particular. The assistant stood close to Ravi and translated his words for us. This in essence is what he said:
Someone, a woh seung (Buddhist priest) was bothering her. He was doing some kind of black magic (kong fao). This man lived nearby. The Indian priest advised her to eat limes and to cleanse her house and altar with pomelo leaves.

During the second week of my observations and interviewing, the following incident occurred. On this particular morning there were few clients and Ah Yuk Je seemed restless. She had been complaining about not feeling well, yelling at the children and telling no one in particular that she should go see someone about her condition. Im going crazy, she yelled. These children are driving me crazy. All this noise and I never seem to be able to get away from here. To my surprise, she suddenly looked at me and requested that my (female) research assistant and I accompany her to find out the cause of her illness (tar hehng). Since it appeared that the day was going to be an oppressively hot, slow one, making field work especially trying, we agreed and suggested that we leave immediately. Now Ah Yuk Je seemed reluctant to go. worrying out loud how her children would manage lunch without her and whether she could leave her practice. Finally agreeing, Ah Yuk Je changed her clothes and we left to catch the bus to Gam Luhng. Our destination was a small isolated Hindu shrine at the edge of town. There, a young Indian boy greeted us in Malay. informing us that the priest (who I will call Ravi) had left for town and would return shortly. After 10 minutes. the priest returned and the following interchange took place in Malay, Tamil, Cantonese and English: The priest communicated with Ah Yuk Je in Malay and with my assistant and me in English. We three woman spoke Cantonese together. while I threw in some English occasionally when conversing with my assistant. Exchanges between the priest Ravi and his assistant were in Tamil. Questioned by the priest as to the reason for the visit, Ah Yuk Je replied vaguely that she wanted to consult the gods. not giving him the real reason why she had
come. which only became apparent later.

Then he gave her ashes from the brass container instructing her to drink them in tea. As Ravi continued his mumbling trance, Ah Yuk Je excitedly told us she knew who the woh seung was. He lived in Tin Saan New Village, just down the street from her. Because he was jealous of her success he was making her sick by doing kong tao. In fact, this was not the first occurrence. She continued, I knew that I should come to this shrine. Every night I dream about coming here. For three months Ive wanted to come here and ask the gods, but something kept me from coming. Bad people were keeping me from coming here. I wouldnt have been able to come if you two hadnt accompanied me. When the priest came out of his trance, he asked his assistant to repeat the message he had given during the trance, and he elaborated upon it for us. Most of what he said was repetitous, although he emphasized the necessity of ritually cleansing the house and altar carefully because the woh seung caused them to become cheh (ritually polluted). Ah Yuk Je told him of the urgency, yet reluctance, with which she had come to consult him. He reassured her by saying that the god knew she was to come. He had been on his way home when the god made him return to see her. Ah Yuk Je need not be afraid if she did everything the god, Dar Sing Ye/r, told her to do. Ah Yuk Je replied that cleansing the house and altar would be no problem, and she liked eating limes. After paying the standard fee of $5.00 Malaysian (ringgit) dollars ($1.00 US = $2.40 M), we walked back to the bus stand. On the way Ah Yuk Je confided that she felt much better, more at ease after the visit. She also said she had been to this shrine on a previous occasion. When asked who had taken her the previous time, she said it was a friend from a Chinese village about 15 miles away.

CROSSING

ETHNIC BOUNDARIES MEDICAL C4RE

TO SEEK

In preparation for going into a trance, Ravi lit a few sticks of incense and placed them in various burners in front of the gods in the shrine. Standing

Four important factors influenced decision to seek the assistance of the The first two, recommendation from a and positive previous experience are

Ah Yuk Jes Indian healer. trusted friend, obvious, and

154

BERTHA MO

require no further discussion. The remaining factors are the special nature of her illness, which requires attention from a healer with specialized knowledge and skills, and her practice as a spirit medium. Successful spirit mediums mediate between this world and supernaturals. Clients perceive mediums as having power and control over supernatural forces. Consequently, being a victim of black magic is the antithesis of what it means to be a spirit medium. Illness caused by black magic is particularly feared among Chinese because it is difficult to treat and in a spirit medium the illness indicates a vulnerability to supernatural power that does not inspire confidence among prospective clients. In addition not all healers are versed in treating black magic. Consequently, for reasons of preserving confidentiality regarding her need for specialized care, she sought the assistance of an outgroup healer. Successful interaction between clients and healers is aided by shared assumptions about the causes of illness, agreement on correct diagnostic techniques and symbols, as well as on what constitutes proper treatment for the diagnosed condition. Although there is little written evidence about the belief in black magic among Chinese in Malaysia and the idea that illness might be one result, the subject is a common topic of discussion in all sectors of Malaysian society. Beliefs about black magic are not uniform in content nor are they applied in every case of misfortune [48]. Malaysian friends agree that, generally, Malays and Thais are specialists in curing illnesses caused by black magic [49]. Persons able to reverse black magic are also likely to use the same evil force. Treatment for an illness caused by black magic is lengthy, costly and difficult. In this case Ah Yuk Je heard from a friend that this Indian healer was skilled at treating illnesses caused by black magic. In his diagnosis and recommendations for treatment, Ravi . used techniques and symbols that were familiar to Ah Yuk Je. The Indian priests gestures while in trance were similar to those of a Chinese medium possessed by the Chinese monkey god, Dai Sing Yeh. To bridge the cultural gap even further, the Indian referred to the god as Dai Sing Yeh instead of using its correct Indian name, Hanuman, the Indian monkey god. Although Dai Sing Yeh and Hanuman may have similar origins, the myths associated with them are quite different. Some Chinese claim that Dai Sing Yeh is the incarnation of the mischievous monkey king who drank the elixir of immortality and helped to bring Buddhism to the West. Others say that while his origins are unknown, he is especially skilled at diagnosing and curing disease. In the Hindu Ramayana tale, Hunuman is the ally of the hero Rama in his battle with the villain Ravana. After one particular battle, Hanumun goes off to the mountains to collect medicinal herbs to heal the wounded. In return, Rama rewards him with the gift of immortality [50,51]. Because local knowledge of the origins of the two deities is unclear it is quite easy to interchange them, as well as to invent new meanings and functions or embellish old myths. The recommendation that she eat limes draws on the general belief among Malays, Indians and Chinese that limes are a cleansing, purifying agent [52, 531. What is unusual about the suggestion is that the customary Chinese method

of treatment is to bathe with limes. either whole or sliced into large pieces, rather than eat them. Pomelos are a citrus fruit resembling grapefruit which are prized by the Chinese for their auspicious yellow color (yellow in Cantonese is rvohng, which also means royal and is a protective color) and harmonious rounded shape. In Chinese religious ceremonies pomelo leaves are used with water as purifying agent. Both the ashes (from sanctified cow dung) given to Ah Yuk Je to take with her tea and the ashes of paper charms that she gives her own clients to drink have powers to protect the drinker. This same ash is often worn on the forehead by Indians as a protective charm [54]. The Chinese paper charm may be used as an amulet. It can be folded into a triangle and sewed into a cloth case, or rolled up and placed in a metal container to wear on a chain or string around the neck. Although the belief in black magic is common among Malaysians, only certain specialists possess the expertise and power necessary to neutralize it. As was stated previously, most experts who deal with black magic are Malay or Thai. Although Chinese and Indian specialists on black magic do exist, they are rare. One Chinese specialist in Gam Luhng was called the Siamese old lady because she trained with a Siamese healer and was perceived to be well versed in neutralizing kong tao. Her power was so great it was rumored that she practiced the black arts herself. This Siamese old lady or Ah Sim Poh as she was called, had an extensive multi-ethnic family network. Her first husband was Chinese and she had one son by him. She divorced him and married an Indian with whom she had half a dozen children. One of the daughters from the second marriage married an Indian spirit medium who learned the art from his father (who has a small Hindu temple outside of Gam Luhng). This daughters husband has taken over from his aging mother-in-law many of the duties normally assumed by spirit mediums, leaving his brother to preside in their fathers place at the Hindu temple. The latters brother is the priest, Ravi, that Ah Yuk Je consulted. The two brothers maintain communication with each other, and I have observed them cooperating in religious activities. It is obvious that they share religious knowledge and symbols. In fact, growing up in a predominantly Chinese town probably ensures knowledge of certain Chinese symbols. Specialized information pertaining to Chinese religious practices and symbols was acquired by Ravis brother upon his interethnic marriage. I suspect that Ravi has also benefitted from his brothers marriage in a similar, but less obvious manner. From discussions, it appears that Ah Yuk Je was not aware of the connection between the healer, Ravi. and the famous Ah Sim Poh. Because of the fear attached to black magic and its poor prognosis, victims or their family are reluctant to consider sorcery as a possible explanation for illness. Families who are forced to broach the topic, perhaps only in the context of seeking resources, deliberately couch the illness in vague terms. They may use the word cheh to describe the illness. or alternatively speak about an illness with an unknown cause which has exhausted conventional treatment.

Black magic and illness in a Malaysian Chinese community (Conventional treatment includes home remedies, cosmopolitan physicians, practitioners of traditional Chinese medicine (in Hokkien, sensei), and folk healers other than magico-religious specialists). In the incident described here, the victim acknowledged the cause of her disease post hoc, only after the condition was diagnosed and the course of treatment begun. Ah Yuk Jes statements after the visit indicate that the consultation was cathartic and efficacious. I suspect that her initial reluctance to divulge the nature of her concern was overcome by the definitive diagnosis, culturally appropriate treatment and reassurance of a positive prognosis. In Malaysian Chinese society it is commonplace for people to talk about black magic in general terms, but no one ever admits to being a victim or accuses anyone else directly of being able to do black magic. Victims of suspected black magic only reluctantly acknowledge it as a cause of misfortune. Neutralizing its effects are costly and difficult, and specialists skilled at reversing the condition are not easily found. Accusing someone of black magic in a small face-toface society is unwise because it becomes an invitation for people to take sides, and some people are inclined to view the accuser as a trouble-maker. An admission of vulnerability to black magic by a spirit medium casts aspersions on her ability to perform her duties. as the work presupposes patronage and protection of the gods. Hence an illness of this type may be perceived by others as a withdrawal of favor on the part of the gods and thus is a special case requiring secrecy, unlike an illness with a natural cause.
CONCLUSION

155

of healers. Provencher (5.51suggests and I concur that the belief in sorcery is widespread among Malaysians of all ethnic groups [56]. Malaysian-Chinese friends speculate that the belief is reinforced by contact with Malays, and perhaps Thais, who possess an elaborate explanatory system for black magic. In addition, both Thais and Malays are believed to be adept at instigating black magic as well as neutralizing it [.57, 581. In the case described here, the Indian healer, Ravi, through his social and familial networks, has knowledge of at least two magico-religious traditions, Indian and Chinese and perhaps a third, Thai (indirectly from his brothers mother-in-law, Ah Sim Poh). Utilizing this information, he was able to treat this case of illness caused by black magic, by manipulating healing symbols familiar to the Chinese client, Ah Yuk Je. The Andersons [59], writing a few years after the 1969 ethnic conflicts, concluded that tensions among the dominant ethnic groups preclude additional integration or syncretism of magico-religious beliefs. However, my research demonstrates a level of integration of magico-religious beliefs and symbols related to illness among Malaysians of diverse cultural backgrounds, which facilitates crossing ethnic boundaries to seek healers. These findings concur with those of Freedman [60], Golomb [61] and others who have felt that the structure of ethnic relations in Malaysia is less rigid than some scholars suggest and, furthermore, that groups have always formed close social ties across ethnic boundaries.

The preceding biography of a 42 year old female Hakka Chinese spirit medium demonstrates that the term, magico-religious specialist inadequately describes the scope of her work as a specialist in disorders of women and children. Although her diagnostic techniques are largely magico-religious in nature, and much of her treatment also falls under this category, she has skills used in naturalistic treatment. Aided by her guardian spirit while in a trance state, she diagnoses illness and prescribes treatment, which include gods tea, herbal remedies, patent medicines (both Western and Chinese), and rituals, Two of the most common are haam geng, the ritual to call back a lost soul and kai s&n, ritual adoption by a deity (suggested for a child who becomes ill often because the horoscope of child and mother are incompatible). A woman with infertility and/or marital problems is given herbs to strengthen her body (holr sari fai) and is encouraged to verbalize her concerns. Ah Yuk Je, the spirit medium, is successful because her diagnoses are perceived by patients as accurate, her treatment is deemed effective, but more important she offers them reassurance, comfort, and hope. Malaysia has a multi-ethnic population, each with its own set of beliefs and practices regarding health, the diagnosis and treatment of disease. However, within this medical pluralism there is overlap and integration of beliefs and practices among healers and clients as well as notions of specialization on the part

Acknowledgements-My fieldwork was supported by a predoctoral fellowship from Grant No. AI 10051 (UC-ICMR) to the Department of International Health, School of Medicine, University of California, San Francisco from the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Disease, National Institutes of Health, U.S. Public Health Service. Unless otherwise noted, Cantonese Chinese terms are used and are spelled according to the method outlined in Parker Po-fei Huangs Cantonese Dicrionarv. Yale University Press, New Haven, 1970. I would like to thank the following individuals for reading and commenting on earlier versions of this paper, Frederick L. Dunn, Kris Heggenhougen, Nora Krantzler, Margaret MacKenzie, Jack Potter, Moses Pounds, Judy Strauch and Daniel Weisberg. REFERENCES

1. Chen P. C. Y. Unlicensed medical practice in West Malaysia. Trop. med. Geogr. Med. 23, 173-183, 1971. 2. Chen- P. C. Y. Medical systems in Malaysia: cultural bases and differential use. Sot. Sci. Med. 9. 171-180. 1975. 3. Chen P. C. Y. Traditional and modem medicine in Malaysia. Sot. Sci. Med. HA, 127-136, 1981. 4. Colley F. C. Traditional Indian medicine in Malaysia. J. Malav Branch. R. Asiatic Sot. 51. Pt. I. 77-109. 1978. 5. Dunn F. L. Medical care in the Chinese communities of Peninsular Malaysia. Medicine in Chinese Cultures: Comparative Studies of Health Care in China and Other Societies (Edited by Kleinman A. et al.), pp. 297-325. PHEW Publ. No. (NIH) 75-653. John E. Fogarty International Center, National Institutes of Health U.S. Public Health Service. 6. Heggenhougen H. K. Bomohs, doctors and sinsehsmedical pluralism in Malaysia. Sot. Sci Med. 14B, 235-244, 1980.

156

BERTHAMO 25. Toolev M. Chinese traditional ideas and the treatment of hisease: two examples from Hong Kong. Man 5, 421-437, 1970. 26. Ahern E. M. The Cult of the Dead in a Chinese Village. Stanford University Press, Stanford. CA. 1973. 27. Freedman M. (Ed.) Ancestor worship: two facets of the Chinese case. Social Organization: Essays Presented to Raymond Firth, pp. 85-103 Frank Cass & Co., London. Aldine, Chicago, 1967. 28. Wolf A. (Ed.) Gods, ghosts and ancestors. Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, pp. 13I-I 82. Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA, 1974. 29. deGroot J. J. M. The Religious Svstem of China, Vol. V. E. J. Brill, Leiden, 1907. 30. Needham J. The Tao Chia (Taoists) and Taoism. Science and Civilization in China. Cambridge University Press, London, 1956. 31. Freedman M. op. cit. He concludes that Chinese society does not predispose its members to seek explanations for misfortune in the evil thoughts and practices of kin and neighbors. This suggests that the present study is a unique case in Chinese-society, but not in Malaysian society. Provencher R. op. cit. states that a belief in sorcery is prevalent in all sectors of Malaysian society. Anderson E. N. amd Anderson M. L. Folk dietetics in two Chinese communities, and its implications for the study of Chinese. Medicine in Chinese Cultures: Comparative Studies of Health Care in China and Other Societies (edited by Kleinman A. et al.), pp. 143-171.

7. Dunn F. L. op. cit. He writes of two parttime bornoh

8. 9.

10. 11.

12.

13. 14.

(aboriginal healers who were viewed by outsiders as skilled in mediating with supematurals. Chinese and Malay (and other) relatives of epileptics and those suffering from other typez of mental disorders consulted the younger of the two healers. The older bomoh, who has since died, was an herbalist with a large clientele of rural residents of all ethnic backgrounds. Chen P. C. Y. op. cit. 1981. Provencher R. Mainland Southeast Asia: An Anthropological Perspective. Goodyear, Pacific Palisades, CA 1975. He found that Indian, Chinese and Malay clients cdmmonly patronize spirit mediums of other ethnic backgrounds. Golomb L. Brokers of Morality: Thai Ethnic Adaptation in a Rural Malaysian Setting. The University Press of Hawaii, Honolulu, HI. 1978. deGroot J. J. M. The Religious System of China, Vol. VI. E. J. Brill, Leiden, 1910. In pre-Han times, there were male and female invokers called in Mandarin, wu or wu-shih. He suggests that these were the Chinese equivalent of a clan of priests of both sexes distributed over several parts of Asia under a variety of names such as shaman in Siberian lands, etc. In Amoy, China at the turn of the century, there were female mediums call in Hokkien, ang-i. The wu and wu-shih are the predecessors of present day spirit mediums. The ang-i and in Cantonese, the mahn sahn poh and mahn mah poh are contemporary female practitioners of this genre. Elliott A. Chinese Spirit Medium Cults in Singapore. Donald Moore Books, Singapore, London School of Economics, Monographs on Social Anthropology No. 14, London, 1955. Potter J. M. Cantonese Shamanism. Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Edited by Wolf A.), pp. 207-23 I. Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA, 1974. Chander R. (Ed.) 1970 Population and Housing Census of Malaysia. Community Groups. Department of Statistics, Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 1972.

15. ibid. 16. Boehmer T. Taoist Alchemy: A sympathetic approach through symbols. Buddist and Taoist Studies I (Edited by Saso M. and Chappel D. W.), pp. 55-78 Asian Studies at Hawaii, No. 18, The University Press of Hawaii. Honolulu. HI. 1977. 17. Needham J. Medicine and Chinese culture. Clerks and Craftsmen in China and the West. Cambridge University Press, London, 1970. 18. Porkert M. The Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Medicine. The M.I.T. Press. Cambridge. MA, 1974. 19. Unschuld P. Concepts of illness in anrient China: The case of demonological medicine. J. Med. Philos. 5,
117-132, 1980.

20. Linguistically the Chinese do not differentiate between disease, the presence of pathology and illness, the experience of disease. The terms, behng and behng jing are used interchangeably when referring to either case. 21. Gould-Martin K. Hot cold clean poison and dirt: Chinese folk medical categories. Sot. Sci. Med. 12,
39-46, 1978.

22. Ahern E. M. Sacred and secular medicine in a Taiwan village: a study of cosmological disorders. Medicine in
Chinese Cultures: Comparative Studies of Health Care in China and Other Societies (Edited by Kleimann A. et aI.), pp. 91-I 13. PHEW Publ. No. (NIH) 75-653. John

E. Fbgarty International Center, National Institutes of Health. U.S. Public Health Service. 23. Potter J. M. op. cit. 24. Potter J. M. Wind, water, bones and souls: the religious Life of the Cantonese peasant. J. Orient Stud. 3, I39- 153. 1970. Hong Kong. (Reprinted in Thompson L. G. (Ed.) The Chinese Wa.v in Religion. Belmont. CA, 1973.)

PHEW Publ. No. (NIH) 75-653. John E. Fogarty International Center, National Institutes of Health, U.S. Public Health Service. They speak briefly of Hokkien peoples in Penang, Malaysia who claim to be bewitched by evil spirit mediums. Comber L. Chinese Magic and Superstitions in Malava. Malayan Heritage Books No. 5, Eastern Universities Press, Singapore, 1960. He discusses elements of Chinese magic popularized by fortune tellers and spirit mediums in Malaya. Although he does not mention black magic specifically. some of these concepts are used in the black arts. 32. Welch H. and Seidel A. (Eds) Facets of Taoism. Yale University Press, New Haven, 1979. 33. ibid. 34. Saso M. and Chappel D. W. (Eds.) Buddhist and Taoist Studies I. Asian Studies at Hawaii, No. 18. The University Press of Hawaii, Honolulu. HI. 35. Ahern E. M. The power and pollution of Chinese women. Women in Chinese Society (Edited by Wolf M. and Witke R.), pp. 193-214. Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA, 1975. 36. Gould-martin K. op. cit. 37. deGroot J. J. M. op. cit. 38. ibid. 39. Unschuld P. op. cit. 40. Freedman M. Chinese Family and Marriage in Singapore. Colonial Office, Colonial Research Studies. 20, London, 1957. 41. These Chinese villagers believe that mental illness is a result of naturalistic causes such as evil wind imbalance of hei, dysfunction of bodily organs which affect the mind, and an imbalance of emotions which are the result of excessive or blocked emotions, either negative or positive. Mental illness is also thought to be inherited, a result of bad fate, or spirit intrusion. 42. Laws of Malaysia, Act 164. Law Reform (Marriage and Divorce) Act, 1976. 43. Hooker M. B. The relationship between Chinese law and common law in Malaysia. Singapore and Hong Kong. J. Asian Stud. 28, 723-742. 1969. 44. Lang 0. Chinese Family und Soviet>,. International Secretariat, Institute of Social Research. Institute of Pacific Relations & Institute of Social Research. Yale University Press, New Haven. 1946.

Black magic and illness in a Malaysian Chinese community 45. 46. 47. 48. Hooker M. B. op. cit. Laws of Malysia, op. cit. Potter J. M. op. cit. 1973. Firth R. Faith and scepticism in Kelantan village magic.
Kelantan: Religion, Society and Politics in a Malay Sralc

157

traveled by the potential victim. The informant claimed that the evil force would only harm the intended victim and not some unsuspecting passerby. 53. ibid.
54. ibid. 55. Provencher

49. 50. 51. 52.

(Edited by Roff W. R.). Oxford University Press, London. 1974. Skeat W. W. Mafay Magic. Macmillan, London, 1900. Jobes G. Dicrionarl, q/ Mythology. Folklore and Symbols. Pt.1. 2. The Scarecrow Press, New York, 1972. Leach M. and Fried J. (Eds) Standard Dic/ionary o/ Folklore. Mythology and Legend. Funk & Wagnails, New York, 1972. Babb L. A. Hindu mediumship in Singapore. SEasf Asian J. Sot. Sci. 2, 1974. Indians believe that limes can also be used in black magic. A common method, reported by one informant was to plant a lime in a lane

R. op. cif. 56. Gimlette J. D. Malay Poisons and Charm Cures. J. A. Churchill, London, 1923. 57. Winstedt R. 0. The Malay Magician. Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1951.. _ 58. Winzeler R. L. Ethnic comnlexitv . - and ethnic relations in an east coast Malay Town. SEasf Asian J. Sot. Sci.
2, 45-61, 1974. 59. Anderson E. N. and Anderson M. L. Fishing in Troubled Warers. The Orient Cultural Service, Taiwan, 1977.

60. Freedman M. The growth of a plural society in Malaya. Pa@ Aflairs. 33, 158-168, 1960. 61. Golomb L. op. cif.