SCHOLARLY CONTROVERSY

Race and the CIO: The Possibilities for Racial Egalitarianism During the 1930s and 1940s Michael Goldfield
Wayne State University

of Industrial Organiza of the commitment of the Congress Assessments to racial equality, and of the degree to which individ tions (CIO, 1935-55) the interests of African-American ual CIO unions defended and other immense workers in have undergone change. During the minority practice, 1930s and 1940s, many individuals and groups who supported racial equal the CIO the leading organiza ity, including W. E. B. Du Bois, considered tion in the struggle for Black freedom. Today, many people, including Herbert Hill, consider the CIO unions of the 1930s and 1940s barely better than the racially discriminatory American Federation of Labor (AFL) unions that excluded African-American workers from union membership In this latter rendition, CIO unions, even during their and employment. were another vehicle for maintaining white employment, merely prime, white possession of more desirable their jobs, and other white privileges, from AFL unions largely due to the industrial milieu in which differences the CIO operated. Thus, the CIO unions were themselves a major obstacle to African-American not part of the of the problem, advancement-part
solution.

The truth, as is often the case, ismore complex. In this essay, I identify I believe are the most important issues concerning the CIO's racial sketch the historiographie policies, disputes, and indicate in what direction the answers lie. I examine how racially egalitarian the CIO and its various a union the determinants of how egalitarian components actually were; was; what caused many CIO unions and the CIO as a whole to retreat from to racial egalitarianism; and the unrealized possi their early commitments bilities for egalitarian, interracial unionism in the United States. what How was the CIO?

racially egalitarian

mainstream industrial-relations and labor-history literature Traditional, more to at refers this One look the rich may hardly question.1 fruitfully tradition which focuses specifically on African-American labor, a tradition its heyday by mainstream labor historians and largely ignored during industrial-relations writers. Du Bois, Charles Wesley, and Lorenzo Greene and Carter Woodson, for example, the condition documented of Black
International Labor and Working-Class History No. 44, Fall 1993, pp. 1-32 ? 1993 International Labor and Working-Class

History,

Inc.

ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

labor in the United States and the many unions that played an important to African and promotional role in denying employment opportunities American workers.2 The classic pre-CIO work is that of Sterling Spero and Abram Harris, which analyzed both the exclusionary, role of oppressive other unions, the AFL and the degree to which the United Mine Workers, and a number of left-wing groups were, or were not, more racially egalitari an than the majority of AFL unions.3 in to the this tradition naturally turned their attention Those writing not While the in and 1940s. without their CIO 1930s these criticisms, in their evaluations of CIO racial prac writers were remarkably positive states: tices. Du Bois, for example,
Probably among the greatest the working and most masses has effective come effort about toward the interracial trade understanding ... As

through

unions.

result [of the organization

steel fellow and automotive striving spread in the the masses.4 of workers for

of the CIO in 1935], numbers of men

have same been objects. tolerance been thrown There and together, has been black on the

like those in the

and white, this account as an

industries

astonishing movement among

interracial has

understanding. in softening

last 30 years

so successful

no Probably race prejudice

Horace

and Robert Weav Cayton and George Mitchell, Herbert Northrup, some in AFL and their criticism of while CIO unions, er, many unrelenting of CIO racial practices.5 echo Du Bois in their evaluation in this tradition have assumed that there is a racially egalitari Writers an logic to industrial unionism. Herbert Gutman and Spero and Harris, to labor historians, take several seminal, quite perceptive have argued that to egalitarian there is a certain unionism when African inevitability American workers make up substantial portions of the work force and when the union has a "broad social philosophy."6 The logic of successful of industrial unionism the solidaristic inclusive, organization requires of low-skilled, unions when the industries are composed racially and eth to To work forces. this is ignore nically heterogeneous logic plant the seeds of failure before the journey is begun. I will discuss later the degree to which these structural determinants have proven necessary or sufficient for the formation of racially egalitarian unions. of industrial unions emerged in full force in Highly critical evaluations of the 1960s. The most across-the-board the rejection positive perspective may be found in the work of Herbert Hill. His work, filled with scathing a dra criticism and exposure of supposedly egalitarian unions, provides matic wake-up call for those who complacently the older, es accept tablished wisdom on the CIO. Hill argues that even the most "racially pro industrial unions have become white gressive" inevitably job-control These unions often rhetoric for pur organizations. espoused egalitarian in an indus poses of expediency when Blacks had substantial percentages

Race and the CIO

try, particularly during early periods of new organizing. After becoming to lock African the unions used their organizations established, however, out of access to superior jobs. Hill argues there were American workers few exceptions, including unions with left-wing leadership.7 Hill and many others assume that the central reasons for racial in in the workplace and within the labor market are the advantages equalities and the racist attitudes that white workers gain from such arrangements one would have for all that they express. Thus, the natural expectation or racially integrated labor unions white overwhelmingly (presumably and other minority would be an excep African-American organizations tion) is that they would be discriminatory.8 theories My argument will be that each of the two major alternative on the logic of industrial unionism and the other the one that concentrates an impor that emphasizes the racial attitudes of white workers-identifies tant aspect of reality. Yet, as a comprehensive argument or even combined with the other, each theory is inadequate. To get to the root of things, we must recognize that there is now and was during the 1930s and 1940s a range of racial practices by unions. We are best advised to follow Herbert
Northrup's admonition that "dynamic elements . . . prevent any clear-cut

of American classification labor unions according to their racial policies."9 not merely by union and indus One must disaggregate union practice-and of African-American look at the percentage in a workers try. One must the union, an industry, an area; take into account the locale, especially in the South; and distinguish between of workers the attitudes percentage and practices of local officers, the international union, and rank-and-file of particu members. Finally, one must look at the historical development lar unions, for some unions improved their racial policies, while the poli cies of others deteriorated. all these factors can one Only by considering a I will refer here to racial practices make considered judgment. Although of CIO unions in all parts of the country, my focus will be on the South, for it was in the South that racial discrimination the arguably was harshest; was most in law, custom, and system of white supremacy rigidly entrenched was most severely to egalitarianism social practice; and the commitment
tested.

Early

interracial

labor organization

labor struggles, organization, and varying degrees of egalitarian in existed in States the United instances long isolated, atypical practice before the rise of the CIO. A characteristic of all these early cases was a laborers, whose joint organiza significant proportion of African-American in some fashion or another was seen as a prerequisite tion with whites for Yet the racial mix the of leverage against employers. obtaining bargaining while seemingly a necessary condition, was never potential constituency, sufficient by itself to insure that interracial organization would be at

Interracial

ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

was it even tried. Nor was suc since only in rare circumstances tempted, to insure minimal cessful interracial organization sufficient success, be cause the weight and wrath of challenged white supremacy, in addition to to unions, usually was enough to crush such struggles. normal opposition this heritage was not without its influence during the 1930s. Nevertheless, Black and white farmers and the rural poor in the South united and and the struggled together briefly during Reconstruction (circa 1866-76) Populist era (circa 1888-96). Both efforts were defeated by a combination of racist hysteria, intense economic and social pressure against individuals in the movements, voter fraud, physical and mur intimidation, violence, der, leaving the lower classes cowed and defeated. White supremacist he gemony reemerged, more dominant than ever. The reaction to Reconstruc tion and Populism in the South made clear that whatever the compelling interracial organization in the abstract, the likely con logic of lower-class, in practice would be harsh indeed. Nevertheless, interracial sequences movements to emerge in the South. continued working-class Recent of Black and scholarship has uncovered extensive organization white workers in the South by the Knights of Labor during the 1880s and 1890s. Melton McLaurin describes not merely but inte joint organization, and successful political activities.10 grated struggles against segregation in the 1880s and 1890s shows the Peter Rachleff's study of Richmond interracial unions, and the rise of Black political strength of solidaristic as well as the occasional stands of the power and influence, forthright on racial issues.11 At the 1886 Knights for example, convention, Knights in Richmond, the capital of the old Confederacy, national leaders insisted that the city's theaters and hotels accept African successfully American the South. In 1886, in the delegates, causing a stir throughout Fourth Congressional District of North Carolina, made up of the eight
counties centered in the Raleigh-Durham area, state master-workman

held

a pro-Union John Nichols, abolitionist printer and outspoken supporter of the Knights' liberal racial policies, was elected to Congress.12 To be sure, the policies of the Knights were highly contradictory, but their activities in Richmond and elsewhere-especially to integrated their commitment a frontal challenge to white supremacy. unions-often necessitated Varying degrees of interracial unity also were achieved by New Or leans waterfront workers from the end of the Civil War in 1865 until the in the Crescent City in the 1920s.13 Tens of of union crushing organization thousands of African-American and white woodworkers in Louisiana and of Timberworkers and affiliated for a Texas, organized by the Brotherhood while with the Industrial Workers of the World im (IWW), also achieved and and between 1910 1913.14 And the pressive solidarity organization to interracial organizing mine workers, discussed below, were committed in the Deep South from the 1890s on. These cases were atypical, although it is unclear to what extent more was possible had there been additional energy and commitment directed toward such attempts.15

Race and the CIO

In contrast to these exceptional cases, most craft unions were openly either formally or by custom. Many AFL racist, excluding Black members and the South, even in the North unions with industrial jurisdictions, where a so-called logic of industrial unionism dictated that they organize interracial unionism, African-American thus giving up workers, rejected on successful from the start. Unions industrial organization that found it to accept Black members because of their high percentage in a necessary trade, as in longshore and many of the trowel trades in the South, for them into separate locals and gave them example, generally organized inferior status. Primarily northern industrial campaigns under AFL aus in steel (1919) and meatpacking failed in good part be (1917-22) of their inability to convince African-American workers that their interests would be served by AFL unions. Prior to the 1930s, the AFL and railroad unions, with several important exceptions, independent only var ied in the degree and forms of implementation of extreme racist practices. Even the socialists within the AFL were hardly any different. Despite the antiracism of some left socialists at this time and even occasionally that of a few socialists on the right, the range of socialist principles varied by and pices cause large from the outright Eugene Debs.16 break with AFL racism of Victor Berger to the benign neglect of

The CIO

racial practices

From its beginning in 1935, the CIO espoused racially egalitarian rhetoric. The question naturally arises: To what degree did this espousal represent a break from AFL racial policies? Or was it merely a continuation of these could not practices in a new industrial setting, in which white workers-who in unskilled control the labor market for themselves industrial workplaces without enlisting the support of their fellow Black workers-made the nec answer one To must overtures? this question first look essary opportunistic at the roots of the egalitarian stance in the CIO. Aside from structural in the CIO came from two the impetus for egalitarianism imperatives, sources. The first, and initially defining source, was that of the ex-AFL unions that came to form the CIO, primarily the 600,000-member United as well as the needle-trades Mine Workers of America unions (UMWA), centered in New York City, particularly the International Ladies Garment and the Amalgamated Workers Union of (ILGWU) Clothing Workers America. The second source was the left organizations, the especially were central, and in many cases the Communist party, whose members in most of the key unorganized industrial sec only important, organizers tors (auto, longshore, steel, electrical, maritime, and tobacco, among oth ers). Secondary were a small number of other leftists, most of them associ ated with A. J. Muste or with the left wing of the Socialist party, the latter Folk School director Myles group including Highlander leaders of the Southern Tenant Farmers Union. Horton and the

ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

its Any attempt to evaluate the racial practices of the CIO as a whole, unions, and various fractions within itmust be multidimensio component nal and systematic, not merely anecdotal. Six criteria seem pertinent in this
regard.

First is the degree of union access itself. The independent railroad and Blacks and other minorities. craft unions many AFL totally excluded These unions served to control jobs for whites (or a particular white ethnic and jobs to all others, their representation enforcing group), denying claims by job actions, contracts, state licensing and apprenticeship require and even occasionally ments, (as was the case in the early 1930s with the railroad unions) by murder. Other unions accepted Black members but put Black A further them in inferior, subordinate, locals. of level separate access was the degree to which Black workers occupied and leadership paid at what levels. staff positions within a formally open, interracial union-and had numerous African-American local The mine workers, for example, officials and even a number of district staff and organizers, but almost no Blacks in national positions or on national staff. the Second, one wants to know the degree to which a union defended was most Black workers. for work of the rights employed Equal pay equal elementary doing away with differentials principle, by race or gender for the same type of job. Even with equal pay for equal work, however, equal rights often were denied. A higher-level principle demanded equal access to upgrading, especially to the most skilled and desirable jobs, which were often designated informally as the province of white males. These first two criteria
American

involved
workers.

defending

the formal

rights of already-employed

African

in the hiring and job-placement In is the discrimination process. were or Blacks from excluded in textile electri many industries, hiring (as cal), or, when hired, they were sent to the worst areas and jobs (foundry work in many industries, or coke plants in steel). With only department no plant-wide seniority-with bidding on open jobs-African-American workers usually were frozen out from the better jobs from the beginning. was difficult to challenge This type of discrimination since successfully, basic issues of management against it confronted rights, of which the right to hire is central. Fourth was the degree to which a union supported or took the lead in civil rights activities. In the South especially, the more egalitarian industrial for antilynching unions mobilized their members the abolition legislation, of the poll tax, and the right to vote for African Americans. of Fifth, how extensive was egalitarian education and the involvement in the struggles for equality both inside and workers, particularly whites, outside the workplace? Sixth and finally, the union may be judged by the extent to which social equality was practiced among members and their families in union social affairs. attacks

Third

Race and the CIO

in applying these standards must be made for time Some qualifications and place. Unions which held integrated meetings and had any Black offi cers at all in the Deep South in the 1930s were often taking far more to the system of white audacious greater challenges steps and presenting and supremacy than many unions in the 1960s that had these characteristics took highly visible, public civil rights stances but did little to combat dis at the workplace. crimination With let us turn our initial attention to the these criteria in mind, UMWA influence on CIO racial policy. We then shall look at several other mainstream
African-American

CIO

unions,
workers.

which

also

had

substantial

percentages

of

The United Mine

Workers

of America

Coal mining labor-intensive during the 1930s was a highly competitive, both ethnically and industry. Its work force was extremely heterogeneous, racially, although this varied a good deal by region.17 There were only small in pay, skill, and general occupational differentials status; to the extent at the top. these existed, however, Black workers were underrepresented Coal miners generally lived in highly controlled, isolated com repressive, violence and occa strikes, there was often widespread pany towns. During sometimes of a different attempts to use strikebreakers, sionally massive or racial ethnic group from the strikers. Coal miners the world over always to strike;18 U.S. coal fields were no exception. have had a great propensity case These characteristics make coal mining in this country the archetypical in which the logic of industrial unionism should have made labor organiza tion interracial and egalitarian. Before the turn of the century, the defeat of large-scale miners' strug had clear both to broad cross sections of miners made and to the gles leadership of their union that successful organization required intense soli across racial and ethnic lines.19 It also required great darity, especially Some have argued that building physical risks and exceptional militancy. a unions in such circumstances pragmatic-some might say oppor requires to include all workers and to make aminimal tunistic-commitment show of concern for the grievances of all groups. It is, as Stanley Greenberg notes, a "plausible scenario," but one that is far from inevitable.20 The rejection of white-only in the South, but not only unions put workers, particularly to in the whole and there, system of white supremacy, open opposition hence to key economic interests in the South, the mores of the community, and in many places, the unrestricted power of the state. In the face of such of organiza many unions, despite the "logical" requirements opposition, The in iron and other Association chose tion, strategies. Amalgamated the of International Association Machinists in the steel, many industries, Association in southern International Longshoremen's (ILA) longshore, and the Mechanics in auto all chose Educational Society of America

ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

of racially exclusionary strategies, while the International Woodworkers a America after seized of in control the union right-wing (IWA), leadership 1940 with the active aid of the CIO national office, abandoned any attempt to organize its largely southern Black constituency. the UMWA, from the time of its founding, acted upon a By contrast, whatever its flaws and defects, which put it into conflict with of the certain left-led many aspects supremacy. Unlike system of white a commit unions that were organized start not the did UMWA with later, or ment to an all-around an for racial with struggle equality analysis of the decision, Rather, importance of this struggle for class solidarity and consciousness. to organize all workers starting from a commitment equally, the UMWA was led to challenge white supremacy in important ways and to fight for certain interests of its African-American members. In Alabama, union tax. the voter members in extensive fought against poll They engaged then mobilizing them in efforts, first registering white miners, registration to co in assist the of their numbers African-American large registration and social activities, often in workers. The union held integrated meetings the racist attitudes of many white places where these were illegal.21 Despite coal in the northern of some miners, fields, and the hesitancy especially national leaders, the early UMWA, with itsmany Black officials, staff, and was a in the At AFL.22 time when all middle organizers, virtually unique
class African-American organizations were antiunion, one National Asso

of Colored ciation for the Advancement fieldworker People (NAACP) in 1922 was extremely who visited Birmingham impressed by the number the lack of of Black UMWA differentials vis-?-vis their organizers, salary white counterparts, and the general egalitarian atmosphere of union meet of racially based pay differ ings.23 The UMWA fought for the destruction a principled, determined to entials in the So\ith, and maintained opposition the Ku Klux Klan at the local and national levels.24 The national office from the beginning espoused a rhetoric of racial equality. of the UMWA John L. Lewis himself was an outspoken advocate of civil rights, often Black The UMWA continued its antidiscriminatory promoting leadership. even the had 1930s after vir practices during they successfully organized coal in all of the nation's those the South. Wherev miners, tually including er they were located, highly mobilized Black and white coal miners were the shock troops in other interracial organizing efforts. are of the UMWA, The accomplishments in the South, especially at of the defects the UMWA both the and local many impressive. Despite national levels with respect to its racial policies, Black coal miners left no doubt how they tallied the balance sheet. As Ronald Lewis argues, "What ever local discrimination blacks encountered in their dealings with white in the context of southern society the UMWA was the most pro miners, UMWA coal miners were gressive force in their lives."25 African-American the most steadfast and committed of unionists. They refused to scab and were involved in many of the most heroic and violent battles waged by the

Race and the CIO

coal miners union, including the armed march of thousands of Appalachian on Blair Mountain.26 were duly recognized Their contributions by their white union compatriots. In spite of-or alongside-the racially egalitarian thrust of the UMWA, there was a continuing thread of antiegalitarianism in many levels of the union. A number of the defects of the UMWA with regard to its racial policies have been described by Hill.27 The UMWA paper at times printed racist jokes. Attitudes toward African-American strike breakers were both harsher than those toward white ones and totally out of proportion to their to non-Blacks, in comparison numbers the racism of reflecting general
society.28

The UMWA was highly variegated, with a range of racial practices by district and leaders, even under the Lewis regime. Many of the worst attitudes and practices, the exclusion of Black union miners from including took place in the overwhelmingly white northern jobs by white unionists, fields.29 A number of the officials who were to become central to the CIO in the late 1930s and in the 1940s were among those who were leadership least firm on racial issues. Van Bittner, later a vice president of the United Steel Workers and the head of the CIO's Operation Dixie (the CIO's post World War II campaign to organize the South), is a case in point. Bittner's in Alabama appeal to Black miners during a 1908 strike there smacks of racial insensitivity at best; he warned that if they did not support the strike the union would abandon them forever, letting them "live in slavery the rest of their days."30 At the 1924 UMWA Bittner tried to convention, weaken the union's anti-Klan position in an attempt to appease racist in the northern fields. The overwhelming of whites, particularly majority as well as the small number of Black delegates, white delegates, vehe mently rejected the committee proposal advocated by Bittner.31 UMWA Vice President Philip Murray him (later steel workers and CIO president) self rooted in the northern fields, denounced interracial "mingling" during a 1928 strike in Pennsylvania, strikebreakers attacking African-American in highly racist terms.32 Although the halo of racial egalitarianism hung over all ex-UMWA officials for a long time, it is clear that Phillip Murray, to name merely some of the more Van Bittner, and Adolph Germer, were CIO officials, ex-UMWA among the least committed, prominent concerns more highly, even before the ranking other more conservative anticommunist in sharp purges of the late 1940s. Their attitudes were contrast not only to those of Black miners and officials, but to those of more "progressive" white miners and officials as well, especially those on the left. In the end, the UMWA failed its ultimate test. As the industry began automating heavily after World War II, the union did not defend the inter ests of itsAfrican-American members. When their manual jobs were elimi nated in greater proportion than those of whites, the union did not demand that they have priority in gaining newly created jobs over recently hired,

10

ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

and company lower-seniority white employees. By not making mine-wide wide seniority rights central to its demands, and by not believing that it had a responsibility to fight the many racially discriminatory policies of the in changing their work forces as employers eliminated manual companies abandoned its jobs, the UMWA jobs and added new machine completely Black members, allowing them to be driven out of the industry.33 Miners won mine-wide seniority in the late 1940s, but by the time they had won seniority inmany districts in the 1960s, most Black workers company-wide
were already gone.34

Steel The of the campaign to organize steel in the 1930s was a direct outgrowth saw L. and CIO President activities of the UMWA. UMWA John Lewis the of steel as critical to the stability of the miners' union. Thus, organization he gave it the highest priority within the CIO, assigning hundreds of orga officials, and a large budget to the nizers, numerous high-ranking UMWA

task; Lewis and his lieutenants also assumed day-to-day, hands-on control. As a result, the initial activities of the Steel Workers' Organizing Commit tee (SWOC) seemed infused with the same racial idealism as that associ ated with the UMWA.35 Steel had higher wage and more extreme occupational differentials were even more stratified than coal mining; hierarchies but job ethnically, so racially. Still, the multiethnic, nature of the work force, multiracial in the steel centers of Pittsburgh, Chicago, and Birmingham, especially seemed to require both an interracial and egalitarian approach. To facili and the building of racially egalitarian tate such a campaign unionism, an alliance with the left-wing National Negro Con the SWOC developed workers.36 gress (NNC), which made special appeals to African-American also directly enlisted the support of the Communist party, Z. Foster, contributed which, according toWilliam sixty of the initial two a number of whom were Black. Without these alli hundred organizers, ances and the many African-American most with organizers, left-wing it is doubtful that the SWOC campaign would have been suc affiliations, cessful. As a conscious part of its interracial strategy, there were many John L. Lewis racially egalitarian
in many places.

activities

that characterized

the initial SWOC organizing

In some situations, white workers that antira instinctively recognized cist demands were at the root of strong solidaristic unions. White steel own in with Black revolu their comrades their "civil workers joined rights tion" in the late 1930s in newly organized steel towns lining the Alleghany, in sight, from and Ohio rivers, desegregating Monongahela, everything stores to movie restaurants and department and swimming theaters pools.37 Thus, even in the North, even when there were not large percent workers, many white industrial unionists saw the ages of African-American

Race and the CIO

11

fight for racial equality as a key to their own struggles for justice, dignity, and a living wage. Parallel accounts emerge from other steel centers. Un thrust was to disappear like the UMWA, this racially egalitarian however, once organization was as a characteristic of the union defining quickly completed. ward after did burst for and there, battles against discrimination Here the steel industry had been organized. Invariably led by Black reluctant these struggles usually received at best only minimal, workers, resonance had and little within from the the union.38 support leadership are only partly explained by the racial The reasons for this outcome racial privileges hierarchy of wages and jobs and the associated entrenched of an important segment of white workers. important was the Equally and control of of rank-and-file democratic militancy, organizations, stifling the union by the highly bureaucratic Murray The establishment leadership. the kind of struggle that took of the first contract with U.S. Steel without in and other industries allowed the auto, place longshore, meatpacking, of Steel Workers America United CIO-appointed (USWA) President Phil to assert all and stifle oppor control, officials, Murray appoint ip top-down rank-and-file influence. This too was an important tunities for democratic as nonelected former Lewis supporters controlled all legacy of the UMWA, the top positions in the new steelworkers' union. Communist and other
leftist organizers, their services now unnecessary, were quickly removed.

No

all segments of the work force to engage in longer needing to mobilize that were designed successful struggle against the company, demands spe to enlist the support of African-American workers in cifically dropped priority. Privileges of white workers were frozen, and highly discriminatory of depart systems were strengthened by the acceptance job-classification rather than plant-wide priority. These discriminatory provisions, in court codified by the union, were successfully contractually challenged during the 1970s; one of the most important cases was the consent decree at the Sparrows Point, Maryland, Bethlehem Steel plant, which forced the union and the company to pay aggrieved Black workers millions of dollars in pay equity. stance became The USWA's nonegalitarian in 1949 firmly solidified and 1950 with its destruction of Mine Mill. In destroying this largely Black union, the USWA made racist, anticommunist appeals to white workers, their leaders, and their white workers, attacking African-American in more detail below.) porters. (The Mine Mill case is discussed sup

mental,

Auto Some of the same impulses that led to the abandonment of egalitarianism existed in the United Auto Workers the by the USWA (UAW), although
situation was not nearly so extreme for a number of reasons. First, there

was more strong

in the UAW. The union had initial rank-and-file democracy a and of locals history struggle, necessitated by the more prolonged

12

ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

influ the union. Second, while communist battle to establish and maintain like Hosea ence-with the exception of certain indigenous Black members and in isolated locals in Little Steel-was elimi in Birmingham Hudson in the UAW communist influence and pres nated quickly in the USWA, sure for racial equality had a longer history. Third, the social-democratic in principle to racial equality than the Reuther group was more committed of who were placed in the leadership leaders conservative group relatively As a result, the Reuther group's tolerance for overtly racist much lower than that of the steel leadership group. the factional struggles in the auto union during the 1930s and to support the Communist workers tended in large majority Reuther had his strongest base of support among privileged, to take the lead or support skilled workers, who were not moved white, struggles for racial equality, to say the least. Thus, the Reuther leadership to advance the cause of Black workers in the shop. For had little motivation at Local 6 UAW, a large Chicago-area construction example, equipment a strong Harvester Company (IHC), where plant of the International of the USWA. behavior was Still, in 1940s, Black led caucuses. War II period, in the post-World existed left opposition communist-led racial equality was an issue pushed by the left caucus and largely opposed caucus. When the plant reopened for Reuther by the pro-administration in 1946 (during the war it had been a Buick engine civilian production to janitorial initially were confined jobs, mostly plant), Black workers The left caucus, which had below the shop floor, cleaning the washrooms. the allegiance of the majority of Black workers, led the successful fight to and assembly-line open machining jobs to Black workers. The nearby left wing Farm Equipment in Chicago, which had stance on such issues, and layoffs at an early Workers Union (FE) local at IHC's Tractor Works a better civil rights record and a far more aggressive won complete plant-wide seniority for job bidding time. Local 6, despite UAW rhetoric, never won or

seniority.39 fought for full plant-wide of racially egalitarian It is important to note that the establishment was even not of and efforts. The with the best intentions unions easy, and the racially circumscribed discriminatory hiring and job placement were not pri in industrial for upward mobility workplaces opportunities a and attitudes of workers. Rath of the activities white consequence marily was of of the white er, this discrimination supremacy part general system interests in the South, and reinforced by large agricultural promulgated labor required poor, power whose desire and need for cheap agricultural on the that kept African Americans less Black labor and racial hierarchies owners had bottom and Blacks and whites divided. Southern plantation areas of the in the black-belt political power and influence, not merely in rest but the of the South as South which they dominated economically, as a even of in the the whole.40 This and well, country system, politics backed by economic and political power, legal and illegal repression, and

Race and the CIO

13

much public opinion, could not always be confronted head on, although it is easy to see that the reticence of racial conservatives mainly was an excuse for inaction rather than a measured analysis of reality. There often was very to demands from white for racial equality; workers resistance this strong is often exaggerated. With resistance was real, but its permanence these to look at several left-led unions to see whether it is instructive caveats, and behavior differed from that of the UMWA their commitment and the more mainstream CIO unions.

Left-Led Mine, The Mill and Smelter Workers

Unions

International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers of America as to roots in Mine its had the Western Federation Mill) left-wing (referred a mainstay of Miners, of the Industrial Workers of theWorld at the time of in 1905. Such a tradition, it should be noted, did not the IWW's founding to to the lead necessarily egalitarian practice, or even to a commitment organization IWW roots, workers. One organization that had of African-American the Sailors International Union-Sailors Union of the Pacific is a case in point. SIU-SUP's syndicalism, while rooted in (SIU-SUP), an all-white, eventually IWW tradition, developed racist, job-control ori

of America entation. The right wing of the International Woodworkers in the Northwest also had its roots in the IWW, but its syndicalism empha sized local control, and anticommunism, turning it toward provincialism, of the South and that region's largely African-American abandonment Mine Mill's tradition was less provincial. At the time of the woodworkers.
union's revitalization, there was an active minority of communists commit

interracial unionism and the vigorous of African organization the over American workers. This influence was particularly among strong area. in Black metal miners the The communists, Birmingham whelmingly a distinct minority in 1934, and highly critical of both the local and interna tional Mine Mill leadership, gained dominant influence in the union after in 1936; elected as a noncommunist, Reid Robinson was elected president ted he quickly gravitated toward communist politics after his election. in the Birmingham, Alabama Metal mining area, like coal mining classifications there, was done by a work force whose pay and occupation were not highly differentiated. In the early 1930s, eighty percent of this work force was Black. Pay lines, mine cars, and work areas were integrated and had both Black and white foremen, although integrated crews and whites working for Black foremen were eliminated by the companies after Mine Mill became established.41 From the beginning of organizing in 1933, Mine Mill had far greater support from Black workers than from white,

to

14

ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

although at certain times, such as during 1938, when Mine Mill won rein statement of all 160 workers fired in a 1936 strike, there was also significant of Black workers, white support. In part because of the preponderance but were also because whom of the growing role of communists of (many Black), Mine Mill from the outset had "an air of civil rights activism."42 for better working condi Mine Mill not only fought in the workplace tions and racial egalitarianism, but it campaigned actively in the commu and miners with Alabama Mine Mill members steelworkers, nity. Along voter in and in registration engaged extensively campaigns against the poll tax and lynching, giving these unions the character of broad-based social as well as workplace movements D. Robin G. claims organizations. Kelley to leadership positions within Mine Mill that "more blacks were elected than any other CIO union, and its policy of racial egalitarianism remained no or he measures.44 unmatched," although gives figures comparative Even after the defeat of Mine Mill in workplace elections in representation area in 1949 and 1950, the union continued to be heavily the Birmingham involved in civil rights activity. In Bessemer, large numbers of Mine Mill the NAACP members joined chapter, taking it over and carrying out an set of civil activities the early 1950s.45 rights throughout aggressive to challenge in not attempting Mine Mill made a strategic mistake more vigorously the change in hiring policy of Tennessee Coal, Iron and in the Birmingham Railroad (TCI, the largest mine and steel company Labor Relations 1938 National Board victory, area). After Mine Mill's to white workers joined the union in large numbers. TCI then attempted divide the work force. Whereas hired mostly Black they had previously after 1938 they predominantly workers, began hiring whites. The company also gave better jobs to those workers who did not join Mine Mill.46 The successful attempt of the steelworkers in 1949 and 1950 to take over Alabama Mine Mill locals relied on overtly racist appeals to white who told an all-white meeting of Mine Mill workers. A CIO representative members that they would have to accept Blacks when they joined the locals in the all-white USWA was quickly replaced by one who promised union. Just before the 1949 TCI election between the steel steelworkers' the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) staged a large rally in workers and Mine Mill, the early antiracism of the SWOC, the support of the steelworkers. Despite leadership of the union, led by CIO president Philip Murray, barely com to hide their In demagogic fashion, the steelworkers attempted plained. racism and further claiming activities by accusing Mine Mill of fomenting Black local union with its Black leadership was that this overwhelmingly in tactics reminiscent of the itself allied with the KKK.47 The steelworkers, on the Populist and in the counterattack KKK during Reconstruction to isolate Black workers by physically attacking the movement, attempted In at least one small number of whites who remained loyal to Mine Mill. at the Muscoda Local 123 in Bessemer, Black Mine Mill members instance, to successfully defend from the Black community rallied armed contingents

Race and the CIO

15

assaults.48 These their white union brothers from steelworker-led racist were among many events that activities and assaults by the steelworkers moved the CIO as a whole from an incipient antiracism to acquiescence to, if not open support for, discrimination Black workers. against em One could argue, of course, that the structure of metal-mining of African-American and the high percentage workers in the ployment area to led Mill Mine union interracial, initially egalitarian Birmingham to of white workers ism, and that the reaction of the increasing percentage union policies was also inevitable. Such an analysis, however, while con taining an important grain of truth, would belittle two important factors. of alternative first is the conscious choices The groups. leadership Mine Mill chose to emphasize demands for racial equality, Communist-led workers. The con appealing directly to the interests of African-American was to servative Murray make racist willing leadership appeals to white to defeat the commu workers and abandon the interests of Black workers nists. Both leadership groups made conscious choices which were not pre the victory of the Murray determined. Second, leadership was not preor the high point of Cold War dained either. They only won during in the anticommunism, supported by local and regional white supremacists the CIO national office, the might of the South, "Dixiecrat" politicians, federal government, and USWA violence against Mine Mill members and officials. And even then, the critical elections were close. The significance cannot be of structural factors and the racial attitudes of white workers assessed without taking account of these decisive components. Workers Union

Food,

Tobacco,

and Agricultural

(FTA)

The FTA, unlike Mine Mill, USWA, UMWA, and the UAW, was an almost It was led and staffed by communists from its totally southern union. the highly energetic, inception. In 1937, John L. Lewis appointed recently to fired economics instructor and open communist Donald Henderson form the United Cannery, Agricultural, and Allied Workers of Packing, of the FTA (which became America the forerunner the (UCAPAWA), name of the union was in 1944). FTA's membership initially over Black, with two main bases of support. The first was in the whelmingly in the Memphis from the union's strongholds delta, emanating Mississippi in cotton compress area, and made up of workers plants, cottonseed plants, feed mills, and wholesale grocers.49 The second stronghold was in and North Carolina. the tobacco processing In both plants of Virginia places, the union had strong Black leadership. The most important local in Local 19, was led by a Black man, John Mack Dyson, also a FTA Memphis, was The FTA of tobacco executive board member. anchor strength in over Local 22 with its North Carolina in Winston-Salem, 10,000 members the R. J. Reynolds plant there. The national union helped mote Moranda Smith, a Black female leader of the local, train and pro to become the

16

ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

notable for its director of the Southeast region.50 FTA was especially a women and within officials the Black many striking anomaly organizers, CIO.51 to In both main areas of FTA strength, conditions were inhospitable "In few industries have conditions unionism. As Herbert Northrup argues, as in the tobacco industry."52 CIO activity began there been so unfavorable women stemmers walked out at the in 1937, when 400 African-American in Richmond. I. N. Vaughan Company Shunned by the AFL's Tobacco the women Workers International Union, finally gained support from the a communist-led Southern Negro Youth Congress, youth section of the NNC. "Within forty-eight hours the strikers had secured wage increases, a
forty-hour week, and union recognition. . . What . is even more remark

before is that the strikers were considered absolutely unorganizable with victories Other the tobacco workers walked out."53 followed, they CIO. affiliating with the UCAPAWA, eventually of FTA organizing of tobacco workers had many of the characteristics a "crusade," with civil rights struggles occupying a central place. The union activities involving both Black and white work had extensive educational of Local 22. They also held a ers, including a large library for members wide array of integrated social and athletic affairs, including picnics involv cultural ing thousands of workers.54 Local 22 was a center of oppositional Paul in of and political Robeson support appeared activity. frequently also received entertainment and strikes and major events. FTA members from Zephilia Horton, Woody Guthrie, and Pete Seeger. encouragement to gain civil rights and greater political power in The union attempted voter and in North Carolina Winston-Salem, generally, by extensive able and by supporting Hun candidates. "prolabor" registration campaigns into the Winston-Salem also poured dreds of FTA members NAACP, commit turning it into a large branch with over 1,000 members militantly for the Black newspaper the ted to civil rights actions.55 A correspondent Pittsburgh Courier wrote in June of 1944: "I was aware of a growing soli darity and intelligent mass action that will mean a New Day in the South. and mingle with the thousands of workers One cannot visit Winston-Salem in thought and action. If there is a 'New' without sensing a revolution he is to be found in the ranks of the labor movement."56 Negro, In Memphis, of the UCAPAWA began organizing large numbers Black workers who also previously were thought to be unorganizable. CIO workers generally were organizers quickly found that African-American ready to join and become active in industrial unions than white in the South. This often led moderate CIO leaders, workers, particularly like Van Bittner and others, to refrain from organizing Black workers first, for fear of alienating whites, whom they believed would not join largely The communist-led had no Black organizations. UCAPAWA, however, an and began building such hesitation Black membership overwhelmingly inMemphis. The militancy of Local 19 and its almost unbroken string of far more

Race and the CIO

17

successes stimulated of white workers the organization in both organizing were in those and that white57-thus integrated workplaces overwhelmingly at the CIO leaders were, showing that the fears of racially conservative The in racial differences between alterna very least, exaggerated. practices tive CIO leadership groups are placed in sharp contrast inMemphis. who owed his Conservative CIO director W. A. Copeland, Memphis to national leader and CIO Murray ally John Brophy, position largely white of Black and workers and expressed integrated meetings opposed venom Black led FTA's for racial workers, policies.58 by UCAPAWA special in militant actions during World War II, in defiance of Local 19, engaged no-strike pledges. They wanted not merely wage increases but the elimina tion of racially discriminatory wage scales and job-classification systems to take one instance, "kept like those at the Buckeye Company, which, in the plant, forcing them to do the same blacks in the lowest positions work as whites for half the pay."59 These activities were opposed by more Tennessee and Forrest Dickenson. CIO leaders like Copeland fellow Guild leader Pete Swim did and Memphis Newspaper Copeland the racism of white workers, and opposed little to attempt to overcome local all of unions. Swim activities national CIO civil rights fought virtually to combat racial discrimination; FTA criticized Local directives Copeland 19 for hiring a Black office secretary, opposed the use of Blacks as negotia "racial mixing" of whites and Blacks at CIO union tors, and denounced also insisted on calling Blacks by their first names while parties. Copeland conservative
addressing whites as "Mr.," "Mrs.," or "Miss." He and other conservatives

state CIO director attacked the proposal of white moderate at the Highlander Folk pher to hold integrated CIO meetings anticommunist spring of 1945.60 Yet it was these extremely southern CIO leaders whom the national CIO conservative Dixie and in the battle to and back in Operation promote Racist leaders were supported by the CIO national office,

Paul Christo School in the and racially office was to

purge leftists. not so much leaders agreed completely with their racial atti because the CIO national communist influence and to the desire to eliminate tudes, but because leaders and national political elites achieve respectability among business to building interracial solidarity or even far outweighed their commitments

to building a dynamic growing labor movement-a legacy for which today's are still paying dearly. dwindling union organizations of FTA from the CIO in 1950 and the attacks on its The expulsion were to parallel the attack on Mine Mill. Tobacco unionism was locals to the complete destruc crushed when the CIO onslaught against FTA led tion of unionism at the Winston-Salem Reynolds plant. The CIO's racism there was to haunt it in the future. In 1956, when the newly merged AFL CIO made a major effort to organize that plant, it lost the election because Black workers tobacco union.61 In the refused to support the AFL-CIO inMemphis. Antiracist white commu early 1950s Local 19 was destroyed
nists also were expelled from the union movement. These actions, com

18

ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

bined with the activities of southern Dixiecrats and segregationists, effec civil rights activity in the South tively ended the upsurge of working-class during the late 1940s and early 1950s.62 United Workers of America

Packinghouse

(UPWA)

in an industry with a racially and ethnically The UPWA operated highly work force, ranging from all white, largely Protestant, differentiated areas, to the heavily including the radical Hormel plant in Austin, Minnesota, and white Eastern European African-American labor forces in Chicago, the center of the meatpacking the meat industry. As a whole, however, a had white packing industry majority. the more The failure to organize recently hired African-American had proven central to the defeat of the 1917-22 union In contrast, organizing campaign.63 "crusading on the race issue" by the CIO-established Workers Committee Packinghouse Organizing (PWOC) was to the late 1930s the David during key, according Brody, in the success of packinghouse ful organization in Chicago.64 The struggle to workers over interracial took many years and was long and tortu forge unity place ous. The groundwork was laid, according to the seminal works of Rick and the extensive interracial organizing of the Halpern Roger Horowitz, by in and communists other cities. This interracial unemployed by Chicago concerns to and mutual of the various unity sensitivity groups was forged, in opposition often in sometimes and the face of to, of, the obtuseness workers in Chicago CIO leaders, including Van Bittner, the first appointed many mainstream head of the PWOC.65 Bittner's role was to foreshadow his insensitivity on bureaucratic orientation-two factors questions of race and his repressive, that would quickly doom Operation Dixie. The UPWA was in certain ways more successful in building stable, antiracist unionism than any other CIO affiliate. Its interracial, egalitarian, to other left unions, was based on several factors. First, success, compared of Mine Mill, unlike the experience the racial composition of the meat became Black War World II, as white packing industry increasingly during workers left to find more desirable the civil jobs. Thus, strong rights stand the union, whites, supported initially by numerous gained greater from the increased number of African Amer after the both 1930s, strength icans and from the growing contingent of Hispanic packinghouse workers. a central communists role in the Second, although union, especially played of its national leadership. UPWA president they did not dominate was a noncommunist Helstein radical who had the respect of all Ralph factions in the union, including conservatives. Helstein sheltered and ap was the to civil rights. communists and himself committed preciated highly The union thus escaped expulsion from the CIO, but it did not completely like other CIO unions its character that purged their left-wing change
leaders.

in Chicago,

Race and the CIO

19

Unlike in FTA and Mine Mill, African Americans remained a minor a in one; were, UPWA, however, ity although large they strategically on the all-important placed as a majority killing floors. Nevertheless, UPWA shared many of the antiracist commitments and activities of these was a other two unions. Although racist, Chicago highly segregated city, or white supremacy was not as all-encompassing there as itwas inMemphis From the beginning, union committees and executive Birmingham.66 a key to the In boards were racially and ethnically 1938, integrated.67 of the large Armour of Black organization plant, with its high percentage workers, was the successful union demand to remove the stars on the time cards of Blacks, which easily identified them as the first to be laid off.67 The union had a broad range of fully integrated social activities in Chicago, and bowling leagues; child care and recre including baseball, basketball, ation facilities; dances; and picnics.69 Along Ashland Avenue, in the heart of the meatpacking district, groups of white and Black workers desegre taverns. The first contracts in Chicago gated all the formerly whites-only that Black workers be hired at least in contained language guaranteeing to their percentage in the Chicago The 1944 proportion population.70 UPWA convention comfort of an Omaha hotel gave up the air-conditioned to meet that refused to house Black members in a sweltering union hall. the war, the union led successful During job actions to integrate formerly all-white departments; after the war it forced the hiring of Blacks in sales and supervisory positions.71 By 1952, the UPWA had obtained the deseg regation of facilities in all its southern plants.72 The active and enthusiastic militancy of African-American workers had a direct, positive impact on southern white workers. African-American the lower Chicago Armour workers proved to be the key to abolishing for largely white Like the FTA in southern workers. wage differentials the NAACP. Ac UPWA members Winston-Salem, joined and energized cording to Michael Honey, UPWA was a major union supporter of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and other civil rights and activities in the South during the 1950s and early 1960s.73 organizations toMartin Luther King from its Unlike the UAW, which contributed money or education UPWA mo among members, treasury with little publicity for activity and education, bilized members in all its soliciting contributions stance on civil rights issues in the late locals. Its increasingly aggressive 1940s and throughout the 1950s energized its Black and Hispanic members but led to diminished activity in the union from white members, although the union continued to receive tacit support from the overwhelming major It is tempting to speculate that white work ity of the whole membership.74 ers might have continued their high level of activity within the union (as at FE's the they did Chicago IHC Tractor Works civil-rights-oriented local) if other larger unions had chosen the path of the relatively small UPWA. Mine Mill, and UPWA-the Clearly, in all three unions-FTA, egalitar ian policies of the union were a result not only of the stance of the union

20

ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

and pressure from the high per leadership, but of the active involvement in these unions. It is reasonable to workers centages of African-American and activities of those left unions with examine further the commitment of African-American workers. only small percentages United Electrical Workers

(UE)

The UE, for good reason, has been a favorite target for those critical of the Communist party's racial policies in unions. Until its removal from the CIO in 1949, UE was a stable union with a successful organization of its major In addition, a skilled communist jurisdictions. leadership enjoyed consis tent support from a majority of the membership. Herbert Hill uses the UE as his example to substantiate the following assertion: "Those industrial a white with that were controlled for unions membership predominantly were no to the leaders Communist many years by loyal Party substantially in their racial practices than other labor organizations."75 Hill different to discriminatory gives examples of UE indifference hiring practices at the in Local 1111 since UE Milwaukee, by Allen-Bradley plant represented 1937. He also cites a case of the left-wing International Longshoreman's Union's charges over ILWU prac (ILWU) battles against discrimination in tices in Portland, Oregon.76 Donald Critchlow also discusses weaknesses to fighting discrimination War II. He the UE's commitment World during to the largely white, communist-led National compares UE unfavorably was more which Critchlow in Maritime Union feels far consistent (NME), was sev its fight for egalitarianism. the electrical Although industry only eral percent Black, Critchlow argues that UE districts in the New York to the UE national organi New Jersey and St. Louis areas were exceptions a program to combat discrimi zation. New York UE Local 1225 developed in hiring, which yielded a significant nation increase in the number of Blacks in the electrical industry there.74 Critchlow attributes this activity in of Black workers New York and St. Louis to the higher percentages in the was New in electrical the York, industry there, although figure probably never much over ten percent. Critchlow claims that the UE national office never gave much support to or publicized the efforts of these districts, to and in a antidiscrimination its official involvement service UE lip despite host of civil rights activities. account of the UE, Ronald confirms Schatz, in a more sympathetic as of UE leaders on issues of discrimination both the lack of aggressiveness well as their inability to counter management discrimination and the racial on the other hand, prejudices of their white members.78 Mark McCulloch, claims that the UE was miles ahead of the International Union of Electrical Workers (IUE), the CIO union set up to replace the UE. The UE, Mc Culloch claims, had successfully fought for the job rights of already women and One of the keys to this struggle was Black workers. employed the winning and maintaining of plant-wide seniority for job bidding and

Race and the CIO

21

to retain the 1950s, the UE layoffs. Throughout successfully struggled to while the IUE retreated department plant-wide seniority, seniority, lock women into and workers inferior and job ing minority promotion paths, thus replicating the discriminatory in the practices supported by the USWA not steel industry.79 Still, the UE to does have been appear leadership or as as to committed racial their rhetoric egalitarianism nearly aggressive suggested or as the left leaderships of a number of other unions. Maritime Union

National

Critchlow finds NMU racial practices during World War II much different union with no more from those of the UE. The NMU was a communist-led than ten percent Black membership. The union was formed in 1937, as militant workers broke from the segregated International Seaman's Union Black and white sitdowns that The unified formed the union, ac (ISU). became a part of the union's tradition. The union cording to Critchlow, and had large numbers of Black dele elected a Black secretary-treasurer The NMU cautiously but steadfastly gates at conventions.80 struggled for the full rights of Blacks on ships. They did this even in the face of racist to white workers Union-Sailor's appeals by the Sailor's International a syndicalist union supported by the Union of the Pacific (SIU-SUP), virulent anticommunism led them to party, whose third-camp Workers NMU. The support an overtly racist union against the communist-led NMU conducted education campaigns on the role of Blacks in the industry on civil rights activities. and reported extensively Its education depart ment, headed by Leo Huberman, successful struggles for widely publicized activities through integration and carried on a steady stream of educational on ships, and in its newspapers, books, organized discussions pamphlets, Inland Boat division of the NMU, port lectures. The communist-led repre on the southern Mississippi River, senting a 100 percent white constituency not only agitated around civil rights issues but successfully mobilized its to support the struggles of overwhelmingly Black longshore membership men inMemphis and other southern river ports. The inland boat workers the poll tax and lynching and even expelled a member for stirring opposed this period, however, up racial prejudice. During they did not attempt to the racist hiring practices of the inland boat companies.81 The change NMU began to break down the racial division of labor on ocean vessels during the war and in the Deep South on river vessels after the war, but this activity came to a complete halt when anticommunists gained control of the NMU and purged the communists in the late 1940s.82

Local As

1199 the and

a final case, consider the activities of New York Local 1199. During anticommunist purges, 1199 was expelled from the Retail, Wholesale,

22

ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

an all Store Union Department (RWDSU). At that time, it was mainly white organization of Jewish druggists in New York City under communist to Honey, 1199 was the only labor organization leadership. According to SCLC and mobilized besides the UPWA that both gave money itsmem In in of civil the early 1960s, 1199's hun support rights.83 bership actively dreds of members were a fixture at major civil rights rallies along the East the 1960s, this small union successfully organized During low-paid, Black hospital workers in the New York City area, growing overwhelmingly into a union with tens of thousands of members. Without minimizing the and their wide range of commit deficiencies of certain left-led unions, ments and activities, it is clear, contrary to Hill's assertions, that the racial were of than those of the best many practices decisively more egalitarian nonleft CIO unions, which in turn were themselves different from some of
the least-egalitarian unions.84

Coast.

Structural What

Factors

can we reasonably conclude from this brief summary of certain as Structural characteristics of CIO experience? pects play an important role in laying the basis for interracial unionism. Low-skilled work forces with of African-American workers high percentages especially where they have crucial leverage within the labor process - are more likely to be on an interracial basis into unions that have varying degrees of organized

to racial egalitarianism. While commitment these structural features would seem to be necessary are some notable exceptions: there prerequisites, work white forces interracial unions with strong com largely organized by to racial equality. The NMU, the mitments communist-led Fur and FE, Leather Workers Union, and the early 1199 are cases in point. However it is absolutely structural prerequisites clear may be generally, necessary the structural factors represent only that they are never sufficient. Rather, the greater degree of potential for racially egalitarian unions. Unions such as the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers and the SIU SUP adopted openly racist stances, insuring their ultimate failure.85 The as a more became discrimina ILGWU, union, starting racially progressive as more and its became nonwhite its isolated tory membership increasingly control.86 white leaders strove to maintain IWA The under complete right wing leadership abandoned organizing the largely Black, low-paid southern Other woodworkers, despite the potential they showed for organization. the and had rhetori unions, including steelworkers, organized interracially to civil rights yet still found ways to continue and even cal commitments the impor discriminatory practices. Thus, while acknowledging deepen tance of the racial and ethnic composition of a work force, the skill level of and the character of the labor process in jobs, the nature of job hierarchies, an industry, we must reject the thesis that these characteristics determine of a union. the degree of racial egalitarianism

Race and the CIO

23

of What is that in a number of industries-because is clear, however, of the numerical and strategic weight of the African-American component industrial organization was impossible unless it the labor force-successful was interracial and had at least an initial egalitarian stance. Ford could not have been organized by the UAW without extensive efforts to appeal to the Such a policy was also necessary in steel. In interests of Black workers.87 were not to to able make this unions where CIO appeal convincingly places a was to union. Black workers, sometimes failed establish Such the they case in New Orleans in 1937, when white organizers from the left-wing to the concerns of Black waterfront workers, were un ILWU, insensitive in competition with the AFL's ILA.88 Such was able to win these workers in the South in the post-World also the case with a number of campaigns War II period.89 There is a good deal of evidence that workers with special privileges, more in and skilled these jobs, tend to defend especially higher-paying access to them and exclude other the workers. Where by privi privileges leges are in part or whole racially based, racial exclusion plays an important role. One might begin looking at the history of American craft unionism, out construc African-American workers of the of skilled including driving tion trades and railroad jobs. One can also focus on the numerous indus trial settings, from the exclusion of card carrying African-American miners from union jobs in the northern fields by white union miners to the exclu sion of Black workers from docks in the Northwest by ILWU longshore men. One could note the perpetuation of racial job hierarchies in steel or the World War II "hate strikes" in auto where white workers protested the to jobs to which they were enti workers upgrading of African-American tled. As important as these antiegalitarian activities were, they were only such as the UPWA, Mine Mill, FTA, NMU, part of the picture. Unions in significant racially FE, and even the UMWA, among others, engaged members. egalitarian struggles on behalf of their African-American Even where racial privileges existed to significant degrees, there al ways was a tradeoff as to what could he achieved by white workers using and what could be achieved by a broad, exclusive inclusive, strategies stance. The existence of a racial division of labor in industrial solidaristic settings was rarely a result primarily of the activities of white workers and their unions.90 The system of white supremacy was designed and enforced to serve other interests for which the wages and working conditions of even the most privileged white workers were not the highest priority. Thus, in the late 1960s and 1970s, when large employers decided to break the power of the construction unions via the Business Roundtable the organization, was little help.91 For many white of the employees whiteness industrial the benefits of successful solidarity, even on a day-to-day workers, level, often outweighed the benefits of racial exclusion and division. In the long was a losing strategy for almost all workers. These run, antiegalitarianism factors meant that for most white workers, racial attitudes contradictory

24

ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

and stances toward solidarity and racially egalitarian unions were variables, not pregiven, immutable constants. Under certain sets of circumstances, these attitudes had a high degree of variance. There that solidaristic interracial struggle helped is much evidence workers and at times led them to attitudes white racist among mitigate even of battles African-American and the workers for equal support join as in steel accounts of much. suggest early organizing Cayton and ity.Many Mitchell assert: "One of the most striking phases of the entire SWOC's [sic] campaign was the extent to which the union had been able to modify racial prejudice within the ranks of white laborers."92 Many observers give anec as well as personal dotes and general descriptions, testimonies from white to support such claims. There were also numerous workers themselves, cases in which white workers concerns of reacted against the egalitarian to the antidiscriminatory often in opposition their fellow Black workers, stances of their union leadership. Examples abound in almost every union. account of the Mobile Bruce Nelson's shipyards during World War II sug in gaining minimal equity for Black workers in gests some of the difficulties in the Fort Worth meat Even the face of white worker intransigence.93 the UPWA often was forced to move slowly and in a round packinghouses, fashion because of the resistance of many white workers.94 white workers were more likely to support the demands of Although Black workers when they fit in with broadly accepted job rights and union in which white workers would be fully sup the circumstances principles, portive and those in which they would break ranks were not always easily in advance. Dramatic predictable changes and reverses often took place. in places where there previously had sometimes was achieved Solidarity been anti-Black riots; such was the case inNew Orleans after the race riots of 1893, in a number of coal fields,95 and in Chicago after the 1919 riots. about the changes took place abruptly when white and Black workers struggled together or when impressive Black orators spoke to white audi ences. It is also clear that those unions that were most successful in con in principle to verting white workers had interracial leaderships committed full equality for Black workers. The limits to egalitarian unionism and to full solidarity of white work ers with Blacks are inmany cases clear from the historical record. While it seem at first glance that egalitarian unionism was more easily ap would of the in those unions where Blacks were a substantial percentage proached in coal and the work force (e.g., metal mining South) and had clear le in there are industries with verage in the work process (as meatpacking), of African-American workers where whites opposed the high percentages demands of Blacks to the detriment of their unions and other elementary such industries where organizing never took place. Solidarity was harder to Sometimes achieve during periods of social conflict and racial competition (as inMo bile during World War II), and during periods of intense anticommunism era). It was perhaps (during the 1939-41 period, and during the McCarthy

Race and the CIO

25

in places like Memphis easier to achieve during World War II (especially when the racist of local authorities and Gadston, Alabama) antagonism was held in check by antifascist and federal ideology fair-practice commit contracts. But even these factors were not ments enforced by government always decisive. interracialism was a purely opportunistic Herbert Hill's model-that to at defend the privileges of white workers-seems better strategy, designed to certain unions. But the racial practices of even first glance applicable so we can understand why they these unions must be looked at historically the way they did. From organizations with various degrees of developed to egalitarian unionism, the UAW and the UMWA commitment evolved into unions that tacitly accepted discriminatory that hurt their practices The steelworkers Black members. accepted discriminatory practices, partic ularly in terms of white access to better job lines, by failing to attain broad these unions were under right seniority rights for all workers. Significantly, con with unions CIO wing leadership. Left-wing large African-American from stituencies and more extensive minority behaved leadership differently those with more conservative leaders. Thus, Hill's model seems ill-suited to describe the practice and evolution of the FTA, Mine Mill, and the UPWA. A number of left-led unions with largely white memberships, including the not only were NMU, FE, 1199, and the Fur and Leather Workers Union, in decisively different from nonleft white unions but were more egalitarian many ways than even those nonleft unions with substantial minority mem it refuses to accept the important differences that alterna berships. Because tive leadership groups made on various union racial policies and because it does not examine their historical development, Hill's model ultimately fails to give us a comprehensive of the racial dynamics of even the understanding most inegalitarian industrial unions. The role of leadership The strongest proponents of and the motor force for egalitarian unionism were organized African-American Yet a large percentage workers. of to create Black workers in a union was almost never sufficient, particularly In general, as the cases we have solidaristic attitudes by white workers. so far suggest, it was left-led unions, usually with integrated examined for the development that proved a necessary of leaderships, ingredient and egalitarian interracial unionism. unions, orga solidarity Left-wing and cadre in general were more committed in principle nizers, officials, and practice to racial egalitarianism than nonleftists. The first reason for this had to do with principles. Leftists in general were committed to solidaristic organizing. They tended to believe that only such a movement would lead to socialism and radical social change. Thus, ceptions leftists usually favored the broadest like departmental seniority forms of job rights, since narrow con invariably proved divisive. They tend

26

ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

ed to think that this solidarity also required identification with and support at home and abroad. for the most oppressed segments of the population, were and other minorities included in this latter African Americans clearly saw as central to in the Question" Communists, addition, category. "Negro were more poten States: African Americans their strategy in the United than other segments of the population; the struggle for tially revolutionary for civil rights had a revolutionary the whole popula galvanizing potential for this struggle was the key to their tion; the support of white workers in general showed of class consciousness.96 Thus, communists development more workers there interest in organizing African-American (although as their efforts in as the UE and ILWU demonstrate), were exceptions,
metal mining, coal, steel, tobacco, auto, farm and construction equipment,

industries suggest. They tended to have and to promote more and the general of involvement extensive Black organizers, leadership, than did nonleft nonwhite workers, leaders, even in unions like Fur and of African Leather and the NMU, where there were not large percentages and other
American workers.

to bureaucratic leaders tended to be far more committed Conservative than to antiracism. Left unions thus tended to control and anticommunism in situations where conservatives balked. As in push egalitarian measures successful attempts at fighting leftists often widely publicized the NMU, should be actively educated and believed that membership discrimination of their antiracist stance, left leaderships and won to antiracism. Because Black than were nonleft leader and organizers were more proportionately support of Black ships. In most unions they also had the disproportionate in industrial unions in members. Thus, in the struggle against communists leaders usually relied upon the more privileged, the late 1940s, nonleft mostly white, case not only
also in steel,

often racist segments of the unions. This proved to be the in the struggle against Mine Mill, FTA, and the NMU, but
rubber, and auto.

in of course, often were constrained Leaders, by their constituencies terms of what they could advocate. Racially conservative white leaders were forced by African-American into egalitarian workers occasionally activity. Leftists often were inhibited by racially conservative white work Yet leaders also made decisive in the UPWA. happened choices, including the degree to which they wanted to "crusade on the race con issue" in order to organize, develop, and empower African-American a force for racial egalitarianism in their own stituencies that would become a of choices that distinguished many right. There were, in short, wide range left unions and factions from nonleftists. unions and conservative Conservative-led invariably were leadership task of to the racial egalitarianism because of their developing inadequate relative to a series of other, but ultimately attitudes and commitments In most instances, the forging of strong interracial bonds related questions. was accomplished Black and white workers via shop struggles. Where ers; this even

Race and the CIO

27

white workers were more struggled together over common grievances, not to the value of their Black compatriots but to likely merely appreciate to in active the forms and of with them instances join myriad opposition to tended be racial discrimination. the province Frequent shopfloor activity of the left for various reasons. Conservative leaders preferred stable, top control.97 They also pre democratic down organization which discouraged ferred closer cooperative relations with companies. Left unions, which of workers in the organization for broad class goals, were more believed to the mobilization and involvement of workers in day highly committed saw as The and the UPWA NMU actions job to-day struggles. frequent as for did their the and the UAW FE, organizations, maintaining important of the Reuther before the ascendancy job actions and leadership. While union democracy did not insure interracial solidarity (sometimes they have a been the province of racist unions), necessary they provided ingredient. When Phillip Murray decided that racism had gone too far in locals in the he ordered the removal of all Jim southern district of the steelworkers, Crow signs without attempting to organize and educate white steelworkers. to his surprise, his initiative drew resistance and had to be with Much
drawn.98

to egalitarian inclination; by lesser commitment Thus, by bureaucratic lack of stances; by their consequent principles; by their anticommunist and by building their strongest bases of support among Black workers; in support among the whiter, most conservative, more privileged elements their unions and industries, nonleft unions and leaderships were almost to abandon the struggle for racial equality and to become part preordained of the problem rather than part of the solution. In contrast, the left unions, and FE, tended to be more particularly UPWA, Mine Mill, FTA, NMU, inclusive and egalitarian, providing the seeds both for interracial solidarity and civil rights struggles.

Conclusion of broad, interracial working-class The development support for egalitari an demands might have substantially the politics of the United transformed States and made of those demands more the achievement likely. There were the beginnings of such a movement in the 1930s and 1940s among the UMWA and certain left unions in the CIO. These beginnings were rightly, touted by scholars, civil rights activists although perhaps overoptimistically, and organizations, and Black newspapers of during this period, many in the past. The whom had been highly critical of interracial unionism history of the CIO during the 1930s and 1940s suggests that the achieve ment of interracial working-class in solidarity and racial egalitarianism unions is a difficult task. The crushing of left-wing unionism, however, existed for racially egalitarian unionism; destroyed whatever possibilities the CIO in a bureaucratic, conservative mold; and laid the basis congealed

28 ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993 for the long, continuous ues to this day. decline inAmerican union strength which contin

NOTES
1. Despite often copious and informative material, Walter Galenson (The CIO Challenge to the AFL: A History Labor Movement, 1935-1941 Mass., of the American [Cambridge, Walsh Industrial Unionism in Action I960]) and Raymond (C.I.O.: [New York, 1937]), for are most notable for the absence of any discussions of racial discrimination. Sumner example, seems to feel that all unions those in the AFL) were making Slichter and (including "progress" the influence of the national that "in nearly all instances officers of unions is thrown against to Herbert R. Northrup, discrimination." Introduction Labor and the Negro Organized (New to the facts, they should not such assessments do great violence York, 1944), xii. Though racial issues were and are notes, "although surprise us, since, as Herbert Hill quite accurately a crucial factor in American labor history, were either racist practices of labor organizations or justified rationalizations in most of the important studies of that ignored by dubious in those works based in concept on the Commons-Taft tradition." "Black history, particularly and Affirmative An Historical Action: in The Question Perspective," of Discrimina Jr. (Middletown, and William Shulman tion, ed. Steven Conn., Darity, 1989), 216. In this it is worth noting the deep racism of many industrial relations practitioners trained by context, this school, who was to become head of the National Labor Leiserson, especially William Relations Board and later head of the Industrial Relations Research Association. (NLRB) Labor 58-59. Northrup, 2. See W. E. B. Du Bois and Augustus G. Dill, American Artisan eds., The Negro in the United States, 1850-1925 (Atlanta, 1912); Charles H. Wesley, Negro Labor (New York, J. Greene and Carter G. Woodson, The Negro Wage Earner 1927); and Lorenzo (Washington, see also F. E. Wolfe, Admission to American Trade Unions D.C., 1930). For further specifics, Ira De A. Reid, Negro Membership inAmerican Labor Unions (Baltimore, 1912) pp. 112-34; Labor and the Negro. (New York, Organized 1930); and Northrup, 3. Sterling D. Spero and Abram L. Harris, The Black Worker (New York, 1931). 4. W. E. B. Du Bois, in the United "Race Relations IX States, 1917-1947," Phylon (Third Quarter 1948):234-47. 5. See Horace R. Cayton and George S. Mitchell, Black Workers and the New Unions Labor and the Negro; and especially Robert C. Organized (Westport, Conn., 1939); Northrup, In fact, one could compile a very thick book of Weaver, Negro Labor (New York, 1946), 219-20. from the African-American and scholars, press, civil rights activists, optimistic predictions the late 1940s. especially during 6. Spero and Harris, The Black Worker, G. Gutman, "The Negro and the 347; Herbert and Letters United Mine Workers of America. The Career L. Davis of Richard and Some in The Negro and the American Labor Movement, ed. 1890-1900," thing of Their Meaning: Jacobson (Garden City, N.Y., 1968). 7. Hill, see and Affirmative For similar arguments, "Black Labor 245-48. Action," J. Norrell, Robert "Caste in Steel: Jim Crow Careers in Birmingham, Journal of Alabama," American 73 (1986); and Union in Politics idem, "Labor Trouble: History George Wallace in Organized in the Twentieth Century South, ed. Robert H. Zieger Labor Alabama," (Knox "A Sisyphean Labor Educators, Ordeal: Race Relations and ville, 1991); and Alan Draper, Southern Workers, Labor Studies Journal 16 (Winter 1956-1966," Hill, who 1991). Unlike and Norrell indicts both white workers and union leaders, both Draper put their main empha sis on the former. see Michael to this literature, 8. For references and Politics in Goldfield, "Class, Race, in Political 12 (1990): 89, 120. the United States," Research Economy 9. Northrup, Labor and the Negro, 1. Organized A. McLaurin, 10. Melton The Knights in the South Conn., of Labor (Westport, 1978). in Richmond, 11. Peter Rachleff, Black Labor 1865-1890 and Chicago, (Urbana 1989). 12. McLaurin, in the South, 82-84. Knights of Labor 13. David New Orleans, "Black and White Workers: P. Bennetts, 1880-1900" (Ph.D. of Illinois, New Orleans Dockworkers: diss., University Race, 1972); Daniel Rosenberg, Julius

Race and the CIO

and Unionism, 1892-1923 Labor, 1988); Eric Arnesen, Waterfront (Albany, N.Y., New Orleans: 1863-1923 Race, Class and Politics, (New York, 1991). 14. See James R. Green, of Timberworkers, "The Brotherhood 1910-1913: to Industrial Capitalism in the Southern U.S.A.," Past and Present 60 Response We Shall Be All (New York, and Philip S. 200; Melvyn Dubofsky, 1969), 209-20; Workers

29
of

A Radical (1973):161 Foner, The

1905-1917 Industrial Workers (New York, 1965), 233-57. of the World, even suggests was possible such organization 15. Dubofsky that much more for those to try. We Shall Be All, 209. who were audacious enough for an informed discussion. 16. See Spero and Harris, The Black Worker, 17. As Ronald Lewis's work points out, the composition and racial dy comprehensive coal fields of Pennsylvania, namics of the overwhelmingly white and Indiana Illinois, Ohio, were quite different coal areas of Alabama from those of the majority Black and from the more diverse fields of Appalachia-especially southwest West Virginia racially and ethnically to race difficult for the union and industry as a whole. with respect making generalizations of highly informative There are literally hundreds books and articles on mineworker unionism and on the coal industry. Ronald L. Lewis, Black Coal Miners in America: and Race, Class, see Gut 1780-1980 Community Conflict, Ky.: 1987). For recent controversies, (Lexington, "The Negro and the UMW"; "The Career of Richard Davis Reconsid man, Stephen Brier, from the National ered: Unpublished 21 Labor Labor History Tribune," Correspondence as Labor History: Herbert Gutman and the Hill, (Summer "Myth-Making 1980); Herbert United

Mine Workers International of America," Journal of Politics, and Society 2 Culture, to Hill the rejoinders idem, "Black Labor and Affirmative Action"; (Winter 1988): 132-200; in The International and Society 2 (Spring 1989). Joe W. Trotter, Journal of Politics, Culture, in Southern West Virginia, 1915-32 Blacks Class and Color: Jr., Coal, (Chicago, 1990); in the Coal Fields: The Southern West Virginia David A. Corbin, and Rebellion Life, Work, and and Judith Stein, in 1880-1922 "Southern Workers Miners, Chicago, (Urbana 1981); in Zieger, in the Twentieth International Labor Unions, 1936-1951," Organized Century The Black Worker; Cay ton and Mitchell, Black Workers; South; Spero and Harris, Philip Taft, in the Industrial Era (Westport, Workers Dixie: Alabama Conn.: Organizing 1981); and the in coal by Paul Nyden, in the United Black Coal Miners work on Black workers pathbreaking For an insightful States (New York, informative. review critical of recent 1974) are all highly see Stein. For extensive work and Corbin, references and an overview, by both Trotter see Melvyn and Warren Van Tine, about the career of John L. Lewis, especially Dubofsky John L. Lewis 1977). (New York, to Strike - An 18. Clark Kerr and Abraham "The Interindustry Siegel, Propensity in Industrial Conflict, et al. (New York, International ed. Arthur Kornhauser, Comparison," 1954), 189-212. was 19. The UMWA in 1890 as a result of a merger founded of Knights of Labor National 135 and the National Federation of Miners and Mine Laborers. the From Assembly to racial egalitarianism. it was explicitly committed See Lewis, Black Coal Miners, beginning The Black Worker, 355. 137; Spero and Harris, 20. Stanely B. Greenberg, Race and State in Capitalist Development (New Haven, 1980), 294. 21. Cayton and Mitchell, Black Workers, Black Coal Miners, 323; Lewis, 46, 54-55; F. Ray Marshall, The Negro and Organized Labor (New York, 1965), 97, 22. Nyden, Black Coal Miners, The Black Worker, 355-56. 2; Spero and Harris, 23. Lewis, Black Coal Miners, 63. 24. Ibid., 47; Spero and Harris, The Black Worker, Labor and 371; Northrup, Organized the Negro, 165. 25. Lewis, Black Coal Miners, 64. Further evidence is presented in the testimonies of Black miners and Mitchell, Black Workers, 201; and Spero and Harris, surveyed by Cayton 375-76. 26. Lewis, 376. 49, 94, 104, 164; Spero and Harris, as Labor History." 27. See especially Hill, "Myth-making 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. Black Coal Miners, Nyden, The Black Spero and Harris, in Spero and Harris, Quoted Lewis, Black Coal Miners, Ibid., 117-18. Black Coal Miners, Nyden, Black Coal Miners, 23-28; Lewis, 101-06. Worker, 361; Lewis, 361. 106. 10, 17-19; Northrup, Organized 81, 86.

Labor

and

the Negro,

30 ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

et al., Negro 171; Northrup, Employment 170-76. Black Coal Miners, 37; Lewis, 19. 34. Nyden, the extremely 35. Note, for example, 224. Black Workers, in Southern Industry (Philadelphia, 1970), 15, 33,

positive

early

evaluation

by Cayton

and Mitchell,

36. Ibid., 205. A in Steeltown, "The Littlest New Deal: SWOC Takes Power 37. Eric Leif Davin, in the Late 1930s" (unpublished of Radicalism paper, 1989), 30-31. Possibility to racial of the union and its commitment of the progress evaluations 38. For opposite and "Labor Trouble"; in Birmingham during the 1940s and 1950s, see Norrell, egalitarianism in International Unions." "Southern Workers Stein, Local 6 president 39. In the 1970s the proadministration put out a racist leaflet in the some African-American from the watermelon local union officials "fugitives plant, calling and but large numbers of Hispanic the over 1,000 Black workers, patch," enraging not merely as well. When filed charges for the local Fair Practices Committee white workers unanimously a union meeting over 500 workers his attended the local president's demanding impeachment, and 4 UAW that rose to the president's defense office it was the Region removal; (leaflets that This was the same regional from Local 6 in author's possession). material leadership Push in Chicago. with Jesse Jackson and Operation marched in State and Nation 40. V. O. Key, Jr., Southern Politics (New York, 1949); W. E. B. Du Race and State in Capitalist Devel Bois, Black Reconstruction 1935); Greenberg, (New York, Jack M. Bloom, Class, Race, and the Civil Rights Movement 1987); opment; (Bloomington, The Semisovereign and E. E. Schattschneider, People (New York, 1960). in Alabama: "Iron Ore Miners and Mine Mill 1933-1952" 41. Horace (Ph.D. Huntley, of Pittsburgh, diss., University 1977), 20-26. the Great Communists and Hoe: Alabama 42. Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer During 1990), 66, 145. Depression (Chapel Hill, Ibid., 147, 151. to note in this context that Mine Mill's record with regard Ibid., 145. It is important was equally egalitarian, that it had the difficulties to Chicano workers in the Southwest despite Chicano Workers and the Politics there. See Cletus Daniel, in facing recalcitrant of employers 43. 44. Fairness 1992). (Austin, in Alabama," and Mine Mill 215-218. "Iron Ore Miners 45. Huntley, in 1941 at the Wenonah 46. The new hiring policy was "the subject of a heated debate" the concerns of other Black local. The issue was raised by a rank and filer, who expressed that the that so few Blacks were being hired. One proposal was that the union demand miners of the local of Blacks The Black vice president and whites. hire equal numbers company newcomers to the pleasure of the white and the chagrin of this suggestion, much opposed was subsequently to voted out of office, the vice president Black miners. Although attempts to change failed. Ibid., 96-98. its hiring policies the company 47. Ibid., 110, 162, 189. 48. Ibid., 208-09. in the South with the Food, "Black and White 49. Karl Korstad, Organizing Together: in The CIO's Left Union & Allied Workers 1942-1952," Tobacco, (FTA-CIO), Agricultural "Labor Led Unions, ed. Steve Rosswurm N.J., Honey, 1992), 76; Michael (New Brunswick, in Mem and Black Workers in the South: The Industrial Labor Movement and Civil Rights Illinois University, 1988). phis, 1929-1945" (Ph.D. diss., Northern get 50. Korstad, 51. Robert Winston-Salem, 1987), xvii, 5. 52. Herbert nal of Economics 86. R. Korstad, North Carolina, of "Daybreak 1943-1950" "The Tobacco 1942):606. 201-02, 208. Freedom: (Ph.D. Tobacco diss., Workers and of North Union," the CIO, Carolina, Jour

University

53. Ibid., of Freedom," 54. Korstad, "Daybreak 55. Ibid., 219-30. 56. Ibid., 230. "Labor and Civil Rights 57. Honey, Director Allan letter to CIO Organization 379.

R. Northrup, 56 (August 616-17.

Workers

International

Quarterly

in the South," S. Haywood,

261, 379; Lucy Randolph October 5, 1940, quoted

Mason in ibid.,

Race and the CIO

58. Korstad,

31

Dixie papers, Duke University "Black and White 76; Operation Together," 1945-1950, Archives, passim. in the South," "Labor and Civil Rights 500. 59. Honey, 60. Ibid., 527-30. in the South (Cambridge, 61. Ray F. Marshall, Labor Mass., 1967), 172. see Robert Korstad and Nelson 62. For a parallel Lichtenstein, argument, "Oppor and the Early Civil Rights Movement," tunities Found and Lost: Labor, Radicals, Journal of American 75 (December History 1988). A Study of Unionization 63. David The Butcher Workman: Mass., Brody, (Cambridge, Unite and Fight': Race and Labor inMeat "'Black and White 1964), 88; Eric B. Halpern, of Pennsylvania, 1904-1948" packing, 1989), 257. (Ph.D. diss., University Labor Fort Worth's Unionism in the Southwest: "Interracial Packinghouse in the Twentieth Century South, 163; Roger in Zieger, Organized Labor 1937-1954," of Industrial Unionism in Meatpacking, "The Path Not Taken: A Social History Horowitz, of Wisconsin, 1920-1960" (Ph.D. diss., University 1990), 440-48. 66. Leroi Jones, Blues People this point compellingly (New York, 1963), 96, 106, makes in the 1920s, allowing in his discussion of the wider social space in Chicago for the flourishing jazz there. 67. Halpern, and Fight," 338. "Black and White Unite 365. 68. Brody, Butcher Workman, 176; Halpern, 69. Halpern, 383. 176. 70. Brody, Butcher Workman, and Fight," 71. Halpern, "Black and White Unite 509, 507, 534. 642. 72. Horowitz, "The Path Not Taken," and the 73. Michael "Coalition and Conflict: Martin Luther King, Civil Rights, Honey, American Labor Movement" manuscript, 1992). (unpublished in the Southwest," 74. Halpern, "Interracial Unionism 158-59. 75. Hill, 245. "Black Labor and Affirmative Action," to the 1940s the ILWU was insensitive 76. Nancy Quam-Wickham that during argues the ideological commitments of the union's leaders. Eventually, but much racial issues despite in a more in part because the union evolved of later, she argues, direction, racially egalitarian "Who Controls the Hiring Hall? The Struggle for Job Control in the stance of the leadership. the ILWU During World War II," in Rosswurm, CIO's Left-Led Unions. 77. Donald T. Critchlow, Unions and Racism: A Comparative "Communist Study of the of the United and Machine Workers Electrical Radio and the National Maritime Responses to the Black Question 17 (Spring Union During World War II," Labor History 1976):237; Labor Robert C. Weaver, Negro 1946), 221. (New York, A History at General Workers: 78. Ronald W. Schatz, The Electrical Electric of Labor and Westinghouse, 1923-60 1983), 127-31. (Chicago, 79. Mark McCulloch, "The Shop-Floor Dimension of Union Rivalry: The Case of West in the 1950s," in Rosswurm, CIO's Left-Led 193-99. Unions, inghouse 80. Critchlow, and Racism," "Communist Unions 238. "Labor and Civil Rights in the South," 81. Honey, 254, 292, et passim. 82. Ibid., 343. and Conflict." 83. Honey, "Coalition is supported 84. Such an assessment observers. For example, by virtually all fair-minded of communists who believed that the expulsion and left-led unions was extremely Ray Marshall, for the CIO, still acknowledged that the Communist force for positive party was an important racial equality in the South, and Organized in the CIO. Labor 350; Negro Labor, 36, 46. and Mitchell, 85. Cayton Black Workers, 81. in the New York City Garment 86. Robert "Racial Conflict 1933 Laurentz, Industry, of New York at Binghamton, in 1980" (Ph.D. diss., State University 1980). Northrup, writing as one of the most racially egalitarian of unions. Organized Labor and 1944, cites the ILGWU as the Negro, their degeneration into narrow bigotry. 128. Hill documents "Myth-Making Labor York, Black Detroit Meier and Elliott Rudwick, and the Rise of the UAW (New 1979). in the Crescent 88. Bruce Nelson, "Class and Race City: The ILWU, from San Francisco to New Orleans," in Rosswurm, CIO's Left-Led in the South, Labor 210. Unions; Marshall, History." 87. August of 64. Brody, 176. 65. Rick Halpern,

Workers,

32ILWCH, 44, Fall 1993

89. As largely Gavin notes with to patterns of discrimination, "were unions Wright respect to the industrial story in the South." Old South, New South (New York,

Nature

1986), in the South, 90. Marshall, Labor and the 272, 281; Michael Goldfield, Race, Class, The Failure of the ClO's Operation Politics: Dixie of American (forthcoming). 91. Michael The Decline Labor in the United States (Chicago, Goldfield, of Organized 1987), 110, 191, 192. 212. 92. Cayton and Mitchell, Black Workers, "Mobile During World War II: Organized 93. Bruce Nelson, Labor and the Struggle for Black Equality in a 'City That's Been Taken by Storm'" (unpublished manuscript, 1991).

peripheral 181.

94. See Brody, Butcher Workman, 176. 95. Lewis, Black Coal Miners, 87-88. 96. Michael "Decline of the Communist Goldfield, Review Black U.S.: Bolshevik," Harry Haywood's (1980):44-63. 97. Judith Stepan-Norris and Maurice Zeitlin, in America's Industrial Unions" Paper (Working Los Angeles, of California, University 1991). "Labor Trouble," 256-57. 98. Norrell,

Party and of Radical

the Black Political

in the Question 12 Economics

and Democracy Radicalism, "Insurgency, Institute of Industrial #215, Relations,