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Spring 2009

WhoistheRealTariqRamadan? ChristopherDeVito
fully assume their rightful place in European cultural and civic life without watering down their faith. So the question remains: who is Tariq Anyone following the debate about Islam in Ramadan? The purpose of what follows will be to Europe over the last decade has undoubtedly explore the thought of Tariq Ramadan, his status heard of Tariq Ramadan. They have also surely asasymbolofbothEuropeanIslamandMuslims, heard the question: who is the real Tariq and how what he represents may fit within a Ramadan? His detractors have described him as liberal political order. The exploration of political a wolf in sheeps clothing. Those who see liberalism aligns closely to the conception of promise in the project he has undertaken have political philosopher John Rawls, called him a Muslim Martin To some, Tariq along with an interpretation of Luther. Popular accounts, portray Ramadan poses a Rawls offered by Andrew F. him as either the head of a fifth March as applied to Ramadan threat, not so much column intent on transforming Europe into Eurabia, or someone due to anything he had andhisproject. whose effort to establish an said or done, but rather IDEAS OF TARIQ RAMADAN authentically European Islam because of his offers the promise of heading off Tariq Ramadan was born pedigree. He is the impending cultural strife. In these and educated in Geneva, respects he has become a symbol grandson of Hassan alSwitzerland. His father, Said Ramadan, had immigrated there for peoples hopes and fears. He is Banna, the founder of and opened the Islamic Center in a bogeyman for those who see the Muslim 1 1961. Tariq received his masters EuropesMuslimsasathreattothe Brotherhood. continents enlightenment and and doctoral degrees from the Christianheritage.Toothersheisa University of Geneva where he symbolofhope;ahopethatMuslimscanoneday specialized in both continental European 2 philosophyandIslam. In1992hemovedtoLyon, Christopher DeVito, Fletcher MALD 2009, studies France where he quickly became an influential Southwest Asia and political systems at the Fletcher 3 figure amongst Muslim activists. From Lyon he School and is a Research Assistant at the Fares 4 moved to Leicester, England in 1996. This simple Center.Previously,heworkedfortheMiddleEastand chronology sounds somewhat unremarkable, and North Africa program at the Center for International maybe Tariq Ramadan would be so, if it werent Private Enterprise. He has studied Arabic in Cairo, for his lineage. To some, Tariq Ramadan poses a Egypt and his political analysis has appeared in threat,notsomuchduetoanythinghehassaidor ForeignPolicy.

INTRODUCTION

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done,butratherbecauseofhispedigree.Heisthe grandson of Hassan alBanna, the founder of the 5 Muslim Brotherhood. His father, Said, was also a formidable figure in the world of twentieth century political Islam. Ramadans brother, Hani, is a wellknown contemporary fundamentalist. These connections have cast a shadow over the image of a refined, yet pious, European Muslim thatTariqRamadanhassoughttoproject. Yet his biography can only tell us so much. More importantly, we must ask: what does Tariq Ramadan stand for? What does Tariq Ramadan the thinker propose? What are his goals? How does he want us to perceive him? The answer seems to be that Ramadan is pursuing a rather simple yet undoubtedly challenging mission. He is laying the framework for an authentically EuropeanandMuslimidentity.Inhisownwords: TheaimistoprotecttheMuslimidentity andreligiouspractice,torecognize thewesternconstitutionalstructure, tobecomeinvolvedasacitizenatthe sociallevel,andtolivewithtrueloyalty 6 tothecountrytowhichonebelongs. This vision brings with it a host of questions. What would a European or Western Islam look like? How will this Islam be created? What demands can citizenship in a liberal society reasonablyplaceonfaithgroups? To begin with, we must take a look at the religious worldview of Tariq Ramadan. First and foremost, Ramadan claims to employ a classical methodology in terms of religious interpretation. FormanyconservativeMuslims,thisistherootof his appeal, an appeal of which Ramadan is acutely aware. His classical methodology rests upon a rigorous engagement with the traditional sources: the Quran, the Sunna, and the methods 7 of the traditional ulama. Yet this methodology also exists within a modern interpretation of Islam. In Ramadans 2004 book, Western Muslims and the Future of Islam, he identifies six major tendencies in modern Islamic thought. Included amongst these is a tendency he labels salafi 8 reformist, his religious and intellectual home. According to Ramadan salafi reformism is an approach to Islam that seeks to bypass the traditional schools of Islamic jurisprudence while staying true to the purpose and intentions of the 10 law(sharia). Ramadansapproachtotheshariaisrelatively flexible. This flexibility is derived from the fact that,theshariateachesustointegrateeverything that is not against an established principle and to 11 consider it as our own. It is with this fundamental adaptability in mind that Ramadan uses the legal concepts of maslaha, ijtihad, and fatwa. Taken in combination, they serve as tools used to understand the traditional sources of the 12 Quran and the Sunna. He uses these traditional tools in service of harmonizing Islamic norms with modern Western life. These tools are meant to help Muslims determine what is within the public good (maslaha) and where appropriate adjustment is needed by using independent reasoning, ijtihad, and legal opinion, fatwa. It is Ramadans hope that these traditional tools can help carve out an integrated and genuinely 13 IslamicfutureforMuslimsintheWest. While Ramadan seeks to use traditional legal tools, principles, Ramadans approach methodologies to the sharia is and sources, he relatively flexible. This does not flexibility is derived necessarily from the fact that, the align closely to sharia teaches us to traditional Islamic modes integrate everything of thinking that is not against an about the established principle world. This is and to consider it as most notable in our own. what Andrew March has dubbed Ramadans political geography of 14 Islam. It is here that Ramadan throws out some traditional Islamic concepts he believes are no longerapplicable.Theseconceptsarethestandard binary division of the world into dar alharb (the abode of war) and dar alIslam (the abode of Islam). Ramadan claims he can do so because these ideas are human, they were erected contextually, and the rightsbased experience of Muslims in the modern West does not fit into either of these categories. Ramadan is essentially
9

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making a claim thatbecause Muslims in the the believer but in his or her deeds as well. This West are afforded the rights granted to their manifestation isa concernfor justice that does not fellowresidentsandcitizensthereisaneedfora shield the Muslim community from criticism. new conception of this type of religiopolitical Ramadan seems to imply that Muslimswho forgo domain. It ought to be distinct from the classical, their ethical obligations towards nonMuslims are and to many modern observers antagonistic, deserving of censure. For Ramadan, it is binary division. Ramadan believes that the important that Muslims seeking an Islamic identity keep in mind that their principal foundation of this commitment lies in the allegiance is not towards the umma but towards contractual nature of the relationship between justice. This means that fellow Muslims in the Muslims and their adopted societies. Since West, and elsewhere, cannot be immune from Muslim immigrant communities are given relatively secure lives in the West, they are criticismbytheircoreligionistsbecauseofasense obliged to abide by the laws that these societies of sectarian loyalty. Part and parcel of this is the set forth. Because of this Ramadan proposes a idea that Muslims living in the West owe civic allegiance to their states of residence and to their new abode, the dar alshahada, or the abode of 15 19 fellow citizens. Again, this is based on a witness. So to what are modern Western Muslims to traditional religiolegal injunction to obey all bearwitness?Inonesensetheyare contractual obligations. It is also to witness the fundamental tenets based on the demand that For Ramadan, it is of their faith, the belief that there important that Muslims Muslims seek to abide by the is no God but God, and universal commitment to justice seeking an Islamic Muhammad is his Messenger. demandedbytheirfaith. identity keep in mind This concept allows for the Moving beyond issues of that their principal affirmation of Muslim identity identity, Ramadan is most within the West and, according to interested in establishing an ethic allegiance is not thinkers like Olivier Roy, amounts towards the umma but of citizenship for Western to a theory of the legitimacy and Muslims. In his words, the call to towards justice. This 16 practice of minority Islam. In a civic activism is not based on a means that fellow desire to advance the narrow broader sense the purpose of Muslims in the West, interests of particular Muslim bearing witness is not affirmation and elsewhere, cannot communities, but is based on the of a sectarian identity, but to offer universal message of Islam that testimony to the universal Islamic be immune from 17 should move Muslims civic values of justice and equality. In criticism by their coconscience to promote justice, this respect, Ramadan has offered religionists because of right, and goodness an understanding of Muslim a sense of sectarian 20 everywhere. minority status that affirms the Ramadan loyalty. value of traditional faith while demonstrates concern about a affirming the duty of the Muslim strictly communitarian approach communitytowardstheirfellowcitizens. to civic engagement, rejecting calls for a Muslim Aside from simple affirmation of Muslim interestbased approach. Instead, he insists that it identity, it is important that we look at how is the duty of Muslims to pursue principle rather Ramadan conceives Muslim identity in the West. than interest. Furthermore, he portrays an interestbased approach to civic engagement as For Ramadan the most important aspect of this responsible for the ghettoization of Muslim identity is faith. This is a faith characterized by knowledge and understanding of the traditional communitiesintheWest.21 sources. But it is also contingent on a choice Additionally, Ramadans call for active 18 based on freedom and, as such, appears citizenship envisions that Muslim communities will represent the conscience of the global south somewhat Lockean. According to Ramadan this in their civic endeavors. In this respect, Ramadan faith will manifest itself not simply in the heart of The Fletcher School al Nakhlah Tufts University

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offers a fairly conventional, though Islamically flavored, Third Worldism replete with attacks on globalization, neoliberalism, and an international economic system he believes is an assault on the worlds poor. He goes so far as to characterize the prevailing economic order as a dar alharb (abode of war), though he offers only a skeletal notion of how to address the systems inequities. For Muslims, escaping the system is impossible, but fundamental obligations to pay zakat and to avoid riba (variously defined as usury or interest) are of utmost importance.22 Surprisingly, in Western Muslims, he offers no commentary on the increasingly complex, popular, and lucrative field of Islamic finance. One would expect at least a cursory discussion of these developments as they are increasingly important, accessible globally, and much of the current innovation is centered in Westernfinancialcapitals. praised by Daniel Pipes, a controversial American authorandpoliticalcommentator.26Sowhatisthe currentcontroversyabout? As mentioned above, this is to some extent reflective of unease about Ramadans biography in a world intensely focused on the threat of Islamic radicalism. This anxiety has been exacerbated by the rapid growth of Europes Muslim population. For some this is about what theyseeasanapproachtoMuslimlifeintheWest that is incompatible with the prevailing value system. This is particularly true in regard to womens issues such as the hijab and certain elements of sharia sanctioned punishment. Others see duplicity in his public persona and lurking danger in a religious and intellectual worldview they believe helps justify radicalism.27 He is often accused of double speak, of hiding his true views when it serves his attempt to appear moderate. He has also been accused of antiSemitism and of justifying the most regressive aspects of sharia based punishment. In order to discern Ramadans views from the hysteria surrounding him, let us examinesomeoftheincidentsthathaveraisedthe greatestoutcry. One of these incidents arose in 2003 when Ramadan publicly criticized a group of Jewish French intellectuals for supporting the Iraq war. He went on to state that they had failed to support universal values instead of instinctually siding with Israels interests. Ramadan also claimed that worries, expressed by some of the group, about antiSemitism in France were overblown.28 These assertions led to counter chargesfromseveraloftheaccusedthatRamadan was himself an antiSemite. While Ramadan may have been unfair in attributing ethnic or religious motives to the men that he accused (in fact, one was not even Jewish), the labeling of Ramadan as an antiSemite is inconsistent with numerous public statements and positions. Ramadan has posted prominently on his website several letters that he has signed encouraging improved dialoguebetweenJewsandMuslims.29 Related to this accusation of antiSemitism is concern that Ramadan has failed to condemn violence employed by Palestinians in their struggle with Israel. Again, this charge is in part based on Ramadans familial history and his

TARIQ RAMADAN AS INTERLOCUTOR BETWEEN MUSLIMS AND THE WEST?

What is clear is that despite conservative views on social issues and leftwing views on international and economic issues, Ramadan has sought to present himself as an appropriate interlocutor between Muslims and the Western state and society. He is a supporter of inter religious dialogue23, as demonstrated by his participation in the first ever Muslim Catholic dialogue at the Vatican in November 200824, and he does his best to come across as an acceptable moderate. Yet he has managed to arouse extreme hostility amongst his critics, along with suspicion and fear on the part of several Western nations. An example of this governmental hostility occurred in 2004 when the Department of Homeland Security barred Ramadan from entry into the United States. Initially the US government claimed that Ramadan was connected to terrorism, only to drop the charge while maintaining that he was a threat to national security. The result of this incident was that he was forced to cede a position that had been offered to him by the University of Notre Dame.25 Yet, he has not always provoked such anxieties. Following the publicationof hisfirst book, To Be a European Muslim, he was something of a poster child for Muslim integration. The book was even

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relationships. People often refer to Hassan al Bannas support of revolutionary violence in Palestine, and Ramadans praise of alBanna. Similarly, guilt is cast upon Ramadan because of the relationship he has maintained with Yusef Qaradawi. Qaradawi is an influential cleric associatedwiththeMuslimBrotherhood,whohas justified the use of violence in the context of Palestinian resistance. Again, charges against Ramadan in this regard are based on association. His more honest critics, Paul Berman among them, acknowledge the role his social network plays in their skepticism. Writing in The New Republic, Berman asserts that the problem lies in the terrible fact that Ramadans personal milieu [is] the milieu that bears the principal responsibility for generating the modern theoretical justification for religious suicide terrorism.30Asusual,thechargeisthatRamadan has displayed a Janusfaced duplicity: The first message condemns terrorism. The second message lavishes praise on the theoreticians of terrorism.31 Ramadans statements have drawn similar charges in the realm of womens issues. The best known example of what has been deemed double talk on this issue occurred during a debate with then French Interior Minister Nicholas Sarkozy. During the debate, Sarkozy confronted Ramadan with his brothers support for the punishment of deathbystoningforwomenwhohavecommitted adultery. Sarkozy asked him if he agreed with his brother, to which Ramadan replied that he believed there should be a moratorium placed on the practice so that a consensus could be reached amongst Muslims.32 There are numerous conflicting interpretations of the significance of this exchange. For thinkers like Berman this is proof of Ramadans dissembling. It was a Qutbian moment33 where either political concerntrumpedmoralityor,moreominously,he revealed himself as a radical. Others have interpreted it very differently. In Olivier Roys mind, what is happening here is actually indicative of the process of secularization occurring within European Islam. According to Roy, Ramadan is establishing a situation in which the norm (stoning) is not abolished, but it is not practicedthe moratorium affects the public space without touching dogma.34 For Roy, this is theessenceofsecularization. The irony in this situation was thatby demanding Ramadan personally renounce an element of religious dogmathe official representative of the supposedly secular French state, Sarkozy, eagerly stepped into the very territory that a strict separation of church and state is supposed to cordon off: the domain of personal and communal religious beliefs. During this exchange, Ramadan, the religious conservative, seemingly acted in a more secular fashion than his secular antagonist. Perhaps Ramadan did so in an attempt to straddle the fence, to preserve his status as an interlocutor with secular society while simultaneously preserving his authenticity with religious conservatives. To the degree that this is true, it would be accurate to describe Ramadan as immensely selfserving. However, the fact remains that Ramadans formulation does its best to maintain the secular status quo. He effectively pledges to respect the domains of secular French lawno women will be stoned for adultery while leaving the religious validity of this injunction in the hands of religious thinkers and leaders. The answer Ramadan offered may be unsatisfying but he certainly does not make the claim that an understanding of religious law can trumpcivillaw.

TARIQ RAMADAN AND POLITICAL LIBERALISM

What is the answer then? Do these exchanges reveal something about the core of Tariq Ramadan? Or is the real question about what is the place of (possibly illiberal) religion in a liberal society? In the case of Tariq Ramadan, the question can be put thusly: (w)hat constitutes a loyal affirmation of citizenship, and what positions cross boundaries of reasonableness?35 In relating these questions to the thought of Tariq Ramadan, it is important that we consider what constitutes a liberal society and the place of religiouscommunitieswithinthem. In Europe, liberalism often amounts to more than strict political liberalism. What is expected of people is that they will also subscribe to what political philosophers call comprehensive

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liberalism.36AndrewF.Marchdescribesthisasa system that values rational autonomy, critical scrutiny of tradition, skepticism, and experimentation. Comprehensive liberals make truth claims for these values and do not seek to disguise their incompatibility with ways of life based ondeference to established authority.37 Parallel to this is John Rawls much narrower concept of political liberalism. As an organizing principle, Rawlsian political liberalism seeks only to elucidate the means by which a reasonable public order can be established in a world of divergent conceptions regarding the ultimate nature of truth.38 The principle goals of political liberalism lie in freedom Building upon this de facto acknowledgment from coercion of the prevailing secular in belief and equal access to order, Ramadans the rights and redefinition of the benefits of citizenship in a political geography of Islam seems to make an liberal society. The modern argument for the western world, acceptability of Muslim particularly minority status in the Europe, West on principled includes both comprehensive religious grounds. and political liberals. Part of the reason that there has been such a backlash against Tariq Ramadan is that he clearly is not what one would call a comprehensive liberal. This does not mean that his project is incompatible with the broader agenda of political liberalism as it has manifested itselfintheWest. What then can a political liberal demand of believers, and does Ramadans project meet these demands? For both Rawls and March, liberal societies can make fundamental demands about justice and citizenship.39 The liberal notion of justice apportions rights equally amongst citizens, a fact that is an issue when these rights conflict with the religious worldviews of orthodox Muslims living within liberal societies.40 Citizenship in turn requires that loyalty be to the state that one lives in, again an issue for some Muslims convinced of the importance of the classical division of the world into dar alharb and dar alIslam. The question according to March, should be is (Ramadan) endorsing the liberal terms of social cooperation on principled grounds or not?41 For critics, and Paul Berman would likely fall into this category, the concern seems to be that Ramadans endorsement of the civic compact for Muslims in the West is predicated on their communitys relatively small size.42 The charge is that the commitment to the liberal order is, at best, ephemeral, and would fade if demographicascendancyweretobegained. Ultimately at issue here is the relative weakness of political liberalism in its ability to elicit a firm commitment to the prevailing liberal order. This is because political liberalism, in its attempt to ensure civic unity, is highly elastic.43 This elasticity is an essential reason that political liberalism has proven adept at ensuring a reliable civil peace, but it can be stretched thin. Problems can occur when citizens deepest beliefs do not provide them with a full justification for liberal institutions.44 For our purposes, we must ask if Tariq Ramadan is offering a full justification for liberal institutions. Of additional relevance is the question of whether he is offering an Islamically convincingjustification. In light of these questions, it is important to look at Ramadans prescriptions in three areas: sharia, the concept of dar alshahada, and notions of contractual obligation. In regards to sharia, Olivier Roys observation regarding Ramadans approachprovidesusefulinsight.WhileRamadan is not willing to discard classical methodology, he does recognize the difference between religious and temporal authority and has shown that he is more than willing to submit to the latter. Building upon this de facto acknowledgment of the prevailing secular order, Ramadans redefinition of the political geography of Islam seems to make an argument for the acceptability of Muslim minoritystatusintheWestonprincipledreligious grounds. Lastly, by invoking the demand that Muslims obey their contractual obligations, he is taking a stab at religiously legitimizing adherence towesternsocialcontracts.Itisinthislastattempt that Ramadan comes up short. Could basing solidarity with ones fellow citizens on something as legalistic and dry as a contractual obligation,

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even if it be religiously based, convince traditionallyminded Muslims that bonds of citizenshiparemoreimportantthanbondsoffaith with Muslims elsewhere?45 While Ramadan has connected notions of citizenship to those of justice,itisclearthatthedemandsofjusticeknow noboundaries. For elements of Europes Muslim minority, the circumstances of their lives in Europe, geopolitical conflict in the wider world, and a sense that the West in general has conspired to oppress Muslims, have all contributed to a sense of grievance and demands for justice that have at points spilled past the lines of acceptable activity. Some of these instances, like the murder of Theo Van Goh by a disaffected Muslim youth on the streets of Amsterdam, amount to an indistinguishable combination of political and religious fanaticism with runofthemill criminality.Othermanifestationsofgrievanceand the demand for justice take the form of organizations that explicitly reject the liberal political order, such as Hizb utTahrir, which stake claims to substantial membership on European soil. While Ramadan may make an earnest attempt at imbuing the notion of a contractual obligation to the extant political order with religious significance, it amounts to fairly weak tea. cause of Muslim integration within western liberal democracies. What we need to ask is, can Tariq Ramadan convey a convincing argument to European Muslims that pushes them towards full civic engagement? If he can, he must be able to do so in a fashion that leaves the core characteristics of a liberal European society intact. This will mean a respectful acknowledgment of the rights and preeminence of Europes comprehensive liberals, while prodding the continent towards a more thorough and genuine acceptance of a liberal political order that remains neutral towards conceptions of the ultimate nature of the good. In so doing, Ramadan would help secure a better existence for his co religionists in Europe while helping the people of Europe achieve a more perfect political and social order. Though the debate is muddled, for many it has come down to the competing liberal values of religious liberty and absolute equality. These are not the terms on which a reliable social peace can be settled. We must be more pragmatic. As long as Ramadan does not seek to undermine absolute equality under the law, and can reliably convince conservative Muslims that there is a role for them as citizensinEurope, his contributionsmay prove invaluable. Nevertheless, it is important that leaders in the West not turn to Ramadan as the principle interlocutor with their respective Muslim communities. It is the liberal states duty tostayneutraltowardsconceptionsofthegood.It should also stay neutral towards conceptions of religiousauthenticity. The views and opinions expressed in articles are strictly the authors own, and do not necessarily represent those of al Nakhlah, its Advisory and Editorial Boards, or the Program for Southwest Asia and Islamic Civilization (SWAIC) at The Fletcher School.

CONCLUSION
It does seem that much of the criticism of Ramadan is based on a combination of guilt by association and discomfort with his truly conservative understanding of Islam. It is true that Ramadan is a religious conservative and that his approach to Islam fails to affirm many of the values that some believe constitute the essence of the modern West. Whether these values are womens equality, gay rights, or scientific rationalism, the real issue is whether or not his principles contribute something valuable to the

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WORKS CITED
1 2

PaulBerman,WhosAfraidofTariqRamadan?,TheNewRepublic(June2007):1. http://www.tariqramadan.com/spip.php?article11. 3 Berman. 4 Ibid. 5 IanBuruma,TariqRamadanHasanIdentityIssue,TheNewYorkTimesMagazine,February,2007,2. 6 TariqRamadan,WesternMuslimsandtheFutureofIslam(Oxford:2004),27. 7 Ibid.,5. 8 Buruma,4. 9 Ramadan,26. 10 Ibid.,24. 11 Ibid.,54. 12 Ibid.,51. 13 Ibid.,55. 14 AndrewF.March,ReadingTariqRamadan:PoliticalLiberalism,Islam,andOverlappingConsensus, EthicsandInternationalAffairs(Spring2008). 15 Ramadan,73. 16 OlivierRoy,SecularismConfrontsIslam(NewYork:Columbia,2007),51. 17 Ramadan,77. 18 Ibid.,80. 19 Ibid.,93. 20 Ibid.,165. 21 Ibid.,170. 22 Ibid.,182. 23 Ibid.,200. 24 FirstEverMuslimCatholicforumtoOpenatVaticanGoogleNews,November3,2008 <http://afp.google.com/article/ALeqM5i55PPZfoS2aUK4qajZieJas0VyiA>(accessedNovember10, 2008). 25 JuliaPreston,HearingforMuslimBarredbyU.S.,TheNewYorkTimes,April14,2006, <http://www.nytimes.com/2006/04/14/us/nationalspecial3/14scholar.html?_r=1&scp=3&sq=Tariq %20Ramadan%20Notre%20Dame&st=cse&oref=slogin>(accessedNovember5,2008). 26 Berman,3. 27 PaulBermantakesparticularissuewiththeideaofsalafireformism,seeinginthismodeofmodern IslamicthoughttherootsofalQaeda. 28 Berman,17. 29 http://www.tariqramadan.com/spip.php?article1369. 30 Berman,23. 31 Ibid.,24. 32 Ibid.,26.ItwouldseemthatinthisinstanceRamadanisindeedpayingdeferencetoclassical methodologyandthelegalprincipleofijma. 33 Ibid.,27. 34 Roy,4445. 35 March,400. 36 Ibid.,402. The Fletcher School al Nakhlah Tufts University

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37 38

Ibid.,401 Ibid.,402. 39 Ibid. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid.,403. 42 Ibid.,404. 43 Ibid. 44 Ibid.,405. 45 Thisbeingsaid,thesamedilemmaexistswithliterallymindedmembersofanyfaithgroupinliberal democraticsocieties.

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