The Function of Istar in The

The Function of Itar in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: A Contextual
Analysis of the Actions Attributed to Itar in the Inscriptions of Ititi through

almaneser III

A Dissertation

Presented to

The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Brandeis University

Near Eastern and Judaic Studies

Tzvi Abusch, Advisor

In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Philosophy

by

Ilona Zsolnay

August 2009

UM Number: 3369237

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The signed version of this signature page is on file at the Graduate School of Arts and
Sciences, Brandeis University.

This dissertation, directed and approved by Ilona Zsolnays Committee, has been
accepted and approved by the Faculty of Brandeis University in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of:

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Adam B. Jaffe, Dean of Arts and Sciences

Dissertation Committee:

Prof. Tzvi Abusch, Near Eastern and Judaic Studies

Prof. David P. Wright, Near Eastern and Judaic Studies

Dr. Barbara Porter, Casco Bay Assyriological Institute

This work is dedicated to two wonderful and brilliant women:

My mother Ellen Burke, whose own passion for this field started me on this path
and
My wife Karen Morian, whose love and unfailing support took me to its conclusion

iv

Acknowledgements

This dissertation could not have been created had it not been for the support of
numerous people. It is difficult even to begin to thank them all.
I wish first to express my deepest gratitude to Tzvi Abusch. As my primary
advisor and the chair of my dissertation committee, he has provided me with exceptional
advice and guidance throughout the years. As one who encourages innovative approaches
and a creative scholar himself, he has given confidence to my own creativity; however,
even more than this, he has supported and believed in me through even the most difficult
and complicated times.
It is also with sincere appreciation that I thank David Wright for reading (usually
with not much notice) several versions of this dissertation and for offering solid practical
advice as to its structure. His critical mind and generosity of spirit have always inspired
me, particularly during my years in coursework, a time of which I have fond memories of
many enjoyable conversations. I also wish to thank Marc Brettler for being an excellent
and supportive teacher. More than a first-rate Biblical scholar, Marc Brettler has a gift for
developing burgeoning academics. Each of these men has always treated my ideas with
the greatest respect and encouraged me to develop them into reputable scholarship.
The outside reader for this dissertation was Barbara Porter of the Casco Bay
Assyriological Institute. I wish to thank her for not merely scanning this document, but
carefully interacting with it and posing extremely helpful questions, noticing
discrepancies, and offering solid suggestions. Barbara Porter has also assisted me with
kind advice, especially during the last weeks of this process.
v
Almost the entirety of this project was written while I was living in Florida. I wish
to acknowledge the magnificent librarians at Florida State University and the
Jacksonville Public Library in San Marco. It is due to the resourcefulness of ILL staff that
I was able to acquire numerous important publications. I can only wonder what they
thought of the weird, wonderful, and truly esoteric titles they were requested to locate.
A special thanks also to Grant Frame and Ann Guinan at the University of
Pennsylvania. Grant Frame was kind enough to place at my disposal his unfinished
Kassite manuscript, which filled numerous gaps in the published scholarship. During the
past few years, Ann Guinan and I have engaged in helpful and enlightening conversations.
During these, she has imparted excellent advice and wisdom. These acts are mere
indications of their genuine generosity as a scholars and friends.
Finally, it is impossible to survive graduate school without a strong support
network. I here declare the unsurpassed quality of the Brandeis community. Outside of
my own department, my friendships with Jim Bensinger in the Physics department and
John Burt in the English department have sustained me. Inside my own department, I was
lucky enough to arrive at Brandeis with an excellent group of students. Most particularly,
I give my deepest respect and thanks to Sarah Shectman and Hilary Lipka. By their
examples and through their support, I have grown as both a person and a scholar.
And of course, I thank my family for their unflagging belief in me. It has been a
long slog, but neither my father, Adam, nor my sister, Lilo, ever doubted I would finish.

vi

ABSTRACT

The Function of Itar in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: A Contextual Analysis of the
Actions Attributed to Itar in the Inscriptions of Ititi through almaneser III

A dissertation presented to the Faculty of the
Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Brandeis
University, Waltham, Massachusetts

by Ilona Zsolnay

This study investigates the functions of the Mesopotamian goddess Itar in pre-
Sargonid Assyrian Royal inscriptions from the reigns of Ititi through almaneser III in an
effort to better comprehend how the goddess Itar came to be the preeminent deity of the
late Neo-Assyrian kings. The derived goal is to ascertain whether these functions
changed over time and to establish whether any apparent variations were due to the
adoption of particular manifestations of the goddess (thus linking innovations/functions
to specific hypostases of the goddess), the result of broader theological movements, or
merely the result of changes to the literary form of an inscription. Finally, the study asks:
can Itars functions inform us as to her position in the theology present in the
inscriptions, and if so, what was that position?
In order to discern and trace the development of the functions of the various
manifestations of Itar, this study will examine all significant references to Itar in the
corpus. Because the titulary, action unit, concluding formula, and invocation each serve a
distinct purpose within an Assyrian royal inscription, this study is divided by these
vii
literary units. The results of this study confirm that the central function of Itar in the
corpus is either to ordain or assist in the acquisition and maintenance of an Assyrian
rulers sovereignty; however, if Itar was ever a deity native to Aur, the texts do not
reveal this status. Instead, under the designations B!let Ninua Sovereign of Nineveh
and b!let qabli u t"h"zi Sovereign of Combat and Battle she was connected, not to
southern Mesopotamia as some would argue, but to the north, northeast, and northwest of
Aur. The study also determines that Itar's rise in power can be linked directly to the
rise in stature of Aur (as it became Assyria) and her kings.
Following the conclusion of this study, are a series of appendices. Each presents
an historical survey of each of the designations for Itar which are present in the
invocation units of the inscriptions.

viii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements iv
Abstract vi
Abbreviations xi

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1
1.1 The Goal of This Study 1
1.2 Composite Treatments 2
1.3 Individual Treatments 4
1.4 Goal 13
1.5 The Corpus 14
1.6 Methodology 18
1.7 Organization 19
1.8 Materials 22

CHAPTER TWO: TITULARY 23
2.1 Diagram and Purpose 23
2.2 Attestations 26
2.3 Catalog 35
2.4 Analysis 36
2.5 Conclusion 56

CHAPTER THREE: ACHIEVEMENTS 58
3.2 Attestations 65
3.3 Catalog 73
3.4 Analysis 75
3.4.1 Divine Commands 76
3.4.2 Martial Support 79
3.4.3 Request 83
3.5 Conclusion 85

CHAPTER FOUR: CONCLUDING FORMULA 87
4.2 Address to a Future Prince 88
4.2.1 Attestations 98
4.2.2 Catalog 98
4.2.3 Analysis 101
4.2.4 Conclusion 106
4.3 Maledictions 107
4.3.1 Executive Maledictions 109
4.3.1.1 Attestations 109
4.3.1.2 Catalog 115
ix
4.3.1.3 Analysis and Summation 116
4.3.2 Martial Maledictions 118
4.3.2.1 kakkau (u kakk# umm"n"t#u) liber 119
4.3.2.1.1 Catalog 119
4.3.2.1.2 Analysis 120
4.3.2.1.3 Summation 128
4.3.2.2 abikti m"t#u likun and ina pani nakr#u ay-izziz 130
4.3.2.2.1 Catalog 131
4.3.2.2.2 Analysis 131
4.3.2.2.3 Summation 136
4.3.2.3 ana q"t nakr#u lumell#u, lin!r qur"d#u,
lu$mi zikr$ssu sinnis"ni, and mut$ssu ana rihti likun 137
4.3.2.3.1 Catalog 137
4.3.2.3.2 Analysis 138
4.3.2.3.3 Summation 141
4.3.2.4 Conclusion to the Martial Maledictory analysis 143
4.3.3 Conclusion to the Entire Maledictory Anlysis 145

CHAPTER FIVE: INVOCATION 147
5.2 Attestations 155
5.2.1 Tiglath-pileser I 155
5.2.1.1 Invocation 155
5.2.1.2 Analysis 156
5.2.1.3 Summation 158
5.2.2 Adad-n!r!r" II and Tiglath-pileser II 158
5.2.2.1 Invocation 158
5.2.2.2 Analysis 160
5.2.3 Aur-na!irpal II 165
5.2.3.1 Invocation A 165
5.2.3.1.1 Analysis 166
5.2.3.2 Invocation B 167
5.2.4 almaneser III 168
5.2.4.1 Invocation A and B 168
5.2.4.1.1 Analysis 169
5.2.4.1.2 Summation 170
5.2.4.2 Invocation C and D 171
5.2.4.2.1 Analysis 172
5.2.4.2.2 Summation 173
5.2.5 Short Invocations 174
5.3 Conclusion to the Entire Invocation Analysis 175
CHAPTER SIX: CATALOG OF REFERENCES 179

x
CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION 201

APPENDICES
Appendix A: B!let-t"h"zi and B!let qabli u t"h"zi 217
Appendix B: B!let am u er!eti 248
Appendix C: Aaritti il"ni and B!let il"ni a am u er!eti 272
Appendix D: B!let t! and muarrihat qabl"te 277
Appendix E: Aaritti am u er!eti and a para! qard$ti uklulat 290
Appendix F: a m!lultaa tuqumtu 295
BIBLIOGRAPHY 299

xi

Abbreviations

A tablets in the collections of the Oriental Institute
AA Archivum Anatolicum
ABRT J. Craig, Assyrian and Babylonian Religious Texts I/II
AfO Archiv fr Orientforschung
AHw von Soden, Akkadisches Handwrterbuch
ARI Grayson, Assyrian Royal Inscriptions
ARM Archives royales de Mari
ARMT Archives royales de Mari, traduction
AASOR Annual of the American School(s) of Oriental Research
ARRIM Annual Review of the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Project
AS Assyriological Studies
ASJ Acta Sumerologica
AUAM tablets in the collections of the Andrews University Archaeological
Museum
BAR British Archaeological Reports
BA Beitrge zur Assyriologie
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
BBS L.W. King, Babylonian Boundary Stones
BM Museum siglum of the British Museum
CAD The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University
of Chicago
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CBS Museum siglum of the University Museum in Philadelphia
CCT Cuneiform Texts from Cappadocian Tablets in the British Museum
COS Hallo and K. Lawson Younger, The Context of Scripture
CH Code of Hammurabi
CT Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum
EARI Early Assyrian Royal Inscriptions. This designation refers to the
corpora of Assyrian royal inscriptions used in this study (Ititi
through almaneser III). This designation only appears in this
study.
ELA Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta
ePSD The Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary:
http://psd.museum.upenn.edu/
ETCSL Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature:
http://www-etcsl.orient.ox.ac.uk
ETN The Epic of Tukulti-Ninurta
FAOS Freiburger Altorientalische Studien
HR History of Religions
HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual
IAK E. Ebeling, B. Meissner, E. F. Weidner, Die Inschriften der
xii
altassyrischen Knige
IG in. nin . gur
4
. ra
JANES Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies
JESHO Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies
JQR Jewish Quarterly Review
K Museum siglum of the British Museum in London (Kuyunjik)
Kt Inventory numbers of Kltepe texts (Ankara Kltepe Tabletleri)
KAR Ebeling, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur religisen Inhalts I/II
LIH King, The Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi
LKA Ebeling, Literarische Keilschrifttexte aus Assur
LDSU The Lamentation of the Destruction over Sumer and Ur
MAOG Mitteilungen der altorientalischen Gesellschaft
MANE Monographs on the Ancient Near East
MARI Mari: Annales de recherches interdisciplinaires
MSKH Brinkman, Materials and Studies for Kassite History
NABU Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brves et Utilitaires
NIN NIN: Journal of Gender Studies in Antiquity
NMS nin. me. ar. ra
OLP Orientalia Lovaniensia periodica
Or Orientalia
PAPS Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society
RA Revue d'assyriologie et d'archologie orientale
RIMA The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods
RIMB The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Babylonian periods
RIME The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Early Periods
SANE Sources of the Ancient Near East
SARI Sumerian and Akkadian Royal Inscriptions
SMS Syro-Mesopotamian Studies
STH Sjberg, The Collection of the Sumerian Temple Hymns
TAPS Transactions of the American Philosophical Society
TCL Textes cuniformes, Muses du Louvre
TuM NF Texte und Materialien der Frau Professor Hilprecht Collection ,
Neue Folge
UF Ugarit-Forschungen
Uk. Uruk
VS Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmler der (Kniglichen) Museen zu
Berlin
VT Vetus Testamentum
WO Die Welt des Orients. Wissenschaftliche Beitrge zur Kunde des
Morgenlandes
WVDOG Wissenschaftliche Verffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-
Gesellschaft
xiii
WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fr die Kunde des Morgenlandes
YBC Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts
YOS Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts
ZA Zeitschrift fr Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete

Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION

1.1 The Goal of this Study

The central purpose of this study is to determine which functions the
Mesopotamian goddess Itar serves in Assyrian royal inscriptions which date prior to the
late Neo-Assyrian period (NA). The derived goal is to ascertain whether these functions
changed over time and to establish whether any apparent variations were due to the
adoption of particular manifestations of the goddess (thus linking innovations/functions
to specific hypostases of the goddess), the result of broader theological movements, or
merely the result of changes to the literary form of an inscription. Finally, the study asks:
can Itars functions inform us as to her position in the theology present in the
inscriptions, and if so, what was that position?

Problematica
Determining the character and societal/religious function of the goddess Itar has
been a particularly tricky endeavor for scholars of Mesopotamian religion. Although in
the mid-nineteenth century, when Assyriology had yet to become even a fledging
discipline, Itar was considered merely one of a multitude of deities worshipped by the
2
Mesopotamians. As greater archaeological discoveries were made in the ancient Near
East and cuneiform texts were more accurately translated, it was quickly realized that
Itar was no minor god. Appearing as a major character in texts from every genre of
cuneiform literature, she is the central character in a series of love-songs; she is
invoked in incantations, rituals, and hymns; she appears in the great epics: Descent of
Itar to the Netherworld, Epic of Gilgame, Etana, and in the various legends of the Early
Dynastic (ED) kings; she is mentioned in proverbial wisdom collections and lamentations;
and she appears in the royal inscriptions of almost every major Mesopotamian ruler.

1.2 Composite Treatments
In the main, Itar has been understood as an integral part of that aspect of
Mesopotamian religion that has been thought to ensure the fecundity of the land; thus,
she was deemed early on to be a mother-goddess.
1
This characterization was fueled by
the romantic nineteenth-century theory of the hieros gamos, or sacred marriage, a sex-
rite in which Itar, it was argued, took a central role.
2
Through the hieros gamos Itars

1
The theory of a mother goddess was first developed by classicists and then later applied to Itar. See
Eduard Gerhard in ber das Metroon zu Athen und ber die Gttermutter der griechischen Mythologie
(Berlin: Druckerei der Kniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1851); Jacob Johannes Bachofen, Das
Mutterrecht: Eine Untersuchung ber die Gynaikokratie der alten Welt nach ihrer religisen und
rechtlichen Natur (Basel: Benno Schwabe, 1862); John F. McLennan, Primitive Marriage: An Inquiry into
the Origin of the Form of Capture in Marriage Ceremonies (Edinburgh: A. and C. Black, 1865); Jane Ellen
Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1903); and
James George Frazer, Adonis, Attis, Osiris: Studies in the History of Oriental Religion (London: Macmillan,
1907). For a critique of this hypothesis see Jo Ann Hackett, Can a Sexist Model Liberate Us? Ancient
Near Eastern Fertility Goddesses, Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 5 (1989): 6576.
2
See n. 1, but also, Samuel N. Kramer, Cuneiform Studies and the History of Literature: The Sumerian
Sacred Marriage Texts, PAPS 107 (1980): 485-527 [502]; idem, The Sacred Marriage Rite: Aspects of
3
fertility became manifest, making king and country productive and prosperous. By the
early twentieth-century, nationalist and religious sensibilities took hold of the Western
imagination and the sex-rite in which Itar was said to be a part was alternatively
dismissed by Christians, who saw her as the forerunner to the Virgin Mary, and amplified
by others who wished to tie Itar to a licentious ancient pagan populace.
3
During the
mid-twentieth century, the mother-goddess hypothesis was applied by psychoanalysts,
such as Carl Jung and his protge Eric Neumann, to the theory of archetypes. Itar
became, alternatively, a nurturing and caring figure and a feared and sexually ferocious
man-eater.
4
These psychoanalytical conclusions, and those propounded by the earlier
Victorians, were later re-contextualized by Second Wave feminists who read Itars
connection to sex and fertility as a sign of empowerment: Itars role as a mother-

Faith, Myth, and Ritual in Ancient Sumer. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1969.
3
It was Hugo Radau, Sumerian Hymns and Prayers to God Dumu-Zi, or, Babylonian Lenten Songs: From
the Temple Library of Nippur (Mnchen: R. Merkel, 1913) and Stephen Langdon, Tammuz and Ishtar: A
Monograph upon Babylonian Religion and Theology, Containing Extensive Extracts from the Tammuz
Liturgies and All of the Arbela Oracles (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1914), who position the earliest form of
Itar as a (pre-)Christian figure. Using a Christological approach toward the material, Radau interprets
songs devoted to Itar as liturgies and envisages an entire festival season dedicated to the goddess and her
fianc, Dumuzi. Radau divides these texts into two categories: those in which the maidens of Itar mourn
or bewail the absent or dead Dumuzi, and those which celebrate Dumuzis resurrection or wedding.
Radau sees these as the fore-runners to the Christian season of Lent when Jesus is reunited with the pneuma
and posits that, in this scenario, Dumuzi is Jesus, the lamb of god, while An is God, and Itar is the
bride. The church (Itar), the bride of the lamb, mourns over the death of her bridegroom, Christ.
Langdon not only connects Itar and Dumuzi with the Catholic Madonna and Child, but also equates the
eating of cakes offered to Itar with the Christian ritual of the Eucharist.
4
See Eric Neumann, The Great Mother: An Analysis of the Archetype, trans. by Ralph Manheim (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1972).
4
goddess gave feminist scholars hope that patriarchy had not always been a constant.
5

Beginning in the 1980s, when Third Wave feminism and literary and post-structuralist
criticisms came to the fore, Itar began to be re-imagined as a principle or concept which
served societal agendas.
6

1.3 Individual Treatments
Part of the difficultly in ascertaining the true function of Itar in Mesopotamian
religion is that the goddess herself seems to have had a multitude of manifestations. Not
only is she seemingly omnipresent in cuneiform literature, but she is frequently
designated in texts by different regional, descriptive, and political titles. Furthermore, in
cuneiform texts, while the name Itar may be written syllabically (e.g., i-tr), in the

5
Three of the cornerstone texts for this movement are: Merlin Stone, When God Was a Woman (New York:
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1976); Riane Eisler, The Chalice and the Blade: Our History, Our Future (San
Francisco: Harper & Row, 1987); and, Marija Gimbutas, The Language of the Goddess: Unearthing the
Hidden Symbols of Western Civilization (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1989). For a discussion on the
phenomenon of neo-paganism as a result of Second Wave feminism, see the works of Cynthia Eller,
including Divine Objectification: The Representation of Goddesses and Women in Feminist Spirituality,
Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 16 (2000): 2344; The Myth of Matriarchal Prehistory: Why an
Invented Past Wont Give Women a Future (Boston: Beacon Press, 2000); and, Living in the Lap of the
Goddess: The Feminist Spirituality Movement in America (New York: Crossroad, 1993).
6
See particularly Mary K. Wakeman, Feminist Revision of the Matriarchal Hypothesis, Anima 7
(1981): 83-96; Tikva Frymer-Kensky, Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her Stories and Hymns from
Sumer, BAR 10 (1984): 62-64; eadem, Lolita-Inanna, NIN 1 (2000): 91-93, and Zainab Bahrani, The
Whore of Babylon: Truly All Woman and of Infinite Variety, NIN 1 (2000): 95-105, who argue that Itars
function was to validate patriarchal Sumerian society. See also, H. L. J. Vanstiphout, Inanna-Ishtar as a
Figure of Controversy, in Struggles of Gods: Papers of the Groningen Work Group for the Study of the
History of Religions, ed. Hans G. Kippenberg (Berlin: Mouton Publishers, 1984), 225-37, and Rivkah
Harris, Inanna-Ishtar as Paradox and a Coincidence of Opposites, HR 30 (1991): 261-78, who contend
that Itar functioned as a chaotic deity who provided balance within the cosmos.
5
majority of instances the name Itar is signified by M. This is also the logogram for the
Sumerian goddess Inana. These variables have lead scholars to ask:
Is the Inanna/Itar of Mesopotamia a single goddess, a conflation of several
goddesses, or separate goddesses under a single name?
7

By the late nineteenth century, scholars began to notice a linguistic similarity
between the names of the goddesses Astarte, Ashtoreth, and Itar. They also began to
realize that the Mesopotamians themselves accepted multiple, seemingly independent,
Itars; e.g., the Assyrians seemed to consider Itar of Arbela a deity separate from Itar of
Nineveh. It was an early Semiticist, George A. Barton, who first attempted to delineate
these various Itars from one another in order to illuminate connections between
attributed characteristics and the cities or regions with which the different manifestation
were associated.
8
In his study, Barton systematically attempts to discern the history
behind the different characteristics of the Itars of Nineveh, Arbela, and Uruk, as well as
those of the West Semitic lands (Astarte, Ashtoreth, and others). In order to accomplish
this he divides all known texts according to which Itar they referred. In texts which used
only the name Itar sans location, he concludes that the Itar was of the town in which the
inscription was found or of the main city of the ruler mentioned in the inscription. After

7
Most recently articulated by Tzvi Abusch, Ishtar, in Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible, ed.
Karl van der Toorn (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 848-855 [849]. In this short yet comprehensive article, Abusch
provides a philological discussion of the name of Itar (Inana) and considers her various characteristics as
depicted in Mesopotamian literature. Absuch concludes that it is likely that Itar is a composite deity
formed through the unification of several similar regional goddesses. Taking a somewhat Frazerian
approach, he proposes that her complex personality arises not from this fusion; rather, he suggests that she
was originally a deity who ruled over the seemingly paradoxical realms of life and death.
8
This work appeared in three consecutive articles in Hebraica: George A. Barton, The Semitic Itar Cult,
Hebraica 9 (1893): 131-65; The Semitic Itar Cult (Continued), Hebraica 10 (1893): 1-74; Notes,
Hebraica 10 (1894): 202-7.
6
dividing the Itars, he determines what characteristics they displayed. In all, sixteen Itars
were isolated and analyzed.
Barton additionally concludes that the names Astarte, Ashtoreth, and Itar were
etymologically the same and that, contrary to the popular belief of the time, Itar was a
Semitic name. Barton also argues that the apparent multiple aspects of Itars character,
including what he called the virginal and the lascivious, developed according to the
region in which she was worshipped; thus, he bases his division of the characteristics of
the various Itars, to a large extent, on perceived ethnicity. Itar of Uruk, who was in
Bartons estimation originally polyandrous, was, together with her son Dumuzi, a chief
fertility deity of the oasis. According to Barton, in regions where society had advanced,
and as a monarchy arose, a Semitic matriarchate (represented by Itar of Uruk) gave way
to a patriarchate. The originally independent mother-goddess (Itar) became a wife.
Martial features exhibited by the goddess were attributed to regions where war, foreign
influence, and advanced civilization had arrived (e.g., because she had special relations
with the people of Nineveh, and because Assyria was a warring nation, Itar helped Aur,
her husband, on campaigns). Because Barton observes that Itar could be referred to as a
variety of different celestial entities: Venus (in Babylonia), the Moon (in Phoenicia), the
Sun and Venus (in Arabia), or the rising Sun (in Sabaea), he concludes that she did not
originate as a heavenly body. He contends that this was a later development; depending
on whom she married, she took the form of his obvious planetary mate.
Although many of Bartons more fanciful theories (e.g., polyandry), are,
thankfully, not to be found in modern scholarship, the work done by Barton continues to
be one of the few comprehensive examinations of this type. More recent attempts at
7
delineation have tended to have a more narrow focus. For example, in an article devoted
to the cultic calendar at Babylon, W. G. Lambert examines Itar of Babylon in various
cultic texts.
9
Contrary to previous scholarship, Lambert concludes that Itar functioned in
this city as a goddess of love and should therefore be considered the concubine of the
tutelary deity of Babylon, Marduk. Serious research into Itars manifestation at Nineveh
began in the early 1950s. This includes a series of studies by Maurice Vieyra in which
he examines Hittite-Hurrian texts which invoke this specific manifestation of the
goddess.
10
These texts contain mainly rituals for festivals; however, some describe
incantations to acquire the help of Itar of Nineveh during illness or in times of strife.
Vieyras treatments uncover a function for the goddess seemingly unrelated to that of
southern Itar. This Itar, argues Vieyra, was equated with the Hurrian-Hittite goddess,
auka.
Unfortunately, like Inana and Itar, the name of auka can be signified by the
logogram M. Furthermore, also similar to the case of Itar, there seem to have existed
multiple regional manifestations of auka. Thus, differentiating Itar of Ninevehs
(aukas) characteristics from other Itars becomes still more complicated. It was Ilse
Wegner who first performed an extensive and detailed analysis of auka/ Itar of
Nineveh.
11
Wegners objective was simpler than was that of Barton. Unlike the
nineteenth century scholar, she does not attempt to discover all representations of Itar
throughout the greater ancient Near East. Instead, she catalogs only references to either

9
W. G. Lambert, The Cult Itar of Babylon, in Le Temple et le Culte. Compte Rendu de la Vingtime
Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale (Leiden: Brill, 1975), 104-6.
10
Maurice Vieyra, Itar de Ninive, RA 51 (1957): 83-102 and its continuation in RA 51 (1957): 130-38
[55]; see also, Le Nathi de Ninive, RA 69 (1975): 55-58.
11
Ilse Wegner, Gestalt und Kult der Itar-awuka in Kleinasien (Kevelaer: Butzon und Bercker, 1981).
8
auka or Itar of Nineveh in Hittite, Akkadian, Sumerian, and Hurrian texts.
The investigations of Wegner were synthesized and contextualized by Volkert
Haas.
12
Contending that it was the Sargonic kings who first brought southern Inana/Itar
to the Hurrian city of Nineveh, Haas argues that after the demise of the Sargonic dynasty,
the native Hurrians were able to more comprehensively establish their own traditions in
the region. As a result, the characteristics of Itar of Nineveh, which he believes had
previously been Akkadian, became Hurrian; thus, many of the gods, demons, and animals
with which she became associated were originally Hurrian. A testament of this actuality
is, according to Haas, the enlargement of her shrine at Nineveh to incorporate Teub, her
Hurrian brother. At this point in his argument, Haas discussion becomes heavily
dependant on the work of Wegner. He establishes the spread of the worship of the
goddess by listing the multiple cities in which there were temples, not merely to Itar of
Nineveh, but to auka, her more appropriate Hurrian name. As the Hurrian state grew
into an empire, ultimately covering the lands between Hatti and southern Mesopotamia,
the Hurrians brought their worship of the goddess with them. Haas concludes that it is in
the rituals revealed by Vieyra that the true healing nature of the goddess is apparent.
A third attempt at presenting and synthesizing the information on auka/ Itar of
Nineveh was undertaken by Gary Beckman.
13
Beckmans study attempts to chronicle the
earliest attestations of the goddess in Sumerian texts. He highlights that the first
appearance of the name auka is in an offering list from Drehem and dates to the reign
of the second king of the Ur III dynasty, ulgi. Contrary to Haas, Beckman contends that

12
Volkert Haas, Remarks on the Hurrian Istar-Sawuska of Nineveh in the Second Millennium B.C.
Sumer 35 (1979): 397-401.
13
Gary Beckman, Itar of Nineveh Reconsidered, JCS 50 (1998): 1-10.
9
auka may have been a deity taken over and renamed by the Sargonic kings when they
captured the city. Beckman also notes that auka is never mentioned in Sargonic texts.
He comes to this conclusion even though am"-Adad I reports in his inscriptions that he
repaired the temple of Itar of Nineveh and Hammurabi claims to have made the rites of
Itar of Nineveh glorious in the Emama of Nineveh. Beckman further observes that the
name auka occurs in theophoric names from Cappadocia and that there was a temple
to auka in the Hurrian city of Nuzi. Each of these regions traditionally contained large
Hurrian populations.
In his discussion, Beckman also considers Itar of Ninevehs role as the chief
deity of Turatta, the Hurrian-Mittani king of the mid-fourteenth century. It is in the texts
of this king that, Beckman argues, Itar of Nineveh appears as a deity of healing. In a
letter sent by the Egyptian king Amenophis III to Turatta, the pharaoh requests that Itar
of Nineveh be sent to Egypt. In his return letter, Turatta emphasizes that Itar is not the
deity of the Egyptians, but that she was treated well upon her last visit, and that he wishes
for her speedy return. Like Haas, Beckman suggests that the reason for her departure was
to cure an illness of the pharaoh. He offers further support for this theory by way of a
hymn presented to Itar of Nineveh in order to cure the Assyrian king Aurnasirpal I of
an unnamed illness and, of the multiple rituals treated by Vieyra.
Most recently, at the forty-ninth RAI held in London, both Lambert
14
and Barbara
Porter once again approached the question of Itar of Nineveh.
15
This time, however,
each scholar was less interested in her Hurrian manifestation(s) and more concerned with

14
W. G. Lambert, Itar of Nineveh, Iraq 66 (2004): 35-39.
15
Barbara N. Porter, Ishtar of Nineveh and her Collaborator, Ishtar of Arbela, in the Reign of
Assurbanipal, Iraq 66 (2004): 41-45.
10
examining whether Itars manifestation at Nineveh could be differentiated from another
hypostasis of the goddess, Itar of Arbela. Acknowledging that there were, in fact, three
major Assyrian Itar cults: Itar of Aur, Itar of Nineveh, and Itar of Arbela, Lambert
addresses the question of Itar of Nineveh/ auka, head deity of the Hurrian pantheon.
Because of what he considers to be a lack of evidence, Lambert disagrees with the
conclusions that Itar of Nineveh was either a healing deity or a Venus deity. Lambert
then chronicles various attestations for Itar of Nineveh: in an inscription of am"-Adad,
in Hammurabis Code, in a cache of prayers originally written during the time of Aur-
na!irpal II, in an inscription of almaneser III, and, finally, in three texts of Aur-ban"pal.
It is only from one of the Aur-ban"pal texts (a ritual) that Lambert determines any
conclusions can be drawn regarding the characteristics of Itar of Nineveh as opposed to
Itar of Arbela. Unfortunately, in the presentation Lambert in fact does not define any
characteristics particular to one goddess or the other. He instead concludes that the
Assyrian kings merely used Itar of Nineveh for their own benefit.
16

In her investigation, Porter also treats Itar of Nineveh in NA texts from the reign
of Aur-ban"pal. Upon examining a hymn for Aur-ban"pal, in which the king thanks
both Itar of Nineveh and Itar of Arbela for creating him and for bringing him
phenomenal success, Porter notices that the goddesses were not treated as one deity.
Instead, each is considered a separate deity, each with her own characteristics.
17
Porter
observes that, while both goddesses helped the king militarily, Itar of Nineveh was cited
as his birth-mother, while Itar of Arbela was credited with having formed him. This
differentiation, according to Porter, is also apparent in two additional Aur-ban"pal texts.

16
Lambert, Itar of Nineveh, 39.
17
K 1290.
11
In one, Itar of Nineveh is the goddess who is said to have suckled the king, while in
the second, Itar of Arbela is the deity from whom ecstatic prophets declare they have
received divine messages.
18
Porter continues her discussion by listing various attestations
within the royal inscriptions and treaties of Aur-ban"pal which list the two deities
separately. Finally, Porter notes that, in addition to Itar of Arbela and Itar of Nineveh,
Itar sans distinction or unmodified Itar is also listed with these goddesses. These
observations bring Porter to her final point:
In Aurbanipals time, special Itars such as Itar of Nineveh and Itar of Arbela,
as well as an unmodified Itar, were understood to coexist as separate and
somewhat different beings. When we talk about Itar, we must distinguish
between Itar of Nineveh, Itar of Arbela, Itars qualified in other ways, and Itars
with no qualifying epithet.
19

Porter ends by suggesting that, in future studies devoted to Itar, scholars should pay
particular attention to which Itar the ancient writer had in mind when encountering
unmodified Itar.
20

Gebhard Selz considers the work of a multitude of scholars when he treats five
of the most important deities in the Syro-Mesopotamian region.
21
Using mainly
linguistic arguments, rather than geographic attestations, Selz concludes that there were
once only four independent deities: Inana, Itar, In(n)in(a) (whom he equates with
Annun"tum), and Anat. Inana, he contends, was a Sumerian deity, while Itar, In(n)in(a),
and Anat were Akkadian (East Semitic) deities. Selz regards Inana as primarily a deity of
Uruk who secured the fecundity of the land through the hieros gamos. Selz also argues

18
K 1285 and K 883, No. 7.
19
Porter, Ishtar of Nineveh, 44.
20
Ibid., 43.
21
Gebhard Selz, Five Divine Ladies, NIN 1 (2000): 29-59.
12
that Inana was a Venus deity.
22
Itar, he contends, was an Akkadian pre-Sargonic deity of
war; however, he believes this martial aspect stems from an instinct of maternal
protectiveness. When violent, Itar acts much like a lioness with her cubs. Selz also
considers and accepts the scholarly consensus that Itar was a composite Venus deity
who was originally two separate deities. One of these was a male deity named Atar,
who represented Venus as the morning star. The other was a female deity named Atart/
Attart, who represented Venus as the evening star. These foundations lead Selz to
conclude that a fusion of Inana and Itar occurred primarily because they were both
originally Venus deities, not because of any political motivation.
After considering these two deities, Selz moves on to the trickiest topic: he
attempts to ascertain the origins and relationships among the deities Innin, Annun"tum,
and Anat. Agreeing with the theories of I. J. Gelb, Selz considers the name In(n)in(a) to
be the designation of an independent Old Akkadian deity.
23
Disagreeing with Gelb, he
does not believe the original reading of the name to have been Inana. Instead, Selz agrees
with Lambert, who suggests that the name should be accepted as a variant form of the
name Anuna.
24
All three names derive, he argues, from the verb an"num skirmish; thus,
this goddess should be understood as the (deified) Battle/Skirmish
25
Because the name
of the deity Anat begins with an ayin, not, an aleph, as in the case of the former deities,

22
The very name i nana was likely comprised of the elements (n) i n sovereign and heaven an( a), see
Selz, Five Divine Ladies. On the interpretation of Inanas name, meaning lady of the date clusters, see
Jacobsen, Treasures of Darkness, 135-143.
23
Cf., I. J. Gelb, The Name of the Goddess Innin, JNES 19 (1960): 72-79.
24
Annun"tum is a further version of this name. See, W. G. Lambert, A Babylonian Prayer to Anuna, in
DUMU-E2-DUB-BA-A: Studies in Honor of ke W. Sjberg, eds. Hermann Behrens, et al. (Philadelphia:
University Museum, 1989), 321-36.
25
Selz, Five Divine Ladies, 35.
13
she must be considered an independent goddess, unrelated to Anuna (In(n)in(a)/
Annun"tum). Selz further argues that, though Anat can have the epithet, Queen of
Heaven, she was never considered a Venus goddess. Instead, she originally functioned
as a martial deity because her name likely derives from the Arabic anwa(t) force or
violence. Selz also adds that, while Inana was originally a Sumerian goddess, both
Innin/Annun"tum and Anat were brought to the area by Amorite tribes.
26

1.4 Goal
As recognized by Barton, Lambert, Porter, and a multitude of other scholars, Itar
was the patron deity of the late Neo-Assyrian rulers, Sargon, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon,
and Aur-ban"pal; however, it is unclear why her status was so elevated. In the royal
inscriptions of earlier kings, Itars presence is erratic. While Aur, the great tutelary
deity of the city of Aur, is almost without fail a segment of an Assyrian rulers titulary,
Itar serves in this capacity only sporadically. Though Ninurta and Nergal are
consistently reported to have aided kings on hunts, accounts for Itars actions are less
obvious. Furthermore, though repeatedly invoked to bless future rulers, Itar is referred to
by multiple designations (e.g., Itar, Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi, or Itar of Nineveh). The
same is true for the maledictions. The curses entreated of Itar may be constant within a
given period and vary between periods. Finally, when invoked, her designations are more
variable than those of any other god.

26
This theory, which was first put forth by Julius Lewy, is elaborated on by Karin Gdecken. Gdecken
contends that it was specifically during the OB period that two rulers from the Amorite tribes of Amn!num,
Sn-k!id and Anam promoted the cult of Annun"tum at Sippar in Babylon (Bemerkungen zur Gttin
Annunitum, UF 5 [1973]: 141-63).
14
Although previous investigations have made solid progress toward understanding
the function of Itar through the separation and study of one manifestation of the goddess
from another, much work still needs to be done. The goal of this study is to provide an
additional piece of the puzzle. It will investigate the function of Itar in pre-Sargonid
Assyrian Royal inscriptions in an effort to understand how the goddess Itar became the
preeminent deity of the late Neo-Assyrian kings. Respecting the work of previous
scholars, the study will treat differentiated Itars as separate manifestations of the
goddess. Keeping Porters suggestion in mind, it will also attempt to ascertain which Itar
is meant when an ancient scribe wrote only the unmodified name of Itar. In this manner,
it is hoped that a more clear division of the various Itars will bring into focus her
seemingly irregular presence in early royal inscriptions and thereby shed light on her
future presence.

1.5 The Corpus
The genre of royal inscriptions is unique, for, though the Assyrian royal court also
produced law codes, chronicles, letters, and prophecies, this genre comprises the largest
collection of examples. This is, in part, because royal inscriptions were written
throughout the duration of the empire, from its humble beginnings to its final demise;
thus, royal inscriptions provide an exceptionally comprehensive chronological record of
their literary, political, and theological development. Although inscriptions can be written
from either a first- or third-person perspective, the texts, which were produced by the
scribes of the palace, identify kings as their creators. A cursory perusal of the inscriptions
may leave one with the impression that they are merely rote, blustering pieces of
15
propaganda; however, a closer inspection of the corpus provides an awareness of deep-
rooted traditions and the evolution of a genre. Seemingly conservative in their
development, as the inscriptions evolved over more than a millennium, they became great
rhetorical masterpieces, so extensive that they could cover the walls of palaces and
temples. Although determining them to be filled with imperialism of the frankest sort
and [reciting] cruelties of a horrible character, Albert Olmstead referred to the later
inscriptions as the finest literary achievement of the Assyrians and asserted that they
displayed flashes of genius.
27
A. Leo Oppenheim, too, found great merit in the literary
nature of these inscriptions, perceiving parts of them to be even more poetic than
hymns.
28

In his often-referenced article, Assyria and Babylonia, A. Kirk Grayson defines
four categories of royal inscriptions: Letters to the God, Labels, Dedicatory
Inscriptions (also referred to as Votive inscriptions), and Commemorative Inscriptions.
29

The category with the fewest representations is Letters to the God, appearing mostly
during the NA period. Grayson, citing Oppenheims earlier work on the texts, notes that
this type of inscription was most likely recited at ceremonial events to celebrate the
successful conclusion of [a] campaign.
30
The category whose inscriptions provide us
with the least amount of information is Labels. Labels were simply designators of the

27
Albert Ten Eyck Olmstead, History of Assyria (New York: C. Scribners Sons, 1923), 623.
28
A. Leo Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1964), 254.
29
A. Kirk Grayson, Assyria and Babylonia, Orientalia 49 (1980): 140-194. For the purposes of this study,
a royal inscription is only an inscription attributed to a ruler. Inscriptions contracted for other members of
the royal family, army commanders or state officials are not.
30
Grayson, Assyria and Babylonia, 157.
16
ownership of objects that belonged to the king, such as seals or weapons. Labels could
also be found on palace bricks, as the palace was inherently a possession of the king.
Another category of inscription from which only handfuls of information may be gleaned
is the Dedicatory Inscriptions. These generally terse inscriptions are found on smaller
dedicated items (e.g., mace heads, altars, and building items of a temple [door hinges]).
Since they were offered to the god(s) they were intrinsically cultic in nature. The final
category, Commemorative Inscriptions, is the category most central to this study. As the
name suggests, these inscriptions were meant to commemorate the achievements of the
king. They could become quite long and detailed; thus, they provide the greatest amount
of information.
Grayson further divides the Commemorative Inscriptions category into three sub-
categories: Labels, Annals, and Display Texts. Commemorative Labels are almost
indistinguishable from the larger Label category. The major difference between the two
groups is that Commemorative Labels are found on structural parts of buildings (e.g.,
bricks) and include a brief bit of information about the construction of the project from
which the commemorative object came, and may contain the epithet builder of The
generally-accepted distinction between the categories Annals and Display Texts depends
upon the arrangement of the information included in the inscriptions. Both Annals and
Display Texts include information concerning the actions performed by a ruler during his
reign, but the Annals are considered to have a chronological order while the information
contained within Display Texts is arranged geographically and in summary form. A
further difference between the two sub-categories, Annals and Display Texts, is that the
Annals were prominently displayed on rock faces and conspicuously-placed stelae.
17
Display Texts could be displayed, but, contrary to their name, could also be buried.
When buried, it was generally under the foundation of a building. In her work on the
inscriptions of almaneser III, Tammi Joy Schneider further divides the category of
Display Texts into two more groupings: those which have construction as their primary
focus, and those for which construction projects are simply one of several topics.
31

Grayson takes note of these different manifestations, but considers the two merely
different forms of the same category.
This study demonstrates that, within each type of royal inscription, one or more of
four distinct literary units can be discerned. While all royal inscriptions regardless of their
category contain a titulary, they may also have one or more of the following: an action
unit, a concluding formula, and/or an invocation.
32
Although an action unit may be
incorporated into inscriptions of the Letters to the God type, this unit is most obviously
delineated in inscriptions falling into the Commemorative category, which may include
all four literary units. While the earliest royal inscriptions contain only titulary and action
units, concluding formulae and invocations could gradually be added to inscriptions of
the Commemorative and Letters to the God type. As the form of the inscriptions

31
Tammi Joy Schneider, A New Analysis of the Royal Annals of almaneser III (Ph.D. diss., University
of Pennsylvania, 1991), 40-41.
32
This unit has been regarded in several different ways. For example, unlike Grayson, who does not single
out this section as a cohesive literary unit (as he does with the titulary), Hayim Tadmor refers to it as the
narrative section of an inscription (The Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III, King of Assyria: A Critical
Edition, with Introductions, Translations, and Commentary [Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and
Humanities, 1994], 21). When the unit appears in an Annals type inscription, Schneider refers to it broadly
as the reasons for campaigning (Schneider, A New Analysis,57). Finally, when appearing in Display
texts, Eric D. Morrison refers to this section, when it records construction work on a temple or palace,
simply as the Construction report (A Form-Critical Study of Assyrian Royal Inscriptions Containing
Building Texts [Ph.D. diss., Toronto University, 1998], 86.
18
developed, each unit became more clearly delineated, thus epigraphically indicating that
each served a specific purpose.
Each of these literary units had its own particular format, content, and purpose.
Though the style for each unit was essentially formulaic, each section evolved over time,
growing in both size and content, becoming less highly structured and more creative and
personal to each king. By examining the development of each literary unit independently,
a better understanding of the method through which the overall purpose of each unit is
achieved, the development of these methods, and the ideological shifts which can occur
within them can be reached. As Mario Liverani notes, [a]ll a [Mesopotamian] scribe can
do normally to show his literary talent is to devise a new combination of the usual time-
honored, ideologically dictated verbs and nouns;
33
thus, in order to understand any
differences between the units, each modification must be considered against this
formulaic background.

1.6 Methodology
In order to discern and trace the development of the function of the various
manifestations of Itar, this study will examine all significant references to Itar in the
corpus. Although, in the early inscriptions of the Assyrian kings, the titles, epithets and
phrases associated with Itar appear rote and unchanging, careful examination proves
otherwise. As noted by Raphael Kutscher in his treatment of the Sumerian lament, Oh
Angry Sea, Epithets demonstrate literary style and gauge the development of

33
Mario Liverani, The Deeds of Ancient Mesopotamian Kings, in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East,
ed. Jack M. Sasson (New York: Scribner, 1995), 2353-66.
19
Mesopotamian religion.
34
This observation is borne out by an examination of Itars
designations in the Assyrian royal inscriptions. With each great empire, they display new
connotations. No epithet is used in connection with Itar uniformly; on a linguistic level,
they demonstrate morpho-syntactic changes; on a form-critical level, they appear in
different sections of the inscriptions, and on an interpretive level, they display innovative
changes to her character.
Within the inscriptions can be seen an adherence to tradition, while at the same
time that tradition is mutated to conform to the ideologies of the period; thus, Itar as
Sovereign of the Campaign becomes Sovereign of Frenzy. To understand Itars
function in the Assyrian royal inscriptions is to understand the development of a regional
city-state into an imperial one. During the period of vassalage, Itars character in the
inscriptions seems to have been influenced by regional overlords. During periods of
independence, as the rulers of Aur strove for greater and greater domination, the desire
and need to be associated with a deity with the ability to grant them that authority
increased. At these times, the characteristics of Itar resemble an Itar far different from
those previously attested.

1.7 Organization
Because the titulary, action unit, concluding formula, and invocation each serve a
distinct purpose within an Assyrian royal inscription, this study is divided by these
literary units.
Chapter Two investigates Itars function in the titularies of the corpus. The

34
Raphael Kutscher, Oh Angry Sea (a-ab-ba hu-luh-ha): The History of a Sumerian Congregational
Lament (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975), 44.
20
purpose of the titulary unit is to identify the subject of an inscription. In addition to
stating his throne name and genealogy, the titulary unit also contains a list of the various
additional designations claimed by each ruler of Aur. Four rulers of Aur took a
designation compounded with the name of Itar (e.g., nar"m Itar). The goal of this
chapter is to determine the implicit meaning of epithets compounded with the name of
Itar
Presented in Chapter Three is Itars function in the action units of the
inscriptions. In this unit, the subject of an inscription listed his accomplishments. In
general, the accomplishments recorded in the unit are pious acts, city construction,
martial campaigns and victories, and hunting activities. Though it was not done
consistently, at various points in the unit the actions of a particular god, or gods, are also
recorded. With a focus on the phrases: ina qib#t and ina tukulti, the goal of this chapter is
to determine which actions Itar is said to be capable of performing and whether there
was a correlation between the actions attributed to her, the particular manifestation she is
reported to have acted under (e.g., b!let qabli u t"h"zi), the particular deities by whom
she was accompanied, and the territory connected to her actions.
The purpose of Chapter Four is to determine Itars function in the concluding
formula. In the concluding formula, a future ruler is urged to perform certain traditional
respectful actions to the inscription and the object upon which a text is located. This
future ruler is compelled to perform these actions through a series of blessings and curses.
In the unit, various gods are invoked to enact these blessings and curses. The goal of this
chapter is to discover which blessings and curses Itar is invoked to enact and to
determine whether there is a correlation between: each blessing or curse, the particular
21
manifestation under which she was invoked, the particular deities by whom she was
accompanied, and the territory connected to her actions.
Finally, Chapter Five investigates Itars function in the invocation of the
inscriptions. In the invocation unit of an inscription, a list of gods is invoked by the
subject of the inscription. Following the name of each deity are two to three designations
which define the spheres over which that deity had jurisdiction. The chapter treats the
invocation units found in the inscriptions of five kings: Tiglath-pileser I, Adad-n!r!r" II,
Tiglath-pileser II, Aur-na!irpal II, and almaneser III. The goal of this chapter is to
discern the function of Itar not only through her received designations, but also by
determining the significance of her position in the register and by considering the deities
with whom she is listed.
Chapter Six contains a brief catalog of all references to Itar in the inscriptions
investigated by reign. These references are given in transliteration and are accompanied
by a brief list of facts: the type of inscription, and the unit of the text within which the
reference appears, the object upon which the text was found and its likely provenance, the
number of exemplars of the inscription, and any additional exceptional information.
Following the Conclusion of this investigation (Chapter Seven), are a series of
appendices. Each presents an historical survey of each of the designations for Itar which
are present in the invocation units of the inscriptions:
Appendix A: B!let-t"h"zi and B!let qabli u t"h"zi
Appendix C: Aaritti il"ni and B!let il"ni a am u er!eti
Appendix D: B!let t! and muarrihat qabl"te
Appendix E: Aaritti am u er!eti and a para! qard$ti uklulat
Appendix F: a m!lultaa tuqumtu
Because of its importance, a survey and study of the history of the designation b!let am
22
u er!eti is also provided in Appendix B.

1.8 Materials
This project relies heavily on the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia (RIM) series
edited by Albert Grayson, Grant Frame, and Douglas Frayne. In these volumes, the
editors have meticulously collected the Royal Inscriptions of the Mesopotamian kings
from the ED to the Neo-Babylonian (NB) period. They have also provided
transliterations of single texts and detailed scores for any collated text presented. Since
this study addresses Itars function in the inscriptions of over fifty rulers, without their
work, a study of this nature would not be possible.
Additionally, although the overall purpose of this study is to examine Itars
function in one corpus, it has been necessary, at times, to cite texts from other regions
and/or genres. Unfortunately, on occasion, when chronicling the usages of a particular
title, epithet, or phrase, this study will make use of material which cannot be dated with
any certainty. This is particularly the case when dealing with the Sumerian materials
which, though many times written down in the Old Babylonian (OB) period, may reflect
older tales and/or themes. In these instances, theological theme or philologic presentation
(usages of certain terms or ordering of exact phrases) will trump perceived dating (e.g.,
innin. ag
4
. gur
4
. ra, though perhaps written by Enheduanna, is treated as an OB text).
Unless otherwise noted, all Akkadian translations and normalizations are my own and all
dates given are B.C.E. Dates for the reigns of the various kings follow the common
chronology provided by Amlie Kuhrt in The Ancient Near East c. 3000-330 BC (New
York: Routledge, 1997).

Chapter 2: TITULARY

2.1 Diagram and Purpose
The chief purpose of the royal titulary is to identify the reigning monarch in
relation to previous rulers, neighboring peoples and nations, and gods; thus, it essentially
establishes and legitimates his position in the cosmos.
35
Appearing as either the first or

35
For general studies on royal titulary see: William H. Hallo, Early Mesopotamian Royal Titles: A
Philologic and Historical Analysis (New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1957), and M. J. Seux,
pithtes royales akkadiennes et sumriennes (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1967); Pinhas Artzi and Abraham
Malamat, The Great King: A Preeminent Royal Title in Cuneiform Sources and the Bible in The Tablet
and the Scroll: Near Eastern Studies in Honor of William W. Hallo, eds. Mark E. Cohen, Daniel C. Snell,
and David B. Weisberg (Bethesda: CDL Press, 1993), 28-38. For studies specifically devoted to Assyrian
royal titulary see: M. J. Seux, Remarques sur le titre royal Assyrien iakki Aur, RA 59 (1965): 1-18;
idem, Les titres royaux ar kiati et ar kibr"t arbai, RA 59 (1965): 101-109; J. A. Brinkman, A
Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia 1158-722 B.C. (Roma: Pontificium Institutum Biblicam, 1968),
Appendix D; Mario Liverani, Critique of Variants and the Titulary of Sennacherib, in Assyrian Royal
Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis: Papers of Symposium Held in
Cetona (Siena), June 26-28, 1980, ed. F. M. Fales (Roma: Istituto per lOriente Centro per le antichit e la
storia dellarte del vicino Oriente, 1981), 225-257; P. Garelli, Linfluence de am-Addu sur les
titulatures royals assyriennes in De la Babylonie la Syrie, en passant par Mari: Mlanges offerts
Monsieur J.-R. Kupper l'occasion de son 70e anniversaire, ed. . Tunca (Lige: Universit de Lige,
1990), 97-102; and, Barbara Cifola, Analysis of Variants in the Assyrian Royal Titulary from the Origins to
24
the second literary unit of an inscription, it is easy to recognize the titulary. As a rule, it
begins with the throne-name of the king followed by his patronymic (a short genealogy)
and a series of designations. The genealogies tend to be short, going back no further than
four generationsalthough listing three generations is standard. These genealogies serve
the purpose of identifying the sovereign specifically in relation to the previous rulers of
Aur. The succeeding designations define the ruler vis--vis different gods and the state
of his power relative to neighboring lands.
36
Originating as a small unit, the most basic
Assyrian royal titulary contains only the uniquely Assyrian designation ik Aur
Governor of Aur. This simple title and the genealogy provide a basic understanding
of the position of the subject in the Mesopotamian political sphere. Further designations
were added as the subjects position shifted. Depending on the political strength of the
city of Aur and of its ruler, these designations could varythroughout the inscriptions
as a whole and even within the inscriptions of a single reign.
37

Tiglath-Pileser III (Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1995). See also, Riekele Borger and Wolfgang
Schramm, Einleitung in die assyrischen Knigsinschriften (Leiden: Brill, 1961), for their comments on the
variants in Assyrian royal titulary, passim.
36
Both Hallo, Titles, and Seux, pithtes, contend that there is little difference between titles and epithets,
particularly in later (late MA and NA) royal inscriptions. In his study, Hallo concludes that, a royal title
or epithet is any noun or nominal phrase other than the personal name or the patronymic which identifies
the ruler (Royal Titles, 2). Seux, although conceding that in the earliest Sumerian and Akkadian
inscriptions there were, in fact, proper titles, ultimately decides that although scholars have wanted to
categorize the titulary epithets, it is not possible. Seux instead contends that all qualifiers of the king
should be understood as epithets (12-14). Since there is, at this point, not enough study on the matter to
form a confident conclusion, for the purposes of this study, the terms will be used, essentially,
interchangeably.
37
Cifola, Analysis of Variants, 145: the number of epithets, too, increases proportionately according to
successful politico-military achievements, which also affect the typology of the epithets which are chosen
to celebrate those deeds, most of which belong to the military category, expressing both triumph over the
25
In her analysis of the variants present in Assyrian royal titulary, Barbara Cifola
establishes that the succeeding designations which were added to the titulary can be
divided into essentially two categories: religious and secular.
38
The latter she defines as
those titles which convey the military triumphs, heroism, and valor of the king. The
former she defines as those designations which convey the piety of the king and/or the
devotion of the gods to the king.
39
For Cifola, secular titles are those which plainly state
executive control or military subjugation, while religious titles are those which inform the
reader (listener) of the kings interaction with the divine sphere.
40
According to this
scheme, it is into this latter category that all references to Itar fall; however, this would
be too hasty a conclusion.
In the whole of EARI, Itar is present in the titulary of only four kings;
furthermore, there is an inconsistency to these appearances. Because of this irregularity, it
must be assumed that her presence in the titulary is due to particular transitory historical
circumstances. The following analysis investigates what those circumstances were and
concludes that the designations in EARI which contain the name Itar, though seemingly
religious, are likely not pious but secular titles. Like the designation ik Aur
Governor of Aur, the epithets compounded with the name of Itar should be regarded
as executive titles; thus, Itars implicit function in the titulary is to bestow kingship.
Since this type of title does not, directly or obviously, state this function, the following

enemy and the physical valor of the king. See also Liverani, Critique of Variants, for a detailed study on
the variations of the titulary of Sennacherib.
38
Cifola, Analysis of Variants, 4.
39
Ibid.
40
Similar divisions can be found in Seux, pithtes, 18-27; cf. also, Liverani, Critique of Variants, 223,
and Tadmor, The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III, 15.
26
discussion employs circumstantial evidence to arrive at this conclusion.

2.2 Attestations
The only Old Assyrian ruler to take an epithet compounded with the name Itar in
his titulary is Ilu-umma (c. 19
th
century). In the two extant inscriptions for this king
(A.0.32.1 and 2), Ilu-umma adds the designation nar"m Aur u Itar Beloved of Aur
and Itar to the expected standard Aurite title ik Aur Governor of Aur:
Ilu-umma iiak (NSI) Aur
KI
nar"m
d
Aur u Itar (
d
INANA) [m"r a]lim-ahum
iiak (NSI) Aur
KI 41

Ilu-umma, Governor of Aur, Beloved of Aur and Itar, [son of a]lim-ahum,
Governor of Aur

Each text was inscribed on various bricks found at the Itar temple at Aur, the . me
Temple of the me and both record construction work done to this temple; however, in
A.0.32.2 the king adds the additional information that he has provided a free-trade zone
between the north and the south.
42

It is not until the reign of am"-Adad I (1814-1782) that Itar reappears in the
titulary of a ruler of Aur. Compared to the paucity of inscriptions which remain from
the reign of Ilu-umma, a veritable deluge exists for am"-Adad. Unlike the inscriptions
of most early rulers of the city-state, am"-Adads inscriptions come from various
locations under the kings control and so demonstrate great variety. As noted by Cifola,
am"-Adads titularies are neither homogeneous nor consistent in the arrangement of

41
RIM A.0.32.1: 1-9 and also, A.0.32.1: 1-10.
42
RIM A.0.32.1:
14
addur"r
15
Akkad
16
ikun He established free-trade for the Akkadians. See Larsen, City-
State, 63-80, for a discussion of the Akkadian term addur"rum.
27
titles and epithets.
43
Many of the new designations demonstrate Sumerian and
Babylonian influence and, depending in which city the inscription was meant to reside,
different gods are present. Though Itar appears in different literary units in most of this
kings inscriptions, she is present in only one form of his titulary.
The titulary unit of a text inscribed on various stone cylinders discovered at
Nineveh reads:
am#-Adad dannum ar (LUGAL) kiatim (KI) akin
d
Enlil iiak (NSI)
d
Aur
nar"m Itar (
d
INANA)
44

am"-Adad, Strong, King of Everything, Chosen of Enlil, Governor of Aur,
Beloved of Itar

The first titles the king takes are the adjectival title dannum Strong and the
universalistic title ar kiatim King of Everything. The last designation the king takes
is nar"m Itar. This is preceded by two additional epithets compounded with a DN: the
southern-influenced title akin Enlil Chosen of Enlil and the expected ik Aur
Governor of Aur. The contents of the inscription record am"-Adads capture of the
land of Nurrugu, the region to the north of Nineveh.
45
am"-Adad further declares that
he rebuilt the . me. nu Temple of the me which do not Leave. This temple was
apparently in the vicinity of the . ma. ma, a temple whose name has not been
confidently translated.
46

43
Cifola, Analysis of Variants, 4.
44
RIM A.0.39.2: i 1-6.
45
Joan Westenholz, The Old Akkadian Presence in Nineveh: Fact or Fiction in Nineveh: Papers of the
XLIXe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, London, 711 July 2003, ed. Dominique Collon and A. R.
George (London: British School of Archaeology, 2005), 7-18 [13 n. 82].
46
There is a record for an . ma for Ulma"tum (a manifestation of Itar at Akkade) in the city of
28
Only a smattering of Assyrian royal inscriptions date to the centuries directly
following the reign of am"-Adad. As such, this is the period considered by many to be
the dark age of Assyrian history. During this time, the city-state was likely a vassal of
the Mitanni Empire (an empire which ultimately extended from the surrounds of Nineveh
until Alalakh in northern Syria and Karkami in southern Anatolia), since it had been
conquered by the Hurrian ruler autatar (c. 1430). Native rulers were still allowed to
govern Aur independently, but it is likely that they wielded no international power.
This situation changed dramatically under the reigns of Er"ba-Adad (1392-1366) and his
son Aur-uballi" I (1365-1245). Though Itar does not appear in the titularies of either of
these kings, their titularies do demonstrate an attempt to assert broader legitimacy.
During the reigns of Arik-d#n-ili (1319-1308), Adad-n!r!r" I (1307-1275),
almaneser I (1274-1245), and Tukult"-Ninurta I (1245-1208), the great era in the
development of the Assyrian empire begun by Er"ba-Adad reached its apex. Throughout
this period, all of the literary units which can make up a royal inscription underwent
significant alterations. The titulary was no exception; genealogies became further
removed from the throne-name of the king and rulers began to accumulate more titles.
These new designations were placed in apposition to the name of the king as may be seen
in this example from the titulary of Arik-d#n-ili:
Arik-d!n-ili arru (LUGAL) dannu ar (LUGAL) m"t (KUR)
d
Aur b"ni b!t ()
ama (!
d
UTU") ay"ki (.AN.NA) !#ri ana $m! (UD.ME) b""i m"r (DUMU) Enlil-
n"r"r# ar (LUGAL) m"t (KUR)
d
Aur m"r (DUMU) Aur-uballi" ar (LUGAL) m"t

Malgium in an inscription of the ruler Takil-ilissu (Andrew George, House Most High: The Temples of
Ancient Mesopotamia [Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1993], 121 No. 740). The name of the Ninevite temple
has also been written, . mes. mes. There is a record for an . mes Temple of the Warrior for Lil, the
son of B#let-il" (ibid., 126 no. 802). In general, temples containing the term mes are dedicated to Nergal.
See also, Brigitte Menzel, Assyrische Tempel (Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1981), 116-118.
29
(KUR)
d
A!u"rma

Arik-d#n-ili, Strong King, King of the land of Aur, Builder of the Temple of
!ama"the exalted temple, for everlasting days, son of Enlil-n!r!r", King of
the land of Aur, son of Aur-uballi", King of the land of A!u"r
47

From this period on, the titulary unit would increasingly be filled with titles or epithets of
ever-increasing significance.
Although renovations on the Itar temple at Nineveh are recorded in the
inscriptions of Aur-uballi" and almaneser I, in none of these inscriptions do the kings
take a title compounded with the name Itar. The absence of this type of title from the
inscriptions of almaneser is particularly interesting. In his Ninevite inscription
(A.0.77.17), almaneser claims to have discovered the . ma. ma inscription of am"-
Adad (A.0.39.2). As mentioned above, A.0.39.2 contains the title nar"m Itar. If royal
designations which contain the name of a deity were taken as solely religious titles, then
one might expect almanesers titulary to mirror am"-Adads and include this
designation.
Adding to this conundrum is the presence of the title migir Itar Favored of
Itar in the standard inscription of almaneser. This inscription was inscribed on a stone
slab and a series of clay tablets discovered at Aur. The beginning of this titulary reads:
almaneser akni
48
Enlil (
d
BAD) ik (ID)
d
Aur ellu akkanak (GR.ARAD) il"ni
(DINGIR.ME) rub (NUN) migir Itar (
d
INANA)

almaneser, Chosen of Enlil, Governor of Aur, Cultically Pure Superintendent
of the Gods, Prince, Favorite of Itar
49

47
RIM A.0.75.1: 1-13.
48
RIM A.0.77.1 and A.0.77.16:
1
-ak-ni.
49
RIM A.0.77.1: 1-2 and A.0.77.16: 1-2.
30
Here, almaneser takes the designation migir Itar Favorite of Itar. This is preceded by
another three epithets compounded with divine names: akni Enlil, ik Aur, and
akkanak il"ni Superintendent of the Gods. Just after this, the king proclaims that
Aur, after choosing him to rule, granted him the scepter, weapon, and staff. The king
further declares victories over eight lands and describes the heavy destruction he brought
upon Arinu, the holy city of the Hittite Sun goddess. So defeated are the Hittites, that
almaneser conscripts the Hittite army to conquer Taidu, the western capital of the
Hurrian king attuara. Only the stone slab exemplar of almanesers standard inscription
records construction work performed on various temples. These were at: Tarbi!u (a city
devoted to Nergal), Talmuu and Arbail (two cities devoted to Itar), and Kahat and
Isani (two cities devoted to Adad).
In the majority of Tukult"-Ninurta Is inscriptions, the ruler does not take epithets
compounded with divine names in his titulary. He instead refers to himself by the grand
political titles ar kiati, King of Everything, ar m"t Aur, King of Assyria, and
arru dannu, Strong King. When the king does take epithets compounded with divine
names, the designations vary, at times substantially. In two inscriptions (his standard
Aur inscription and another smaller one), the king takes the epithet: migir Anu u Enlil.
He also states in the same inscriptions that Aur, together with the great gods, called
(nab) his name. In these texts, the king emphasizes his piety, but also recalls in detail his
many martial conquests.
Tukult"-Ninurta I takes an epithet compounded with the name of Itar in the
titulary units of only four inscriptions. Two of these are dedicatory and record
reconstruction work on the Itar complex at Aur:
31
Tukult#-Ninurta ar (MAN) kiati (KI) arru (MAN) dannu ar (MAN) m"t (KUR)
Aur ni#t Aur ik (ID) Aur r!' (SIPA) k#nu namad Itar (
d
INANA) muekni
m"t (KUR) Qut adi p"! gimri m"r (A) almaneser ik (ID) Aur m"r (A) Adad-
n"r"r# ik (ID) Aurma
50

Tukult"-Ninurta, King of Everything, Strong King, King of Aur, Recognized by
Aur, Governor of Aur, Faithful Shepherd, Beloved of Itar, subduer of the
land of the Qut in their entirety, son of almaneser, Governor of Aur, son of
Adad-n!r!r", Governor of Aur

In this form of his titulary, the king again takes the simple, yet extravagant, title ar
kiati and the additional titles ar m"t Aur and arru dannu. He further refers to
himself as the r!' k#nu Faithful Shepherd and takes several epithets compounded with
a DN: ni#t Aur Recognized by Aur, ik Aur Governor of Aur, and namad
Itar Beloved of Itar. Finally, he proclaims to be the muekni m"t Qut adi p"! gimri
subduer of the land of the Qut in their entirety. In each of these inscriptions, the kings
only detailed accomplishment is the renovation of the temple to Itar (and D"n"tu) at
Aur.
Itar is not the only deity of whom Tukult"-Ninurta I claims to be the beloved.
Once Tukult"-Ninurta gained hegemony over the greater Mesopotamian region, his
titulary altered dramatically. In his later titulary located in inscriptions from K!r-Tukult"-
Ninurta, the king takes numerous epithets compounded with a DN:
Tukult#-Ninurta ar (MAN) kiati (KI) arru (MAN) dannu ar (MAN) m"t (KUR)
d
Aur ar (MAN) m"t (KUR) umer u Akkad ar (MAN) kibr"t erbetti (4-i) ni#t
d
Aur u
d
ama an"ku rub (NUN-) n"du arru (MAN) n# !n! (IGI.ME)
d
Enlil a
ina ulum ibir#u irte aburri m"ssu (KUR-su) iippu r!t nib#t
d
Ani a ina
m!zez qarr"d$t#u uekniu rub (NUN-e) kal arr"ni (MAN.ME) r!' k#nu m!ri
libbi
d
Ea a eli (UGU) kibr"t erbetta (4-ta) iltakkanu um"t#u (MU.ME-u) ina l#ti
ang (SANGA-) !#ru namad Sn (
d
30) a ina m!er ha""#u (GI.GIDRU-u)
ult!eru ni! (UN.ME) u dadm# ur"nu qardu lipit q"t Adad (
d
IKUR) a ina pal
(BALA.ME) arr$t#u (MAN-ti-u) ude nuhu hegalli zikaru dannu migir
d
Ninurta a ina l#t ki$t#u ulai"u gimir kibr"ti (UB.ME-ti) l! ekdu namad Itar

50
RIM A.0.78.11: 1-10 and A.0.78.14: 1-6.
32
(
d
INANA) a bilat (GUN) m"t"ti (KUR.KUR) !# ami (
d
UTU-i) u alam ami (
d
UTU-
i) imdahharu
51

Tukult"-Ninurta, King of Everything, Strong King, King of the land of Aur,
King of the lands of Sumer and Akkade, King of the Four Regions, Recognized
by Aur and ama, I, Pious Prince, KingSelect of Enlil, who shepherded with
his protective staff, who keeps his land pastoral, Primary One, Called by Anu, the
one who with his fierce valor subdued princes (and) all kings, Faithful Shepherd,
Cultivated by Ea, who has established in victory his names over the four regions,
Exalted Priest, Beloved of Sn, who, with his just scepter, governed fairly
communities and regions, Valiant Hero, the Divine Handiwork of Adad, who,
during the regnal years of his sovereignty made plenteous produce abundant,
Strong Male, Favorite of Ninurta, who controlled all quarters with his strong
might, Expert, Fierce, Beloved of Itar, who regularly received tribute from the
eastern and western lands

Once again, Tukult"-Ninurta takes the designations ar kiati, ar m"t Aur, and arru
dannu. He adds to these two additional regional titles: ar m"t umer u Akkad King of
Sumer and Akkade and ar kibr"t erbetti King of the Four Regions. The list of
epithets compounded with a DN is impressive, as are the additional epithets which follow
them:
A. ni#t Aur u ama
Recognized by Aur and ama

B. n# !n! Enlil a ina ulum ibir#u irte aburri m"ssu iippu
Select of Enlil, who shepherded with his protective staff, who keeps his land
pastoral

C. r!t nib#t Ani a ina m!zez qarr"d$t#u uekniu rub kal arr"ni
Primary One, Called by Anu, the one who with his fierce valor subdued princes
(and) all kings

D. r!' k#nu m!ri libbi Ea a eli kibr"t erbetta iltakkanu um"t#u ina l#ti
Faithful Shepherd, Cultivated by Ea, who has established in victory his names
over the four regions

E. ang !#ru namad Sn a ina m!er ha""#u ult!eru ni! u dadm#
Exalted Priest, Beloved of Sn, who, with his just scepter, governed fairly
communities and regions

51
RIM A.0.78.23 1-25 and perhaps A.0.78.24.
33

F. ur"nu qardu lipit q"t Adad a ina pale arr$t#u ude nuhu hegalli
Valiant Hero, the Divine Handiwork of Adad, who, during the regnal years of his
sovereignty, made plenteous produce abundant

G. zikaru dannu migir Ninurta a ina l#t ki$t#u ulai"u gimir kibr"ti
Strong Male, Favorite of Ninurta, who controlled all quarters with his strong
might

H. l! ekdu namad Itar a bilat m"t"ti !# ami u alam ami imdahharu
Expert, Fierce, Beloved of Itar, who regularly received tribute from the eastern
and western lands

In this inscription, Tukult"-Ninurta claims to be the Beloved (namad) of Sn and the
Favored (migir) of Ninurta, in addition to being the Beloved (namad) of Itar.
52

It is noticeable that the list of gods in the titulary in A.0.78.23 is not the same as
the one located in the action unit of a text which explicitly describes the erection of a
great cultic center at K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta (A.0.78.22). In A.0.78.22, Tukult"-Ninurta
declares that he has created a new temple complex, yet the gods housed in it are not listed
as: Aur, ama, Enlil, Anu, Ea, Adad, Sn, Ninurta, and Itar, but as: Aur, Adad,
ama, Ninurta, Nusku, Nergal, the Sibitti, and Itar. Missing from list of chapels are
those to the gods Anu, Ea, and Sn. These gods were listed in the titulary of A.0.78.23.
Added to the list of chapels are those to the gods Nusku, Nergal, and the Sibitti. The
action unit of A.0.78.23 (the text which contains the extensive titulary), only briefly
mentions the erection of the cultic center; it does not explicit list temples. It only records
the kings claims to have subjugated a vast array of peoples and territories: from Mehru
in the west, to Syria in the east, Nairi in the north-east, ubaru in the north, and
Kardunia in the south.

52
In a broken stone tablet discovered at Aur Tukult"-Ninurta also claims to be the namad Aur (RIM
A.0.78.38).
34
The kind of extensive listing of epithets compounded with a DN in A.0.78.23 is
unusual in EARI. It is extant in only one additional inscription of Tukult"-Ninurta. In yet
another text from K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta (A.0.78.24), the very fragmentary titulary seems to
have read much like that in A.0.78.23, except that the king does not take the title namad
Itar. Instead, he refers to himself as the bibil libbi ()

Itar (
d
INANA) b!let (NIN) il"ni
(DINGIR.ME) am (AN-e) u er!eti (KI-ti) Chosen by the Heart of Itar, Sovereign of the
Gods of Heaven and Earth.
53
The remainder of the inscription reads much like that
above.
By the late MA period, the titulary became stylistically excessive to the point of
hyperbole. As observed by Peter Machinist, this aggrandizement culminates in the
titularies of the late MA and NA kings:
One may note that until the thirteenth century certain restraints, deriving from the
OA period, governed the language used to describe the status of the king vis--vis
the gods: he was no god himself, simply the governor of Enlil (akin
d
illil), the
viceroy of Aur (iiak/ik
d
Aur), or at most the beloved (nar"mu) or
favorite (migru) of a deity. In the thirteenth century, however, these restraints
began to loosen under the impact of the new military successes and Babylonian
influence. The monarch began to be talked about in more exalted, even divine
terms, though in the end the inherited restraints prevented a complete
identification of the king with the divine realm.
54

As the power of the kings increased, so too did the grandeur of their titles. This sort of
extravagance is certainly attested in the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser I (1115-1077),
Aur-d!n II (934-912), and the kings who succeed him; however, nowhere is this
embellishment more apparent than in the titulary of Aur-na!irpal II (883-859). As
excerpted from A.0.101.1:

53
RIM A.0.78.24: 10b-11.
54
Peter Machinist, Provincial Governance in Middle Assyria and Some New Texts from Yale, Assur 3
(1982): 65-101 [73 n. 15].
35
arru (MAN) dannu ar (MAN) kiati () ar (MAN) l" an"n ar (MAN) kullat
kibrat erbetta (4-ta) amu kiat ni# (UN.ME) ni#t Enlil (
d
BAD) u Ninurta (
d
MA)
nar"m
d
Ani u
d
Dag"n ka$ il"ni (DINGIR.ME) rabti (GAL.ME) ahtu nar"m
libb#ka (-ka) rub (NUN-) migir Enlil (
d
BAD) a angssu (SANGA-u) eli (UGU)
il$t#ka (DINGIR-ti-ka) rab#ti i"#b$ma tuaridu palu (BALA-)ina malk# a
kibr"t erbetta (4-ta) "ninu l" # (TUK-) r! (
L
SIPA) tabr"te la "diru tuqumti
(GI.LAL) ed gapu a m"hira l" # (TUK-u)
55

Strong King, King of Everything, King Without Rival, King of All Four Regions,
Divine Sun of All the People, Recognized by Enlil and Ninurta, Beloved of Anu
and Dag!n, Mighty Weapon of the Great Gods, Pious one, Beloved of your Heart,
Prince, Favorite of Enlilwhose priesthood is pleasing to your great divinity,
whose reign you firmly established who has no rival among the kings of the
four regions, Shepherd of Humanity, Fearless in the Mle, Over-powering Wave
which has no opponent

The empire of the kings of Aur, now Assyria, became so great that the older, more
formulaic, titles no longer sufficed to explain their majesty. Now, a more epic style was
needed. As can be seen in this titulary of Aur-na!irpal, the scribes utilized multiple
traditional and non-traditional designations to describe the king, thus creating a more
poetic depiction of him. And, although the king continues to take epithets compounded
with a DN, Itar is no longer one of the gods mentioned.

2.3 Catalog
Ilu-umma: Beloved of Aur and Itar
A.0.32.1 na-ram
d
a-r
d
INANA
A.0.32.2 na-ram
d
a-r
d
INANA

ami-Adad I: Beloved of Itar
A.0.39.2 na-ra-am
d
INANA

almaneser I: Favored of Itar
A.0.77.1 mi-gir
d
INANA
A.0.77.16 mi-gir
d
INANA
Tukult!-Ninurta I: Beloved of Itar
A.0.78.11 na-mad
d
INANA

55
RIM A.0.101.1 col. i 9c-14
36
A.0.78.14 na-mad
d
INANA
A.0.78.23 na-mad
d
INANA

and Chosen by the Heart Itar, Sovereign of the Gods of Heaven and Earth
A.0.78.24 bi-bl
d
INANA NIN DINGIR.ME AN-e u KI-ti

2.4 Analysis
As can be observed from the catalog, all occurrences of the name Itar in EARI
titularies lie within epithets compounded with a DN. According to William H. Hallo, this
type of designation united the king with the gods.
56
Because some of the terms used to
express this relationship indicate affection, earlier scholars incorrectly assumed that the
epithets signified a sexual love when used in connection to Itar, but this is decidedly not
the case.
57
In actuality, the designation is part of a Sumerian tradition which, as Hallo has
noted, was used to demonstrate a kings unique bond with the primary god of the city
over which he ruled:
Once enthroned, the king was the beneficiary of the special, favored relationship
to the gods, whether this relationship was formalized as the friend (ku. li), servant
(arrad
2
), shepherd (sipa) or even husband (dam) of the god, or left generalized
as the beloved or favorite of the god.
58

56
Hallo, Titles, 132.
57
As Westenholz has demonstrated, there is no relationship between the gender of the king who claims an
epithet compounded with a DN and that of the god within it (King by Love of InannaAn Image of
Female Empowerment? NIN 1 [2000]: 75-89 [80-81]). Westenholz specifically references the inscriptions
of the early rulers of Laga. In these inscriptions, the male god Ningirsu is said to have loved the male
king Eanatum, and the female deity Bau is said to have loved Uruinimgina (80). Westenholz further
contends that Entemena fashioned a statue of himself and named it Entemena Whom Enlil loves and
that Lugalkiginnedudu refers to Enlil as his beloved king and to Inana as his lady, without adding
beloved. Finally, she notes that the last Sargonic king, Sar-kali-arri, called himself the beloved son of
Enlil (81).
58
Hallo, Titles, 137. In order to emphasize this connection, Hallo explains, each king would modify the
term of endearment or familial connection to show uniqueness: each king morphed the expression a bit so
37

Hallo further suggests that, unlike other epithets compounded with a DN, the particular
title nar"m DN began to function more accurately as an obligatory royal title during the
OB period. This was most noticeably the fact during the dynasties of Enunna and
Yamhad, to whose members it was applied consistently, rarely altered, passed down
from king to king, and generally appears in even the shortest inscriptions.
59

The epithet Beloved of DN is evidenced in early Sumerian inscriptions. As
early as the ED period, the ruler of Laga, Eanatum, claims to be the ki.g [= nar"m]
dumu. zi Beloved of Dumuzi. Much later, It$r-ama (c. 2138) of Kisurra (a city-
state just north of Fara) takes the title Beloved (ki. g = nar"m) of ama and
Annun"tum.
60
The first Akkadian attestation of the designation is in an inscription
discovered at Susa. In that inscription, the Ur III ruler, $-Sn, refers to himself as the
nar"m Enlil.
61
It is just after the reign of this king, during the early OB period, that nar"m
DN (and the similar migir DN favorite of DN) begin to be attested more frequently.
62

During the reign of the last king of Isin, $-il"ya (c.1995), the title nar"m DN
begins to appear in royal inscriptions from Enunna. Claiming the title son of Tipak
and King of the Land of Warm, $-il"ya further designates himself the nar"m Tipak
and nar"m B!lat-Taraban u B!lat uhnir.
63
After the reign of $-il"ya, independent

that it was his aloneswitching out spouse for shepherd or prince.
59
Hallo, Titles, 130.
60
RIM E4.7.1.1: 7-8.
61
RIM E3.1.4.10: 1-3.
62
In their inscriptions, the Isin kings continually refer to themselves as chosen by Itar, or spouse of
Itar, as in the cases of Lipit-Itar and later Isin kings.
63
Hallo, Titles, 138. This phenomenon begins to occur during the reign of $-il"ya; however, after Enunna
gains independence from the Ur, the titles iiak DN and nar"m DN are also attested in the titulary of
38
native rulers governed Enunna. At this time, mortal rulers no longer claimed to be king
of Enunna. Instead, Tipak, the tutelary god of the city, is proclaimed king. The mortal
ruler was merely referred to as the governor (iiakku) of the land. Similarly, it is also
during this period that at D#r, a city at times under the sway of Enunna, rulers took the
title migir Itaran u nar"m Itar (
d
INANA).
64
Furthermore, in inscriptions discovered at
K", a city somewhat south of Enunna, the independent ruler Ad$ni-iar"m takes the
epithet nar"m Itar (
d
INANA) u migir Zababa.
65
In each of these instances, (at least one of)
the name(s) of the god in the compounded epithet is the patron deity of the city-state.
Tipak was the patron god of Enunna, Itar!n was the patron god of D#r, and Zababa
was the patron god of K". This development is analogous to the events at Aur, when
the demise of the Ur III period ushered in a period of independent rule in various cities.
In his now classic article concerning the origins of Mesopotamian kingship,
Thorkild Jacobsen theorizes that, after a politically democratic period, an ambitious
imperially-minded king arose.
66
Originally, Jacobsen contends, Sumerian city-states were
run by a council of free male citizens referred to as elders. These elders were the

N$r-ahum (see RIM E3/2.3.1.2000-3).
64
Nidnua: RIM E4.12.1.1:3-4; Ilum-muttabbil: RIM E4.12.2.1:3-6 and E4.12.2.2:10-13; and, later
governors of the city.
65
RIM E4.8.1.1: 3-4. All three of these male tutelary deities: Tipak, Itar!n (Anu), and Zababa possess
similar qualities. Though the Sumerian deity Ninazu was originally the patron deity of Enunna, Tipak
replaces him at some point during the Old Akkadian period (F. A. M Wiggermann, Transtigridian Snake
Gods, in Sumerian Gods and their Representations, eds. Finkel, I. L., and M. J. Geller [Groningen: STYX,
1997], 33-55 [37]). Perhaps originally a weather-god, when conflated with Ninazu, Tipak took on chthonic
ophidian characteristics. Ninazu was also the son of the netherworld deity Erekigal and thought to have
healing powers (snakes venom?). This Tipak/Ninazu deity eventually developed into a war deity similar
to Ninurta, and became Enlil and Ninlils son (ibid., 34-5).
66
Thorkild Jacobsen, Primitive Democracy in Ancient Mesopotamia, JNES 2 (1943): 159-72.
39
decision-makers of all aspects of legislation, including war. According to Jacobsens
theory, during a time of strife, this council would elect a general (lugal ) to lead an army
whose purpose was to quell disturbances. Perhaps not unsurprisingly, the lugal, he
contends, became more and more interested in power and ultimately refused to step down
even after the enemy had been vanquished. This did not mean that the assembly no longer
had a place in the society, it only meant that their importance had lessened while the
position of the lugal became more comparable to that of a king, ultimately leading to
this general becoming an absolute monarch. Once in the position of such authority, the
king became the chief executive, judge, and jury.
67
Eventually, Jacobsen concludes, the
lugal also assumed prime authority over the religious concerns of the city and its temple
complex. At his most powerful point, the king might even fancy himself a god, as in the
case of Nar!m-Sn and the kings of the Ur III state.
68

Although ruled at times by a Sumerian over-lord, archaeological and textual
evidence from the city of Aur suggest that it was a hub of commercial activity during
the latter half of the 3
rd
millennium, mainly run by powerful mercantile families, not a
king. Like the early periods in southern Mesopotamia, at Aur, during this period, two
governmental bodies co-existed and, at least during the Old Assyrian period, there was an
attempt at equilibrium between them.
69
One of these bodies was the assembly, or "lu

67
Ibid., 159.
68
For further discussion on the phenomenon of divine kingship see Nicole Brisch, ed., Religion and Power:
Divine Kingship in the Ancient World and Beyond (Oriental Institute of the Chicago: University of Chicago,
2008).
69
Mogens T. Larsen, The Old Assyrian City-State and its Colonies (Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1976),
220 ff. Because this is one of the few treatments of this material, most of the following discussion comes
directly from his work.
40
city, which was comprised of male citizens of the city of Aur who were also the
heads of influential families.
70
As a component of their duty, the "lu would adjudicate
lawsuits and vote on other issues of import concerning the well-being of the city.
71

The second governmental body was that of the iiakku governor. Originating
as a southern title, the designation iiakku (Sumerian: nsi ) initially signified an
official of a mortal king who ruled in that kings stead (e.g., governor). The first
governors of this type at Aurthose connected to outside dynasties (e.g., Ur III)take
the title iiakku; however, [b]y the time of the late Sargonic period, and during the Ur
III and early Babylonian periods, [iiakku] was the title of the [independent] ruler or
governor of many of the cities of Sumer and Akkade.
72
This included Aur, for by these
periods, [iiakku] now meant simply titular head of a city and its dependent
territories and was applied whenever tradition associated no other title with the city.
73

According to Mogens Larsen, the post of an independent iiakku was hereditary
and of both a secular and religious nature. He was the:
1. chief priest, the divinely appointed steward, who was the link between the city
and god
2. head of royal lineage- apex of kinship structure
3. leader and executive of city-assembly
74

As the chief priest the iiakku was the god Aurs partner. He held the position of
chairperson of the assembly and, as such, was responsible for proper judicial procedure.
75

70
For a further discussion of the "lu, see Jacobsen, Primitive Democracy, 160, n. 12.
71
Larsen, Old Assyrian City-State, 162.
72
Hallo, Titles, 45.
73
For a discussion on the development of the meaning of the term nsi , see Hallo, Titles, 34-48. See also
Larsen, Old Assyrian City-State, 111-121.
74
Larsen, Old Assyrian City-State, 111-121.
41
The iiakku managed the divine estate and acted as the intermediary between Aur and
the people of the city. He was expected to placate the god and to ensure the well-being of
the people by asking for their protection.
76
This special relationship can also be observed
in the close proximity of the palace to the temple at Aur and by the repeated rationale
for religious building projects: for my life, that of the iiakku, and the life of my city.
In the earliest extant Assyrian royal titulary, #ilulu, an independent ruler of Aur,
claims the title iiakku:
Aur
KI
arrum (LUGAL) #ilulu iiak (NSI) Aur
KI
m!r (DUMU) Daikiki n"gir
(NIMGIR) "l (URU) Aur
KI77

Aur is King; #ilulu, Governor of Aur, son of Daikiki, herald of the "lu of
Aur

As in the Enunna examples, in the titulary of #ilulu, the mortal ruler #ilulu is not
proclaimed king; instead, Aur is. #ilulu is merely the iiakku governor. It should be
noted, however, that, unlike the Enunna examples, in #ilulus titulary the name Aur is
not preceded by the determinative for god (
d
); rather, it is followed by the determinative
from land (
KI
). It has been suggested that during this early period in the history of Aur,
the land of Aur was considered divine.
78

In the titulary of alim-ahum, an Old Assyrian ruler who succeeded #ilulu, there
seems to be a distinction between Aur-the god and Aur-the land:
alim-ahum iiak (NSI) Aur
KI
m"r (DUMU) Puzur-Aur iiak (NSI) Aur
KI
d
Aur b!tam () !rissuma
79

75
Ibid.
76
Ibid., 119.
77
RIM A.0.27.1: 1-6.
78
See W. G. Lambert, The God Aur, Iraq 45 (1983): 82-86.
79
RIM A.0.31.1: 8.
42
alim-ahum, Governor of Aur, son of Puzur-Aur, Governor of Aur: Aur
requested of him a temple

In his titulary, alim-ahum maintains the official territorial title iiak Aur
KI
Governor
of Aur-the land (Aur
KI
), but specifies that it is Aur-the god (
d
a-r) who speaks to
him regarding the construction of a new temple. This same distinction is evident in the
titulary of his son Ilu-umma, which reads:
KI
nar"m
d
Aur u Itar (
d
INANA) [m"r a]lim-ahum
iiak (NSI) Aur
KI 80

Governor of Aur

In his titulary, Ilu-umma takes the designation iiak Aur
KI
, but also adds the
designation nar"m
d
Aur u
d
Itar Beloved of Aur-the god and Itar. This designation
is of the dual-type, i.e., he is the beloved of both Aur and Itar. As was seen in the
Enunna, D#r, and Ki examples, when two deities are present in an epithet compounded
with (a) DN, one of these is generally Itar. It would seem then that the Ilu-umma title is
reflective of a regional tradition.
In her analysis of Ilu-ummas titulary, Cifola contends that the presence of Itar
in the titulary is related to the temple building activity recorded in the inscription;
however, she also, tentatively suggests that:
There may be deeper levels of meaning to this title. In addition to its more
superficial meaning, it may also connote the kings legitimacy, through
emphasizing the divine protection to the king.
81

In his titulary, Ilu-umma claims to be the governor (iiak) of Aur-the land. Perhaps,
in order to demonstrate the endorsement of that position by Aur-the god, Ilu-umma

80
RIM A.0.32.1: 1-9 and A.0.32.1: 1-10.
81
Cifola, Variants, 10.
43
takes the title beloved (nar"m) of Aur-the god. Because Ilu-umma claims that he was
able to establish a free-trade zone between Aur and city-states to the south and east of
Aur, it may be that when taking the title nar"m Itar, he is claiming that Itar both
approves of and ordains his rule in that region.
82
Since all of the epithets compounded
with two divine names contain the name of Itar, it may be that, while the city god (in this
case, Aur) held executive jurisdiction over his particular city, Itar held regional
jurisdiction.
There may be further evidence for this conclusion in a dedicatory inscription of
Tukult"-Ninurta I (A.0.78.15). This inscription was discovered in the Itar temple
complex at Aur. On it, the scribe inscribed b!t
d
d#n#te Temple of D"n"tu over the
name B#let-Akkad Sovereign of the Akkadians.
83
The text further records that this
temple had been originally created by Ilu-umma. If the record is correct, it may be that
the shrine created by Ilu-umma was to B#let-Akkad; thus, B#let-Akkad may be the
deity who lies behind the name Itar in the title nar"m Aur u Itar. This again concurs
with the evidence from Enunna, for Akkade lay within the same territorial region.

82
See n. 42. Furthermore, Ilu-umma is believed to have at least made incursions into the transtigridian and
southern territories (Larsen, City-State, 63-80); cf. the previously held belief of E. F. Weidner, Iluumas
Zug nach Babylonien ZA 43 (1936): 114-123, that Ilu-umma had not merely trade in mind, but imperial
ambitions. Larsen counters these theories, arguing that there is not the least trace of an Assyrian advance
in any part in the south (City-State, 75). Whether Ilu-umma had imperial ambitions is not as important as
the region over which he claims to have allowed trade. Although agreeing with Weidner, Dietz Otto Edzard
contends that three of the cities mentioned in the Ilu-umma inscription lay in the transtigridian region: D#r,
Kismar, and Awal (Die Zweite Zwischenzeit Babyloniens. Wiesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz, 1957), 90 n.
443.
83
RIMA I, 260.
44
Unlike Ilu-umma, am"-Adad I is considered a usurper king.
84
Considered part
of the of the Amorite invasion, am"-Adad vied for Mesopotamian territories with
other Amorite rulers: Yahdun-L"m of Mari (1810-1795), Hammurabi of Babylon (1792-
1750), Yar"m-L"m of Alalakh (1781-1765), and Rim-Sn of Larsa (1822-1763). Aur
was but one city-state over which he held dominion. In her analysis of am"-Adads
expansion, Joan Westenholz determines that the king began his rule at Ekall!tum, a city-
state which likely lay on the Tigris just south of Aur.
85
His territorial expansion
gradually continued northwards, eventually encompassing Aur. Shortly thereafter, the
king traveled west to take Mari. At this stage in his reign, am"-Adad established the
Northern town of ubat-Enlil as his political center, while setting one of his sons on the
throne of Mari (Yasmah-Addu) and one of them on the throne of Ekall!tum (Ime-
Dag!n). Westenholz deduces that it took until his 53
rd
year to conquer Nineveh and its
surrounding lands.
86
With each new area of acquisition, am"-Adad altered his titulary,
taking not only ever-greater titles, but also new designations compounded with a DN.
The Aur-titulary of am"-Adad displays several marked differences from those
located on inscriptions discovered at Nineveh and Mari. His Aur titulary reads:
am#-Adad ar (LUGAL) kiatim (KI) b"ni b#t ()
d
Aur mutemki m"tim bir#t
Idiglat (D.IDIGNA) u Purattim (D.BURANUN.NA) ina qib#t
d
Aur r"im#u a Anim
(AN) u
d
Enlil ina arr"ni (LUGAL.ME) "lik$t mahra umu ana rabtim ibb
87

am"-Adad, King of Everything, builder of the temple of Aur, pacifier of the
land between the Tigris and Euphrates, by the command of Aur who loves him,
whose name Anu and Enlil called for greatness among kings who went before.

84
This opinion was held by the Assyrians themselves. See for example the inscription of Puzur-Sn, RIM
A.0.40.1001.
85
Westenholz, Old Akkadian Presence, 13.
86
Ibid., 12-14.
87
RIM A.0.39.1: 1-17.
45
In his Aur titulary, am"-Adad does not take any epithet compounded with a divine
name; he instead takes only the universalistic title ar kiatim. He does, however,
declare that he is the one a Anim u Enlil ina arr"ni "lik$t mahra umu ana rabtim
ibb whose name Anu and Enlil called for greatness among kings who went before.
And, while not taking the title Beloved of Aur, he does declare that Aur

r"im#u
Aur loves him. It may be inferred that, because of this love, he was commanded to
become (and subsequently became) the pacifier of the land between the Tigris and
Euphrates.
am"-Adads Mari titularies begin:

am#-Adad ar (LUGAL) kiatim (KI) akin
d
Enlil p"lih
d
Dag"n iiak (NSI)
d
Aur
88

am"-Adad, King of Everything, Chosen of Enlil, Worshipper of Dag!n, and
Governor of Aur

And:

[am]#-[Adad] arrum (!LUGAL") da[nnum] akin
d
[Enlil(?)] iiak (NSI)
d
A[ur]

nar"m Dag["n] mutemki m"tim bir#t Idiglat (D.IDIGNA) u Purattim
(D.BURANUN.NA) rub [Mar]i
KI
ar (LUGAL) Eka[ll"ti]m
KI
akin x [...] x x
89

[am]"-[Adad], Stro[ng] !King", Chosen of Enlil(?), Governor of A[ur],

Beloved of Dag[!n] pacifier of the land between the Tigris and Euphrates, Prince
of [Mar]i, King of Eka[ll!]tu, Governor of x [...] x x

In the first Mari example (A.0.39.8), the king claims the universalistic title and three titles
compounded with a DN: akin Enlil, p"lih Dag"n, and iiak Aur. In none of these
three titles does am"-Adad claim to be loved by a god, nor does he does not claim to be
the pacifier of the land between the Tigris and Euphrates. In the second Mari example

88
RIM A.0.39.8: 1-9.
89
RIM A.0.39.7: 1-11
46
(A.0.39.7), am"-Adad takes the title nar"m Dag"n and claims to be the pacifier of the
land between the Tigris and Euphrates. He further claims the titles: Prince of Mari and
King of Ekall!tum. Dag!n may have been the patron deity of Ekall!tum, and, while not
the patron deity of the city of Mari, he was the tutelary deity of the territories surrounding
Mari. Implied by the title nar"m Dag"n, as opposed to pal#h Dag"n (in the first example,
A.0.39.8), may be am"-Adads control of both Ekall!tum and Mari at the behest of
Dag!n.
Early records from north-west Syria more explicitly record gods bestowing
territories upon rulers because they approve of them. During the later OB period, in the
era of the Amorite Yamhad dynasty, the kings of Alalakh took the title nar"m
d
IKUR.
Normally, the logogram
d
IKUR is assumed to represent the tutelary deity of Yamhad,
Adad; however, since Alalakh was traditionally a Hurrian city, the logogram
d
IKUR
could represent a conflation of Adad with the Hurrian weather deity, Teub. In any case,
since both Adad and Teub were weather deities, in each example the compounded
epithet is nar"m weather-god. This title also occurs at Terqa, a city-state which also lay
within the Habur triangle. The divine patron of Terqa was Dag!n. In inscriptions from
this city, the ruler Iar-L"m took the title nar"m Ilaba u Dag"n.
90

Both Ilaba and Dag!n are also thought to have had weather-god qualities. It is
difficult to determine whether the presence of two similar deities in this title represents
conflation, or perhaps the first god, Ilaba, is the great regional weather-god, while Dag!n
is, in this case, the local tutelary god of Terqa. Since the rulers of Terqa also claimed to
be the king of the region of Khana and the iiak Dag"n, it is tempting to associate Ilaba

90
RIM E4.23.8: 4-5. See also Iggid-L"m: RIM E4.23.8: 4-5.
47
with regional rule (kingship of all of Khana) and Dag!n with the more local rule. This
conclusion is further bolstered by a servants seal inscription which was discovered at
Terqa. In the text, the author writes that he is the servant of Katiliau (the mortal ruler)
and Ilaba (the divine ruler);
91
however, in a much earlier inscription, Sargon of Akkade
states that Dag!n gave him the lands of Ebla, in northern Syria.
92
This suggests that
Dag!n held executive jurisdiction over the area which encompassed Mari, Ekall!tum,
Terqa, and Ebla.
Yahdun-L"m (who ruled Mari just prior to am"-Adad) states in his royal
inscriptions: arr$t# ibbi [Dag!n] proclaimed my kingship.
93
This kingship is later
recorded to have been removed by the god Adad and given (nad"nu) to am"-Adad. In a
prophetic text ascribed to the reign of Yahdun-L"ms son Zimri-L"m (1775-1761), Adad
informs the king (through the prophet Nur-Sn) that he gave (nad"nu) rule to his father
Yahdun-L"m.
94
Adad explains that Yahdun-L"m was able to obtain and sustain this rule

91
RIM E4.23.4.2001.
92
RIM E2.1.1.11.
93
RIM E4.6.8.1: 9-10.
94
A. 1968 as presented by Martti Nissinen in Prophets and Prophecy in the Ancient Near East (Atlanta:
SBL Publications, 2003). The information from the god was passed to the king via a trtu. In regular
contexts, a trtu is simply a message or report; however, when the message comes from a divine source it
refers to an oracular message, generally arrived at through extispicy (see CAD T, 357; cf. also, Martti
Nissinen and Simo Parpola, References to Prophecy in Neo-Assyrian Sources [Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text
Corpus Project, 1998], 20). Maria de Jong Ellis classifies prophecies into two categories: oracular reports
and literary predictive texts (Observations on Mesopotamian Oracles and Prophetic Texts: Literary and
Histriographical Considerations, JCS 41 [1989]: 127-186). This latter set is explanatory in nature. In this
set, though written as if happening in the future, previous oracular messages are meditated upon to explain
why an action, which had already occurred, took place. The former set, those of the oracular reports, are
verbal messages. According to Nissinen, these messages are transmitted through a recipient, generally, but
not always, a woman. The receiver who goes into a frenzied state was referred to as a mahh, while the
48
through his (Adads) mighty weapons (kakk). Unfortunately, the god continues,
Yahdun-L"m failed to worship him properly. Because of this offense, he then gave
(nad"nu) rule to am"-Adad. am"-Adad then places rule of Mari into the hands of his
son Yasmah-Addu. Eventually, Zimri-L"m was able to wrest that rule away from
Yasmah-Addu, but the letter breaks off just as one would expect to discover the reason
that Yasmah-Addus rule was revoked.
95
A second letter from this same king gives some
indication.
96
Adad, once again speaking to Zimri-L"m through the prophet Nur-Sn,
explains that he expects Zimri-L"m to worship him properly. Should he do this, Zimri-
L"m will be given (nad"nu), a greater reign. Therefore, he will be able to conquer more
lands. Ultimately though, it is not Adad who presents the kingship to Zimri-L"m; rather
this is done by Itar. On a wall relief which was painted just behind the throne of Zimri-
L"m, Itar is depicted standing on her lions bestowing on the king the insignia of
sovereignty.
am"-Adads Nineveh titulary displays a similar phenomenon in his Aur and
Mari titularies. As mentioned above, in his Ninevite inscription (A.0.39.2), am"-Adad
takes the title nar"m Itar in his titulary. In the text, the ruler also presents himself as a

prophet who simply shouted was a raggimu. It was also possible that a receiver might obtain a message
while in a dream state, and they were then designated as abru and ailu people. Although the oldest
mention of a prophet dates to the Ur III period, prophetic messages are extant in only two locations for the
OB period, at Mari and Enunna. In the Mari collection, which dates from after the fall of am"-Adad I,
messages frequently address the key matters of kingship: war and religious activity.
95
For discussion of this concept (and this text specifically) see Abraham Malamat, Deity Revokes
Kingship: Towards Intellectual Reasoning in Mari and in the Bible, in Intellectual Life of the Ancient Near
East: Papers Presented at the 43rd Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Prague, July 1-5, 1996,
edited by Jiri Prosecky. Prague: Oriental Institute, 1998), 231-236.
96
A. 1121 + A. 2731 as presented by Nissinen in Prophets and Prophecy.
49
capable and pious adherent of Itar. He states that he has rebuilt a temple for the goddess
which had fallen into disrepair. After this declaration, am"-Adad announces that he has
followed the proper procedures. He has not been disrespectful to the previous
worshippers of the goddess. The text records that he placed his inscription next to that of
the much earlier Sargonic king, Man-it$u (whom am"-Adad credits with having been
the first to erect the temple). Although not in the titulary unit of the inscription, in this
text, am"-Adad also declares that Itar gave him his kingship because he followed these
procedures:
nar Man-it#u !u temm!"n#u !u(?)"[na]!akki"ruma [ana makan#]unuma
[l" ut!r$]un$ti [nar]!ya"[u temm!n#ya] x [...] ana i[di nar]u u te[mm!]n#u lu
a!ku"n ana at!ti" Itar [
d
INANA] b!lt# palm eddem lu irukam
97

The stelae of Man-itu and clay inscriptions I swear I did not alter but returned
them [to their places]. I placed [my stelae and clay inscriptions] ... beside his
st[elae] and clay [inscrip]tions. Therefore, [Itar], my Sovereign, has given me a
term of rule which is ever-renewing.

am"-Adad credits Itar as the grantor of his kingship a second time in the maledictory
section of the same inscription. Just after a list of prescriptions and proscriptions for a
future ruler, am"-Adad implores Itar to arr$ssu u palu l#"eruma ana anm liddin
remove his [the enemy kings] arr$tum and his pal and give them to another.
98

In both examples, am"-Adad refers to his rule as a pal; however, only in the
first example is pal modified by the adjective edde. The term pal, like nsi, is a
Sumerian designation (bala) adopted into Akkadian. In Sumerian, it is used to designate
a reign, term of office, or revolt and has the core meaning to rotate or to turn

97
RIM A.0.39.2: col. ii 21-iii 10, as given in RIM.
98
RIM A.0.39.2 iii 21-25.
50
over; thus, it has a transitive quality and implies a sense of impermanency.
99
In practice,
it could be applied to many legislative positions in Sumerian society; however, it came to
be associated specifically with kingship.
100
Originally, the bala of a king was for an
indeterminate yet finite period of time. When the term was adopted into the Akkadian
language, it came to represent only a single year of a kings reign. Ultimately, this
changed once again and pal came to mean the entire reign itself.
101
It would seem that,
by employing the term pal in his inscription, am"-Adad was carrying on the earliest
Southern tradition of a traveling kingship; however, because he modifies pal with the
adjective edde ever-renewing, the transitory quality is tempered. The concept of an
ever-renewing kingship seems to reflect an intermediary stage in the notion of kingship.
The type of reign Itar gives (nad"nu) am"-Adad I is fleeting; thus, the king must
continue to be worthy of its dispensation upon him. In the inscriptions of Hammurabi,
whose reign coincides with that of am"-Adad, Hammurabi declares that he has been
given an ever-lasting kingship. In the second example, am"-Adad implores Itar to
transfer the rule of a non-compliant future ruler to another. Here, the words used to
denote rule are pal and arr$tu. Like pal, the term arr$tu designates rule; however,
unlike pal it is an abstract noun meaning either kingship or the reign as a whole.
102

Since pal is not modified in this instance, it may be that it refers to a single year in the
reign (arr$tu) of the king.
103

99
ePSD bal a [TURN].

100
Jacobsen, Primitive Democracy, 170 n. 66.
101
Ibid.
102
CAD
2
, 122.
103
Schneider, A New Analysis, 68-79.
51
If, in the titulary of am"-Adad, the title nar"m Itar indicates that Itar granted
am"-Adad rule over the regions of Nineveh, it would seem that the title migir Itar in
the inscriptions of almaneser I indicates that Itar granted almaneser rule over the same
region. Although made a vassal by Adad-n!r!r" I, it was not until the reign of almaneser
I that true victory over Hanigalbat was achieved. Only almaneser captured attuara and
the capital city of the Hurrian state, Taidu.
104
As mentioned in the Introduction, Itar of
Nineveh, during the MA period, was not only the patron deity of Nineveh (and its
surrounding territories), but the chief deity of the Hurrians; thus, it is possible that
almaneser was unable to take the title migir Itar until he had complete control over the
land of Hanigalbat through the conquering of Taidu. It is specifically in the inscriptions
found at Nineveh that almaneser claims that Itar aided him in conquering the lands
surrounding Nineveh, ubaru, Lullumu, Qut, and Mu!rithe same region over which
am"-Adad claimed jurisdiction and which had once been in the control of the Mitanni
kings.
105

Itar is connected to kingship in two versions of Tukult"-Ninurta Is standard
inscription from Aur (A.0.78.1 and A.0.78.5). In the maledictory section of both texts,
Itar is called the n"bt palya one who called my (Tukult"-Ninurtas) pal.
106
Unlike
the concluding formula of the Ninevite inscription of am"-Adad (A.0.39.2), these

104
Adad-n!r!r" claims multiple military victories over this king; however, it is likely that he did not
officially rule his lands (RIM A.76.3:21-26). Cf. Amir Harrak, Assyria and Hanigalbat: A Historical
Reconstruction of Bilateral Relations (New York: Olms, 1987): 132ff; and also, Machinist, Provincial
Governance, 470.
105
These are lands likely in the transtigridian region, cities which lay to the east and north of Assyria. See
LKA 63: 23-30, presented in, Victor Hurowitz and Joan Westenholz, LKA 63: A Heroic Poem in
Celebration of Tiglath-pileser I's Musru-Qumanu Campaign, JCS 42 (1990): 1-49.
106
RIM A.0.78.1: col. vi. 11-12 and A.0.78.1: 120-121.
52
Aurite Tukult"-Ninurta texts record no construction work done to any temple of Itar;
thus, no religious act is performed in the name of the goddess. Furthermore, in neither
text (A.078.1 and A.0.78.5) does Tukult"-Ninurta take the title Beloved of Itar or refer
to Itar of Nineveh. Instead, in the earlier version of his standard inscription (A.0.78.1),
Itar is designated as the b!let qabli u t"h"zi, while in the later version the goddess
receives no additional epithet. An Itar designated as the b!let t"h"zi is mentioned in a
single inscription of am"-Adad (from Aur); however, in that inscription (A.0.39.2),
she is not said to bestow kingshipnor, in that inscription, does am"-Adad take the
title nar"m Itar. This makes for a confusing situation.
As becomes immediately apparent, the verb of bestowal in the Tukult"-Ninurta
inscriptions differs from that of ami-Adad; furthermore, it has very different
connotations. In each of the Tukult"-Ninurta examples, Itar is said to be the n"bt. This
feminine singular participle derives from the verb nab, meaning to name, designate,
or invoke;
107
thus, Itar is the one who calls. Tallqvist translates this line
Verkndigerin der Regierungsjahre meines Knigtums;
108
thus, he reads in it perhaps a
divinatory dimension, for he translates pal as the first year of his reign. It is also
possible that he reads into the line an astronomical dimension. Itar, as Venus, positioned
high in the sky, proclaims his reign. The majority of the examples in which a king
proclaims that his rule was called (nab) seem to support the former explanation. As
mentioned above Dag!n proclaims the reign of Yahdun-L"m. Perhaps not surprisingly, in
the inscriptions of Takil-ilissu, the ruler of Malgium (a city located near Enunna),
several gods are crediting with decreeing this kings rule. In two additional inscriptions,

107
CAD N
2
, 32.
108
Tallqvist, Gtterepitheta, 134.
53
Ea and Damkina call his rule and in a second inscription Anu and Ulma"tum call his
name.
109
In this latter inscription, the king also declares that Annun"tum loves his reign.
In prophetic texts discovered at Enunna, there is also an alternative tradition
present. In these texts, the goddess Kit"tum, through an unnamed person, tells Ibalpiel,
the king of Enunna:
ina milki a il# ina ip"i a Anim m"tum ana b!lim nadnatkum
110

On the advice of the gods and by the command of Anu, the country is given you
to rule.

The verb is once again nad"nu, but it is not one god alone who is cited as granting
kingship. Similar to the model presented by Jacobsen, the gods as a whole choose upon
whom they will bestow (nad"nu) kingship. At no point in the inscription does the
goddess Kit"tum explain why rule is bestowed upon the king; she only asserts that his
reign will be expanded, and that she will strengthen the foundations of his throne.
A subtle distinction between the two phrases called my kingship, indicated by
the verb nab, and gave my kingship, indicated by the verb nad"nu, may be present in
an inscription of the son of Hammurabi, Samsu-iluna. In an inscription from Sippar,
Samsu-iluna declares:
inu An (AN) Enlil arr"ni a am (AN) u er!eti (KI) Marduk (
d
AMAR.UTU) m"rim
(DUMU) r!tm a Ea had ippals$uma b!l$t kibr"t arbaim iddin$um in
Anunnaki umam !#ram ibbi$u
111

(It was) when Anum and Enlil, the Sovereigns of Heaven and Earth, joyously
looked at Marduk, first-born son of Ea, that they gave him rule over the four
regions, when the Anunnaki called his exalted name.

109
RIM E4.11.2.1: 5-8 and E4.11.2.2: 24-25.
110
FLP 1674 9-13, as presented by Nissinen in Prophets and Prophecy.
111
RIM E4.3.7.5: 1-5.
54
As can be seen, Marduk is said to give (nad"nu) rule, while the Anunnaku (as a group)
call (nab) it. The tradition of nab continues into the Kassite period. In the inscription of
Agum-kakrime, a possible early Kassite king (c. 1595), the ruler declares that he was the
nib#t called one of Anu, Enlil, Ea, Marduk, Sn, and ama; thus, nab becomes an
element in the kings titulary as an epithet compounded with a divine name.
112

As was noted in the introduction to this chapter rule was hereditarily passed on at
Aur; thus, the tradition of a divine call to rule is likely not native to Aur. The first
evidence for a call to rule in EARI (after that of the usurper king am"-Adad), is in the
inscriptions of almaneser I. In the standard inscription of this king (A.0.77.1),
almaneser states that Aur faithfully chose [him] to rule the black-headed people (the
Sumerians). In order that he might do this properly, almaneser is given (nad"nu) the
typical southern accoutrements of power: the scepter, weapons, and a staff. It should be
noted that almaneser is justifying his rule over regions lying outside of Aur, in the
South. Further down in the same text, almaneser proclaims that he is the faithful
shepherd whose name Anu and Enlil have called (nab). He does this just before the text
records his reconstruction of the Ehursagkurkurra at Aur.
In the titulary unit of the earlier version of the standard inscription of Tukult"-
Ninurta (A.0.78.1), Tukult"-Ninurta makes a similar claim, but this time the land of Aur
is emphasized: Anu Enlil Ea il"ni rabti ana ut!ur m"t Aur b!l$ssu ibb Anu, Enlil,
(and) Ea, the Great Gods, called his rule in order to govern fairly the land of Aur.
113

When Tukult"-Ninurta credits Itar, b!let qabli u t"h"zi, with the calling of his reign, it
may be that she is decreeing his reign, not over Nineveh, but over both the eastern and

112
MSKH 1 p. 97, No. Db. 3.1 ex. 1 and 2.
113
RIM A.0.78.1: 3-5.
55
western Hurrian lands. Evidence for this conclusion may lie in the great titulary of
Tukult"-Ninurta from K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta. As detailed above, once Tukult"-Ninurta
gained hegemony over the greater Mesopotamian region, his titulary altered dramatically.
In these later titularies, though specific designations are not given for each deity as they
are in future invocation units, after the name of each deity, several actions performed by
Tukult"-Ninurta are listed. It may be that the actions of Tukult"-Ninurta are specifically
designed to please the gods after whom they are listed (i.e., after the name of Sn [the god
of the scepter], Tukult"-Ninurta proudly declares that he is the one who ina meer
ulteeru ni! u dadm# with his just scepter, governed fairly communities and
regions).
114
If this is the case, after the name of Itar, Tukult"-Ninurta reports that he is
a bilat m"t"te !# ami u alam ami imdahharu the one who regularly received the
tribute of the eastern and western landsthe lands previously held by the Hurrians.
115

The final attestation for Itar in the titulary unit in EARI is in an inscription of
Tukult"-Ninurta discovered on a stone tablet at K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta. The titulary reads
much like the extended titulary, except that the king does not take the title namad Itar,
but, instead, refers to himself as the bibil libbi () Itar (
d
INANA) Chosen by the Heart
of Itara title taken by the kings of Isin. In the Tukult"-Ninurta titulary, Itar is
designated as the b!let (NIN) a il"ni (DINGIR.ME) am (AN-e) u er!eti (KI-ti) Sovereign
of the Gods of Heaven and Earth.
116

114
RIM A.0.78.23: 15-16.
115
RIM A.0.78.23: 22-24.
116
RIM A.0.78.24: 10b-11.
56
2.5 Conclusion

From this analysis of the attestations for Itar in EARI titulary and their
contextualizations, it may be concluded that Itars function in this unit was to ordain a
kings rule over certain regions. This role is implied by those epithets compounded with
the name of Itar. As with the title nar"m Dag"n, the titles nar"m Itar, migir Itar, and
namad Itar should be understood as similar to the title ik Auruntil the middle of
the reign of Tukult"-Ninurta I (with the creation of K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta). Behind these
titles lies a tradition which stipulates that the total subjugation of a land occur only at the
behest of that god who holds executive control over that region. Ergo, if a king
successfully conquers that territory he must be approved of by that god. Once subjugation
occurred, that ruler may take the title nar"m DN (or the like). The title nar"m DN (or the
like) means not simply Beloved of DN, but Elected by DN to rule over his/her
territory.
The analysis presented here also suggests that behind the title nar"m Itar is not
one, but several different manifestations of the goddess. Itar held executive authority
over multiple lands, but under different hypostases. In the titles nar"m Itar, migir Itar,
and namad Itar, the name of the goddess is always signified by the logogram
d
INANA.
Generally, in these titles, the logogram is read as Itar (as has been done throughout this
study). This is perhaps a faulty practice. When taken by Ilu-umma,
d
INANA may
represent the manifestation of Itar called B#let-Akkad. Under this manifestation then,
Itar gave executive authority to Ilu-umma over Akkade. When the title is taken by
am"-Adad, the logogram
d
INANA likely represents the manifestation of Itar called
B#let-Ninua, Sovereign of Nineveh. Different manifestations of the goddess are
57
credited in the inscriptions of the MA kings, almaneser I and Tukult"-Ninurta I.
almaneser declares that he is the migir
d
INANA and Tukult"-Ninurta claims the title
namad
d
INANA (and namad D#n#te) in his earlier inscriptions. In each case, behind the
logogram is an Itar who holds executive jurisdiction over the entirety of Hanigalbat. She
is the one a bilat m"t"ti !# ami u alam ami imdahharu who regularly received the
tribute of the eastern and western lands.
It may even be that this Itar is the b!let qabli u t"h"zi. Finally, after conquering
Babylon, during the creation of K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta, Tukult"-Ninurta takes the title bibil
libbi
d
INANA b!let il"ni am u er!eti Chosen by the Heart of Itar, Sovereign of the
Gods of Heaven and Earth. In this title, the manifestation of Itar is so great as to be the
ultimate sovereign. Implied by this position is executive power over the whole of the
ancient Near East.

Chapter 3: ACTION UNIT


If the titulary unit of an inscription implies certain actions of the gods (e.g., the
designation nar"m Itar implicitly states that Itar approves of and therefore ordains the
kings rule over certain territories), the action unit of an inscription explicitly recounts
them. Although the bulk of this unit records the various accomplishments of the king
(e.g., receiving kingship, military and hunting campaigns, secular and pious construction
activities, and occasionally, accomplishments regarding trade or other anomalous, yet
important, acts), this unit also contains a record of actions performed by a deity during a
kings reign. In the main, gods are said to grant sovereignty, to appreciate a kings
priesthood, or to command the king to go to war, hunt, or build sanctuaries. Gods are also
said to aid a king in battles or during a hunt. Because it is likely that the action unit acts
to validate the titles assumed by a king in the titulary, each action recorded for a god must
serve this same function; thus, when Ninurta accompanies a king on a hunt, he, in effect,
legitimates that kings activity. Though not consistently attested in the action unit of an
59
inscription, Itars primary function is a martial one. She commands kings to war,
declares the subjugation of enemies, and even leads the troops into battle.
A record of the accomplishments of an Assyrian ruler is present in even the
earliest inscriptions. As with the titulary, this action unit was a place for a king to
legitimate himself and justify his right to reign; however, unlike the titulary, the
accomplishments of a king are expounded upon in a narrative style. Mario Liverani
suggests that this unit demonstrates what is recorded in the titulary, thereby elucidating
and confirming the identifiers within it.
117
For this reason, Liverani contends that it
should be read in conjunction with the titulary, perhaps even as an extension to it.
118
To a
degree, the historical development of the inscriptions corroborates this conclusion.
Within Commemorative Labels and Dedicatory inscriptions, the achievements of
the king were not placed in a discrete literary unit. This combined titulary/action unit is
fairly straightforward, dry and formulaic.
119
It typically begins with a short titulary,
followed by the name of the object which was being dedicated, constructed, or modified.
If the inscription records reconstruction work, it might also contain a short history of past
work done to that structure. This combined unit can also contain two ana clauses: one
which addresses the deity to whom it was dedicated (e.g., ana Itar) and one which
contains a short prayer on behalf of the ruler dedicating the object (e.g., ana bal""#u for
his life).
120

In a dedicatory inscription of Ilu-umma, the integral connection between the

117
Liverani, The Deeds of Ancient Mesopotamian Kings, 2350.
118
Ibid.
119
Exceptions to this would be a unique inscription tentatively assigned to am"-Adad I (RIM A.0.39.1001)
and an enlightening and contentious inscription of Puzur-Sn (RIM A.0.40.1001).
120
60
action unit and the titulary can most clearly be seen:
1
Ilu-umma
2
iiak (NSI)
3
Aur
KI

4
nar"m
5d
Aur
6
u Itar (
d
INANA)
7
[m!r
a]lim-ahum
8
iiak (NSI)
9
Aur
KI

10
ana
d
Itar (
d
INANA)
11
b!lat#ya (NIN.A.NI)
12
ana bal"!#u
13
b#tam () #pu
14
addur"r
15
Akkad
16
ikun
121

Governor of Aur, built a temple for Itar, my sovereign, for his life. He
established free-trade for the Akkadians.

In this unit, lines 1-9 comprise the titulary. In this instance, this is the name of the king
plus his primary title (1-3), an additional designation (4-6), and his genealogy (7-8).
Lines 10-16 contain the action unit: the first ana-clause (a dedication), a second ana-
clause (a prayer), and an additional achievement (free-trade). Grayson diagrams this type
of inscription: royal name, dedication to deity, name of object dedicated, and verb of
dedication. It remained in use until the MA period.
122

In slightly longer inscriptions, the achievements of the king were separated out
from the titulary, thus forming their own unit. In these inscriptions, following the
genealogy of the titulary, the subject (rulers name + title/epithets) is restated at the
beginning of each action unit. As can be seen in this Commemorative inscription of Ilu-
umma, following the titulary, the subject is restated:
KI
nar"m
d
Aur u Itar (
d
INANA) m"r (DUMU)
KI
KI
m"r (DUMU)
Puzur-Aur iiak (NSI) Aur
KI

KI
ana Itar (
d
INANA) b!lat#ya (NIN.A.NI) ana
bal"!#u b#tam () #pu
123

Ilu-umma, Governor of Aur, Beloved of Aur and Itar, son of alim-ahum,
Governor of Aur, alim-ahum, Governor of Aur, son of Puzur-Aur,
Governor of Aur

121
RIM A.0.32.1: 1-16.
122
123
RIM A.0.32.2: 1-22.
61
Ilu-umma, Governor of Aur, built a temple for Itar, my sovereign, for his life.

At this point in the history of the development of the inscriptions, the two ana-clauses
(dedication and prayer) are retained in the unit which contained the achievements.
The beginning of the action unit could also be announced by either topicalizing
the object being built, repaired, or dedicated; thus, the new section can start with b!tu
temple, or some smaller, more specific, object, or by topicalizing the name of the deity
to whom the object was dedicated. It could also be announced with the second type of
ana-clause (the prayer):
Puzur-A!ur" iiak (NSI)
d
Au!r" m!r (DUMU)
d
Aur-n"!r""!r#" iiak
(NSI)
d
A$ur% ana bal"!#!u" u al"m "l#u d$rum (BD) a mul"lim en"hma
uddi u sikkat# akun
124

Puzur-Aur, Governor of Aur, son of Aur-n!r!r", Governor of A[ur]: For
his life and the well being of his city: the wall of the Step Gatethe one which
had become dilapidatedI restored and deposited my clay cone.

In this inscription, following the titulary is an example of the ana-clause that can
typically announce the beginning of the action unit.
Perhaps because the early rulers of Aur reigned over an inherently commerce-
driven city-state, reports of construction projects or dedicated items, with the occasional
aside concerning trade issues, are primarily recorded in the action unit of these earlier
inscriptions. In an interesting proposition, in his unpublished dissertation, Eric D.
Morrison argues that these project reports may have had their origin in governmental
planning sessions. Because many of the inscriptions containing construction reports were
found in the foundations of the buildings mentioned in the inscriptions, the actual
construction could not have been finished before the placement of the tablet within it.

124
RIM A.0.61.1:1-10.
62
This leads Morrison to the conclusion that the reports arose out of the minutes of
construction planning sessions.
125
If this is the true Sitz im Leben of this type of Display
Text, it should then receive its own designation in Graysons chart.
Temporal elements were introduced to announce the transition between the
titulary and action units during the reigns of Erium (1934-1900) and Adad-n!r!r" I.
During the reign of Erium, the adverb en$ma when was added. During the reign of
Adad-n!r!r" I the element um!uma at that time was added.
126
These elements made for
a smoother transition between the two sections because they both introduce the material
while still indicating a break in theme, as may be seen in this inscription of Adad-n!r!r":
Adad-n"r"r# ar (LUGAL) kiati (KI) arru (LUGAL) dannu ar (LUGAL) m"t (KUR)
Aur m"r (DUMU) Arik-d!n-ili ar (LUGAL) m"t (KUR) Aur m"r (DUMU) Enlil-
n"r"r# ar (LUGAL) m"t (KUR) Aurma en$ma attuar[a] ar (LUGAL) m"t (KUR)
Han[ig]albat itt#ya ikkiruma z"e[r]$ti ![p]uu ina qib[#t] [A]ur b!l#ya (E[N]-ia)
"lik r!![#ya] u il"ni (DINGIR.ME) rabti (GAL.ME) m"lik damiq[t]#ya a!bass$ma
ana "l#ya (URU-ia) Aur ublau utamm#$ma ana m"t#u (KUR-u) umeiru
attiamma adi bal"u t"martau ina qereb "l#ya (URU-ia) Aur lu amdahar
127

Adad-n!r!r", King of the Everything, Strong King, King of the land of Aur, son
of Arik-d#n-ili, King of the land of Aur, son of Enlil-n!r!r", King of Aur.
When attuara, King of the land of Hanigalbat, rebelled against me and
committed hostilities, by the command of Aur, my sovereignwho travels as
my ally, and the great godswho counsel in my favor, I seized him and brought
him to my city Aur. I made him take an oath and then released him to his land.
Annually, while he lived, I received his tribute within my city, Aur.

Although the use of these temporal elements seems to indicate an attempt at general

125
Morrison, A Form-Critical Study, 181-186. This proposal also gives weight to the suggestion made by
Schneider that Display texts primarily concerned with building projects should be understood as a category
separate from those which contain other information. If the form of the Construction-Display text has roots
in a setting separate from that of the Annals, then perhaps we should consider placing these texts in a
distinct category.
126
For further discussion of the development of this break, see Morrison, A Form-Critical Study, 142.
127
RIM A.0.76.3: 1-14.
63
chronology, the information presented in the section is still inherently non-
chronological and non-historical because it is vague and imprecise.
128

During the MA period, after Aur threw off the Mitannian yoke, annexing the
very lands they had previously ruled, large contextual changes occurred to the action unit.
New subjects were added and an almost complete shift in presentation took place in an
effort to effect the impression of an heroic and pious king. In order to highlight this
heroism and piety, descriptions of military accomplishments were added to the unit
during the reign of Adad-n!r!r" I.
129
These insertions most likely had their origins as
chronicles written by scribes, perhaps present at the side of the king in battle.
130
The
reports were then skillfully incorporated into the action units of the inscriptions. Because
the information inserted into the inscriptions had its origins in this mostly factual setting,
a tension begins to be seen in the unit.
131

128
Hayim Tadmor, History and Ideology in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions, in Assyrian Royal
Inscriptions, 14-33 [18].
129
Military activities are also recorded in a royal inscription of Arik-d#n-ili (RIM A.0.75.8), but, according
to Grayson, [t]he preserved portions suggest that the text is a chronicle rather than a royal inscription
(RIMA I, 128). Although Grayson chooses to designate it as a royal inscription, because both the end and
beginning of the text are broken, we will here be conservative and treat it as a chronicle.
130
A. Kirk Grayson, Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: Literary Characteristics, in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions:
New Horizons, 42-43.
131
This tension arises out of the desire to include accurate accounts instead of solely aggrandizing heroic
depictions of the kings achievements. A solution is ultimately arrived at in the new sub-category of the
Commemorative type, called Annals. In Annals, the topic of the kings great piety is further emphasized
and the topic of his hunting prowess is introduced; furthermore, the relationship between the king and the
gods is redefined in these texts. No longer depicted as a mere employee of the gods, he is depicted as
having an almost god-like stature, yet his piety is still emphasized. Finally, the two ana clauses are shifted
in Commemorative inscriptions from the action unit to different literary units, perhaps in an effort to focus
on the kings triumphs.
64
The seemingly more specific phrases ina urru kuss arrut#ya ina mahr palya
at the beginning of my reign, during my first pal were introduced during the reign of
Tukult"-Ninurta. Tadmor argues that, although temporal phrases such as this one and the
ones noted above appear chronological, they are not.
132
The phrases were designed to
make it appear as if all great events performed by the king were achieved during his first
term (pal) as ruler. Tadmor asserts that this is part of the well-known tradition of
depicting the king as heroic. Already used during the Akkade period, the addition of the
temporal phrase gives the impression that the entirety of the kings greatest achievements
occurred in a single year.
133
In the case of the Assyrian kings, this was during their
ascension year. The king, during his first year on the throne, needed either to fight many
successful battles or to undertake great building projects. Since these two achievements
could usually not be performed within the kings first year, the scribes attempted to make
it appear that this was the case, and the depiction of the kings reign became front-loaded.
Though these temporal formulae were attempts at marrying true chronology with
the desire to present the king in an heroic and pious light, Tadmor contends that they
ultimately fail to do both.
134
A solution to this dilemma was arrived at during the reign of
Tiglath-pileser I. During this reign, the two presentation styleschronological and
heroicwere successfully blended. The solution was to place a minor titulary or
laudatory segment at the beginning of each newly introduced event and to date the
event according to the pal in which it took place. In later inscriptions, the events are be
dated by the name of the l#mu governor of that year. Finally, during the reign of

132
Tadmor, History and Ideology, 18.
133
Ibid., 19-20.
134
Ibid., 17.
65
Sennacherib, a further innovation, listing by girru campaign was introduced. This
retained the epic feeling of the narrative, while providing a more accurate chronology.

3.2 Attestations
The uniquely close relationship between the mortal ruler and the divine sovereign
of the land of Aur is implied in the inscriptions of the Old Assyrian kings. In an
inscription of Erium, the ruler declares the god Aurs confidence in him when he
proclaims that it is with Aur standing (izzama id#u) at his side that he set aside land for
the god.
135
In an inscription of Ik$num, the son of Erium, Ik$num declares that Aur is
his helper (muttabbil#u). The earliest explicit record in an action unit of such an act
performed by Itar is located in a very fragmentary inscription which may be attributed to
either Enlil-n!r!r" I (1329-1320) or to his son, Adad-n!r!r" I:
136

Lacuna
1) [...] xxx [...]
2) [...] X-X URU(?) al(?)-[...]
3) [... it]-ta(?)-[kir(?)] x GI [...]
4) [... e(?)]-nu-ma x [...]
5) [...] x an-[na-a(?)]-tu i-na [...]
6) [ ina q-bi-i]t ama (
d
UTU) Adad (
d
IKUR) Itar ([
d
INANA])
7) [...]x i-x (x)-ti [...]
8) [... z]i-ma URU al-x-[...]
9) [...
m
ku-r]i-gal-zu LUGAL [m"t kardunia ...]
10) [... abik]-ta-u a-k[u-un ...]
11) [... ina a-n]u(?)-[ut(?)]-te-u [...]

[he] rebelled ... [by the command] of the gods ama, Adad, and [Itar ... he
attacked and the city Al...[... Kur]igalzu, king of [Kardunia ...] I brought about

135
RIM A.0.33.1: 8-9.
136
RIM A.74.1001. The king to whom this fragment should be ascribed is of some debate (RIMA I, 199).
Both Enlil-n!r!r" I and Adad-n!r!r" I fought against the Kassite king mentioned in the inscription,
Kurigalzu. Ebeling dated the inscription to the reign of Enlil-n!r!r" I as do both ARI and RIM; I continue
this. For a discussion see ARI I, 52.
66
his [defeat ... a] second time
137

This text was inscribed on a stone tablet and found near the Adad temple at Aur. In it,
the Assyrian king is commanded (ina qib#t) to war by a trio of gods: ama, Adad, and
Itar. Unfortunately, it is entirely unclear with whom and where the king is fighting,
though it does seem to have some connection to the Kassite king Kurigalzu.
It is likely that Itar is again listed with ama and Adad in the earlier of the two
standard introductions for the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" I. Unlike in the Enlil-n!r!r"
inscription, in this text, the king is not commanded to war; rather, the gods are recorded
to have forced the submission of his enemies:
arru (LUGAL) a naphar (U.NGIN) malk# u rub
d
Anu Aur ama (
d
UTU) Adad
(
d
IKUR) u Itar (
d
i
8
-tr) ana !p!u uekni$
138

The king, at whose feet, all rulers and princes, Anu, Aur, ama, Adad, and
Itar subjugated

Similar to the Enlil-n!r!r" inscription, this text records skirmishes between an Assyrian
ruler and the Kassites. The circumstances surrounding this skirmish are unclear. It can
not be determined whether Babylon was attacked, whether the action was merely
defensive, or if the Assyrian and Kassite kings were vying for outside territories. The
inscription also records battles with the Qut, Lullumu, and ubaru, and the trampling
of various cities within Hurrian territory (Hanigalbat): Taidu, Kahat, Kaiieri, and
Harran. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the Qut, Lullumu, and ubaru are all
tribes which were located in the vicinity of Ninevehto the northeast, east, and southeast

137
As transliterated and translated in RIM A.0.74.2.
138
RIM A.0.76.1: 15b-17.
67
of the city. Taidu, Kahat, Kaiieri, and Harran were located in the Habur triangle (north
Syria and south-Turkey)to the north and west of Aur.
139

In his revised standard introduction (A.0.76.3), Adad-n!r!r" I does not declare that
the gods forced the submission of enemy kings; rather, he states that it is with the
assistance of the gods that he is able to defeat his enemies:
[ina] kakk! (GI.TUKUL.ME) dann$ti a
d
Aur b!l!ya (EN-ia) ina tukulti a
d
Anim
d
Enlil u
d
Ea Sn (
d
30) ama (
d
UTU) Adad (
d
IKUR) Itar (
d
i
8
-tr) u Nergal
(
d
U.GUR) kaka il"ni (DINGIR.ME) rab$ti b!l!ya (EN.ME-ia)
140

With the powerful weapons of Aur, My Sovereign, (and) with the support of
Anu, Enlil, and Ea, Sn, ama, Adad, Itar, and Nergal, the most violent of the
fearsome gods, my Sovereigns

The enemies, in this case, are the kings of Hanigalbat: attuara and his son, Uasaatta.
The armies which Adad-n!r!r" conquers are those listed in his earlier standard
introduction (except for the Kassites). The register of gods, however, is different and
somewhat peculiar in that it does not match any proper god-list, nor does it follow the
previous list located in the first version of the standard introduction. While Anu, Aur,
ama, Adad, and Itar are still present, Enlil, Ea, Sn, and Nergal are added to the roster.
Only one additional inscription of Adad-n!r!r" I reports the deeds of a deity in an
action unit. In this fragmentary inscription, a deity is said to lead the kings army:
9) i-na e-mu-q dan-na-t[i...]
10) !ina" ka-ak-ki da-an-nu-t[i...]
11) !a"li-kat pa-ni-[ia]

With the great strength [] with the mighty weapons [which Itar my mistress]
who travels before me [had given me]
141

139
The Lullumu (or Lullubu), are a people closely associated with, if not equal to, the Qut (Gutium). Both
are tribes which likely lived to the southeast of Aur in and around the Zagros Mountains. During the MA
period, frequent skirmishes with this group are reported (Hurrowitz and Westenholz, LKA, 28-31).
140
RIM A.0.76.3: 22-26.
68
Though there is a lacuna where the subject of the crucial phrase should be, the remaining
text contains the feminine participle "likat. This strongly suggests that Itar is meant; thus,
according to this inscription, Itar not only led the battle, she also gave the king a mighty
weapon with which he fought. Further down, the inscription records that the battle is
against the Lullumu.
In the inscriptions of almaneser I, it is again against the tribes surrounding
Nineveh that the king claims aid from Itar. In a dedicatory inscription discovered at
Nineveh, the king declares that he is:
a ina tukulti Itar (
d
i
8
-tr) b!lt#$ (NIN-u) e["li(?) kull]at n"kir#u in"ruma
dabd z"er#u ina qereb t"h"zi iltakkan[uma(?)...]-gi-u-nu sakl$te ana !p (GR)
d
i
8
-tr b!lt#u ([N]IN-u) uekni[]
142

The one who, with the support of Itar, his sovereign, slew br[avely(?) a]ll of his
enemies, established the defeat of his opponents in the midst of battle, and
subjugated their barbarous [sheikhs(?)] at the feet of the Itar, his sovereign

The barbarous sheikhs are later identified as the Qut, Lullumu, and ubaru. Added to
this list is another related tribe, the Mu!ri. Similarly, Tukult"-Ninurta I also claims to
have subdued these regions. This time, however, the ruler claims to have, himself,
muekni made the land bow.
Located in two very different inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta I (one from Aur
and one from K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta), are two, almost identical passages, in which Itar is
again recorded as aiding the king in battle:
ina
GI
tukulti a
d
Aur Enlil (
d
BAD) u
d
ama il"ni (DINGIR.ME) rabti (GAL.ME)
b!l#ya (EN.ME-ia) ina r!!$ti a Itar (
d
i
8
-tr) b!lat (NIN-at) am &AN-!e")

141
RIM A.0.76.1001: 9-12.
142
RIM A.0.77.17: 4-6.
69
er!eti (KI-ti) ina pani umm"n[#]ya illik$ itti katiliau ar (MAN) m"t (KUR)
Kardunia ana ep! tuqm"ti asniq abiktu umm"n"t!u akun
143

With the support of Aur, Enlil, and ama, the great gods, my lords, (and) with
the aid of Itar, Sovereign of Heaven (and) the Earththey who travel before my
armyI approached Katiliau, King of the land of Kardunia, to perform mles.
I established a defeat of his troops.

This time, it is Itar, designated as b!let am u er!eti Sovereign of Heaven and Earth,
who is reported to aid the king. This passage records that it is with the support (ina tukulti)
of the gods Aur, Enlil, and ama and with the aid (ina r!!$ti) of Itar that Tukult"-
Ninurta goes to war. The difference in the phrases ina tukulti and ina r!!$ti is of little
import, as they are, essentially, synonymous. What is significant is that Itar is separated
from the main contingency of gods by these different phrases. It is also of note that all of
the gods lead the battle, not merely Itar. Slightly different versions of this passage are
also located in at least two more inscriptions discovered at K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta
(A.0.78.24 and A.0.78.25); however, in these versions no god is recorded to have assisted
the king in his victory.
144

The inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta also record Itars request for a new temple.
On a large stone block, which was discovered in the Itar temple at Aur, the king recalls:
ina um!uma ina urr arr$t#ya (LUGAL-ti-ia) Itar (
d
INANA) b!lt# (NIN) b#ta ()
an a el mahr ayak#a (.AN.NA-) quudu !riannima b!tu () lab#ru (TIL)
ubat Itar (
d
INANA) b!lt#ya (NIN-ia) a ina pana b!tu () !d!n ig"r (I.) ilt!n
ana rim#t Itar (
d
INANA) kunnuma u b#tu () ah$ru ina pan#u l" epu
145

At that time, at the beginning of my sovereignty, Itar, my Sovereign, requested
from me another templeone that would be holier than her present temple. The
old temple, the dwelling of Itar, my Sovereign, that one previously was founded

143
Cited here: RIM A.0.78.5: 48-57. RIM A.0.78.23: 56-68 has
d
INANA NIN AN KI for Itar b!lat (NIN -at)
am (AN-e) er!eti (KI-ti).
144
Finally, this battle is also recorded in vivid detail in the Epic of Tukult#-Ninurta.
145
RIM A.0.78.11: 82-86.
70
as a one-room temple for Itar and the ah$ru temple had not yet been built

The block itself was one of the more exciting discoveries at Aur. It was discovered with
two gold tablets, two silver tablets, and five lead tablets. Because of the quality of the
endeavor, it is safe to say that the dedication and the erection of the temple were of great
importance. Other than these final lines, the same text was inscribed on each of the metal
tablets and on a stone block. The text shared by all examples includes a typical titulary
for Tukult"-Ninurta I, followed by an action unit which records the erection of a new
temple to Itar-Aur"tum. The concluding formula is typical. It includes prescriptions
and proscriptions for a later ruler. It is only on the stone block, written after the
concluding formulae, that the request for the building is found.
No action is reported for Itar in the inscriptions of the kings which follow
Tukult"-Ninurta I until the reign of Adad-n!r!r" II. In the Annals of Adad-n!r!r" II, Itar
once again leads the Assyrian army:
!ina qib#t" Aur b!li (EN) rab (GAL) b!l!ya (EN-ia) !u"
d
!Itar (i
8
-tr)" b!let
qabli (MURUB
4
) !u t"h"zi (M)" "likat pan"t umm"n"t#ya (RIN.HI.A.ME-ia)
rap"ti (DAGAL.ME)
146

By the command of Aur, Great Sovereign, My Sovereign, and Itar, Sovereign
of Combat and Battle, who travels before my vast troops

In this inscription, the king declares that Itar, designated as the b!let qabli u t"h"zi
Sovereign of Combat and Battle, is the "likat pan"t umm"n"t#ya one who travels
before my vast troops. She is reported to perform this role during only one campaign,
the kings fifth attack on Hanigalbat. It is only in after this attack that the king states he
has attained victory.

146
RIM A.0.99.2: 97.
71
Itar is not reported to lead the troops in the Annals of Aur-na!irpal II
(A.0.101.1 and A.0.101.17); rather, the Urigallu is in front:
ina
GI
tukulti Aur b!li (EN) rab (GAL) b!l#ya (EN-ia) u Urigalli (
d
RI.GAL) "lik
(DU) p"n#ya (IGI-ia)
147

With the support of Aur, Great Sovereign, my sovereign, and the Urigalli which
travels before me

The Urigallu was, according to Grayson, the symbol of the martial god Nergal.
148
Itar is,
however, part of a contingency of gods who lead the army in an inscription engraved on
the Kurkh Monument. According to the king:
Aur Adad (
d
IKUR) Sn (
d
30) u ama Itar (
d
INANA) il"ni (DINGIR.ME) rabti
(GAL.ME) "lik$t p"ni (IGI) umm"n"t!ya (RIN.HI.A.ME-a)
149

Aur, Adad, Sn and ama, (and) Itar, the Great Gods who travel before my
troops.

Although not leading the battle array, in the Annals of Aur-na!irpal II, Itar does
seem to be in charge of war. At the beginning of the action unit, the king declares:
ina bibl"t libb#ya (-ia) u tiri! q"t#ya (U-ia) Itar (
d
INANA) b!ltu (GAAN)
r"imat (GA) angt#ya (SANGA-ti-ia) lu tamgurannimma ep! qabli (MURUB
4
) u
t"h"zi (M) libbaa (-a) ublama
150

Because of my heartfelt offerings and my prayers, Itar, the sovereign who loves
my priesthood, approved me and decided to make combat and battle.

In the same text, Itar, designated as the Sovereign of Nineveh, together with Aur,
instructs Aur-na!irpal to depart on a campaign from Nineveh:
ina qib#t Aur
d
Itar (
d
INANA) il"ni (DINGIR.ME) rabti (GAL.ME) b!l#ya

147
RIM A.0.101.1: col. ii 25b-26a. The Urigallu is also recorded as leading the way in RIM A.0.101.1: col.
ii 50b and in the duplicate inscription: RIM A.0.101.17.
148
RIMA II, n. 48, 134.
149
RIM A.0.101.19: 1-4 .
150
RIM A.0.101.1: 37b-38b, and A.0.101.1: 17 col. i 46b-49a.
72
(EN.ME-ia) itu (TA) "l (URU) Ninua attumu
151

By the command of Aur (and) Itar, the Great Gods, my sovereigns, I moved
out from the city of Nineveh

This time the lands the king battles are specifically to the north of the city: Mount Nipur,
Atkun, Uhu, Pilazithe lands of the Nairi (to the north of Nineveh [Urar"u]).
152

Itar is also recorded to support the king martially in the action units of two texts
discovered at Nineveh (A.0.101.56 and A.0.101.66). In each text, Aur-na!irpal II
declares that he is the king who campaigns:
ina
GI
tukulti Aur Adad (
d
IKUR) Itar (
d
INANA) Ninurta (
d
MA) il"ni
(DINGIR.ME) r!!$u
153

With the support of Aur, Adad, Itar, (and) Ninurta, the gods, his allies

The list of campaigns after this statement is extensive. It includes the entirety of Syria,
Hatti, Zamua, and Nairi; thus, it would seem that the region which the gods enable the
king to conquer is the northern territories.
By the middle of the reign of almaneser III, the great heroic king of Assyria
began to lose his stature. Factions opposed to the king rose up and rebellions broke out in
the annexed lands (e.g., Urar"u). Additionally, officials such as military commanders and
l#mu became more influential. These officials became so powerful that they themselves
began to have their own inscriptions made which recorded their own mighty feats.
Schneider argues that this indicates a diminishing of the kings power and that it is most

151
RIM A.0.101.1: col. i 70, and A.0.101.1: 17: col. i (there is a lacuna where the text would be expected).
152
Karlheinz Kessler, ubria, Urartu and Aur: Topographical Questions around the Tigris Sources,
Studies on the Annals of Ashurnasirpal II, ed. Mario Liverani (Rome: University of Rome, 1992), 55-67.
153
RIM A.0.101.56: 7 and A.0.101.66: 4b.
73
noticeable in the inscriptions of almaneser from the second half of his reign.
154
Gone
from these inscriptions is the mighty prose of the majestic king with his god-like prowess
and divine helpers. The action units in the inscriptions from the end of almaneser IIIs
reign read more like chronicles, dry in their depiction of events.

3.3 Catalog
Enlil-n"r"r! I
A.74.1001 [ ina q-bi-i]t
d
UTU
d
IKUR [
d
itar]

By the command of ama, Adad, and Itar

Adad-n"r"r! I
A.0.76.1
155
LUGAL U.NGIN ma-al-ki ru-be-e a-ur
d
UTU
d
IKUR
d
i
8
-tr a-na
e-pi-u -e-ek-ni-u

The king, at whose feet, all rulers and princes, Anu, Aur, ama, Adad, and Itar
subjugated

A.0.76.3
156
i-na tu-kl-ti
d
a-nim
d
en-ll
d
-a
d
30
d
UTU
d
IKUR
d
i
8
-tr
d
U.GUR ka-
a-ka-a DINGIR.ME ra-a-bu-ti EN.ME-ia

With the support of Aur, My Sovereign, (and) with the assistance of Anu, Enlil, and Ea,
Sn, ama, Adad, Itar, and Nergal, the most violent of the fearsome gods, my
Sovereigns

A.76.1001 i-na e-mu-q da-an-na-t[i...] [i-na] ka-ak-ki da-an-nu-t[i...] [a]-li-ka-at
pa-ni-[ia] i-na KUR lu-ul-lu-ma-a [a(?) gipi/hissat(?)] li-ib-bi-ia [...] a ka-a-di [...]a
ku-un-nu- i

almaneser I
A.0.77.17 a i-na tu-kl-ti !
d
"i
8
-tr NIN-u e["-li-i(?) kl-l]a-at na-ki-ri-u i-na-ru-
ma db-du za-e-ri-u i-na q-reb ta-ha-zi il-ta-ka-n[u-ma(?)...]-gi-u-nu sa-ak-lu-te a-na
GR
d
i
8
-tr [N]IN-u -e-ek-ni-i[]

The one who, with the support of Itar, his sovereign, slew br[avely(?) a]ll of his enemies,

154
Schneider, A New Analysis, 76 ff.
155
Also, RIM A.0.76.7, A.0.76.8, A.0.76.13, A.0.76.16, A.0.76.19, A.0.76.20, A.0.76.21.
156
Also, RIM A.0.76.4, A.0.76.5, A.0.76.6, and A.0.76.22.
74
established the defeat of his opponents in the midst of battle, and subjugated their
barbarous [sheikhs(?)] at the feet of the Itar, his sovereign

Tukult!-Ninurta I
A.0.78.5 ina
gi
tukul-ti
d
a-ur
d
BAD
d
-ma DINGIR.ME GAL.ME EN.ME-ia i-
na re-!u-ti
d
i
8
-tr NIN-at AN-e KI-ti i-na pa-ni um-ma-ni-ia il-li-ku

With the support of Aur, Enlil, and ama, the great gods, my lords, (and) with the aid
of Itar, Sovereign of Heaven (and) the Earththey who travel before my army

A.0.78.23 i-na
gi
tukul-ti
d
a-ur
d
BAD
d
-ma DINGIR.ME GAL.ME EN.ME-ia i-na
re-!u-ti
d
INANA NIN AN KI i-na pa-ni um-ma-na-te-ia il-li-ku

With the support of Aur, Enlil, and ama, the great gods, my lords, (and) with the aid
of Itar, Sovereign of Heaven (and) the Earththey who travel before my army

A.0.78.11
d
INANA NIN -na-a el mah-ri-i .AN.NA- qu-u-du i-ri--ni-ma
Itar, my Sovereign, requested from me another templeone that would be holier than
her present temple.

Adad-n"r"r! II
A.0.99.2 !ina qib#t" a-ur EN GAL EN-ia ! "
d
!i
8
-tr" be-lit MURUB
4
! M" a-
lik-at pa-na-at RIN.HI.A.ME-ia DAGAL.ME

By the command by Aur, Great Sovereign, My Sovereign, and Itar, Sovereign of
Combat and Battle, who travels before my vast troops

Aurna! !! !irpal II
A.0.101.1 ina bi-ib-lat -ia u ti-ri-i U-ia
d
INANA GAAN GA SANGA-ti-ia lu tam-
gu-ra-ni-ma e-pe MURUB
4
u M -a ub-la-ma

Because of my heartfelt offerings and my prayers, Itar, the sovereign who loves my
priesthood, accepted me and decided to make combat and battle.

A.0.101.17 ina bi-ib-lat -ia u ti-ri-i! U-ia
d
INANA GAAN GA SANGA-ti-ia lu tam-
gu-ra-ni-ma e-pe MURUB
4
u M -a ub-la-ma

Because of my heartfelt offerings and my prayers, Itar, the sovereign who loves my
priesthood, accepted me and decided to make combat battle.

A.0.101.1 ina q-bit a-ur
d
INANA DINGIR.ME GAL.ME EN.ME-ia TA URU ni-nu-a
at-tu-mu

By the command of Aur and Itar, the Great Gods, my sovereigns, I moved out from
the city of Nineveh

75
A.0.101.17 [ina q-bit a-ur
d
INANA DINGIR.ME GAL.ME EN.ME-ia TA URU ni-nu-a
at-tu-mu]

By the command of Aur and Itar, the Great Gods, my sovereigns, I moved out from
the city of Nineveh

A.0.101.19 a-ur
d
IKUR
d
30 u
d
-ma
d
INANA DINGIR.ME GAL.ME a-li-ku-ut IGI
RIN.HI.A.ME-a

Aur, Adad, Sn and ama, (and) Itar, the Great Gods who go before my troops.

A.0.101.56 [e"lu qardu ] ina
GI
TUKUL-ti a-ur
d
IKUR
d
INANA
d
MA !DINGIR".ME
re-!i-u DU.DU-ku-ma

He is the heroic warrior who perpetually campaigns with the support of Aur, Adad,
Itar, (and) Ninurta, the gods, his allies.

A.0.101.66 e"-lu qar-du a ina
GI
TUKUL-ti a-ur
d
IKUR
d
!INANA(?)"
d
MA
DINGIR.ME GAL.ME EN.ME- it-tal-la-ku-ma

He is the heroic warrior who perpetually campaigns with the support of Aur, Adad,
Itar, (and) Ninurta, the Great Gods, his sovereigns.

3.4 Analysis
Itar performs actions in the action unit of the inscriptions of six kings in EARI.
All reigned during either the early MA or early NA periods. During the early MA period,
Itars actions are recorded in the action units of the inscriptions of Enlil-n!r!r" I, Adad-
n!r!r" I, almaneser I, and Tukult"-Ninurta I. In inscriptions dating to the early NA period,
she is mentioned in the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" II and Aur-na!irpal II. From the
above survey of the attestations, two different types of actions may be differentiated for
Itar: she commands the king (to war and to build a temple) and she supports the king on
the battlefield. Thus, her ultimate function in the action unit is to aid and legitimate the
king in warfare and to approve of certain forms of temple construction. From the above
survey, it can also be determined that Itar performs these actions in different
76
manifestations and in relation to different lands. It is the purpose of the following
discussion to determine if correlations between certain manifestations of Itar, certain
actions attributed to her, and the lands to which she is connected can be ascertained.

3.4.1 Divine Commands
The phrase ina qib#t DN (or the equivalent ina siqir DN) by the command of the
god is a somewhat common phrase [which expresses] divine sanction.
157
In Assyrian
royal inscriptions, this divine approval is most frequently attested after the reign Tiglath-
pileser I. Before this time, it was employed only sporadically. Though it can indicate a
variety of concerns, this divine authorization generally pertains to military matters. This
is certainly the case for the attestations which have Itar as the source of the approval. In
his investigation into the reasons for the use of the phrase ina qib#t before acts of war,
Bustenay Oded determines seven reasons why a king proclaims that he was commanded:
1. only the gods have the legitimate right to declare war
2. as the patrons of all treaties, the king was the executor of any sentence proclaimed
by them
3. because the war is sanctioned by the gods, it is given a religious dimension, it
becomes holy
4. the king is not only the executor of the sentence of the gods, but the very weapon
with which that sentence is carried out
5. the king is responsible to the godsnot the people
6. by proclaiming that he has been divinely commanded, the king emphasizes his
intimacy with the divine sphere
7. if he has been divinely commanded, he is assured of divine support on the
battlefield
158

Oded concludes that use of the phrase ina qib#t DN was a method by which the king

157
Bustenay Oded, War and Peace and Empire: Justifications for War in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions (Dr.
Ludwig Reichert Verlag: Wiesbaden, 1992), 9.
158
Ibid., 10-26.
77
justified his various acts; however, he further notes that it is also an expression of the
principle of divine control over international relations.
159

In the main, Aur is the lone god who oversees international affairs in EARI; thus,
he is the god who most often commands the king to war. As the tutelary deity of the
Assyrian kings, his authority over the martial activities of a king is expected. Deviations
from this norm are indicative of special circumstances. In the fragmentary inscription of
Enlil-n!r!r" I, Itar (sans designation), together with ama and Adad, orders the king to
war with a city whose name is illegible.
160
When paired, ama and Adad are generally
assumed to function as deities of divination. This duo is first attested as controlling
extispicy (in addition to their more expected roles as the god of the Sun and the god of
weather, respectively) during the OB period.
161
The first attestation in EARI of the phrase
ina qib#t DN likely connotes an extispicy and occurs in an inscription ascribed to the
OB king am"-Adad I (A.0.39.1001). In the inscription, the king declares that he was
commanded by Enlil (ina qib#t) to attack Arrapha, a traditionally Hurrian city lying just
east of Aur and just north of Nuzi. Later in the text, after his capture of this city, am"-
Adad states that he made a sacrifice to ama and Adad. Unfortunately, the text is broken
where a reason for this sacrifice would perhaps have been given. This sacrifice may
indicate that, though the two gods were not said to command the king, they conveyed the

159
Ibid., 26.
160
RIM A.0.74.2.
161
W. G. Lambert, Babylonian Oracle Questions (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2007), 1-10. According to
Lambert, the divine sovereigns of the tam#tu, extispicy, were ama and Adad. Adad in this role is
generally referred to as the b!l b#ri, Sovereign of the (liver) Inspection, while ama is b!l d#ni,
Sovereign of the Verdict. According to Lambert, this role should not be confused with ama other role
as the day"n am u er!eti, Judge of Heaven and Earth, which, Lambert contends, alluded to ordinary
matters of justice.
78
command of Enlil to him.
162

During the OB period at Sippar, Itar is also connected to the divinatory gods
ama and Adad under the guise of the deity Ihara. Ihara is typically designated as the
b!let b#ri Sovereign of the Extispicy.
163
One may even go so far as to suggest that,
since Adad and Ihara bear the same title Sovereign of the Extispicy, they would have
performed an interchangeable role. The worship of Ihara at Aur is recorded in an
inscription of Adad-n!r!r" (A.0.76.15), in which the king declares that he renovated a
room for Ihara in the large Itar complex. This king also seems to connect Itar to ama
and Adad in the earlier of his two standard introductions (A.0.76.1). In this text, the king
states that Anu, Aur, ama, Adad, and Itar caused Hurrian tribes to be subjugated to
him. Generally, in early EARI, Adad is listed with Anu. Here, Anu is listed before Aur,
while Adad is listed between ama and Itar. It is possible, then, that, though not
specified as such, in the inscriptions of Enlil-n!r!r" I and Adad-n!r!r" I behind the name
Itar lays Ihara, the goddess of oracles.
In the remaining three texts in which Itar commands the king to war, Hanigalbat
and the Ninevite region are the objects of the attack. In the Annals of Adad-n!r!r" II, Itar,
designated as the b!let qabli u t"h"zi, is said to both lead the army of Adad-n!r!r" II, and
to command the king to war (together with Aur). This campaign was against Hanigalbat.
Although Adad-n!r!r" records several campaigns against this land, this is the only time

162
Unfortunately, the usage of extispicy is notoriously difficult to ascertain from the vague language found
in the royal inscriptions. See, Beate Pongratz-Leisten, Herrschaftswissen in Mesopotamien: Formen der
Kommunikation zwischen Gott und Knig in 2. und 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr (Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text
Corpus, 1999).
163
Meyers, ama, 137-138. Meyers also notes that Ihara was brought to Sippar from Mari with Dag!n
(who in turn was equated with Enlil).
79
Itar is mentioned in relation to them. It is also only after this campaign that the king
claims total victory over the region and the acquisition of tribute. No god is reported to
have ordered the king to wage war for the first four attempts against Hanigalbat. It may
be inferred then that it is because Aur and Itar (specifically Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi)
aided his campaign, and because Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi led his troops, that the king was
finally victorious.
In an identical passage in two Annals of Aur-na!irpal II, Itar commands the
king to campaign from the city-state of Nineveh. Because the goddess is referred as a
Great God in partnership with Aur, it may be assumed that Itar of Nineveh is the
manifestation who performs this action.
164

3.4.2 Martial Support
Itar is said to provide support (tukultu or r!!$tu) to the campaigns of the MA
kings Adad-n!r!r" I, almaneser I, and Tukult"-Ninurta I. The phrase ina tukulti (or ina
r!!$ti)) is not attested in EARI until the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" I and it, too, rarely
occurs until the inscription of Tiglath-pileser I. As with ina qib#t, it is attested in the later
version of Adad-n!r!r"s introduction and in only a single inscription of almaneser. It
also occurs in several inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta, including his standard inscription.
It has been proposed that unlike ina qib#t DN, which signifies a direct command imparted
to the king by a god, the phrases ina tukulti DN and ina r!!$ti DN indicate the presence
of a divine retinue which accompanies the king onto the battlefield.

164
As will be demonstrated, by the NA period, this particular manifestation of Itar (Itar of Nineveh)
becomes referred to as Great God. This designation also comes to be applied to Aur during this period.
80
In his investigation of the presence of gods on campaigns, Thomas W. Mann
refers to this accompaniment as the divine vanguard motif.
165
According to Mann, the
divine vanguard motif is a visual depiction of the king flanked by certain gods as he
marches to war. The motif is best illustrated in literary texts, particularly from
Babylon.
166
In Assyrian texts, examples of the motif are most vibrant in the epics of the
Assyrian kings. In EARI, they may be present, but are less detailed, energetic, and vibrant.
The simple explanation for this is that the royal inscriptions tend to be formulaic in nature.
Mann concludes that in Assyrian royal inscriptions, the divine vanguard motif is
suggested by four different formulae:
(l) general references to divine help (usually tukultu);
(2) references to the god(s) standing at the side of (idu) the king;
(3) expressions of the god(s) going before [especially ina mahri and ina p!n(i)]
the king;
(4) images of the terrifying splendor (melammu) and fearsomeness (puluhtu) of
the gods or their armament employed by the king.
167

Victor Hurowitz and Joan Westenholz suggest that the background for the motif may be
the practice of bringing divine standards onto the battlefield. They cite as an example the
bronze lightning bolts (birqu) said to have been set up by Hunusa in the Annals of
Tiglath-pileser I. They suggest that, because Adad was a major partner to the king,
Adads standard, the birqu lightning rod, was placed on the battlefield during times of

165
Thomas W. Mann, Divine Presence and Guidance in Israelite Traditions the Typology of Exaltation,
(Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1975). For further discussion on divine standards in battle see, Westenholz
and Hurrowitz, LKA 63, 34ff; see also, Sa-Moon Kang, Divine War in the Old Testament and in the
Ancient Near East (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1989).
166
Hurowitz and Westenholz, LKA 63, 30-35.
167
As listed in Mann, Divine Presence, 93.
81
war. A further example is found in the OB legend Nar"m-Sn and the Lord of Apial. In
this text, the emblems of Annun"tum and i-labba are said accompany the king in
battle.
168

Although not treated by Mann in his analysis, occasionally the battle stations for
Itar, Adad, and Nergal (who is, at times replaced by/equated with Nusku, Erra, or
Ninurta) are reported in texts. In the fragmentary inscription of Adad-n!r!r"
(A.0.76.1001), Itar is likely the deity who leads the battle against the Lullumu; thus, her
station is at the head of the battle. She is also recorded as leading the battle in the
inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta I (A.0.78.1 and A.0.78.5) and Adad-n!r!r" II (A.0.99.2).
In Sumerian examples of the motif, Itar is regularly said to head the battle. In the hymn
ulgi X, Itar declares in [the campaign] I will be the one who goes before you.
169

When Itar is said to attack the mountain Ebih in the Sumerian poem nin. me. ar. ra, it
is said that in the van of battle (igi. m) everything is struck down by you (Itar).
170
In
this same text, Adad is said to be at her side.
171
Itar also leads the battle in Hittite texts.
In the Apology of Hattuili, Itar directs the king to warfare. In the introduction to the
Apology, Hattuili III (c. 1267-1240) eloquently describes how, because Itar approved of
him, the goddess not only instructed him to take military action, but marched before him
in certain battles.
172

168
Joan Westenholz, Legends of the Kings of Akkade (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1997), 180-181.
169
ulgi X 28-30, as presented in Jacob Klein, Three ulgi Hymns, 124-66.
170
ni n. me. ar. ra 26 in edited by Annette Zgoll in Der Rechtsfall der En-hedu-Ana im Lied nin-me-ara.
Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag, 1997.
171
Ibid.
172
Hallo and K. Lawson Younger, The Context of Scripture (Leiden, Brill: 2002), No. 1.77hereafter,
COS.
82
Itar may also lead the battle in the second version of the standard inscription of
Adad-n!r!r" I (A.0.78.3). As noted above, in this text, the king states that he was
victorious in battle because of the powerful weapons of Aur, and the tukulti a

Anim
Enlil u Ea Sn ama Adad Itar u Nergal support of Anu, Enlil, and Ea, Sn, ama,
Adad, Itar, and Nergal. This list of the gods is peculiar. It does not match any proper
god-list, nor does it follow the previous list located in the first version of the standard
introduction. In the first version, the list was: Anu, Aur, Enlil, ama, Adad, and Itar.
Using the scribes placement of the conjunction and (u) as a guide, the list of gods in
A.0.78.3 can be divided in the following manner: Anu, Enlil, and Ea; Sn and ama; and
Adad, Itar, and Nergal. Particularly striking is the placement of Itar in the list. When
gods are listed in EARI, as a general rule, Itar is always listed in the final position. It is
the jarring position of Itar that gives a hint as to how it should be read. If understood as
the first fully extant example of the divine vanguard motif in EARI, then Itar was
indeed considered to be leader of Adad-n!r!r"s army. If Adad, Itar, and Nergal are a trio,
the list follows the convention which placed Adad to Itars left and Nergal to her right. It
is a visual representation of the divine vanguard formation. As viewed from the vantage
point of the king and the successive battle ranks, the order is as follows: Adad (left)
Itar (center)Nergal (right).
These battle stations for Adad and Nergal are also attested in the Epic tradition. A
piece of the unpublished Epic of Zimri-Lim from Mari reports that when the king marches
into battle:
illak Addum ina um!l#u Erra d"pinum-ma ina imn#u
173

173
Epic of Zimri-Lim 141-142, as presented by Martti Nissinen in Prophets and Prophecy.
83
Adad goes at his left side, Erra (Nergal), the ferocious one, at his right side

In the Epic of Tiglath-pileser, during the great battle recorded in that text, Nusku (who is
here substituted for Nergal), is said to be imnuu on (the kings) right and Adad, is
said to be um!luu on his left:
ina mahr#$ma (IGI--ma)
d
Enlil (BE) ana tuqmate ireddu
d
Itar (U-DAR) b!let t! dekssu ana qabli (MURUB
4
)
[t]amehma
d
Ninurta (MA) aarid (SAG) il"ni (DINGIR.ME) panuu
imnuu
d
Nusku (ENADA) kullat ay"b# iaggi
um!luu nakr! (KR.ME) irahhi!
d
Addu
174

In front of him (Tiglath-Pileser), Enlil leads him into war.
Itar, Lady of Turmoil, stirs him to battle.
Ninurta, foremost of the gods, takes (position) at his fore.
On his right, Nusku massacres all the enemies.
On his left, Addu devastates the foes

Although Aur and Ninurta are said to lead this battle, they do not appear to be alone at
the head of vanguard. In the text, Itar, though not said to be specifically at the fore of the
army, is listed between the two gods who are said to be at the front. Finally, in the
inscriptions of Aur-b#l-kala the king declares that: Ninurta (replacing Nergal) "lik
imn#ya travels at my right hand and Adad "lik um!l#ya travels at my left.
175

3.4.3 Request
Finally, in the entire corpus of Assyrian royal inscriptions treated in this study,
only three requests made by gods are reported: two are made by the god Aur, one of
which occurs in the inscriptions of alim-ahum, while the other occurs in the inscriptions

174
LKA 63 rev. 6-8 as presented in Hurowitz and Westenholz, LKA 63hereafter, LKA 63.
175
RIM A.0.89.5:3-4 and A.0.89.2 9-10. Each passage is in a very fragmentary state.
84
of Tukult"-Ninurta I;
176
and one which is made by Itar, also located in the inscriptions of
Tukult"-Ninurta.
177
In all three inscriptions, new structures are requested. In the alim-
ahum inscription, Aur requests a temple (this is presumed to be the first temple
dedicated to Aur in the city):
KI
m"r (DUMU) Puzur-Aur iiak (NSI) Aur
KI
d
Aur b!ta () !rissuma b!t () bu-x-mi(?) ana mutima !pu u Ekal (.GAL) x-
Dag"n k$mu i!"r#u x x x x b!t () hub$ri u ab$s#u ana bal""#(u) u bal""
a[l#]u (erasure) ana Aur Lacuna
178

alim-ahum, Governor of Aur, son of Puzur-Aur, Governor of Aur: Aur
requested of him a temple (and) he built for eternity the temple bu-x-mi(?) and the
palace of... (-)Dag!nits shrine, its temple area, ... its house of beer vats and
storage area for (his) life and the life of his city (erasure)for Aur. Lacuna

In a series of inscriptions which report the construction of the new city, K!r-Tukult"-
Ninurta, it is Aur who not only requests, but also orders Tukult"-Ninurta to erect the
city as a new place of worship for the god.
Grayson surmises that the addition of the request was intended as a revised
replacement for part of the report on the construction of the temple.
179
Morrison, who has
analyzed the inscription in some depth, agrees with this assessment, adding that the
tablets which do not contain the additional lines were found buried in the foundations of
the temple, while the stone block was situated outside of it.
180
This is a different situation
from that in the inscription of alim-ahum and the series of Tukult"-Ninurta. In each of
these inscriptions, Aurs request is located in the body of the text. What is similar is the

176
RIM A.0.78.22-25.
177
RIM A.0.78.11.
178
RIM A.0.31.1:24
179
Grayson, RIMA, 255.
180
Morrison, A Form-Critical Study, 168.
85
choice of the verb er!um to ask, request, desire.
181
This verb is the typical verb used to
express a gods wishes. It is generally employed in connection with a god when the god
requests something not for him- or herself, but rather for a plaintiff. In his work on
Assyrian royal inscriptions which contain reports of building construction, Morrison
notes that, even in Sumerian inscriptions, it is rare to find a blatant request by a god for a
new temple.
182

3.5 Conclusion
In the action units of EARI, three different Itars may be delineated, each with
different company, territorial reign, and responsibilities. As the b!let qabli u t"h"zi Itar
seems to have martial jurisdiction over the land of Hanigalbat. She leads the kings army
and her divine company is Aur, Adad, and Ninurta; furthermore, she provides weapons
to the king. As the b!let am u er!eti, Itar both commands (qib#t), and provides aid to
(r!!$tu), the king during his battle with the Kassites. In this capacity, she acts
independently; however, she is accompanied by Aur, Enlil, ama, and Adad. With
these gods she leads the kings army (ina pani umm"n[#]ya illiku). Finally, as the
Sovereign of Nineveh, Itar acts similarly to Itar as b!let am u er!eti. She commands
the king to war (qib#t), and supports him (tukultu) in victory. In these achievements, she
acts alone, or together with Aur. She further has the ability to make combat and battle
(ep! qabli u t"h"zi). She does this independently. The territories over which she

181
CAD E, 281.
182
Morrison, A Form-Critical Study, 192. Morrison contends that a divine request for a temple may be
found in only six other (Sumerian) royal inscriptions (ascribed to only three different rulers). Morrison
further argues that it is only in the Assyrian examples that the gods intention is made explicit by stating
that a god requested (er!um) the work, while the rest are vague and contain no account of a request.
86
commands are the surrounds of Nineveh, perhaps as far north as Urar"u.
This leads to the conclusion that there is a correlation between a particular
designation of Itar and the areas she commands or aids the kings in acquiring. In her
varying guises as a martial deity, Itar is portrayed as a major force behind the throne; the
king attains and expands his empire with her assistance. She is central to the ability of
these kings to rule and maintain their supremacy. In the main, these actions are performed
in connection to the conquest of lands which lie in traditionally Hurrian territory;
however, in certain instances, these actions are performed against the Kassites. In the
inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" I and II, and Aur-na!irpal II, Itar is connected to
Hanigalbat (north Syria and south-western Turkey). Itar acts in connection to the tribes
surrounding Nineveh (the Qut, Lullumu, and ubaru) in the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" I
and almaneser I. Similarly, in the inscriptions of Aur-na!irpal II, she is connected to
Nairi. Finally, Itar, acts in relation to the Kassites in the inscriptions of Enlil-n!r!r" I,
Adad-n!r!r", and Tukult"-Ninurta I.

Chapter 4: CONCLUDING FORMULA

The concluding formula is an optional literary unit located at the end of an
inscription, after the action unit, when the author ceases narrating the kings past
achievements and in some way looks to the future.
183
In most cases, this future is bleak,
for the primary purpose of the unit is to affect the behavior of a future ruler towards the
inscription and the object inscribed. Since there was a very real threat of vandalism to
such objects, this paranoia was not unwarranted. Inscriptions were routinely defaced,
reused, or simply dismissed. Alternatively, kings yearned to have their stelae attended to;
thus, the fear was not only of mutilation, but also of a general lack of respect towards the
object and, hence, the king. In concluding formulae, rulers routinely request to have their
inscriptions returned to their original locations if moved and that various oblations be
undertaken in honor of the king. In an effort to compel and dissuade the future ruler,

183
Cheryl Meltzer, Concluding Formulae in Ancient Mesopotamian Royal Inscriptions: The Assyrian
Sources, (Ph.D. diss., Toronto University, 1984), 51.
88
various gods are called upon either to aid the future king during his reign or, more
frequently, to inflict various forms of devastation upon him. Rarely, a second blessing
was placed on the object for the king whose inscription it was. The purpose of this
blessing was to ensure the well-being of this king, his family, and the city during his
actual lifetime.
In her extensive survey of concluding formula, Cheryl Meltzer, demonstrates that
the majority of concluding formula can be divided into three segments: an address to a
future prince (with or without blessing), a maledictory section, and (rarely) a benedictory
formula.
184
The address to a future prince (AFP) contains the instructions for a future
ruler who happened upon the inscription (and the object upon which it was inscribed).
After this list of instructions, this initial segment generally concludes with a short
benedictory element. The succeeding maledictory section contains various punitive
actions which the gods are invoked to perform upon non-complaint future rulers;
however, very occasionally, this maledictory section can also contain invocations for
positive actions for the benefit of a compliant future ruler. According to Meltzer, the
benedictory formula begins to appear sporadically in inscriptions during the early NA
period. In this segment, the blessings for the reigning king are requested.

4.2 Address to a Future Prince
The AFP contains a list of future actions it would behoove a succeeding ruler to
follow.
185
As Meltzer defines it, the AFP regularly begins with a temporal element (e.g.,
en$ma) and closes with the short benedictory element: DN ikrib!u iemme DN will

184
Meltzer, Concluding Formulae, 141-145 .
185
Morrison, A Form-Critical Study, 215-220.
89
hear his ikribu. Meltzer diagrams the segment into five elements: temporal element
(en$ma), mention of the future prince (rub ark clause), conditions (an"hu clause),
actions the future prince must take (tru clause), and the benediction (am clause).
186

Four of these segments are present in the following example from the inscriptions of
am"-Adad:
in$ma b#tum () innahuma mamman ina arr# (LUGAL.ME) m"r#ya a b#tam ()
uddau temm!n#ya u narya amnam () lipu niq#am liqq#ma ana ariunu
lit!run$ti

When the temple becomes dilapidated: whoever among the kings, my sons
whoever may renovate the templemay he anoint my clay inscriptions and my
stelae with oil; may he perform a sacrifice; (and) may he return them to their
places.

This passage can be broken down as such:

temporal element (en!ma):

in$ma When

conditions (an"hu clause):

b#tum () innahuma the temple becomes dilapidated:

mention of the future prince (rub ark clause):

mamman ina arr# (LUGAL.ME) m"r#ya a b#tam () uddau

whoever among the kings, my sonswhoever may renovate the temple

actions the future prince must take (tru clause):

temm!n#ya u narya amnam () lipu niq#am liqq#ma ana ariunu

May he anoint my clay inscriptions and my stelae with oil; may he perform a
sacrifice; (and) may he return them to their places.

The fifth segment, the am clause, is not present in the am"-Adad inscription. It is not

186
Meltzer, Concluding Formulae, 187.
90
attested in until the inscriptions of Puzur-Aur III (16
th
cent.).
Always placed after the instructive section, the am clause is attested in two
versions, one short and one extended:
short benediction (am clause):
Aur u Adad ikrib!u Aur and Adad will hear his ikribu
187

extended benediction (am clause):
!
d
INANA" b!let "l nin<> !ik"rib!u iemme ina t"h"z# a arr"ni ara
taqr!ubte am"mar libb!u luss$u
188

Since there is neither the conjunction u nor a coordinating ma at the end ikrib!u, it is
uncertain if the syntax of the extended blessing should be translated:
Itar, Sovereign of the city of Nineveh, will hear his ikribu. May she, in battles
between kings on the battlefield, cause him to attain his hearts desire

Or:
Itar, Sovereign of the city of Nineveh, will hear his ikribu and then may she, in
battles between kings on the battlefield, cause him to attain his hearts desire

Thus, it is unclear if victory in battle is contingent upon the hearing of an ikribu or if the
ikribu is entirely separate. It is also not obvious if the hearing of the ikribu is contingent
upon the future rulers construction efforts (or dedication), upon his compliance with the
instructions listed in the tru clause, or, perhaps, both.
After the reign of Puzur-Aur, the short benediction is consistently invoked in
EARI. The extended benediction is not attested before the reign of Tukult"-Ninurta II.

187
RIM A.0.61.1: 11-15.
188
RIM A.0.101.56: 17c-18b.
91
4.2.1 Attestations
Only a few EARI contain a am clause until the reign of Aur-uballi" I.
189
In all
of these early instances the subjects of the benediction are the gods Aur and Adad and,
in each case, the action unit records work done on secular city structures (i.e., a wall,
not a temple).
190
In the inscriptions of Aur-uballi", the strict use of the am clause only
in connection with Aur and Adad appears to loosen. In an inscription which reports the
renovation of the palace in the New City, the god B!l-arri (EN.LUGAL) is added to the
gods Aur and Adad.
191
It is also in an inscription of this king that Itar, designated as
Itar-kudnittu (
d
INANA kud-ni-it-tum), is added to the names of Aur and Adad. Unlike
the previous examples, in this text, the renovation of the Itar temple at Aur is
mentioned.
192

It is not until the inscriptions of Arik-d#n-ili that the am clause contains no
mention of either Aur or Adad.
193
In a dedicatory inscription to ama, the deity of
justice, Arik-d#n-ili reports that the high-place (presumably in Aur) where decisions
concerning the land had once taken place had become over-run by unauthorized shrines;
thus, the ruler demolishes the shrines and reinstates the worship of ama. In the ATF,
only ama is the subject of the am clause. This seems to set a precedent, for it is only

189
Enlil-n!!ir I texts RIM A.0.62.1001 & 1002 and Puzur-Aur III texts RIM A.0.61.1 RIM A.0.61.2
include am clauses.
190
RIM A.0.62.1001 and 1002; RIM A.0.69.1; and, RIM A.0.74.1. Construction of the New Palace: RIM
A.0.73.1 and 2.
191
RIM A.0.73.1.
192
RIM A.0.73.4.
193
RIM A.0.75.1.
92
in inscriptions relating to new temple construction to a specific deity (or to a set of deities)
that a gods name is invoked in the AFP without mention of Aur or Adad.
194

Until the reign of Tiglath-pileser I, all inscriptions in which Itar is the subject of
the am clause record construction work on specific Itar sanctuaries. Reconstruction
work on the Itar temple is recorded in two Ninevite examples from the inscriptions of
almaneser I.
195
The same situation exists in the inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta I. All
five of this kings inscriptions which have Itar as the subject of the am clause refer to
construction work on chapels dedicated to various incarnations of Itar. The chapels are
all at Aur. The short benediction is evident in four of these texts; however, the specific
manifestation of Itar is different in each am clause. In one, it is Itar (whose name is
written with the logogram
d
INANA), in a second it is Itar (this time with her name written
syllabically), and, in a third, it is D"n"tu;
196
however, in a fourth dedicatory inscription
recording work done to the D"n"tu chapel, it is the god Aur who is the subject of the
short benediction.
197
Finally, no benediction is present in a text which records work done
to the sanctuary of
d
Nu-na-i-tu.
198

Only two of the inscriptions ascribed to Aur-r#a-ii I record construction work
performed on the Itar temple at Nineveh.
199
In one of these, Itar, now designated as the
b!ltu rab#tu Great Sovereign, is the subject of the short benediction. She is also the

194
RIM A.0.78.18 which reports the renovation of the temple to Sn and ama; RIM A.0.78.23 which
reports the building of the temples to multiple gods at K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta.
195
RIM A.0.77.17 and A.0.77.18.
196
RIM A.0.78.11, A.0.78.13, and A.0.78.14, respectively.
197
RIM A.0.78.16.
198
RIM A.0.78.17.
199
RIM A.0.86.1 and A.0.86.2.
93
subject in the second; however, she has no further specific designation attributed to her
(e.g., b!ltu rab#tu). In two inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser I, it is again Itar of Nineveh,
this time together with the god Aur, who is implored to approve of the ikribu of a future
prince;
200
however, the inscriptions report on renovations to the kings palace in addition
to Itars temple at Nineveh. It is also possible that, in a third inscription of Tiglath-
Pileser I, Itar performs a benediction since it deals specifically with reconstruction work
on her temple at Nineveh. Unfortunately, there is a lacuna where the phrase would be
located.
201
All of the great gods are mentioned in an inscription of Aur-d!n II, which
reports on construction of the Craftsmans gate at Aur.
202

The tradition of pairing Itar of Nineveh with Aur continues in the inscriptions
of Tukult"-Ninurta II. In a fragmentary tablet found at Aur, Aur, who is designated as
the b!lu rab great god, and Itar of Nineveh are the subjects of the am clause.
203

The action unit of this inscription does not record work done at Nineveh or work on any
Itar temple. Instead, the inscription records work done on a wall at Baltil, the oldest
quarter in the city of Aur. Added to the brief benedictory element is the first attestation
of a longer benedictory element. The blessing is a simple one. In it, in order to cause
martial success for a future ruler the king invokes Aur and Itar of Nineveh: ina t"h"z#
a arr"ni aar taqr$bte ammar libb#u lu am!u may they, in battles between kings
on the battlefield, cause him to attain his hearts desire. This blessing is the first of
several extended benedictions of which Itar is consistently the subject. Since it is the

200
RIM A.0.87.10 and 11
201
RIM A.0.87.12
202
RIM A.0.98.3
203
RIM A.0.100.2
94
first, it will hereafter be referred to as A. Finally, in two additional inscriptions attributed
to Tukult"-Ninurta II which were discovered at Aur, it is once again Aur and Adad
who are the subjects of the simple am clause.
204
These texts record work done on a wall
at Aur.
After the reign of Tukult"-Ninurta II, neither the short nor the longer benedictory
element is attested consistently in inscriptions. Grayson concludes that it is likely that the
practice of including the phrase went out of fashion.
205
Of the seven inscriptions of
Aur-na!irpal II which do contain either the shorter or longer am clause, Itar is either
the lone subject or one of the subjects in six.
206
Two of these inscriptions were discovered
at Nineveh (A.101.40 and A.0.101.56). The remaining three were discovered at Kalhu
(A.0.101.26; A.0.101.28; A.0.101.32; and, A.0.101.38).
In each of the Ninevite texts, Aur-na!irpal II claims not only to have performed
military victories, but also to have done extensive work on the Itar temple in Nineveh. In
A.0.101.56, which is located on multiple cones, Itar, as b!let Ninua, is the lone subject
of the am clause. As in the previous example of Tiglath-pileser II (also discovered at
Nineveh), both a short and a long benedictory element are present:
!
d
INANA" b!let "l (URU) nin<> !ik"rib!u iemme ina t"h"z# (M) a arr"ni
(MAN.ME-ni) ara taqr!ubte am"mar libb!u luss$u
207

Itar, Sovereign of the city of Nineveh, will hear his ikribu. May she, in battles
between kings on the battlefield, cause him to attain his hearts desire

204
RIM A.0.100.3 and 5.
205
Grayson comments briefly on this phenomenon by noting that he can find no reason for the departure
from the norm (RIMA III, 257).
206
In a single inscription discovered at Imgur-Enlil, Aur, together with the god Mamu, are invoked in the
benediction (RIM A.0.101.50).
207
RIM A.0.101.56: 17c-18b.
95
The second example, A.0.101.40, is considered the standard Ninevite inscription. It was
engraved on multiple stone reliefs and records construction work specific to Nineveh,
particularly on the Itar temple. In this inscription, both Aur and Itar are invoked in the
ATF:
Aur Itar (
d
INANA) [il$ rabtu r]"im$t arr$t#ya (MAN-ti-ia) b!l$ssu (EN-su)
ina naphar m"t"ti (KUR.KUR.ME) luarb ina l#ti [ki$ti u m!tell$ti l]irtadd[]u
bilti (GUN) kibr"t erbette (4-ti) ana iq#u [lu]at!lim$ma nuh" [u] !"u"hdu
hegallu ana m"t#u (KUR-u) lukinn$
208

Aur (and) Itar, [the Great Gods] who love my sovereignty: may they cause his
dominion to increase in all the lands; may they continually lead him in victory,
[might, and excellence]; may they allot tribute from the four regions as his portion;
(and) may they establish prosperity, luxury, and abundance in his land.

Unlike A.0.101.40, both Aur and Itar are invoked in A.0.101.56; however, this time
there is no short benediction. Instead, the gods are invoked to perform four separate
blessings:
B. ina naphar m"t"ti luarb
May they cause his dominion to increase in all the lands

C. ina l#ti ki$ti u m!tell$ti lirtaddu
May they continually lead him in victory, might, and excellence

D. bilti kibr"t erbette ana iq#u luat lim$ma
May they allot tribute from the four regions as his portion

E. nuhu "uhdu hegallu ana m"t#u lukinn$
May they establish prosperity, luxury, and abundance in his land

Of these four blessings, only the fourth (E) has additional attestations in EARI. It should
also be noted that both deities are referred to as il$ rabtu Great Gods.
Itar is the subject of a am clause in four Kalhu inscriptions from the reign of
Aur-na!irpal II (A.0.101.26 A.0.101.28; A.0.101.32; and A.0.101.38). A.0.101.26 is

208
RIM A.0.101.40: 38b-41.
96
extremely simple. Aur, designated as the b!lu rab Great God, and Itar, designated
as the b!let qabli u t"h"zi, are said to hear the ikribu of a future prince. The inscription
does not detail the construction of any specific temple to Itar. It records only the details
of military battles and the erection of multiple royal palaces. In addition to being written
on stone tablets found at Kalhu, this text was inscribed on tablets discovered at Imgur-
Enlil and K!r-almaneser.
A.0.101.38 records the construction of a temple to the b!let
d
Kidmurri. In the
inscription, only Aur is designated as the b!lu rab Great God. Itar (
d
INANA) is
designated as the b!lat kidmuri Sovereign of the Divine Kidmurri, and ama,
designated as the day"n am (AN-e) u er!eti Judge of the Universe:
Aur b!lu (EN) rab (GAL-)
d
ama day"n (DI.KU
5
) am (AN-e) u er!ete (KI-te)
Itar (
d
INANA) b!lat (NIN-at) kidmuri (
d
kid
9
-mu-ri) ikrib!u iemmu $m!u
(UD.ME-) lurrik$ ina t"h"zi (M) a arr"ni (MAN.ME-ni) aar taqrubte
ammar libb#u (-) lu am!u nuhu (H.NUN) "uhudu u hegallu (H.GL) ina
m"t#u (KUR-) lukinn$
209

Aur, Great Sovereign, ama, Judge of Heaven and Earth, (and) Itar, Sovereign
of the Divine Kidmurru, will hear his ikribu. May they lengthen his days; may
they, in battles between kings on the battlefield, cause him to attain his hearts
desire; (and), may they establish prosperity, luxury, and abundance in his land.

As in the case of the blessing found on the standard inscription from Nineveh
(A.0.101.40), the gods are invoked to perform additional blessings:
F. $m!u lurrik$
May they lengthen his days

A. ina t"h"zi a arr"ni aar taqrubte ammar libb#u lu am!u
in battles between kings on the battlefield, cause him to attain his hearts desire.

B. nuhu "uhudu u hegallu ina m"t#u lukinn$
(and) may they establish prosperity, luxury, and abundance in his land

209
RIM A.0.101.38: 34-38.
97
Two of these blessings were invoked in previous inscriptions (A and B), while the third
$m!u lurrik$ May they lengthen his days (F) is attested in EARI only here.
The two final examples from the inscriptions of Aur-na!irpal II in which Itar is
the subject of a benedictory element appear on the obverse and reverse of a great lion
statue which stood outside of the arrat-Niphi temple at Kalhu. In the benedictory section
of the text inscribed on the obverse of the lion, A.0.101.28, Itar is again designated b!let
qabli u t"h"zi and accompanied by Aur, who is again referred to as b!lu rab Great
God:
Aur b!lu (EN) rab (GAL-) rub (NUN-) Itar b!let (
d
!INANA GAAN") qabli
(MURUB
4
) u [t"h"zi] a arr"ni (MAN.ME-ni) aar taqrubte ammar [libb!u lu]
am!u
210

May Aur, Great Sovereign, the Prince (Ninurta?), and Itar, Sovereign of
Combat and Battle, in battles between kings on the battlefield, cause him to attain
his hearts desire.

In the text located on the back of the lion, A.0.101.32, Aur, Ninurta, and Itar "ib
u"tu who dwells in this temple are the subjects:
Aur b!lu (EN) rab (GAL-) Ninurta (
d
MA) u Itar (
d
INANA) "ib ekurru (.KUR)
u"tu nuhu (H.NUN) "uhudu u hegallu (H.GL) ina m"t#u (KUR-) lukinn$
ni!u (UN.ME[-]) alti tallakuma (DU.DU-ku-ma) ina gimir m"t"ti
(KUR.KUR.ME) ina t"h"zi (M) a arr"ni (MAN.ME-ni) aar (KI) taqrubte
ammar libb#u (-) uam!u
211

May Aur, Great Sovereign, Ninurta, and Itar, who dwells in this temple,
establish prosperity, luxury, and abundance in his land. You will stride
victoriously (amongst) his peoples of all the lands. In battles between kings on the
battlefield, they will cause him to attain his hearts desire.

210
RIM A.0.101.28: 68b-69.
211
RIM A.0.101.32: 17b-18a.
98
Since the temple is dedicated to Itar as the arrat-Niphi, this must be who is meant by
Itar "ib u"tu. (Perhaps the engravers did not know to whom the temple would
ultimately be dedicated!)
The inscriptions of almaneser III which date to an earlier period in his reign have
few mentions of the gods in general; neither do they contain a prescriptive blessing.
When the am clause reappears it is, not surprisingly, mainly found on dedicatory
inscriptions. What is interesting is that the inscriptions of almaneser III hearken back to
the earlier style. When attested, the subjects of the blessing are, more often than not, a
combination of two or more of the gods Aur, Anu, or Adad.
212
Only twice is Itar
mentioned. In an inscription which details the construction of the wall and the gate of
Aur, Aur, Adad, and Itar of Aur are the subjects of the am clause (A.0.102.43)
and, finally, in an inscription which records work done on the Tabira gate at Aur, Itar
is the subject together with Aur, Adad, Sin, ama, and Nergal (A.0.102.46).

4.2.1 Attestations
Rather obviously, Itars function in the AFP is to grant the ikribu of a future ruler
who follows the instructions laid out for him and, in inscriptions which date to the early
NA period, to grant blessing to the future ruler.

4.2.2 Catalog
From the evidence collected, it may be determined that Itar is the subject of the
shorter version of the am clause in the inscriptions of eight rulers of Aur:

212
Cf. RIM A.0.102.25, A.0.102.27, A.0.102.39, A.0.102.41-44, and A.0.102.46.
99
Aur-ubali" "" " I
A.0.73.4
d
a-ur
d
IKUR
d
INANA kud-ni-it-tum ik-ri-bi-u i-a-am-m-

almaneser I
A.0.77.17 i
8
-tr ik-ri-b[i]-u i-e-[m]e
A.0.77.18 [
d
INANN]A !ik-ri"-be-u [i]-e-me

Tukult!-Ninurta I
A.0.78.11
d
INANA ik-ri-be- i-e-me
A.0.78.13
d
i
8
-tr ik-ri-be- i-e-me
A.0.78.14
d
di-ni-tu ik-ri-be-u i-e-me
A.0.78.16
d
di-ni-tu ik-ri-be-u i-e-em-me
A.0.78.17
d
nu-na-i-tu ik-ri-be-u i-e-me

Aur r#a-ii I
A.0.86.1
d
i-tar NIN GAL-tu D-[ iemme]
A.0.86.2
d
i
8
-tr !D"-[u iemme]

Tiglath-pileser I
A.0.87.10
d
a-ur EN GAL-
d
i
8
-tr NIN-at URU ni-nu-a ik-ri-be-u i-e-mu-!"
A.0.87.11 [aur b!lu rab]-!"
d
INANA be-lat U[RU ninua ikrib!u iemm]

Aur-d"n II
A.0.98.3 a-ur
d
IKUR
d
30
d
UTU
d
i-tar DINGIR.ME GAL-te ik-ri-bi-u i-e-mu-

Aur-na! !! !irpal II
A.0.101.26 a-ur EN GAL-
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M D i-em-me

almaneser III
A.0.102.43 a-ur [
d
]IKUR DINGIR.ME GAL.ME
d
INANA -u-ri-[tu] ik-ri-bi-[u] i--
me-!"

A.0.102.46 a-ur
d
IKUR
d
30
d
-ma
d
i-tar
d
U.GUR DINGIR.ME GAL.ME ik-ri-bi-
u i-e-me-

Itar is the subject of both the am clause and an extended benediction in the
inscriptions of only two rulers:
Tukult!-Ninurta II
A.0.100.2 [aur b!lu rab u itar be-l]at URU ni-na-a ik-[rib!u iemm ina t"h"z#
a MAN.M]E-ni a-ar tq-ru-[ubte ammar libb#u lu am-!]a(?)-[u(?)]

May Aur, Great Sovereign and Itar, the Sovereign of Nineveh, listen to his ikribu. May
they, in battles between kings on the battlefield, cause him to attain his hearts desire
100

A.0.101.38 a-ur EN GAL-
d
-ma DI.KU
5
AN-e u KI-te
d
INANA NIN-at
d
kid
9
-mu-ri ik-
ri-bi- i-e-mu- UD.ME- lu-ri-ku ina M a MAN.ME-ni a-ar tq-ru-ub-te am-mar
- lu -am-!u- H.NUN "u-hu-du u H.GL ina KUR- lu-kn-nu

Aur, Great Sovereign, ama, Judge of Heaven and Earth, (and) Itar, Sovereign of the
Divine Kidmurru, will hear his ikribu. May they lengthen his days; may they, in battles
between kings on the battlefield, cause him to attain his hearts desire; (and), may they
establish prosperity, luxury, and abundance in his land.

A.0.101.56 !
d
INANA" b!let "l (URU) nin<> !ik"rib!u iemme ina t"h"z# (M) a
arr"ni (MAN.ME-ni) ara taqr!ubte am"mar libb!u luss$u
213

Itar, Sovereign of the city of Nineveh, will hear his ikribu. May she, in battles between
kings on the battlefield, cause him to attain his hearts desire.

Itar is the subject of only an extended benediction, without a am clause, only in
the inscriptions Aur-na!irpal II:
A.0.101.28 a-ur EN GAL- NUN-
d
!INANA GAAN" MURUB
4
u M [t"h"z#]-
MAN.ME-ni a-ar tq-ru-ub-te am-mar [libb!u ]-am-!u-

May Aur, Great Sovereign, the Prince (Ninurta?), and Itar, Sovereign of Combat and
Battle, in battles between kings on the battlefield, cause him to attain his hearts desire.

A.0.101.32 a-ur EN.GAL-
d
MA u
d
INANA a-ib .KUR -a-t H.NUN "u-hu-du
H.GL ina KUR- lu-kn-nu UN.ME[-] al-ti DU.DU-ku-ma ina gi-mir KUR.KUR.ME
ina M a MAN.ME-ni KI tq-ru-ub-te am-mar - -am-!u-

May Aur, Great Sovereign, Ninurta, and Itar, who dwells in this temple, establish
prosperity, luxury, and abundance in his land. You will stride victoriously (amongst) his
peoples of all lands. In battles between kings on the battlefield, they will cause him to
attain his hearts desire.

A.0.101.40 a-ur
d
INANA [il$ rabtu r]a-i-mu-ut MAN-ti-ia EN-su ina nap-har
KUR.KUR.ME lu-ar-bu- ina li-ti [ki$ti u m!tell$ti l]i-ir-ta-du-[]u GUN kib-rat 4-ti a-
na i-qi-u [lu]-at-[li-mu-ma nu-uh]-[u] ["u]-uh-du h-gl-lu ana KUR-u lu-kn-nu

Aur (and) Itar, [the Great Gods] who love my sovereignty: may they cause his
dominion to increase in all the lands; may they continually lead him in victory, [might,

213
RIM A.0.101.56: 17c-18b.
101
and excellence]; may they allot tribute from the four regions as his portion; (and) may
they establish prosperity, luxury, and abundance in his land.

4.2.3 Analysis

Over the years, there has been much discussion devoted to the meaning of the
term ikribu in texts from Mesopotamia. CAD translates this noun as benediction or
blessing.
214
In his extensive treatment of the term, Benno Landsberger does not
progress much further, also concluding that the ikribu was a simple blessing or
benediction which could be invoked for anyone.
215
Albert Goetze, disagreeing with these
suggestions, argues instead that the diviner, or b"ru, refers to ikrib$ in connection with
every ritual act he performsall of which end with an extispicy;
216
thus, he connects the
term to a specified profession. Leo Oppenheim first connected the ikribu to the gods of
the night by translating the term simply as Prayer of the Night.
217

Agreeing with both Goetze and Oppenheim that there was a connection between
an ikribu and divination, Erica Reiner contends that an ikribu was a special designation of
prayer, and that it is probably also in order to secure reliable oracular answers that the
prayers designated in their subscripts as ikribu were composed.
218
These prayers, she
continues, would have been performed by a diviner and addressed specifically to the gods
of the night. She also notes that extispicies to Itar (in her manifestation as Ninsiana),

214
CAD I, 62 ff. AHw does not translate the term with any more nuance calling it, Gebet, Weihung, or
Segen, although 1a does read Opferschau (AHw, 369).
215
Benno Landsberger, Das gute Wort, MAOG 4 (1929): 294-321.
216
Goetze, An Old Babylonian Prayer of the Divination, JCS 22 (1968): 25-29.
217
Leo Oppenheim, A New Prayer to the Gods of the Night, Biblica 12 (1959): 282-301.
218
Erica Reiner, Astral Magic in Babylonia (Philadelphia: The American Phiological Soceity, 1995), 73.
102
also are titled ikribu in their subscripts.
219

M. J. Seux sums up the discussion efficiently:
Ce mot dsigne des formules, parfois trs courtes, de salutation, dhomage ou de
bndiction, sans lment pnitentiel ni conjuratoire, accompagnes ou non dune
demande et accompagnant ou non une offrande (il peut aussi designer loffrande
votive elle-mme). Dans le cas prcis de lextispicine, il dsigne des <prires
daccompagnement> ou <prires ddicatoires> des diffrentes offrandes et de
lanimal sacrificier.
220

Thus, we come full circle: an ikribu can be a simple prayer or, if accompanied by an
offering, it can be a vow, or if accompanied by an extispicy, it can be indicative of an
omen. Unfortunately, the cases of ikrib$ which occur in EARI are not overtly connected
with extispicy; however, there does seem to be a connection between: the presence of the
am clause (or extended benediction) in an inscription, the subject of the clause (the
god), and the temple/city for which that inscription was destined.
In his treatment of old Assyrian religion, Hans Hirsch determines that a variety of
shipments labeled ikrib$ were received in the name of several different deities at Aur
during the Old Assyrian period.
221
The majority of these ikrib$ are designated for the god
Aur; however, ikrib$ are also attested for Itar, B#lum, Ila-br!t (Ninubar/ Papsukkal,
vizier to Itar), arru-m!tim, ama, and, possibly Ninkarrak.
222
Hirsch further notes that,

219
Stephen Langdon, A Fragment of a Series of Ritualistic Prayers to Astral Deities in the Ceremonies of
Divination," RA 12 (1915): 189-210.
220
M. J. Seux, Hymnes et Prires aux Dieux de Babylonie et dAssyrie (Paris: ditions du Cerf, 1976), 22.
221
Hans Hirsch, Untersuchungen zur assyrischen Religion (Graz: Archiv Fr Orientforschung, 1961), 59-
64.
222
Hirsch also notes that there are no ikrib$ specifically designated for the god Adad. This forces him to the
conclusion that, either this fact is merely a reality of chance, or that the god did not receive such items.
Certainly, it is interesting that the name Adad (
d
IKUR) is not present; however, it may be that the god Adad
lays behind the names B#lum and arru-m!tim (though it is, perhaps more likely that these names are
103
when mentioned in letters, ikrib$ are usually made from metals such as gold and silver.
223

Basing his conclusion on the work of Hirsch, M. T. Larsen suggests that ikrib$ in
Assyrian royal inscriptions designate temple investments.
224
Hirsch himself merely
assumes that the offerings were given for general protection purposes, he offers no more
precise, reason for the appearance of the phrase DN ikrib#u iemme in royal
inscriptions, calling them stereotypical.
225

The earliest attestation of a am clause in a royal inscription is in a dedicatory
inscription of am"-Adad.
226
This inscription, however, was discovered at Mari and
pertains to activities at that city. The text records the dedication of a throne (rather than a
monetary sum) to its tutelary god, It$r-M#r.
227
In the inscription, am"-Adad thanks It$r-
M#r for hearing (am) his tasliti prayer and his ikribu through this provision. The verb
used to indicate that action is kar"bu, the verb from which ikribu is ultimately derived.
Kar"bu is a general term of dedication meaning to invoke a blessing, or to make a
gesture of adoration.
228
It is clear from the dedication that the tasliti and ikribu of am"-
Adad were directed at obtaining rule over the city of Mari and its surrounding territory. It
is also clear that am"-Adad gave the throne to It$r-M#r only after (en$ma) his tasliti
and ikribu were heard. It is unclear whether am"-Adad vowed or promised the throne to

representative of the god Dag!n).
223
CCT 4, 2a 3 even specifies that the ikrib$ is to be made into a Sonnenscheibe for the god Aur.
224
M. T. Larsen, Old Assyrian City-State, 149.
225
Hans Hirsch, Untersuchungen, 59 n 312.
226
RIM A.0.39.5
227
W. G. Lambert, The Pantheon of Mari, MARI 4 (1985): 525-39 [534-35].
228
CAD K, 193.
104
It$r-M#r before the god gave him rule over the region, or if am"-Adad expressed his
gratitude with the throne afterwards.
More often in texts found at Mari, Itar, who was not the patron deity of Mari, is
connected with ikrib$; these texts, however, come from the reign of the son of am"-
Adad I, Yasmah-Addu. Similar phrasing to that found in the am"-Adad inscription is
used in a dedicatory inscription written on behalf of Yasmah-Addu by the priestess,
Izamu. This priestess thanks Itar (E
4
-tr) for hearing (am) her ikribu by dedicating a
statue to her.
229
Unfortunately, the priestess does not say what her ikribu entailed;
however, she does state that it is only after (en$ma) Itar heard the ikribu that the
priestess dedicated the statue. In yet another example from Mari, Yasmah-Addu, himself,
dedicates two bags of silver to the goddess, but the text does not indicate the
circumstance of the dedication.
230
Yasmah-Addu begins by addressing Itar as the one
who listens to my ikribu (!met ikrib#). He continues by declaring that he made a
dedication (kar"bu) to Itar and concludes by stating that he made an offering.
All three examples mention the dedication of an object to the same god who is
said to hear their ikrib$. In the case of the inscription of am"-Adad I, It$r-M#r gives
him what he presumably did not have: rule over Mari. In the cases of the inscriptions of
the priestess, Izamu, and of Yasmah-Addu, whose ikrib$ are directed to Itar, no
information is given which suggests what was received. It should, however, be recalled
that in an inscription from Mari, Yasmah-Addu is referred to as the ik Dag"n and Itar
and in a seal impression, also discovered in the city, he is called the nar"m Itar. If, as
was suggested in Chapter One, these titles designate regional rule, Yasmah-Addus ikribu

229
RIM E4.6.4.
230
RIM E4.6.2.
105
to Itar, may be similar to that of his father. He may be offering thanks for his
sovereignty over not merely Mari, but of the entire region surrounding Mari. Interestingly,
Zimr"-Lim, the successor and deposer of Yasmah-Addu, does not seem to have continued
this tradition, nor does it seem to have been a convention employed by the preceding
generals of Mari, the akkanakkus.
When an ikribu is mentioned in EARI, it always appears at the end of the text in
the concluding formula as part of the am clause. Unfortunately, many of the
inscriptions of Aurite rulers which date between the administrations of am"-Adad and
Aur-uballi" are in very fragmentary condition; thus, many are missing their conclusions.
This makes it difficult to ascertain which rulers used the am clause, ikrib!u iemme, in
their inscriptions; therefore, as with the Mari examples, any speculations as to the
significance and background of the phrase are extremely tenuous.
Earlier attestations of this brief benediction seem to occur only in inscriptions
whose contents pertain specifically to city construction projects directed by a ruler. The
gods who perform the benediction in these instances are always Aur and Adad. Later,
when inscriptions begin to report on other construction activities, such as temple
renovations, additional deities may be added to the duo. This may be seen in the case of
the construction of a new chapel to Itar-kud-ni-it-tum. In this inscription, the name of
that goddess was added to those of Aur and Adad. In EARI, when a deity other than
Aur or Adad is present in those inscriptions which come from the city of Aur, it is
always in relation to a new chapel or temple built to the deity. In inscriptions which
originate at Nineveh this is not the case. In those inscriptions, Itar is always the subject
of the am clause (with the occasional addition of Aur).
106
A similar pattern exists for inscriptions originating at Kalhu; however, the
situation is more complicated. In two inscriptions from Kalhu, Itar, designated as the
b!let qabli u t"h"zi (together with Aur) is the deity invoked in the extended benedictory
section: in the inscription which records renovations to the palace and in the inscription
which records construction work on the Itar temple. In two further inscriptions, Itar is
designated differently. In one, she is designated in the benediction as the b!let
d
Kidmurri
Sovereign of the Divine Kidmurri (together with Aur and ama). This inscription
records work on the temple for Itar b!let
d
Kidmurri at Kalhu. In the second, Itar is
invoked in two different benediction sections. Once she is designated as the arrat-Niphi,
and in the second, she is the Itar "ib ekurru u"tu the Itar who dwells in this temple
(arrat-Niphi). In this second benediction, she is listed together with Aur and Ninurta.
This second inscription records work on the arrat-Niphi temple.

4.2.4 Conclusion

It may be concluded that, in the ATF section of concluding formulae in EARI,
only tutelary deities perform benedictions (short or extended). For most deities this
tutelary status pertains only to his/her direct temple. In this capacity Itar is tutelary
goddess of sanctuaries devoted to: Itar, Itar (
d
INANA), D"n"tu,
d
nu-na-i-tu, and Itar
(
d
INANA) kud-ni-it-tum at Aur; Itar b!let Ninua at Nineveh; and, Itar b!let qabli u
t"h"zi, arrat-Niphi, and Itar (
d
INANA) b!lat
d
kid
9
-mu-ri at Kalhu. When not a deity in
reference to his/her temple, the tutelary status of a deity extends to the city or region; thus,
although Aur is the primary patron deity of Aur, Aur and Adad together are the
tutelary deities of Aur during certain periods. During the time of Aur-d!n II, Itar-
107
Aur"tum, together with Aur, Adad, Sn, ama, seem to all be patron deities of
Aur.
231
This change may reflect Aurs much greater status as tutelary deity of greater
Assyria.
At Nineveh, Itar as the b!let Ninua Sovereign of Nineveh is the patron deity
not only of her temple, but also of greater Nineveh; however, since she is invoked with
Aur in certain standard inscriptions from Aur, she and Aur may both have become
the tutelary deities of greater Assyria. At Kalhu, there are multiple temples devoted to
multiple manifestations of Itar; however, it is in her manifestation as the b!let qabli u
t"h"zi that she is the patron deity of that city during the reign of Aurna!irpal II and
almaneser III. It is difficult to determine if Ninurta, too, is a patron deity of Kalhu.
Although it is well-known that Ninurta has a preeminent status in the city, he is not
consistently invoked in the am clauses, as Aur is at Aur, Itar b!let Ninua is at
Nineveh, and Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi is at Kalhu.

4.3 Maledictions
The maledictory section of the concluding formula always follows the AFP; and,
while the AFP contains the positive incentive for the future ruler (the benedictions),
should that inducement not prove effective, the maledictory segment of the concluding
formula contains a negative incentive:
a temm!n#ya u narya amnam () l" ipaau niq#am l" inaqqma ana ar#unu
l" utarruun$ti -lu(*)-ma narya unakkaruma um# uassakuma umu ia""aru
ina eperim iqebbiru ana m inadd arram (LUGAL) ti ama (
d
UTU) Enlil Adad
(
d
IKUR) u arru-m"tim pir#u lilqut$ !a"na pan arrim (LUGAL) [m"]hir#u $ u
umm"n"t$u ay-iprik$ Nergal ina kak"im iittau u iitti m"t#u lirtaddi Itar
(
d
INANA) b!let t"h"zim kakkau (
GI
TUKUL-u) u kakk# (
GI
TUKUL) umm"n"t#u

231
During the reign of almaneser III, Nergal is added to this list.
108
libir Sn (
d
ZUEN) il (DINGIR) r!#ya l$ r"bi! lemutt#u ana d"ri"tim
232

Who(ever) does not anoint my clay inscriptions and my stelea with oil, perform a
sacrifice, (or) return them to their places, (but) instead alters my stelea, scratches-
out my name and inscribes his name, buries (them) in the earth, (or) hurls (them)
into the water:
Regarding that king: may ama, Enlil, Adad, and arru-m!tim take away his
children; before a king who opposes him, may he and his army not resist; may
Nergal, violently, confiscate his assets and the assets of his country; may Itar,
Sovereign of Battle, break his weapon and the weapons of his army; may Sn,
god of my administration, be a malevolent bailiff to him for an eternity.

Meltzer defines two elements in this segment of the unit: a description of the person
being cursed (participial phrase or a a clause) and the curses themselves:
233

description of the person being cursed (participial phrase or a a clause):
a temm!n#ya u narya amnam l" ipaau niq#am l" inaqqma ana ar#unu l"
utarruun$ti -lu(*)-ma narya unakkaruma um# uassakuma umu ia""aru ina
eperim iqebbiru ana m inadd

Who(ever) does not anoint my clay inscriptions and my stelea with oil, perform a
sacrifice, (or) return them to their places, (but) instead alters my stelea, scratches-
out my name and inscribes his name, buries (them) in the earth, (or) hurls (them)
into the water:

the curses:

arram ti ama Enlil Adad (
d
IKUR) u arru-m"tim pir#u lilqut$ !a"na pan
arrim [m"]hir#u $ u umm"n"t$u ay-iprik$ Nergal ina kak"im iittau u iitti
m"t#u lirtaddi Itar b!let t"h"zim kakkau u kakk# umm"n"t#u libir Sn il r!#ya
l$ r"bi! lemutt#u ana d"ri"tim
234

Regarding that king: may ama, Enlil, Adad, and arru-m!tim take away his
children; before a king who opposes him, may he and his army not resist; may
Nergal, violently, confiscate his assets and the assets of his country; may Itar,
Sovereign of Battle, break his weapon and the weapons of his army; may Sn,
god of my administration, be a malevolent bailiff to him for an eternity.

232
RIM A.0.39.1: 99-135.
233
Meltzer, Concluding Formulae, 207.
234
RIM A.0.39.1: 99-135.
109
In his detailed study on ancient Near Eastern curses, Stanley Gevirtz determines
three major types: fertility (human and agricultural), sovereignty (governmental and
military), and salubrity (physical and spiritual). Each of these types is present in the
maledictions of EARI and each has a deity generally associated with it. Under the rubric
of fertility, it is normally Aur who is invoked to pluck the seed of a king, while it is
Adad who is invoked to cause agricultural chaos (e.g., raining down lightning, or
withholding rain). The category of sovereignty is more specifically defined by Gevirtz:
As a category of themes in Mesopotamian imprecations "Sovereignty" has
reference to two aspects of kingship; retention of governmental authority and
success in military enterprise. Curses upon the former involve the offender's
symbols of office, his realm and his reign; those upon the latter, the destruction of
his weapons, the defeat of him and his forces, and the capture of his person.
235

Itar is invoked in both sub-categories: retention of governmental authority and success in
military action. The final type of curse, salubrity, is the rarest, being attested only
sporadically in EARI. Only in a handful of inscriptions are the gods requested to cause
bodily harm through an evil curse or, in one instance, snakebite.

4.3.1 Executive Maledictions
4.3.1.1 Attestations
As with the first attestation of Itar granting sovereignty, it is in am"-Adads
Nineveh text that we first find Itar invoked to remove it.
236
Like am"-Adads verb
choice to designate the giving of kingship (nad"nu), the verb used to remove it (e"!ru) is
deceptively simple. The verb e"!ru, meaning simply to take away does not suggest a

235
Stanley Gevirtz, Curse Motifs in the Old Testament and in the Ancient Near East, (Ph.D. diss.,
University of Chicago, 1959), 140.
236
RIM A.0.39.2: col. iv 21-35.
110
method by which kingship is removed; however, the circumstance in which it is
employed in outside texts provides insight. In the maledictory sections of Hammurabis
royal inscriptions, e"!ru refers to the process by which the god Sn is to remove the crown
and throne from a non-compliant future ruler. Sn, in this case, is also referred to as the
one whose oracular decisions (tr!tu) prevail among the gods; thus, as kingship is given
by a decision of the gods, the removal of it is as well. Sn, in this case, had ultimate
jurisdiction. In am"-Adads Aur inscription (A.0.39.1), Sn is the il r!#ya, literally,
the god of his head (crown).
237
This is also the epithet by which Sn is designated in the
invocation units of later Assyrian kings. Normally, it would be expected that Aur would
be the god implored to remove sovereignty; however, in this Ninevite inscription, neither
Sn nor Aur are invoked. Instead, Itar of Nineveh is invoked. Use of the verb e"!ru in
the am"-Adad inscription indicates that Itar of Nineveh has ultimate jurisdiction over
the region of Nineveh. No other extant inscription of am"-Adad includes an executive
malediction.
There are few extant maledictory sections in royal inscriptions ascribed to kings
who ruled between the reigns of am"-Adad and Arik-d#n-ili. Of the few which are
attested, none contains an executive malediction. When this type of curse reappears in
two texts of Arik-d#n-ili (both of which record the erection of the new ama temple at
Aur), Arik-d#n-ili implores ama to remove (sak"pu) the kingship of a non-compliant
future ruler. Unlike the verb e"!ru, the verb sak"pu means to thrust, push away, or
overturn. Unlike e"!ru which indicates an oracular confiscation, sak"pu is used in texts

237
RIM A.0.39.1: 114-135.
111
which refer to the driving-back of an enemy, or a warding-off of evil.
238
In the epilogue
of the Code of Hammurabi, ama is implored to revoke (sak"pu) kingship, but also to
provide inauspicious omens. As was seen in the above ATF section, worship of ama
was implemented at Aur by Arik-d#n-ili. It is possible that ama was the patron deity
of this particular ruler; thus, ama is invoked in the executive malediction. As the god of
justice, either ama would have the power to revoke a verdict for kingship or, more
likely, would have the ability to keep kingship just out of the reach of an improper ruler
to ward off an undesirable usurper.
The executive malediction is again present in the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" I.
The curse does not appear in the standard conclusion of this kings inscriptions, but it
does appear in a simple maledictory section repeated in many of this kings inscriptions.
In these inscriptions, Aur is invoked to remove kingship: arr$ssu u palu liskip may
he revoke [a non-compliant future rulers] kingship and his pal. Aur is also invoked
to perform this curse in the majority of almaneser Is inscriptions; however, in the
standard inscription of this king, a second, similar curse is added. In this inscription
(A.0.77.1), Aur, along with the Igigu and the Annunaku, is invoked to cause: arru b!l
lemutt#u kussu l#"eruma a king who is his enemy to take away his throne. Like the
am"-Adad curse which invoked Itar of Nineveh, the verb denoting the action is e"eru.
Thus, as in the Hammurabi and am"-Adad examples, the almaneser example may
indicate the presence of, if not a full divine council, then a judgment passed down
through an oracle.
Once again, there is no consistency in the inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta I. As

238
CAD S, 72.
112
discussed above, in the standard inscription of this king, Aur is said to give (nad"nu)
the scepter of kingship to him; however, in no inscription is the verb e"!ru employed to
signify the removal of sovereignty. In several inscriptions, Aur (and once, ama and
Sn) is invoked to revoke (sak"pu) the reign of a future king; however, sak"pu is not the
verb employed consistently to indicate this action in the inscriptions of this king. In his
standard inscription A.0.78.1 (and in its later edition, A.0.78.5), Aur, together with
Adad, is invoked to cause a king who is his enemy take away his throne. The verb in
these instances is not the expected sak"pu, but ek!mu. The verb ek!mu means simply to
take away or to remove;
239
thus, it is not dissimilar to e"!ru. Furthermore, its
employment in extispicy records and legal texts suggests once again a divine judicial
situation is indicated.
In each of Tukult"-Ninurtas inscriptions which record work done to the Itar
complex at Aur, Itar, or the goddess D"n"tu, is invoked in the curse arr$ssu ligi
may she eradicate his kingship.
240
The verb ag"u to slay in battle, to strike down,
to murder, or to slaughter
241
is not an action one might ordinarily associate with an
executive decision. It is generally used to designate a victory on the battlefield, or to
invoke gods to take military action against an enemy on the battlefield. It is also used to
designate actions taken by demons, storms, plagues, and murderers. The change in verb
may indicate a change in attitude towards the goddess during this specific period in the
reign of Tukult"-Ninurta. Itar does not function in an executive capacity in the

239
CAD E, 64.
240
RIM A.0.78.13:
d
i
8
-tr arr$ssu (LUGAL-su) ligi, while A.0.78.16
d
di-ni-tu b!lt# arr$ssu (MAN-su)
ligi. It is unclear if any distinction was meant by the scribes use of LUGAL versus MAN.
241
CAD
1
, 66.
113
malediction, but in a martial, highly violent, one. This new dimension to the goddess may
be connected to the presence of the goddess D"n"tu in the inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta.
After the reign of Tukult"-Ninurta I, the standard verb designating the removal of
kingship, sak"pu, reappears in the inscriptions of Aur-r#a-ii I, am"-Adad IV, and
Aur-na!irpal II. Itar, too, reappears as the subject of the executive malediction in a
Ninevite dedicatory text of Aur-r#a-ii I (A.0.86.1). In the maledictory section of the
text, Itar, designated as the b!ltu rab#tu Great Sovereign is invoked in the curse:
arr$ssu u palu liskip it!n $ma l" bal"ssu liqbi may she revoke his kingship and his
rule and declare that his life be not one more day.
242
That the Itar mentioned in this
section is the Sovereign of Nineveh is implied not only by the ultimate location of the
inscription, but also because, as noted above, this is the first attestation of Itar as the
b!ltu rab#tu. This new designation for the goddess may indicate that Itar of Nineveh as
the b!ltu rab#tu was now, officially, perceived as the counterpart to Aur, the b!lu rab.
In addition to being implored to remove the sovereignty of an enemy king, in
A.0.86.1, Itar is invoked to it!n $ma l" bal"ssu liqbi declare that his life be not one
more day.
243
The only two additional attestations for this curse (that I was able to
discover) are in an OB dedication to Nergal at Kutha by Hammurabi and a much later
text inscribed on a kudurru during the reign of the Kassite king Nazi-Marutta (1307-
1282). In the Hammurabi text, Nergal alone is implored, while in the Kassite text, An and
Itar (Sovereign of the Eanna) are invoked.
244

Only one of the final three attestations for Itar being invoked in an executive

242
RIM A.0.86.1: 13b-15.
243
Ibid.
244
MSKH 1 p. 265-6, No. U.2.20.
114
curse (in the maledictory section of EARI) was discovered at Nineveh (A.0101.56); the
remaining two were discovered at Kalhu (A.0.101.50 and A.0.101.50). All three
examples are from inscriptions ascribed to Aurna!irpal II.
245
As expected, in the
Ninevite inscription Itar is designated as the Great Sovereign:

Itar (
d
INANA) b!ltu (NIN) rab#tu (GAL-tu) [ina ku]ssu (GI.GU.ZA-) l#kemuu
ina pan nakr!u (IGI KR.ME-) kami lu!ibu
246

May Itar, Great Sovereign, remove his throne (and) may she force him to dwell
before his enemy in bondage

As is also expected, in the two inscriptions from Kalhu, Itar is referred to as the b!let
qabli u t"h"zi. In a text inscribed on stone tablets discovered at Imgur-Enlil, a city just
outside of Kalhu, the malediction reads:
Itar (
d
INANA) b!lat (MURUB
4
) u t"h"zi (M) kakkau l$ tuabbir kussu
(GI.A.TI-) l$ t!kemu
247

May Itar, Sovereign of Combat and Battle, break his weapon and remove his
throne.

And in the final example, which appears in a text inscribed on the reverse of the lion at
Kalhu:
Ninurta (
d
MA) b!l (EN) meh u aggate Itar (
d
INANA) !b!"lat (MURUB
4
) u
t"h"zi (M) arrassu (MAN-su) [lis]kip$ kussu (GI.A.TI-) m"t#u (KAR-)
ina pan (IGI) nakr!u (L.KR.ME-) kami lu!ib$u sunqu bub$tu u nebratu
ina m"t#u (KUR-) [lu]kinn$ um$ (MU-) z!ru (NUMUN-) ina ina m"t#u
(KUR-) luhalliq$ (ZH)
248

245
It is possible that Itar is also entreated to remove sovereignty in a fragmentary inscription of am"-
Adad IV, which was found at Nineveh. The remaining portion reads: RIM A.0.91.3: 5 [arr$ssu li]s-ki-
pu MU-u NUMUN-[u]. If Itar is meant, this would be the first attestation in which she is entreated to
destroy the name and the seed of a future disloyal king.
246
RIM A.0.101.56: 19.
247
RIM A.0.101.50: 42-44a.
248
RIM A.0.101.32: 19b-21.
115
Ninurta, Sovereign of Storm and Carnage, (and) Itar, Sovereign of Combat and
Battle: may they overthrow his sovereignty, his throne, (and) his land; may they
force him dwell before his enemy in bondage; may they establish in his land,
hunger, pestilence, devastation; (and), may they perish his name, his offspring,
from the land.

Since it is Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi who is invoked in both of these Kalhu inscriptions, it
is possible that Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi held executive jurisdiction over sovereignty at
Kalhu. The verb of removal is sak"pu, the verb consistently used with Itar of Nineveh at
Nineveh and Aur at Aur. The verb is not ag"u, which connotes a violent removal of
kingship. As in the case of the benedictions, it is difficult to establish whether Ninurta
also held this executive power at Kalhu. Ninurta is only invoked in one of the inscriptions
and when he is, as can be seen, it is together with Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi.

4.3.1.2 Catalog
Itar appears as a deity who removes kingship in the concluding formula of five
kings:
am!-Adad I
A.0.39.2
d
INANA NIN ni-nu-wa-a!KI" ar-ru-us-s pa-la-!u" li-"e
4
-!er"-u-ma
!a-na" [a-ni]-i-[im] [liddi]-i[n]

May Itar, Sovereign of Nineveh remove his sovereignty and his rule and give them to
another

Tukult!-Ninurta I
A.0.78.13
d
i
8
-tr NIN-ti LUGAL-su li-gi
GI
TUKUL-u li-bir mu-tu-su ana ri-hu-ti
li-ku-un a-na U KR.ME-u lu-mel-li-u

My Itar, my Sovereign, eradicate his kingship; may she break his weapon; (and), may
she cause his potency to pour-out

A.0.78.16
d
di-ni-tu NIN-ti MAN-su li-gi
GI
TUKUL-u li-be-er mu-tu-su a-na ri-hu-ti
li-ku-un a-na U KR.ME-u lu-me-li-u

116
May D"n"tu, my Sovereign, eradicate his kingship; may she break his weapon; (and), may
she cause his potency to pour-out

Aur-r#a-ii I
A.0.86.1
d
i-tar NIN GAL-tu LUGAL-su BALA- [li-is-k]ip 1-en u
4
-ma NU TI-su
[liqbi]

May Itar, Great Sovereign, revoke his kingship and his rule and declare that his life be
not one more day

Aurna! !! !irpal II
A.0.101.32
d
MA EN me-hi -ga-a-te
d
INANA [be]-lat MURUB
4
u M MAN-su [lis]-ki-
pu GI.A.TI- KAR- ina IGI L.KR.ME- ka-mi lu-e-ib-u su-un-qu bu-bu-tu ni-
ib-ra-tu ina KUR- [lu]-ki-nu MU- NUMUN- ina KUR- lu ZH-

Ninurta, Sovereign of Storm and Carnage, (and) Itar, Sovereign of Combat and Battle:
may they overthrow his sovereignty, his throne, (and) his land; may they force him dwell
before his enemy in bondage; may they establish in his land, hunger, pestilence,
devastation; (and), may they perish his name, his offspring, from the land.

A.0.101.50
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M
GI
TUKUL.ME- lu- tu--bir GI.A.TI- lu
te-kim-

May Itar, Sovereign of Combat and Battle, break his weapons and remove his throne.

A.0.101.56
d
INANA NIN GAL-tu [ina GI].GU.ZA- li-ke-mu- ina IGI KR.ME- ka-mi
lu-e-ib-u
May Itar, Great Sovereign, remove his throne (and) may she force him to dwell before
his enemy in bondage

4.3.1.3 Analysis and Summation
As can be seen from this list, the attestations for executive maledictions form a
pattern not dissimilar to those attestations for the benedictions. The malediction is
invoked of tutelary deities only (tutelary deities of either temples or cities or regions).
Normally, the deity invoked is Aur (once with Adad and the il"ni am u er!eti in
Tukult"-Ninurta Is standard Aur inscription and once with the Igigu and Annunaku in
almaneser Is standard inscription). Other tutelary deities may be also be invoked.
ama is invoked by Arik-d#n-ili in the same inscription which records the construction
117
of a sanctuary to him at Aur. The curse is invoked of ama together with Sn in an
inscription of Tukult"-Ninurta which records renovations done to the Sn and ama
temple. In inscriptions from K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta, Aur, Enlil, and ama are invoked.
Itar is invoked as the tutelary deity of a city in three executive maledictions.
am"-Adad I invokes Itar b!let Ninua in his Ninevite inscription. Aur-r#a-ii I and
Aurna!irpal II do this as well. In the standard Ninevite inscription of Aur-r#a-ii I,
Itar is requested to remove kingship, but also to declare that his life be not one more
day. In the inscription of Aurna!irpal II, another curse is also invoked. This time curse
is ina pan nakr!u kami lu!ibu force him to dwell before his enemy in bondage. It
may be recalled that this is precisely the action that almaneser I claims Itar took in his
standard inscription. The case is similar at Kalhu and at the neighboring Imgur-Enlil. In
the two attestations of the executive malediction, which were discovered in these cities,
Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi is invoked. Both are inscriptions of Aurna!irpal II. In the
inscription from Imgur-Enlil, Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi is invoked. She is also invoked to
kakkau liber break [the enemy kings] weapons. This curse will be discussed below.
In the inscription from Kalhu, Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi is invoked with a very violent
form of Ninurta, the b!l meh u aggate Sovereign of Storm and Carnage. Together
these two gods are invoked not only to remove sovereignty, but also to: make the enemy
king dwell in bondage before his enemies, establish hunger, pestilence, and devastation in
his land, and perish his name, his offspring, from the land. Although Itar is invoked to
perform the first of this series of curses (may they make the enemy king to dwell before
his enemy in bondage) in a previous text, the additional curses: may they establish in his
land, hunger, pestilence, devastation and may they perish his name, his offspring, from
118
the land are far more suitable for the b!l meh u aggate to perform.
Finally, a notation must be made regarding the designations for Itar in the
inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta. In each case, Itar does not seem to represent a city, but
rather, seems to be invoked as the patron of the specific temple in which she resides
(again similar to the situation regarding the benedictions).

4.3.2 Attestations for Martial Maledictions
While there is but one executive action Itar is invoked to perform in the
concluding formula of EARI, there are seven martial actions:
A. kakkau (u kakk# umm"n"t#u) liber May DN break his weapons (and the
weapons of his army).
B. abikti m"t#u likunu May DN establish a defeat upon his land
C. ina pani nakr#u ay-izziz May he not stand firm before his enemy
D. ana q"t nakr#u lumell#u May DN place him into the hand of his enemy
E. lin!r qur"d#u May DN slay his soldiers
F. lu$mi zikr$ssu sinnis"ni May DN transform his masculinity in the same
manner as a sinnis"nu.
G. mut$ssu ana rihti likun May DN cause his potency to pour-out

Unlike executive maledictions, these seven curses are, in the main, particular to Itar in
EARI. Because these maledictions are specific to Itar, a different approach to the
material will be taken. Each malediction will be dealt with in turn. In each of these
individual discussions, after listing the various attestations for the discussed curse in
EARI, a list of attestations for the curse outside of the corpus is given.
249
The purpose of
providing additional attestations is to substantiate whether there were particular curses in

249
This list will contain only those attestations which date prior to, or are concurrent with, the EARI
attestations.
119
which Itar was traditionally invoked, or if Itar is connected to such curses only in EARI.

4.3.2.1 kakkau (u kakk# umm"n"t#u) liber May DN break his weapons (and the
weapons of his army.)

Itar is invoked to break or smash the weapons of a future king in EARI in the
inscriptions of am"-Adad I, Tukult"-Ninurta I, and Aurna!irpal II. The curse appears
in two forms, either a shorter or a longer version. The longer version, kakkau u kakk#
umm"n"t#u libir May DN break his weapons and the weapons of his army, is attested
only once, in an inscription of am"-Adad I. The shorter version of the curse, kakkau
liber May DN break his weapons, appears in four inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta and
in a single inscription of Aur-na!irpal II. Finally, the subject of this curse is not
consistent. Though always a manifestation of Itar, she is designated differently in each
inscription. In the am"-Adad example, she is designated as the b!let t"h"zi, while in the
Aur-na!irpal inscription she is referred to as b!let qabli u t"h"zi. In the Tukult"-Ninurta
examples, she is twice referred to simply as Itar (her name once written syllabically and
once expressed logographically by
d
M

[
d
INANA]). In the two remaining Tukult"-Ninurta
examples, the goddess D"n"tu is invoked. The name D"n"tu is written syllabically in each
instance.

4.3.2.1.1 Catalog
am!-Adad I
A.0.39.1
d
INANA be-le-et ta-ha-zi-im GI.TUKUL-u GI.TUKUL um-ma-na-ti-u li-i-bi-ir

Tukult!-Ninurta I
A.0.78.11
d
INANA NIN GI.TUKUL- li-be-er
A.0.78.13
d
i
8
-tr NIN-ti GI.TUKUL-u li-be-er
120
A.0.78.14
d
di-ni-tu NIN GI.TUKUL-u li-be-er
A.0.78.16
d
di-ni-tu NIN-ti GI.TUKUL-u li-be-er

A.0.101.50
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M GI.TUKUL.ME- hu- tu--bir

4.3.2.1.2 Analysis
The earliest attestation of a god being invoked to break weapons appears in the
Old Akkadian inscriptions of Sargon. In the concluding formula of two texts of this king
(written on a Sammeltafel discovered at Nineveh) Enlil is invoked:
Enlil umu (MU-%u) lisahu (HA+) kakkau (GI.TUKUL-%u) libir
250

May Enlil eradicate his name and break his weapon
As can be seen, the verb indicating the action to smash or to break is eb!ru, while
the term used for the weapon is the generic kakku. This malediction is not attested in the
inscriptions of any succeeding Sargonic rulers, nor does it occur in the inscriptions of the
Ur III or Isin kings.
In the inscription of am"-Adad I, the curse appears in his great Aur inscription:
ama (
d
UTU) Enlil Adad (
d
arrim (LUGAL) [m"]hir#u $ u umm"n"t$u ay-iprik$ Nergal ina kak"im
iittau u iitti m"t#u lirtaddi Itar (
d
GI
TUKUL-u)
u kakki (
GI
TUKUL) umm"n"t#u libir Sn (
d
ZUEN) il (DINGIR) r!#ya l$ r"bi!
lemutt#u ana d"ri"tim
251

May ama, Enlil, Adad, and arru-m!tim take away his children; before a king
who opposes him, may he and his army not resist; may Nergal, violently,
confiscate his assets and the assets of his country; may Itar, Sovereign of Battle,
break his weapon and the weapons of his army; may Sn, god of my
administration, be a malevolent bailiff to him for an eternity.

250
RIM E2.1.1.6: 45-49 and RIM E2.1.1.6: 30-34. Although written on a Sammeltafel, the body of each text
celebrates Sargons defeat of Uruk.
251
RIM A.0.39.1: 114-135.
121
This concluding formula can be divided into two segments:
A: ama Enlil Adad u arru-m"tim pir#u lilqut$ [a]na p"n arrim [m"]hir#u $
u umm"n"t$u ay-iprik$

who opposes him, may he and his army not resist

And
B:

Nergal ina kak"im iittau u iitti m"t#u lirtaddi Itar (
d
INANA) b!let t"h"zim
kakkau u kakki umm"n"t#u libir n il (DINGIR) r!#ya lu r"bi! lemutt#u ana
d"riatim

May Nergal, violently, confiscate his assets and the assets of his country; may
Itar, Sovereign of Battle, break his weapon and the weapons of his army; (and),
may Sn, god of my administration, be a malevolent bailiff to him for an eternity.

Segment A contains a single invocation to the set of gods, ama, Enlil, Adad, and Dag!n.
The invocation requests that they destroy a future kings lineage. This segment also
contains the dividing, somewhat generic, curse [a]na p"n arrim (LUGAL) [ma]hir#u u u
umm"n"t$u ay-iprik$ before a king who opposes him, may he and his army not resist.
Segment B contains a different set of gods: Nergal, Itar, and Sn. In B, Nergal, who
leads the group, is invoked to ina kak"im iittau u iittim m"t#u lirtaddi violently,
confiscate his assets and the assets of his country. Itar, designated as the b!let t"h"zim,
is invoked to kakkau u kakka umm"n"t#u libir break his weapon and the weapons of
his army. Sn, functioning as the personal god of am"-Adad (il r!#ya) is invoked to be
lu r"bi! lemutt#u ana dariatim a malevolent bailiff to him for an eternity.
The appearance of these three gods together in this maledictory section is
reminiscent of the list of gods at the end of an OB extispicy prayer of Rim-Sn of Larsa.
In that prayer, Anu, designated as the abi am Father of Heaven, Sn, designated as
the arri agm Sovereign of the Crown, Nergal, designated as the b!l kakkim, the
122
Sovereign of the Weapon, and Itar, designated as the b!let t"h"zim, are invoked to
witness an extispicy ritual performed by the king.
252
In an inscription of the OB ruler of
Simurrum, Iddin-Sn, Adad is designated as the b!l kakki in the maledictory section. In
this same inscription, Itar is called the b!let t"h"zi. The connection and perhaps
interchangeability of Itar, designated as the b!let t"h"zi, and implored as a god who may
break weapons, and as a god titled the b!l kakki is noteworthy.
In addition to the inscription of am"-Adad I, the malediction to break weapons
appears in the inscriptions of three further OB Amorite rulers: Yahdun-L"m of Mari,
Hammurabi of Babylon, and Y!rim-L"m of Alalakh. In the royal inscription of Yar"m-
L"m, Itar and the goddess Hepat are requested to break weapons:
Adad ina kakki a q"t#u lihbussu Hepet Etar ukurrau libir Etar ana
q"ti mukaid#u limall#u Etar assinnim par"am ina birk#u litebbi
253

May Adad smash him with the weapon which is in his hand; may Hepat and Etar
break his spear; may Etar place him into the hand of his pursuers; may Etar, (as
with) an assinnu, cause potency to flow out from his loins.

There are several important observations which can be made concerning this maledictory
section. Once again, the verb employed is eb!ru; however, the weapon is not a generic
weapon (kakku), but a ukurru spear or lance. The subjects of the curse are also
different from those mentioned in the Sargon inscription. It is Itar and the Hurrian
goddess Hepat who are invoked, rather than merely Enlil. Itar is further invoked to

252
YBC 5023 60-66.
253
RIM E4.34.1.1: 16-20. For a detailed anlysis of this passage see Ilona Zsolnay, Itar, Goddess of War,
Pacifier of Kings: An Analysis of Itars Martial Role in the Maledictory Sections of the Assyrian Royal
Inscriptions, in Language and City Administration in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the 53rd
Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Moscow and St. Petersburg, July 23-28, 2007, ed. Leonid Kogan,
et al. [Forthcoming].
123
render the ruler impotenta curse which reappears in the inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta
and will be discussed below.
In the epilogue to the Code of Hammurabi, Itar functions as one of several
maledictory deities. In this text, Itar is invoked in a multitude of cursesseveral of
which appear in EARI. One of these curses is: aar t"h"zim (M) u qablim (EN.EN)
kakkau libir on the field of Battle and Combat, may [Itar] break his weapon. As in
the previous examples of this malediction, the verb connoting the action is eb!ru, while
the weapon is the kakku. In the epilogue, the god Zababa is invoked to perform the same
action. When Zababa is invoked, the verb indicating the action is once again eb!ru and
the weapon is once again a kakku; however, battle is designated by the term tamh"ru
instead of the term t"h"zu or the term qablu. Of further note is that Zababa and Itar are
connected in the epilogue. Itar, designated as the b!let qabli u t"h"zi, is listed after
Zababa (who is designated as the qarr"dun rabium m"rum r!tm a Ekur Great
Warrior, the firstborn son of the Ekur temple [i.e., son of Enlil and the equivalent of
Ninurta]), and before the god Nergal (who is designated as the dannum ina il# Mighty
One among the Gods).
254

Both the longer and shorter forms of the curse are attested in the maledictory units
of texts ascribed to Yahdun-L"m:
ama

(
d
UTU) kakk#u u kakk# umm"n#u libir
255

May ama break his weapon and the weapons of his army
And:
Nergal b!l kakkim kakkau libir
256

254
CH l 81-li 39.
255
RIM E4.6.8.1: 64
256
RIM E4.6.8.2:144-145.
124
May Nergal, Sovereign of the Weapon, break his weapon

As with the above examples, the verb connoting the action is eb!ru while the weapon is
a kakku. Though Itar is not the subject of either malediction, Nergal is titled Sovereign
of the Weapon. This is similar to the example above.
In a Middle Babylonian fragment from tablet VI of the Epic of Gilgame
discovered at Emar, Itar is said to be the breaker of weapons. In the fragment, Gilgame
chastises the goddess:
Col. i 28 [
l
]
s-ta-a [xxx t]ar-a-mi-ma b#t()-ki 29 [x]-ti-ki ta-an-[xxx a-n]a?

ku-ul-ta-ri 30 [kak-ki?-]u ta-a-bi-[ri? a-ar?] {a}-nu-un-ti 31 [tu-u]l-te-re-di
x[xxx] x
257

You loved the [] Sutean, your house you [] to a tent, you broke his
[weapons on the field of] battle, [you] keep driving (him?) onward []

According to Andrew George, this passage is only attested in this version of the Epic and
so, he suggests, it may have been tailored for western tastes;
258
thus, it may have
originated in and be particular to the region. As a nomadic people, the Sutean home land
ranged between Emar in northern Syria to Mari in eastern Syria. George interprets
Gilgame condemnation of Itar as the reason for this itinerant lifestyle: because the
goddess breaks the weapons of the Suteans, they are defeated in battle, thus they are
doomed to a nomadic existence, roaming from place to place. Itar is again loosely
connected to the Suteans in the biography of Idrimi (an OB ruler of Alalakh) and in the
much later Erra Epic. In the biography, Idrimi declares that he is the servant of the gods

257
Epic of Gilgame VI col. i 28 31 as presented in Andrew George, The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic.
Introduction, Critical Edition, and Cuneiform Texts (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003). The library
from which the fragment comes dates more specifically to the thirteenth or early twelfth century and the
dialect is Middle Babylonian with hints of Assyrian (327).
258
George, Gilgamesh, 32.
125
Adad, Hepat, and Itar. Idrimi also states that he was ousted from his royal city by the
Hurrian king Barattarna and was forced to dwell with the Suteans. It may be assumed that
his gods (Adad, Hepat, and Itar) did not protect him (otherwise how else could he be
ousted?). In the Erra Epic, the Suteans are said to be so revolted by Itar that they attack
her sanctuary at Uruk.
In an early bi-lingual kudurru text dating to the reign of the Kassite king Burna-
Buria II (1359-1333), Ninurta (= Utaulu) is invoked to perform various maledictions
implored of Itar in the epilogue of the Code of Hammurabi and in EARI:
259

Utaulu (
d
MIN)
260
b!lu m"ru r!t a Enlil

(
d
MIN)
261
b!l kakki kak dann$t#u ay-
idd#ssu aar qabli u t"h"zi kakkau libir likmi birk#u u birki qur"d#u nakr#u
el#u lizziz u kimt#u ana q"t nakr#u limall$u
262

May Utaulu, the Lord, the eldest son of the god Enlil, Sovereign of Weapon not
give him the weapon of his power. On the field of combat and battle, may he
break his weapon, may he bind his knees and the knees of his warriors, may his
enemy stand over him, (and) may they place him (and) that kin of his into the
hand of this enemy

In this inscription, Ninurta is conflated with two deities who are associated with Itar. He
is equated with Nergal through the designation b!l kakkim Sovereign of the Weapon
and with Zababa through the designation m"ru r!t a Enlil Eldest son of Enlil.
263

Ninurta is invoked to perform the curse on three further Kassite kudurrus. A

259
Cf. RIM A.101.3. In this long hymn to Ninurta, the god is also referred to as:
d
ut-u
19
-lu.
260
MSKH 1 pp. 141-2, No. J.5.1
41

d
UD. u
1 8
. l u.
261
MSKH 1 pp. 141-2, No. J.5.1
41 d
en. l l . l . ke
4
.
262
MSKH 1 pp. 141-2, No. J.5.1. See also, Seux, pithtes, and J. A. Brinkman, Texts and Fragments,
JCS 37 (1985): 249-252.
263
Since Ninurta was the original eldest son of Enlil, it may be more appropriate to say that Zababa was
equated with Ninurta (see the epilogue of the Code of Hammurabi, in which Zababa is also called the eldest
son of Enlil, though not titled b!l kakki).
126
kudurru of the Kassite king Meli-ipak (1186-1172) lists Ninurta just after Annun"tum
and before Ninkarrak. He is invoked to ina t"h"zi (M) [kakka]u libir.
264
In a kudurru,
which likely dates to the reign of Enlil-nadin-apli, a son of Nebuchadnezzar I (1104-
1101), Ninurta is listed after Gula and before Marduk and Ninmah.
265
Ninurta is
designated as Sovereign of the kudurru and invoked to kakk! aar t"h"zi (M)
[libir].
266
In yet another text inscribed on a kudurru, this time attributed to Marduk-
nadin-ahhe, brother of Nebuchadnezzar I (1100-1083), Nergal, designated as b!l till u
qa"ti Sovereign of Arrows and Bows, is invoked to kakkau libir:
Nergal b!l (EN) till u qa"ti kakkau liebbir Zaba[ba] ar (LUGAL) t"h"zi ina
t"h"zi q"ssu (U-su) la i!abbat
267

May Nergal, the Sovereign of Arrows and Bows, break his weapons! May Zababa,
the Sovereign of Battle, during the battle not grasp his hand!

It may also be noted that, as in the Code of Hammurabi, Nergal, in this example, is in the
company of Zababawho is designated by a title generally reserved for Itar, Sovereign
of Battle (t"h"zu). In the Code of Hammurabi, Zababa is called the Sovereign of
Combat (tamharu). Thus, it would appear that Zababa assumes Itars place, for in the
above inscription Itar does not function as a war deity at all. Instead, she is designated as
the b!let am u er!eti and is listed with Sn and ama as a celestial god.
Other than the example of am"-Adad, the malediction to break weapons does
not appear in EARI until the reign of Tukult"-Ninurta I. In the inscriptions of this king, the

264
BBS No. 4 iii 16
265
BBS 76 n 1.
266
BBS No. 11 iv 2
267
BBS No. 8 iv 21-23.
127
malediction is attested four times in very similar maledictory sections.
268
In each section,
Itar (or her counterpart D"n"tu) is invoked to break (eb!ru) the weapon (kakku) of a
future ruler. Because the curses are accompanied by two more significant maledictions,
their context will be discussed more fully below; however, it will be noted here that, in
the Epic of Tukult#-Ninurta, it is not Itar who is said to break weapons on the battlefield,
but Ninurta; thus, there continues to be a deep connection between the gods Itar, Zababa,
Nergal, and Ninurta.
Perhaps in response to the Kassite kudurru tradition of invoking Ninurta or
Nergal to break weapons, Itars connection to this malediction is removed with the
erection of Kar-Tukult"-Ninurta. In inscriptions from Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta, Aur is
invoked to break weapons once, while in a second inscription, the trio of gods who are
invoked: Aur, Enlil, and ama. This switch in subject is also apparent in the
inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser I. In the inscriptions of this king, Anu and Adad are
invoked in the curse.
269
After the reign of Tiglath-Pileser I, the curse is no longer attested
in EARI until its final occurrence in a single inscription of Aur-na!irpal II. This
inscription, written on two stone tablets, was discovered at Imgur-Enlil.
270
The curse
itself reads much like the previous ones. After Aur and the god Mamu are invoked in
the benediction, Itar, designated as the qabli u t"h"zi, is the only god invoked in the
malediction:
a nar (NA
4
.NA.R.A) emmaruma ann m#na iqabb Itar (
d
INANA) b!lat qabli
(MURUB
4
) u t"h"zi (M) kakkau l$ tuabbir kussu (GI.A.TI-) l$ t!kimu
271

268
RIM A.0.78.11, A.0.78.13, A.0.78.14, and A.0.78.16.
269
RIM A.0.87.1 80-88.
270
RIMA II, 319-321.
271
RIM A.0.101.50: 42-44a.
128
The one who looks upon (this) stelae and says, what is this?: may Itar,
Sovereign of Combat and Battle, break his weapon and remove his throne

The inscription itself is dedicated to the building of the temple to the deity, Mamu, and
the depositing of a statue of the god in his temple.

4.3.2.1.3 Summation
References to a god breaking weapons are not as common as might be expected.
When the attestations are charted, a very specific picture begins to emerge:
Old Akkadian
Ruler Region God Ethnicity
Sargon --- Enlil Akkadian

Old-Babylonian Attestations
Ruler Region God Ethnicity
am"-Adad I Aur Itar, Sovereign of Battle Amorite
Yar"m-L"m Alalakh Hepat and Itar Amorite
Yahdun-L"m Mari ama
Nergal Sovereign of Weapon
Amorite
Hammurabi Babylon (Ki) Itar, Sovereign of Battle and Combat
Zababa, Great Warrior
Amorite
OB Emar Gilgame Emar Itar Sutean?

Middle Assyrian-Neo-Assyrian Attestations
Ruler Region God
Burna-Buria II Babylon Ninurta, Sovereign of the Weapon
TN I Aur Itar
D"n"tu
K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta Aur
Aur, Enlil, and ama
Tiglath-Pilser I Aur Anu and Adad
Meli-ipak Babylon Ninurta
Marduk-nadin-ahhe Babylon Nergal, Sovereign of the Weapon
Enlil-nadin-apli Babylon Ninurta, Sovereign of the kudurru
Aur-na!irpal II Kalhu (Imgur-Enlil) Itar, Sovereign of Combat and Battle

129
From these attestations, it may be determined that the tradition that a god may
break (eb!ru) a weapon (normally kakku) originated in Syria (perhaps amongst the
Suteans). As can be seen, during the OB period, the curse May DN break his weapon is
attested in the inscriptions of four Amorite rulers: Yahdun-L"m, am"-Adad, Yar"m-L"m,
and Hammurabi. Three of these rulers reigned over territories which now lie in modern
Syria. Hammurabi, though ruling from Babylon, controlled Ki, a region which has been
argued to have deep connections with the ancient Syrian states of Ebla and Mari. Finally,
it is the presence of the activity in the Epic of Gilgame which is most telling. Only the
edition of the Epic from the Syrian state of the Emar contains a passage which states that
a god broke the weapons of a Sutean army.
During the MA and NA periods, the tradition reappears in the inscriptions of the
Kassite and Assyrian kings. Since these kings ruled from Babylon and Aur,
respectively, and were not Amorites, it is interesting that they should carry on the
seemingly Syrian tradition. The only previous rulers of Southern Mesopotamia to follow
the tradition were Sargon and Hammurabi.
Although Enlil, Aur, Anu, and Adad are invoked to break weapons once each
(and ama twice), the two gods most associated with the action break weapons are
Itar and a male deity designated as the Sovereign of the Weapon. The proper name of
this male deity oscillates between Nergal, Ninurta, and Zababa. Each of these deities,
Itar and the Sovereign of the Weapon, is invoked six times (once together). When
Itar is invoked, she is once designated by the title b!let t"h"zi Sovereign of Battle and
twice by the title b!let qabli u t"h"zi Sovereign of Combat and Battle. She is never
designated as the b!let qabli Sovereign of Combat. As is discussed in Appendix A, the
130
title b!let qabli u t"h"zi likely represents the unification of two separate deities, an Itar
b!let t"h"zi and an independent deity called B#let-Qabli. The attestation for Itar b!let
t"h"zi being invoked may represent a period before this unification; thus, it may be
possible to tie this action (breaking weapons) specifically to this manifestation. If this is
true, then, when Itar is invoked sans title, it may be that Itar b!let t"h"zi lies behind the
unmodified name of Itar in reference to this action. Furthermore, since, in most
circumstances Itar is accompanied in the curse by either Hepat or D"n"tu, it may be that
they represent B#lat-Qabli; thus, Hepat and D"n"tu are the same deity.

4.3.2.2 abikti m"t#u likun May DN establish a defeat upon his land
and ina pani nakr#u ay-izziz May DN not stand firm before his enemy

In almost every one of Adad-n!r!r" Is inscriptions, Itar is invoked in the
maledictions: abikti m"t#u likun May DN establish a defeat upon his land and ina
pani nakr#u ay-izziz May DN not stand firm before his enemy. As has been mentioned
previously, the reason for this is because most of the inscriptions of this king share a
standard introduction and a standard conclusion. These two curses only appear in one
inscription ascribed to almaneser I, and only in two texts ascribed to Tukult"-Ninurta I.

131
4.3.2.2.1 Catalog

Adad-n"r"r! I
A.0.76.2
d
i
8
-tr be-el-ti a-bi-ik-ti KUR-u li-i-ku-un i-na pa-ni na-ak-ri-u ia iz-zi-iz
272

A.0.76.4 [
d
i
8
]-tr GAAN a-bi-ik-ti [m"t#u] li-[i-ku]-un i-na pa-n[i nakr#u] ia iz-zi-
[i]z
A.0.76.11
d
i
8
-tr be-el-ti a-bi-ik-ti KUR-u [li-i]-ku-u[n] Lacuna
A.0.76.14
d
i
8
-tr GAAN a-bi-ik-ti KUR-u
A.0.76.15
d
i
8
-tr be-el-ti a-bi-ik-ti KUR-u i-na pa-ni na-ak-ri-u ia iz-zi-iz

almaneser I
A.0.77.6
d
i
8
-tr NIN a-be-ek-te KUR-u li-i-ku-un i-na pa-ni na-ak-ri-u ia iz-zi-iz

Tukult!-Ninurta I
A.0.78.1 [abikti] [m"t#u] li-ku-un-u i-na pa-[ni nakr#u] ia i-zi-iz
A.0.78.5 a-bi-ik-tu KUR-u li-ku-un i-na pa-ni KR.ME- ia iz-zi-iz

Unlike the malediction kakkau (u kakk# umm"n"t#u) liber, the curses abikti m"t#u
likun and ina pani nakr#u ay-izziz do not seem to be attested outside of EARI.

4.3.2.2.2 Analysis
Itar is first invoked in the maledictions abikti m"t#u likun and ina pani nakr#u
ay-izziz in EARI in multiple inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" I. Because the curses are located
in a generic conclusion section, no specific connections may be made between their
presence in an inscription and the rest of the text contained within it; however, certain
minor observations may be made. The entire standard Adad-n!r!r" concluding formula
reads:
Aur ilu !#ru "ib Ehursagkurkurra Anu Enlil Ea u Ninmah il"ni (DINGIR.ME)
rabti (GAL.ME) Igigu a am Anunnaku a er!eti ina naphar#unu ezzi
likkelm$uma erreta maruta aggi l#rur$ umu (MU-u) z!ru (NUMUN-u)
ellassu u kimtau ina m"ti luhalliq$ naspuh m"t#u hal"q ni!u u kudurr#u ina
punu (KA-iunu) kabti l$!mma

272
RIM A.0.76.5, A.0.76.6, A.0.76.7, A.0.76.8, A.0.76.10, A.0.76.13, A.0.76.16, 0.76.19, A.0.76.20,
A.0.76.22, and A.0.76.24.
132
Adad (
d
IKUR) ina rihi! lemutti lirhissu ab$bu imhullu sahmatu t! aam$tu
suqqu bub$tu arurtu huahhu ina m"t#u lu kay"n m"ssu ab$bi luba# ana tilli u
karme lut!r Itar (
d
i
8
-tr) b!lt# abikti m"t#u likun ina p"ni nakr#u ay-izziz
Adad (
d
IKUR) ina beriq lemmuti m"ssu (KUR-su) libriq ana m"tssu (KUR-su)
huahha liddi
273

May Aur, Exalted God, dweller of Ehursagkurkurra, Anu, Enlil, Ea, and
Ninmah, the Great Gods, the Igigi of Heaven, the Anunnaki of the Earth: may
they all glare at him with disfavor, may they curse him furiously with a terrible
curse, may they perish his name, his offspring, his clan, and his people from the
land. May they cause to occur, through their honorable proclamation, the
dispersal of his land, the perishing of his people and his heirs. May Adad
devastate him with a dreadful devastation: may deluge, imhullu-wind, chaos,
confusion, tornado, hunger, pestilence, drought, (and) starvation be permanent in
his land. May he cause (this) to pass over his land like a deluge and turn (it) into
hills of ruin. May Itar, my Sovereign, establish a defeat upon his land: may he
not stand firm before his enemy. May Adad strike his land with malevolent
lightning (and) may he afflict his land with starvation.

As in the case of the maledictory section of am"-Adads Aur text (A.0.39.1), this, too,
can be divided into two segments:
A:

Aur ilu !#ru "ib Ehursagkurkurra Anu Enlil Ea u Ninmah il"ni rabti Igigu
a am Anunnaku a er!eti ina naphar#unu ezzi likkelm$uma erreta maruta
aggi l#rur$ umu z!ru ellassu u kimtau ina m"ti luhalliq$ naspuh m"t#u
hal"q ni!u u kudurr#u ina punu (KA-iunu) kabti l$!mma

May Aur, Exalted God, dweller of Ehursagkurkurra, Anu, Enlil, Ea, and
Ninmah, the great gods, the Igigi of Heaven, the Anunnaki of the Earth: may they
all glare at him with disfavor, may they curse him furiously with a terrible curse,
may they perish his name, his offspring, his clan, and his people from the land.
May they cause to occur, through their honorable proclamation, the dispersal of
his land, the perishing of his people and his heirs.

And
B:

Adad ina rihi! lemutti lirhissu ab$bu imhullu sahmatu t! aam$tu suqqu
bub$tu arurtu huahhu ina m"t#u lu kay"n m"ssu ab$bi luba# ana tilli u karme
lut!r Itar b!lt# abikti m"t#u likun ina p"ni nakr#u ay-izziz Adad ina beriq
lemmuti m"ssu libriq ana m"ssu huahha liddi

May Adad devastate him with a dreadful devastation: may deluge, imhullu-wind,
chaos, confusion, tornado, hunger, pestilence, drought, (and) starvation be

273
RIM A.0.76.2: 48-62
133
permanent in his land. May he cause (this) to pass over his land like a deluge and
turn (it) into hills of ruin. May Itar, my Sovereign, establish a defeat upon his
land: may he not stand firm before his enemy. May Adad strike his land with
malevolent lightning (and) may he afflict his land with starvation.

Segment A is extremely southern in style. It invokes the gods Anu, Enlil, Ea, and Ninmah,
the great gods as a whole, the Igigu (specified as the gods of Heaven), and finally, the
Anunnaku (specified as the gods of the Earth). These gods, who are presented as if in a
council, are called upon to glare at [the future disloyal king] angrily, inflict upon him
in their wrath an evil curse, destroy his name, his seed, his clan, and his kin from the
land, and decree the dispersal of his land, the destruction of his people and his heirs.
Segment B specifically addresses the gods Adad and Itar. If these gods were part of the
decision-making process of the council, they are buried under the collective Great
Gods. They are not specifically mentioned as part of the voting procedure. Instead, Adad
and Itar are presented as the bailiffs of the gods of the council. They carry out the great
curse invoked by the gods in segment A. They bring about the devastation of both the
land and the king.
The inscriptions of almaneser I contain a variety of different concluding formula.
An almost identical version of segment A is present in two editions of the standard
inscription of almaneser (A.0.77.1 and A.0.77.16); however, segment B is replaced by a
single executive curse in which Aur is invoked. The majority of inscriptions from the
reign of almaneser contain a much shortened form of segment A, in which only Aur is
invoked; however, Adad is present in the maledictory section of three inscriptions of this
king and Itar appears in one. When Itar is invoked as a maledictory deity, it is only in
an inscription which records work on the b!t
d
Itar Aur#te the chapel of Assyrian Itar
(A.0.77.6). The goddess is invoked with Aur and Adad. In the maledictory section,
134
Aur functions as an executive maledictory deity, while Adad is once again in charge of
agricultural destruction. It should be emphasized that the text in which Itar appears as a
maledictory deity is not from Nineveh; rather, in the two almaneser inscriptions
discovered at Nineveh, only Aur and Adad are invoked in the maledictory section
(A.0.77.17 and A.0.77.18).
Although invoked as a maledictory deity in several inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta
I, it is only in the two versions of his standard inscription (both discovered at Aur) that
Itar is implored to abikti m"t#u likun and ina pani nakr#u ay-izziz. Furthermore, in
neither is she listed with Adad. After the AFP, the section reads:
[Aur u Adad il"ni a] am (AN) er!eti (KI) [iid kuss arr$t#u(?) l]issuh$
Lacuna(?) [...] !lu" TU[R ...] x sun[qa bub$t]a u huahh[a ana x nakr!u
(KR].ME-) ukinnu[u arru b!l lemutt#]!u" kuss[u] (GI.GU.ZA-u)
[l#kemu ana ni]!li !r!u!IGI".ME- m"ssu (KUR-su) lipur [... i]a u! perh# [...
ni]! (UN.ME) mu"!ti
274

May [Aur and Adad, the Gods of] Heaven (and) the Earth, rip out [the
foundations of the throne of his sovereignty (?)] Lacuna(?) x x x x May they
establish, from his enemies, terror, atrocities, (and) devastation. May a king [who
is] his [enemy] take away [his] throne (and) under his very eyes rule his land. [...
May ...] not go out. His offspring [... the] people

This is followed by:
Itar [INANA] b!lat [NIN-la-at] qabli [MURUB
4
] u t"h"zi [n"]bt palya
(B[AL]A.ME-ia) lu$mi zikr$ssu sinnis"ni mut$ssu ana rihti likun abikti
m"t#u likunu ina p"ni nakir#u ay-izziz x xx [...] lin!r qur"d#u [lu-ub]-bu ana
q"t (U) n"kr#u (KR.ME-u) lumell#u
275

[Itar], Sovereign of Combat and Battle, [the one who] called my pal: may she
transform his masculinity in the same manner as a sinnis"nu; may she cause his
potency to pour-out; may she establish a defeat of his land; may he not stand

274
RIM A.0.78.1 col. iii 32-vi 8.
275
RIM A.0.78.1 col. vi 9-22.
135
before his enemy; may she ... slay ....his soldiers; (and,) may she place him into
the hand of his enemies.

Again, the first section reads like segment A of the Adad-n!r!r" maledictory section;
however, this time Adad is paired with Aur and so is divided away from Itar. This
separation is also evident in the second version of the standard inscription:

Aur u Adad (
d
IKUR) il"ni (DINGIR.ME) a am (AN-e) u er!eti (KI-ti) arr$ssu
(LUGAL-su) ligi$ umu (MU-u) z!ru (NUMUN-u) ina m"ti (KUR) luhalliq$
arru (LUGAL) b!l (EN) lemutt#u kuu (GI.GU.ZA-su) l#kemu ana ni"li !r!u
(IGI.ME-su) m"ssu (KUR-su) lipur Itar (
d
i
8
-tr) b!lt# (NIN) n"bt pal
(BALA.ME) arr$t#ya (MAN-ti-ia) abikti m"t#u (KUR-u) likun ina p"ni nakr!u
(KR.ME-) ay-izziz ana q"t (U) nakr!u (KR.ME-) lumell#u
276

Aur and Adad, the Gods of Heaven (and) Earth: may they extinguish his
sovereignty; may they perish his name (and) his offspring, from the land. May a
king who is his enemy take away his throne (and) under his very eyes rule his
land. May Itar, my Sovereignwho called the pal of my sovereignty, establish
a defeat upon his land: may he not stand firm before his enemy (and) may she
place him into the hand of his enemies.

These are the last attestations of the curses abikti m"t#u likunu May DN establish a
defeat upon his land and ina pani nakriu ay-izziz May DN not stand firm before his
enemy in EARI in which Itar is invoked. In fact, as happens to the curse, kakkau (u
kakk# umm"n"t#u) liber may DN break his weapons (and the weapons of his army), in
the inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta discovered at K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta and in the later
inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser I, Itar is replaced by Aur, Anu, and Adad. After these
examples, the curses are no longer attested.

276
RIM A.0.78.5: 111-126.
136
4.3.2.2.3 Summation
From this brief discussion of the attestations for the curses abikti m"t#u likun
and ina pani nakr#u ay-izziz, it may be deduced that, at least during the reign of Adad-
n!r!r" I, Itar functioned as a maledictory deity together with Adad. Since specific deities
are generally only invoked to perform specific curses in EARI, the absence of the curses
abikti m"t#u likun and ina pani nakr#u ay-izziz in the majority of concluding formula
from the inscriptions of almaneser is likely due to the near exclusivity of the god Aur
as the maledictory deity. Furthermore, since it is only in an inscription (of this king)
which recorded renovations of the Assyrian Itar temple at Aur which invokes the
goddess (with Adad), it may be possible to conclude that the manifestation of Itar who is
invoked to perform these curses is Itar Aur"tum.
During the reign of Tukult"-Ninurta I, Adad became seemingly synonymous with
Aur; thus, Itar began to function independently. When this split took place, the curses
normally invoked of Itar were reallocated to Aur, Adad, and Anu. This tradition
continued into the inscription of Tiglath-Pileser I, after whose reign, the curses are no
longer used.

137
4.3.2.3 ana q"t nakr#u lumell#u May DN place him into the hand of his enemy
lin$r qur"d#u May DN slay his soldiers
lu!mi zikr!ssu sinnis"ni May DN transform his masculinity in the same manner
as a sinnis"nu
mut!ssu ana rihti likun May DN cause his potency to pour-out

In EARI, these four maledictions are entreated only of Itar and are attested only
in inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta;
277
however, the context of the attestations is not
consistent.

4.3.2.3.1 Catalog

Tukult!-Ninurta
A.0.78.1 [zik-r]u-su si-ni-sa-n [mut$ssu] !a-na" ri-hu-ti [liku]-un [abikti] [m"t#u] li-
ku-un-u i-na pa-[ni nakr#u] ia i-zi-iz x xx [...] li-ner qu-ra-!di"-[u] lu-ub"bu ana U
KR.!ME-" lu-me-li-

A.0.78.5 a-bi-ik-tu KUR-u li-ku-un i-na pa-ni KR.ME- ia iz-zi-iz a-na U KR.ME-u
lu--me-li-u

A.0.78.11
GI
TUKUL- li-be-er a-na U KR.ME- lu-mel-li-

A.0.78.13 LUGAL-su li-gi
GI
TUKUL-u li-bir mu-tu-su ana ri-hu-ti li-ku-un a-na U
KR.ME-u lu-mel-li-u

A.0.78.14
GI
TUKUL-u li-be-er a-na U KR.ME-u lu-me-li-u

A.0.78.16 MAN-su li-gi
GI
TUKUL-u li-be-er mu-tu-su a-na ri-hu-ti li-ku-un a-na U
KR.ME-ulu-me-li-u

277
The one exception to this is ana q"t nakr#u lumell#u, which occurs in a text ascribed to am"-Adad
and was inscribed on multiple fragments of stone cylinders found at Nineveh. In the text, it is ama
(designated as the day"nu rab am u er!eti Great Judge of Heaven and Earth) who is implored to hand
over [the disloyal future ruler] to a king who is his enemy as one who gives up a murderer RIM A.0.39.2:
94-126. This curse appears in his Ninevite text in which Itar is invoked to remove the sovereignty of a
future ruler.
138
4.3.2.3.2 Analysis
As can be deduced from the catalog, out of the four maledictions, Itar is the only
god consistently invoked to perform the curse ana q"t nakr#u lumell#u may DN place
him into the hand of his enemy. The curse which appears the least frequently in EARI is
lin!r qur"d#u may DN slay his soldiers. This curse is attested only in maledictory
section of the earlier standard inscription of Tukult"-Ninurta from Aur (A.0.78.1). The
remaining two curses, lu$mi zikr$ssu sinnis"ni may DN transform his masculinity in
the same manner as a sinnis"nu and mut$ssu ana rihti likun may DN cause his
potency to pour-out, are attested together only in the same earlier standard inscription
(A.0.78.1). Finally, mut$ssu ana rihti likun may DN cause his potency to pour-out is
used without the former curse in two additional texts (A.0.78.13 and A.0.78.16). Of the
four curses, ana q"t nakr#u lumell#u has the most attestations outside of EARI, while
lin!r qur"d#u has the second most. The curses lu$mi zikr$ssu sinnis"ni and mut$ssu
ana rihti likun have only one attestation outside of EARI.
The malediction ana q"t nakr#u lumell#u has multiple OB attestations outside of
EARI. In a Sumerian dedicatory inscription to Zababa found at Ur, the Larsa ruler Warad-
Sn (1890-1878) thanks Zababa for answering his prayer. Zababa, who is referred to as
the Sovereign of the Favorable Omen, does this by delivering his enemies into [Warad-
Sns] hands.
278
In a slightly later Sumerian inscription, also discovered at Ur, the brother
of Warad-Sn, Rim-Sn, declares that he has built the . e. bar. zi . da Temple of
Reliable Decisions for the goddess Ninsiana (a manifestation of Itar). He does this

278
RIM E4, 247-248.
139
because she has delivered all of his enemies into his hands.
279

Itar is also invoked in the OB inscription of the ruler Yar"m-L"m which was
discussed above. In that inscription, Itar is invoked ana q"t# mukaid#u limall#u to
place [an enemy king] into the hand of his pursuers.
280
In yet another text attributed to
an Amorite king, a manifestation of Itar is asked to perform this same service. A
prophecy from Mari, which was delivered to Zimri-Lim, records that, in the temple of
Annun"tum, a servant girl of Dag!n-Malik went into a trance and delivered this message:
umm"mi Zimr#-Lim u umma atta mitanni an"ku el#ka ahabbu! nakr#ka ana
q"t#ka umalla

Zimri-Lim: Even though you are neglectful about me, I will massacre on your
behalf. Your enemy I will deliver up into your hand.
281

The servant girl speaking for Annun"tum states that the goddess would perform two of
the actions normally recorded as maledictions: delivering up the enemy, but also, slaying
for the king.
Itar as the b!let t"h"zi u qabli is invoked to perform both curses in the epilogue
to the Code of Hammurabi. It will be recalled that this manifestation of Itar is listed
together with Zababa in the epilogue. These activities are also attributed to Itar and
Zababa in a bi-lingual inscription of Samsu-iluna (1749-1712).
282
Together these gods are
referred to as the q"rd$tim ina Igigi Heroes of the Igigu. The text, which was inscribed
on several cylinder seals found at Ki, records the god Enlil speaking to Itar and Zababa
regarding Samsu-iluna:

279
RIM E4.2.14.18.
280
RIM E4.34.1.1: 16-20
281
ARM 26 214: 8-14, as presented by Martti Nissinen in Prophets and Prophecy.
282
RIM E4.3.7.7: 4-5.
140
lu n$ru naw"rum attan$ma ittakunu damiqtum lib#umma ay"b#u naera
z"ir#u ana q"t#u mulliama (mulliama)

Be his illumination. May you bestow a good omen on him: kill his enemies (and)
deliver into his hands his foes.
283

In the same inscription, Itar and Zababa respond to Samsu-iluna:
in imn#ka nillak z"ir#ka ninaar ay"b#ka ana q"t#ka numalla

We will go at your right side, kill your enemies, (and) place your foes into your
hands.
284

The inscription then states that Samsu-iluna went out and killed his enemies. In Babylon,
this curse continued to be used in association with Itar. From the Kassite period, it is
attested on a kudurru of the king Meli-ipak (1186-1172). In the maledictory section of
the kudurru, Itar, designated as the b!let m"t"ti, is invoked to aar kakki u t"h"zi ana
kakk# n"kir# limn$ deliver [the enemy king] to the weapons of the enemy of the
battlefield.
285

Finally, it should be recalled that during the early NA period, the blessing ina
t"h"z# a arr"ni aar taqr$bte ammar libb#u lu am!u may they, in battles between
kings on the battlefield, cause him to attain his hearts desire begins to be attested in
Assyrian royal inscriptions. It may be then that the blessing aar kakki u t"h"zi ana kakk#
n"kir# limn$ deliver him to the weapons of the enemy of the battlefield is merely the
reversal of this curse. To cause the attainment of the hearts desire of the king is to
slaughter the enemy, rather than any more compassionate outcome.

283
RIM E4.3.7.7: 36b-42.
284
RIM E4.3.7.7: 71-75
285
BBS. No. 3 vi 18-20.
141
Unlike the curses ana q"t nakr#u lumell#u may DN place him into the hand of
his enemy and lin!r qur"d#u may DN slay his soldiers, the curses lu$mi zikr$ssu
sinnis"ni may DN transform his masculinity in the same manner as a sinnis"nu, and
mut$ssu ana rihti likun may DN cause his potency to pour-out have only one
possible similar attestation before their use in the inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta. This is
once again in the maledictory section of the Alalakh inscription of Yar"m-L"m. In this
maledictory section, Itar is invoked to cause potency to flow from the loins of the enemy
king. The only other attestation of this curse is from the much later Monument A of
Esarhaddon.
286
This monument was discovered just north of Alalakh, in the Neo-Hittite
city of Samael. In the inscription, Itar is invoked as the b!let qabli u t"h"zi.

4.3.2.3.3 Summation
In sum, the varied attestations of the maledictions discussed in section 4.3.2.3
include the following:
ana q"t nakr#u lumell#u May DN place him into the hand of his enemy
lin!r qur"d#u May DN slay his soldiers
lu$mi zikr$ssu sinnis"ni May DN transform his masculinity in the same manner as a
sinnis"nu
mut$ssu ana rihti likun May DN cause his potency to pour-out

Like the previously discussed curses, these four curses are particular to Itar in EARI,
seem to have a distinct origin, and seem to be connected to distinct manifestations of the
goddess.

286
IAK MnmA
d
Itr b!let qabli u t"h"zi zik-ru-su sin-ni-a-ni lu--lik-ma.
142
The distribution of ana q"t nakr#u lumell#u (Place) and lin!r qur"d#u (Slay)
is:
King God invoked Origin of Inscription Place Slay
Warad-Sn Zababa Larsa / Ur YES ---
Rim-Sn Ninsiana Larsa/ Ur YES ---
Yar"m-L"m Itar Alalakh YES ---
Zimri-L"m Annun"tum Mari YES YES
Hammurabi Itar b!let t"h"zi u qabli Ki YES YES
Samsu-iluna Itar and Zababa Ki YES YES
Tukult"-Ninurta Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi
Itar
Itar
Din"tu
Din"tu
Aur YES YES
---
---
---
---
Meli-ipak Itar b!let m"t"t# Babylon YES ---

The subject of the action: to place an enemy into the hands of a king (with the option of
also murdering them) is consistent. In all but two attestations, it is Itar (or a
manifestation of Itar). In the two exceptions, the god Zababa is invoked once, while in
the second Zababa and Itar are invoked. It can further be noted that the majority of
attestations can be dated to the OB period and that they, like the curse may DN break
weapons occur in the inscriptions of Amorite kings.
The designation given to Itar in each attestation is different. In four examples,
she is merely called Itar, while in two, she is called D"n"tu. Once she is referred to as
Ninsiana, once as Annun"tum, once as Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi, and finally, she is
designated once as b!let m"t"t#. It is tempting to conclude that these various designations
and manifestations for Itar are, in fact, a singular manifestation of Itar. It is also
tempting to suggest that, due to Itars association with Zababa in the curses, this
manifestation of Itar originates at Ki. This is because Itar and Zababa were both patron
143
deities of Ki;
287
however, this would perhaps be too hasty a conclusion. The curse is also
invoked in inscriptions from Mari, Alalakh, Aur, and Babylon (once). It should further
be noted that, other than the examples in which Itar is called b!let qabli u t"h"zi, both
Itar and Zababa are repeatedly associated with omens.
It is difficult to form any conclusions from the attestations of the remaining two
curses:
lu$mi zikr$ssu sinnis"ni May DN transform his masculinity in the same manner as a
sinnis"nu
mut$ssu ana rihti likun May DN cause his potency to pour-out

The distribution of these curses is:
King God Origin of Inscription
Yar"m-L"m Itar Alalakh
Tukult"-Ninurta I Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi
Itar
Itar
D"n"tu
D"n"tu
Aur
Esarhaddon Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi Samael

From this distribution, it may, with great trepidation, be observed that the curses originate
in the region of Alalakh, perhaps with the Hurrians.

4.3.2.4 Conclusion to the Martial Maledictory Analysis
Perhaps unexpectedly, Itar is attested as a martial-maledictory deity in EARI in
the inscriptions of only five kings: am"-Adad I, Adad-n!r!r" I, almaneser I, Tukult"-
Ninurta I, and Aur-na!irpal II. Perhaps also surprising, the specific curses for which
Itar is the subject are not consistent between reigns. There are only seven clear martial

287
It may also be that, during the Kassite period, b!let m"t"t# was a designation for Itar at Ki.
144
actions Itar is requested to perform in the concluding formulae of EARI. Of this list,
kakkau (u kakk# umm"n"t#u) liber appears in inscriptions from the reigns of am"-
Adad, Tukult"-Ninurta, and Aur-na!irpal. The curses abikti m"t#u likunu and ina
pani nakr#u ay-izziz are only attested in the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r", almaneser,
Tukult"-Ninurta. The remaining three curses, lu$mi zikr$ssu sinnis"ni, mut$ssu ana
rihti likun, and ana q"t nakr#u lumell#u, are only attested in the inscriptions of
Tukult"-Ninurta.
The inconsistency of the application of the various curses suggests that different
traditions were followed between reigns, e.g., when called up to perform the curses abikti
m"t#u likunu and ina pani nakr#u ay-izziz in the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" and
almaneser, Itar is designated by no special title. It is also only in these attestations that
Itar is paired with Adad as a maledictory deity. The situation is very different when Itar
is implored to kakkau (u kakk# umm"n"t!u) liber. When this curse is requested of the
goddess, she is twice referred to as the b!let (qabli u) t"h"zionce listed in the
maledictory section with the gods Sn and Nergal. In all remaining attestations of this
curse, Itar is the sole maledictory deity listed. Finally, the curses ana q"t nakr#u
lumell#u, lu$mi zikr$ssu sinnis"ni and mut$ssu ana rihti likun are not only attested
in the inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta, but are likely attributable to Itar as b!let qabli u
t"h"zi. Each of these martial maledictions, like the curses invoked to remove an enemy
kings sovereignty, is aimed at reversing or preventing the actions which Assyrian rulers
proudly claim they perform.
Itar functions as a martial maledictory goddess in the inscriptions of five kings:

am!-Adad I
A.0.39.1
d
INANA be-le-et ta-ha-zi-im GI.TUKUL-u GI.TUKUL um-ma-na-ti-u li-i-bi-ir
145
Adad-n"r"r! I
A.0.76.2
d
i
8
-tr be-el-ti a-bi-ik-ti KUR-u li-i-ku-un i-na pa-ni na-ak-ri-u ia iz-zi-iz
288

A.0.76.4 [
d
i
8
]-tr GAAN a-bi-ik-ti [m"t#u] li-[i-ku]-un i-na pa-n[i nakr#u] ia iz-zi-
[i]z
A.0.76.11
d
i
8
-tr be-el-ti a-bi-ik-ti KUR-u [li-i]-ku-u[n] Lacuna
A.0.76.14
d
i
8
-tr GAAN a-bi-ik-ti KUR-u
A.0.76.15
d
i
8
-tr be-el-ti a-bi-ik-ti KUR-u i-na pa-ni na-ak-ri-u ia iz-zi-iz

almaneser I
A.0.77.6
d
i
8
-tr NIN a-be-ek-te KUR-u li-i-ku-un i-na pa-ni na-ak-ri-u ia iz-zi-iz

Tukult!-Ninurta
A.0.78.1 [zik-r]u-su si-ni-sa-n [mut$ssu] !a-na" ri-hu-ti [liku]-un [abikti] [m"t#u] li-
ku-un-u i-na pa-[ni nakr#u] ia i-zi-iz x xx [...] li-ner qu-ra-!di"-[u] lu-ub"bu ana U
KR.!ME-" lu-me-li-
A.0.78.5 a-bi-ik-tu KUR-u li-ku-un i-na pa-ni KR.ME- ia iz-zi-iz a-na U KR.ME-u
lu--me-li-u
A.0.78.11
GI
TUKUL- li-be-er a-na U KR.ME- lu-mel-li-
A.0.78.13 LUGAL-su li-gi
GI
TUKUL-u li-bir mu-tu-su ana ri-hu-ti li-ku-un a-na U
KR.ME-u lu-mel-li-u
A.0.78.14
GI
TUKUL-u li-be-er a-na U KR.ME-u lu-me-li-u
A.0.78.16 MAN-su li-gi
GI
TUKUL-u li-be-er mu-tu-su a-na ri-hu-ti li-ku-un a-na U
KR.ME-ulu-me-li-u

A.0.101.50
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M GI.TUKUL.ME- hu- tu--bir

4.3.3 Conclusion to the Entire Maledictory Analysis
Perhaps more than any other unit in EARI, the concluding formula aids in our
understanding of the function of a god for the Assyrian royal court. From the analysis of
the attestations for the invocation of a god to bless an Assyrian kings sovereignty, and
from the curse to remove that sovereignty it can be determined which deity holds direct
executive power over which region. The results are enlightening. While each deity has
executive jurisdiction over their own temple, only a very specific few hold that same
authority over cities and regions paramount to Assyrian kings. Not surprisingly, the

288
RIM A.0.76.5, A.0.76.6, A.0.76.7, A.0.76.8, A.0.76.10, A.0.76.13, A.0.76.16, A.0.76.19, A.0.76.20.A,
A.0.76.22, and A.0.76.24.
146
attestations inform us that Aur has jurisdiction over Aur, and later, over greater
Assyria. Also not surprising, Itar holds jurisdiction over Nineveh. Similar to Aur, this
manifestation of Itar also comes to have executive jurisdiction over greater Assyria.
What is unanticipated is that Itar, designated as the b!let qabli u t"h"zi, acts as the
primary executive over the city and region of Kalhu. A city founded by almaneser I, but
truly inhabited by Aurna!irpal II and his father almaneser III, one would expect the
primary tutelary deity to be Ninurta.
The case of the martial maledictions is different from that of the executive. These
maledictions indicate functions specific to each god. The functions particular gods are
invoked to perform in this section are not, in general, shared. While the specific
manifestation of Itar, b!let Ninua, had executive jurisdiction over Nineveh, Itar,
designated as Itar Aur#tum seems to have none of this power. She, together with Adad
(before he became the equivalent of Aur during the reign of Tukult"-Ninurta), may have
functioned merely functioned as bailiffs for Aur and the council of the gods. At the
behest of other deities, Itar Aur#tum ensured a martial defeat was brought down upon
the enemy king. She made sure he did not stand firm before an attacking army. This, too,
may have been the original function of Itar b!let t"h"zi. Originally, this manifestation of
Itar broke the weapon of enemy kings; however, when combined with B#let-qabli, the
new conjoined Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi was a ferocious martial force. So powerful, in the
inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta, she performs the actions of both Itar Aur#tum and Itar
b!let t"h"zi: slays an enemy outright, destroy his potency, and simply hands him over to
an enemy.

Chapter 5: INVOCATION

An invocation unit is first attested in EARI in the Annals of Tiglath-pileser I.
289

There were, according to Graysons schematic, two types of Annals: annalistic accounts
including one military campaign and annalistic accounts including multiple campaigns.
290

The former only existed during the NA period and were inscribed upon objects in
prominent and highly visible places, usually rock faces or stelae. The latter are found
from the MA period on, and were inscribed on a variety of objects in well-known places
or on foundations. The multiple-campaign type can take one of three forms: those with an
invocation, those with no invocation, and a third, rare, form that begins with a dedication
to the deity and is followed by a titulary and an annalistic narration.
291
In earlier

289
Schneider, A New Analysis, 145.
290
Grayson, Assyria and Babylonia, 151-52.
291
Ibid. According to Grayson, this is a very rare form used only by am"-Adad V (RIM A.0.103.1) and
Aurban"pal (Daniel David Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia [New York:
Greenwood Press, 1968], 713-126). Although RIM A.0.103.1 is annalistic, it begins with ana followed by
a list of epithets for only one god, Ninurta; however, it is probable that this text was actually meant to be
seen by all of the gods. RIM A.0.103.1 is dedicated to Ninurta and was found at Kalhu, but the same text
was inscribed on various other objects and dedicated to different deities. Grayson posits that, since a
148
inscriptions, although an invocation could be used in a multiple-campaign version of the
Annals, it does not always appear in these types of inscriptions; however, when the king
wished to display a particular campaign prominently, he always invoked a deity or deities.
The invocation is consistently placed just before the titulary, and so begins the
inscription in which it is contained. This is fitting because it is likely that it served, as its
modern name suggests, as an invocation or address to the gods. Generally, starting with
the deity, Aur, an invocation would list the names of only the great gods of
Assyria/Mesopotamia and certain epithets. In a few cases, a smaller number of these gods
were addressed, and in rare cases, only a single god. The designations listed for the gods
were very much like those listed for the king in his titulary. They identify the god
according to his or her prowess, physical characteristics, and/or the realm over which
he/she presided. As with a royal titulary, the epithets succeeding a gods name were not
consistent. Why the gods were invoked is a curious question, the answer to which hinges,
to some extent, on the question of audience. If the gods were, in fact, thought to read the
material which followed, then the invocation would call their attention to it; thus, the
remainder of an inscription could be viewed as a type of rsum or performance report
(of the king). If, on the other hand, the inscriptions are understood as a declaration of a
kings dominion and status as the chosen ruler of the godsand as one who could, in fact,
invoke the godsthen the invocation may serve to instill awe in the mortal community.

second copy of this text was found at Nineveh, it could have had Itar as its audience (because Itar would
have been the goddess of Nineveh). Additionally, [t]here are also two fragments of stone stelae from
Aur, listed as RIM A.0.103.2 and 3, which duplicate portions of this text. These were, no doubt, dedicated
to yet other deities (RIMA III, 180 ff.). It is possible that this annalistic account, which would normally
have addressed all of the gods in an invocation unit, separated the gods, thus giving each their own copy of
the document.
149
At this time, there is not adequate evidence to settle this ongoing dabate.
The invocation itself can appear in several different forms. As an inscription of
Tiglath-pileser, demonstrates, it can be quite long:
Aur b!lu (EN) rab (GAL) mut!ir kiat il"ni (DINGIR.ME) n"din ha""i
(
GI
GIDRU) u ag muk#n arr$ti (MAN-ti) Enlil ar (MAN) gimir Anunnaki abu il"ni
(DINGIR.ME) b!l (EN) m"t"ti (KUR.KUR) Sn (
d
30) eru b!l (EN) ag "q makurri
(
d
M.GUR
8
) ama

(
d
UTU) day"n (DI.KUD) am (AN) er!eti (KI-ti) h"i" !alp"t
ay"b# muebru !!ni Adad (
d
IKUR) ur"nu r"hi! kibr"t n"kir# (KR.ME) ad
(KUR.ME) ti"m"ti (AB.ME-ti) Ninurta qardu "gi lemni u ay"bi muem! mal
libbi Itar (
d
INANA) aaritti (SAG-ti) il"ni (DINGIR.ME) b!let t! muarrihat
qabl"te (MURUB
4
.ME-te) il"ni (DINGIR.ME) rabti (GAL.ME) muttabbilut am
(AN-e) er!eti (KI-ti) a t#b$unu tuquntu (GI.LAL) u amu muerb$ arr$t
Tiglath-pileser (
mGI
tukul-ti-IBILA--r-ra) rub (NUN) nar"m bibil libb#kun

Aur, Great Sovereign, who governs all the gods, who bestows the scepter and
crown, who anchors sovereignty; Enlil, Sovereign of all the Anunnaku, father of
the gods, Sovereign of the Lands; Sn, Wise One, Sovereign of the Crown,
Steward of the Boat; ama, Judge of Heaven (and) the Earth, Watchman of the
Iniquity of Enemies, who exposes the wicked. Adad, Conqueror, who devastates
enemy regions, mountains, (and) seas; Ninurta, Champion, Slayer of the
Malevolent and the Enemy, who causes the attainment of a full heart; Itar,
Preeminent among the Gods, Sovereign of Frenzy, who Quickens Combats; Great
Gods, Managers of Heaven (and) the Earth, whose attack means conflict and strife,
who make great the sovereignty of Tiglath-pileser, Prince, Beloved, your select
one
292

This format of invocation can be divided into two sections. The first section lists the
deities addressed:
Aur b!lu (EN) rab (GAL) mut!ir kiat il"ni (DINGIR.ME) n"din ha""i
(
GI
GIDRU) u ag muk#n arr$ti (MAN-ti) Enlil ar (MAN) gimir Anunnaki abu il"ni
(DINGIR.ME) b!l (EN) m"t"ti (KUR.KUR) Sn (
d
30) eru b!l (EN) ag "q makurri
(
d
M.GUR
8
) ama

(
d
UTU) day"n (DI.KUD) am (AN) er!eti (KI-ti) h"i" !alp"t
ay"b# muebru !!ni Adad (
d
IKUR) ur"nu r"hi! kibr"t n"kir# (KR.ME) ad
(KUR.ME) ti"m"ti (AB.ME-ti) Ninurta qardu "gi lemni u ay"bi muem! mal
libbi Itar (
d
INANA) aaritti (SAG-ti) il"ni (DINGIR.ME) b!let t! muarrihat
qabl"te (MURUB
4
.ME-te)

292
RIM A.0.87.1 col. i 1-20.
150
crown, who preserves sovereignty; Enlil, Sovereign of all the Anunnaku, father of
the gods, Sovereign of the Lands; Sn, Wise One, Sovereign of the Crown,
Steward of the Boat; ama, Judge of Heaven (and) the Earth, Watchman of the
Iniquity of Enemies, who exposes the wicked. Adad, Conqueror, who devastates
enemy regions, mountains, (and) seas; Ninurta, Champion, Slayer of the
Malevolent and the Enemy, who causes the attainment of a full heart; Itar,
Preeminent among the Gods, Sovereign of Frenzy, who Quickens Combats;

The second part is an artful transition between the invocation and the following titulary
unit. Its form is a cross between a titulary of the deities and one of the king:

il"ni (DINGIR.ME) rabti (GAL.ME) muttabbil$t am (AN-e) er!eti (KI-ti) a
t#b$unu tuquntu (GI.LAL) u amu muerb$ arr$t Tiglath-pileser (
mGI
tukul-ti-
IBILA--r-ra) rub (NUN) nar"m bibil libb#kun

Great Gods, Managers of Heaven (and) the Earth, whose attack means conflict
and strife, who make great the sovereignty of Tiglath-pileser, Prince, Beloved,
your select one
293

This second half is an optional transition between the individual treatment of each god
and the individual treatment of the king within his titulary. In this cleverly-designed
portion of the text, the gods are addressed as a unit. Together they are the muttabbil$t
am er!eti Managers of Heaven (and) the Earth, and, although they still hold pride of
place as the subject of the unit, it is Tiglath-pileser who is the main focus of the text; thus
there is an intermediary stage between the titulary of the gods and the titulary of the king.
Comparing this invocation to the much shorter version found in an inscription of
almaneser III:
Aur Sn (
d
30) ama Adad (
d
IKUR) Itar (
d
INANA) il"ni (DINGIR.ME) rabti
(GAL.ME) r"im$t arr$t#ya (MAN-ti-ia) muarb um#ya (MU-ia)

Aur, Sn, ama, Adad, (and) Itar: the Great Gods who love my sovereignty
(and) who cause my name to be grand.
294

293
RIM A.0.87.1 col. i 1-20.
294
RIM A.0.102.21: 1-4a.
151
As with the longer version, the list of gods begins the section: Aur, Sn, ama, Adad,
and Itar. This is then followed by the transitional statement il"ni rabti r"im$t arr$t#ya
the Great Gods who love my sovereignty.
The invocation can also appear as a prayer to a deity which can come before the
titulary. This type of invocation is comparatively rare, occurring only on stone objects
during the early NA period and seems to have its origins in the first type of ana-clause
(dedicatory) as originally seen in the action unit of Dedicatory and Commemorative
inscriptions. Identifying this invocation unit is simple, since it is always at the beginning
of an inscription and has a very obvious format: it begins with the preposition ana
followed by the name of the deity being addressed.
As can be seen by these two examples, the gods listed are different in each
invocation. This indicates that, as there was no custom requiring particular epithets for
the gods, there was also no fixed tradition which stipulated which gods needed to be
invoked. Although not all gods are present in each above the above invocations, the
positions of the gods are constant. In her unpublished dissertation investigating the
inscription of almaneser III, Tammi Joy Schneider suggests that, while various gods
may or may not be included in an invocation list, when they are present they are always
in the same sequential position (e.g., Enlil always follows Anu in an invocation).
295
This
leads Schneider to conclude that the ordering of the gods must be canonical, thus finding
its origins in the god-lists of southern Mesopotamia. Schneider argues that the scribes of
Tiglath-pileser I would have been aware of these god-lists, particularly the great god-list
An = Anum, because there is evidence that it was brought to Assyria during the MA

295
Schneider, A New Analysis, 254, Table 2.
152
periodperhaps by the scribe Kidin-Sn.
296
She concludes that the invocation is, in fact,
an old Mesopotamian tradition incorporated into a new literary form.
297

Although an intriguing suggestion, this contention is difficult to support. Any
canonical god-list need not have passed into Assyrian tradition only during the reign of
Tiglath-Pileser I. This could have happened during any one of the many instances of
contact between north and south. More importantly, neither the sequential listing of the
gods, nor the epithets which follow a gods name, matches all of those located in the
invocations. An = Anum is a highly technical god-list from the Kassite period, whose
roots may extend as far back as the Fara period in Sumer. Written on seven tablets, the
list attempts to correlate the names of hundreds of regional divinities to most of the great
gods of southern Mesopotamia: Anu, Enlil (Ninurta), Ninhursag, Ea (Marduk), Sn,
ama, Adad, and Itar.
298
As can be seen in the chart A below, at no point do the names
align (nor do they align with the MA god-list An = Anu a am!li [also Chart A]). Though

296
Ibid., 46-48. Schneider refers to W. G. Lambert, The Historical Development of the Mesopotamian
Pantheon: A Study in the Sophisticated Polytheism, in Unity and Diversity: Essays in History, Literature,
and Religion of the Ancient Near East, eds. Hans Goedike and J. J. M. Roberts (Baltimore: The John
Hopkins University Press, 1976), 192-200, when she explains that these lists were originally southern
scholarly inventions designed to compile information about the deities, particularly the various names by
which they were known. Usually these southern lists had two columns, one which listed the common name
for the deity, and the other in which could be placed the name of the deity in another language, a more
obscure name, or the name of a direct relative (spouse or offspring). Anu: Anum, which dates to 1300-
1100 B.C. E., is a multiple tablet text and the most well-known of these lists.
297
Schneider, A New Analysis, 47.
298
Richard L. Litke, A Reconstruction of the Assyro-Babylonian God-lists, An = Anum and An = Anum
am!li (New Haven: Yale Babylonian Collection, 1998), xii-xxhereafter, Litke.
153
certain gods seem to be consistently grouped together (e.g., Aur, Anu, Enlil, and Ea),
not every group is, in fact, consistent in order.
299

Chart A:
A= Anum Anu Enlil Sn ama Adad Ninurta Nergal Itar
Nisaba
+
Anu a A Anu Enlil Ea Sn ama Adad Itar +
TP I Aur Enlil Sn ama
Adad
Ninurta Itar
AN II LACUNA Sn ama Marduk Ninurta Nergal Nusku Ninlil Itar
TP II Aur Anu Enlil Ea Sn Adad ama Marduk Ninurta Nergal Nusku Ninlil Itar
AII: A Aur Anu Enlil Ea Sn Adad ama Marduk Ninurta Nergal Nusku Ninlil Itar
AII: B Aur Anu Ea
Enlil
Sn Marduk Adad
ama
Ninurta Nusku Ninlil Nergal
Itar
III: A Aur Anu Enlil Ea Sn ama Itar
III: B Aur Anu Enlil Ea Sn ama Ninurta Itar
III: C Aur Anu Enlil
Ea
Adad
Sn Marduk
Ninurta Itar
III: D Aur Anu Enlil Ea Sn Adad ama Marduk Ninurta Nergal Nusku Ninlil Itar

This inconsistency was noted by Hurowitz and Westenholz in their treatment of
the Epic of Tiglath-Pileser. As can seen from chart B below, the ordering of the gods in
the invocations found in EARI is also not demonstrative of those found in the vanguard
lists of the two great Assyrian epics: the Epic of Tukult#-Ninurta and the Epic of Tiglath-
pileser. Finally, it has also been proposed that the positions of gods in invocations
demonstrate a hierarchical ordering, i.e., the god listed first in the list functions as the
most important deity in the pantheon, while the god listed last, is the least important. This
theory is also faulty. Though Aur is listed first in every invocation, Itar is listed last. It

299
Legend for the following charts: Anu a A = An = Anu a am!li; TP I = Tiglath-Pileser II; AN II =
Adad-n!r!r" II; TP II = Tiglath-Pileser II; AII: A = Adad-n!r!r" II invocation A; AII: B = Adad-n!r!r" II
invocation B; III: A = almaneser III invocation A; III: B = almaneser III invocation B; III: C =
almaneser III invocation C; III: D = almaneser III invocation D; TN E = Epic of Tukult#-Ninurta; and
TP E = Epic of Tiglath-Pileser. + indicates a further listing of gods.
154
is inconceivable that Itar, one of the great deities of the Assyrian empire, was considered
a lesser deity than Nusku, who may appear two deities before her in certain
invocations.
300
Instead, the ordering of the gods must be approached differently. Most
important in understanding the function of the gods within an invocation is not whether a
god leads or follows; rather, it is in whose direct company that god is found and which
epithets accompany the name of that god.
Chart B:
TN E Aur Enlil Anu Sin Adad ama Ninurta Itar
TP E Aur Enlil Itar Ninurta Nusku Adad Aur
TP I Aur Enlil Sn ama
Adad
Ninurta Itar
AN II LACUNA Sn ama Marduk Ninurta Nergal Nusku Ninlil Itar
TP II Aur Anu Enlil Ea Sn Adad ama Marduk Ninurta Nergal Nusku Ninlil Itar
AII: A Aur Anu Enlil Ea Sn Adad ama Marduk Ninurta Nergal Nusku Ninlil Itar
AII: B Aur Anu Ea
Enlil
Sn Marduk Adad
ama
Ninurta Nusku Ninlil Nergal
Itar
III: A Aur Anu Enlil Ea Sn ama Itar
III: B Aur Anu Enlil Ea Sn ama Ninurta Itar
III: C Aur Anu Enlil
Ea
Adad
Sn Marduk
Ninurta Itar
III: D Aur Anu Enlil Ea Sn Adad ama Marduk Ninurta Nergal Nusku Ninlil Itar

300
Hurowitz and Westenholz also question this presupposition when they attempt to discover the hierarchy
of gods present in LKA 63. In their examination of the recitation of the gods present in the divine
vanguard, Hurowitz and Westenholz observe that the god Aur is mentioned first, but also last. This
brings them to conclude that His appearance ... may be seen as a crescendo: the most important god was to
be named last (Hurowitz and Westenholz, LKA 63, 38).
155
5.2 Attestations

5.2.1 Tiglath-pileser I
5.2.1.1 Invocation
Four editions of Tiglath-pilesers Annals are extant, yet only two of these contain
an invocation.
301
The earlier of these two editions was inscribed on several octagonal
prisms which were discovered mainly at Aur. The later version was written on multiple
tablets, all of which were discovered at Nineveh. Although each version of the Annals
differs slightly with regards to its construction section (the Aur text focusing on
construction work done at Aur, while the Ninevite version reporting on construction
work done at that city), an identical invocation unit is extant in both editions.
Aur b!lu rab mut!ir kiat il"ni n"din ha""i u ag muk#n arr$ti
Enlil ar gimir Anunnaki abu il"ni b!l m"t"ti
Sn eru b!l ag "q makurri

ama

day"n am er!eti h"i" !alp"t ay"b# muebru !!ni
Adad ur"nu r"hi! kibr"t n"kir# ad ti"m"ti
Ninurta qardu "gi lemni u ay"bi muem! mal libbi
Itar aaritti il"ni b!let t! muarrihat qabl"te
302

crown, who anchors sovereignty
Enlil, Sovereign of all the Anunnaku, Father of the Gods, Sovereign of the Lands
Sn, Wise one, Sovereign of the Crown, Steward of the Boat (Gibbous Moon)
ama, Judge of Heaven (and) Earth, Watchman of the Iniquity of Enemies, who
exposes the wicked
Adad, Conqueror, who devastates enemy regions, mountains, (and) seas
Ninurta, Champion, Slayer of the Malevolent and the Enemy, who causes the
attainment of a full heart
Itar, Preeminent among the Gods, Sovereign of Frenzy, who Quickens Combats

301
The additional versions were likely written later. Each of these versions begins only with a titulary.
302
RIM A.0.87.1: col i. 1-27 and A.0.87.2: 1-6.
156
5.2.1.2 Analysis
As is to be expected, the invocation located in the Annals of Tiglath-pileser
begins by invoking the patron deity of Aur, and, as noted above, ends by invoking Itar.
Furthermore, it may be noted that each god mentioned receives two or three titles which
extol (thereby indicating) their particular realms of influence and authority. The order of
the gods is dependent on association. Aur and Enlil are executive deities, Sn and
ama are celestial wisdom gods, and Adad, Ninurta, and Itar are martial.
The first pair of deities listed, Aur and Enlil, either were equated with one
another at Aur or were so closely aligned that they shared the same temple. The
designations attributed to Aur highlight his role as head of the divine council. As
mut!ir kiat il"ni the one who governs all the gods, Aur is the deity who regulates
and orders the gods; as il"ni n"din ha""i u ag the one who bestows the scepter and
crown, he is also the god who gives the insignia of mortal sovereignty to a king; and
muk#n arr$ti anchors sovereignty, he, in addition to bestowing sovereignty, is the very
foundation of that sovereignty. The god Enlil is listed just after Aur, and is, to some
extent, equated with him in that he, too, is a sovereign of gods. Enlil is called the ar
gimir Anunnaki Sovereign of all the Anunnaku, the abu il"ni Father of the Gods, and
the b!l m"t"ti Sovereign of the Lands. All three are typical Sumerian titles which may
also be used to refer to Anu, a god not present in the invocation of the Tiglath-pileser
Annals.
303

303
Anu was the father of Adad and so shared a temple with Adad at Aur. The absence of Anu in the
invocation is perplexing but may be explained. As the father of Adad, Anu was at times equated with
Dag!n, who was, in turn equated with Enlil. It may be that this early invocation expresses that combination.
All three gods, Anu, Dag!n, and Enlil, may have been subsumed into the name Enlil.
157
After Enlil, the two gods who share a temple at Aur, Sn and ama, are paired
as celestial wisdom deities. Sn, the god of the moon, is the eru Wise One, who waxes
as the b!l ag Sovereign (and symbol) of the Royal-Crown, and wanes as the "q
makurri Steward of the Boat (gibbous moon). ama, the god of the Sun, is the day"n
am er!eti Judge of Heaven and Earth, and the h"i" !alp"t ay"b# Watchman of the
Iniquity of Enemies who muebru !!ni exposes the wicked.
After these two sets of gods, Adad, Ninurta, and Itar are invoked. Unlike Aur
and Enlil and Sn and ama, these three deities do not share a temple. The three gods are,
instead, associated with one another through warfare. As has been seen by their
representations in both the action unit and concluding formula, Adad, Ninurta, and Itar
may again be listed together according to the divine battle-formation. In this invocation,
the storm god Adad is not invoked for his power to produce abundant crops, but rather
for his ability to obliterate. He is the ur"nu Conqueror, who r"hi! kibr"t n"kir# ad
ti"m"ti devastates enemy regions, mountains, (and) seas. As the qardu Champion
and the "gi lemni u ay"bi Slayer of the Malevolent and the Enemy, Ninurta, the son
of Enlil, is also referred to as a vanquisher. Like Adad, he is invoked for his destructive
powers. Furthermore, in this invocation, Ninurta is on some level being equated with
Nergal, the deity with whom the title "gi lemni u ay"bi is normally associated.
Ninurtas ability to be muem! mal libbi the one who causes the attainment of a full
heart is a quality invoked periodically in the concluding formula of later kings of both
Ninurta and Itar. Its presence here foretells things to come. Finally, as the b!let t!
muarrihat qabl"te Sovereign of Frenzy, who quickens combats Itar, too, performs in
a martial capacity; however, while Adad destroys the lands, and Ninurta slays the
158
warriors, Itar incites the actual battle.

5.2.1.3 Summation
Though listed last, like Aur, Itar is also a supreme deity in the invocation of
Tiglath-Pileser I. She is the aaritti il"ni Preeminent among the Gods. Contrary to
Aur, she is the b!let t! muarrihat qabl"te Sovereign of Frenzy, who Quickens
Combats. In this invocation, Itar is designated as a god who may sustain mortal rulers,
such as Aur. By bringing about anarchy and rebellion as the b!let t! and by
quickening battle, Itar is also in control of sovereignty. Should the goddess decide
against a certain king, she may topple his regime; thus, in the invocation, Aur and Itar
compliment each other. Both are powerful and both are intimately connected to the
bestowal and retention of kingship. Listed last, Itar actually balances Aur, who is listed
first.
Listed together with the war gods, Itar may again be imagined as flanked by
Adad and Ninurta when marching into battle.

5.2.2 Adad-n"r"r# II and Tiglath-pileser II

5.2.2.1 Invocation

An invocation unit is extant in the Annals of the two early NA kings: Adad-n!r!r"
II and Tiglath-pileser II. In the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" II, there is but one version of
his Annalsfound on various tablets at Aur. On the other hand, there are several extant
versions of the Annals of Tiglath-pileser I. All of these versions were discovered at Aur
and all contain an identical invocation. Excepting a lacuna at the beginning of the
159
invocation of the Annals of Adad-n!r!r" II, the invocation units which appear in all the
Annals of these kings are extremely similar to one another:
[Aur... Sn...] b!l namr#r#
ama

day"n am u er!eti mumaer gimri
Marduk apkal il"ni b!l tr!ti
Ninurta qarr"d Igigi u Annunaki
Nergal gitm"lu ar tamh"ri
Nusku n"i ha""i elliti ilu mult"lu
Ninlil h#rti Enlil ummi il"ni rabti
Itar aaritti am u er!eti a para! qard$ti uklulat
304

Sn Sovereign of illumination
ama, Judge of Heaven and Earth, who rules all
Marduk, Sage of the Gods, Sovereign of Oracles
Ninurta, Warrior of the Igigu and the Annunaku
Nergal, the finest, Sovereign of Battle
Nusku, Carrier of the Holy Scepter, Prudent God
Ninlil, Spouse of Enlil, Mother of the Great Gods
Itar, Preeminent in Heaven and Earth, who wears the insignia of heroism

Compared with the invocation Tiglath-pileser II:

Aur ar gimrat il"ni rabti
Anu ar Igigi u Annunaki b!l m"t"ti
Enlil !#ru abu il"ni
Ea ar aps muimmu #m"ti
Sn ar ag b!l namr#r#
Adad geru $turu b!l hegalli
ama

Ninurta qarr"d Igigi u Annunaki
305

Aur, Sovereign of all the Great Gods
Anu, Sovereign of the Igigu and the Anunnaku, Sovereign of the Lands
Enlil, August, Father of the Gods
Ea, Sovereign of the Aps, who pronounces the lots

304
RIM A.0.99.2: 1-4.
305
RIM A.0.100.1: 1-13.
160
Sn, Sovereign of the crown, Sovereign of Illumination
Adad, the Supremely Strong, Sovereign of the Yield
Ninurta, Warrior of the Igigu and the Anunnaku
Nergal, the finest, Sovereign of Battle
Ninlil, Spouse Enlil, Mother of the Great Gods

5.2.2.2 Analysis

While continuing some of the traditions apparent in the invocation unit present in
the Annals of Tiglath-pileser I, the invocation units of Adad-n!r!r" II and Tiglath-pileser
II demonstrate innovations as well. Different deities are added to these invocations and
the designations of certain other deities are altered; however, immediate observations can
be made regarding both invocations:
1. Anu and Ea are added to the list of high-gods
2. ama is separated from Sn by Adad
3. Marduk is inserted after ama together with the gods: Ninurta, Nergal, Nusku,
and Ninlil
4. as with the invocation unit present in the Annals of Tiglath-pileser I, both begin
with Aur and end with Itar

The initial gods and their epithets have been completely revised in this version of
the invocation. Aur is no longer designated as the b!lu rab mut!ir kiat il"ni n"din
ha""i u ag muk#n arr$ti, as he is in the Tiglath-pileser invocation. Instead, he receives a
title originally found with Enlil, ar gimrat il"ni rabti Sovereign of all the Great
Gods. Certainly, this is a powerful title, but it lacks the resonance of the previous
designation. Anu and Enlil remain combined. Enlil continues to be called abu il"ni, a
designation more appropriate to Anu, but this time, instead of Enlil, who, in the
invocation of Tiglath-pileser I, was referred to as ar gimir Anunnaki, it is Anu who is
161
designated ar Igigi u Annunaki. Additionally, b!l m"t"ti, the typical Sumerian
designation for either Anu or Enlil (and the designation of Enlil in the Tiglath-pileser
text), works as a pivot here.
306
On the tablet, the scribe is careful to begin each line with
the name of a different god. After the name of the god, the designations are added. In the
case of Enlil, the line begins not with his name, but with the epithet, thereby connecting
the two gods:
2
Anu ar Igigi u Annunaki
3
b!l m"t"ti Enlil
2
Anu, Sovereign of the Igigi and the Anunnak,
3
Sovereign of the Lands, Enlil

Added to this trio of gods are two more deities who are designated as arru Sovereign:
Ea, ar aps Sovereign of the Aps, and Sn, ar ag b!l namr#r# Sovereign of the
Crown, Sovereign of Illumination.
If the first two/three gods preside over the pantheon, Sn and ama are the
keepers of the hidden knowledge. Sn, who was previously paired in the invocation unit
of Tiglath-pileser I with his Aurite companion, ama, is now listed after Ea, the god of
wisdom. It is difficult to ascertain whether Ea and Sn are to be understood as a pair or
are to be connected to the previous set of gods, Aur, Anu, and Enlil. The latter
possibility is suggested simply because they are titled as arru. The former possibility
may be meant, for the designations of both of these deities also connect them with the
secret knowledge of the gods. Ea, in his watery home, the Apsu, is muimmu #m"ti
the one who pronounces the lots (fates), while Sn, in his manifestation as the full
moon, is the b!l namr#r# Sovereign of Illumination, i.e., the one who illuminates

306
RIM E1.14.20.1.
162
secrets.
307

The god Adad is listed after Ea and Sn only in the Tiglath-pileser II invocation
unit. He is curiously absent from the invocation of the Adad-n!r!r" II invocation unit. It is
possible that his absence from the invocation reflects the theft of his statue from Assyria
by Marduk-nadin-Ahhe, the brother of Nebuchadnezzar I. According to Assyrian sources,
this Babylonian king stole both Adad and his wife ala during the reign of Tiglath-pileser
I. It may be that the god was quickly returned; thus, Adad reappears in the invocation. It
is noteworthy that, in the invocation unit of Tiglath-pileser II, Adad is not primarily
designated as a deity of war (geru $turu supremely strong), but as a deity of
agricultural production b!l hegalli Sovereign of the Yield. This title is common for his
southern Mesopotamian manifestation. It is also interesting that Adad is not paired in the
invocation unit with ama as divinatory deities; instead, Marduk fills that position.
Unlike in the Tiglath-pileser invocation, in the Adad-n!r!r" II and Tiglath-pileser
II invocations, ama is listed with Marduk. ama is labeled as he was in the earlier
invocation, but the addition of Marduk demonstrates the Babylonian theology which
connects Marduk to ama in order to elevate the god.
308
Marduk, alternatively listed as
the son of ama or the son of Ea in southern texts, is in this invocation the apkal il"ni
b!l tr!ti Sage of the Gods, Sovereign of Oracles. This role ties him to ama as a deity
in control of disbursement of the secrets of the gods.
309

307
For role this of ama see J. F. Healey, The Sun Deity and the Underworld Mesopotamia and Ugarit,
in Death in Mesopotamia: Papers Read at the XXVIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, ed. Bendt
Alster (Copehagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1980), 239-242.
308
Lambert, The Historical Development of the Mesopotamian Pantheon, 193.
309
For a recent study on the ancient Near Eastern concept of hidden knowledge, see Alan Lenzi, Secrecy
163
Both invocations also include the additional deities Ninurta, Nergal, Nusku, and
Ninlil; these deities are included in between ama and Itar. Unlike the Tiglath-pileser
invocation, Ninurta is not listed with Adad, but rather with the Earth deities Nergal and
Nuskudeities with whom he can occasionally be equated. In these invocations, Ninurta
and Nergal are designated as lords of war. Ninurta is the qarr"d Igigi u Annunaki
Warrior of the Igigu and the Anunnaku, while Nergal is the gitm"lu ar tamh"ri
Finest, and the Sovereign of battlea title which is found with Zababa in the
epilogue of the Code of Hammurabi. Nusku, as the n"i ha""i elliti Carrier of the Holy
Scepter and the ilu mult"lu prudent god is also connected to these gods, for Nusku is a
god of the Earth and an attendant deity. A related combination of gods is represented on a
kudurru attributed to the reign of Marduk-n!din-ahhe:
d
Nergal b!l (EN) till u qa"ti kakkau liebbir
d
Zaba[ba] ar (LUGAL) t"h"zi ina
t"h"zi q"ssu (U-su) l" i!abbat
d
Papsukkal sukkalli il"ni rabti "lik kitri(?) il"ni
ahh#u b"bu liparriki
310

May Nergal, Sovereign of Arrows and Bows, break his weapon; may Zababa,
Sovereign of Battle, during the battle not grasp his hand; may Papsukkal, Minister
of the Great Gods, who travels in the auxiliaries of the gods, his brothers, bar his
gate!

Finally, the focus must turn to the goddesses Ninlil and Itar. Like Itar, who is
listed last in the Tiglath-pileser I invocation and thereby balancing Aur, Ninlil is listed
second to last; thus, she compliments Enlil (or more precisely the Enlil/Anu hybrid deity).
Referred to as the h#rti Enlil Spouse of Enlil, Ninlil is also designated the ummi il"ni
rabti mother of the great gods. This designation is the counterpart to Enlil/Anu in his

and the Gods: Secret Knowledge in Ancient Mesopotamia and Biblical Israel (Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text
Corpus Project, 2008).
310
BBS No. 8 iv 21-27.
164
role as abu il"ni Father of the Gods. Again, Itars placement at the end of the list
seems ironic, for she is once again titled by a superlative, aaredu. She is not, however,
the b!let t! Sovereign of Frenzy to Aurs muk#n arr$ti who anchors sovereignty.
While Aur is the ar gimrat il"ni rabti and Anu is the ar
d
Igigi u
d
Annunaki
d
b!l
m"t"ti, Itar is the aaritti am u er!eti a para! qard$ti uklulat Preeminent in Heaven
and Earth who wears the insignia of heroism. While Aur, Enlil, and Anu may preside
over the gods and Ninurta and Nergal may act as warriors, Itar rises even higher. As
aarittu, Itar functions at a level superior even to these sovereigns and as the one who
wears the insignia of heroism. In this supreme position she is also in control of the
troops.

5.2.2.3 Summation
Five sets of deities may be discerned in this invocation. Aur, Anu, and Enlil are
equated as the gods who preside over the pantheon, while Ea and Sn are the two gods in
charge of all divine knowledge. Adad, who is simply the god of the harvest, separates the
keepers of knowledge from those who judge and share that knowledge: ama and
Marduk. After this set, the martial deities Ninurta, Nergal, and Nusku are listed; however,
their compatriot Itar is separated from them by Ninlil, the wife of Enlil. This separation
is likely due to two reasons. First, the four gods, Ninurta, Nergal, Nusku, and Ninlil are
considered part of Enlils entourage, thus they are frequently listed together. As a
member of this family, Ninlil must also be included in this section. Additionally, listed
second to last and as the mother of the gods, Ninlil balances Enlil, who is listed second
and is the father of the gods. Finally, Itar is once again positioned last. Her placement at
165
the end of the list may continue to reflect her function as a stabilizing force. As both
aaritti am u er!eti and para! qard$ti uklulat, Itar may be envisioned as being so
dynamic that she balances the weight of the majestic three: Aur, Anu, and Enlil.

5.2.3 Aur-na! !! !irpal II

Two different invocations are attested in the inscriptions of Aur-na!irpal II. For
clarity these will be referred to as A and B. Invocation A is attested on only the great
Nimrud monolith, which was located at Kalhu in front of the Ninurta temple.
311
This
invocation unit has much in common with those found in the Adad-n!r!r" II and Tiglath-
pileser II inscriptions:

5.2.3.1 Invocation A

Aur b!lu rab ar gimrat il"ni rabti
Anu geru r!t mu#m #m"ti
Ea ar aps b!l n!meqi has#su
Sn eru b!l ag aq namr#r#
Marduk apkal il# b!l tr!ti
Adad geru kakai il"ni!iru
Ninurta qardu qarr"di il"ni muamqit lemn$te
Enlil !#ru abu il"ni b"n kal"ma
ama

312

Aur, Great Sovereign, Sovereign of all the Great Gods
Anu, Preeminently Strong, who pronounces the lots
Ea, Sovereign of the Aps, Sovereign of wisdom, the Knowledgeable One
Sn, Wise one, Sovereign of the Crown, risen? of illumination

311
RIMA II, 237.
312
RIM A.0.101.17: 1-10.
166
Adad, Strong, Overpowering among the Gods, August
Ninurta, Hero, Warrior of the Gods, Slayer of the Malevolent
Nergal, the Finest, Sovereign of Battle
Enlil, August, Father of the Gods, Designer of all

5.2.3.1.1 Analysis

Some minor observations are in evidence. As with the invocations found in the
Adad-n!r!r" II and Tiglath-pileser II inscriptions, the gods Ninurta, Nergal, Nusku, and
Ninlil are once again listed together. In addition to this, they each receive the exact same
epithets as in the previous invocations. Again, Itar is found in the last position and
receives the designations aaritti am u er!eti and a para! qard$ti uklulat. The
greatest difference between the invocations found in the Adad-n!r!r" II and Tiglath-
pileser II inscriptions and this one seems to be in the ordering of the gods; however, this
is likely scribal error.
As in the invocations found in the Adad-n!r!r" II and Tiglath-pileser II
inscriptions, Aur and Anu are listed together. Aur again is designated as the ar
gimrat il"ni rabti and is given his typical Assyrian title, b!lu rab. Anu, on the other
hand, is designated by titles more reminiscent of Adad and Ea. He is geru r!t mu#m
#m"ti Preeminently Strong, who pronounces the lots. During the reign of Tiglath-
pileser I, Anu shared a temple with Adad, who, in this invocation, is also referred to as
geru. It is possible that the scribe understood both deities as divinatory. Possibly using
geru as a Wiederaufnahme in between these two deities, the scribe listed the other
divinatory gods: Ea, Sn, and

Marduk. In his attempt to be clever, he inadvertently left out
167
the gods Enlil and ama. If Itar must always be listed last, then these forgotten gods
could only have been inserted just before the goddess name.
Invocation B is attested on a stone stele located outside of the city of Babil in
southeastern Turkey. Unlike invocation A, invocation B follows the invocations found in
the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" II and Tiglath-pileser II almost exactly:

5.2.3.2 Invocation B

Anu ar Igigi u Anunnaki b!l m"t"ti
Enlil !#ru abu il"ni b"n kullati
Ea ar aps b!l n!meqi has#si
Sn eru ar ag aq namr#r#
ama

Marduk apkal b!l tr!ti
Ninurta qarr"d Igigi u
d
Anunnaki
Nusku n"i ha""i elli ilu mult"lu
313

Anu, Sovereign of the Igigu and the Anunnaku, Sovereign of the lands
Enlil, August, Father of the Gods, Designer of All
Ea, Sovereign of the Aps, Sovereign of Wisdom, the Knowledgeable One
Sn, Wise one, Sovereign of the Crown, Steward of Illumination
Adad, the Supremely Strong, Sovereign of the Yield
Marduk, Sage of the gods, Sovereign of Oracles
Ninurta, Warrior of the Igigu and the Anunnaku
Nergal, the Finest, Sovereign of Battle

313
RIM A.0.101.20: 1-13a.
168
5.2.3.3 Summation

Though each of the different versions of the invocations which appear in the
inscriptions of Aur-na!irpal IIs has minor differences between them, they are
essentially the same as those appearing in the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" II and Tiglath-
Pileser II.

5.2.4 almaneser III
Four different invocations are attested in the inscriptions of almaneser III.
Conveniently, the Annals of this king may be dated, so the invocations can be examined
in chronological order. For clarity the four invocations will be referred to as A, B, C, and
D. The two invocations found on the earliest versions of this kings Annals, A and B:

5.2.4.1 Invocation A and B

A:
Enlil abu il"ni mu#m #m"ti mu!!ir u!urat am er!eti
Ea eru ar aps b"n nikl"ti
Sn nannar am er!eti ilu etellu
ama

day"n kibr"tu mut!ir ten!te
Itar b!lat qabli u t"h"zi a m!lultaa tuqumtu

Enlil, Father of the Gods, who pronounces the lots, Planner of Heaven and Earth
Ea, Sovereign of the Aps, Designer of Skills
Sn, Luminary
314
of Heaven and Earth, lordly god
ama, Judge of the Regions, who leads aright humanity
Itar, Sovereign of Combat and Battle, whose game is fighting
315

314
This epithet is used of Itar and of Sn only and is found regarding Sn in the Epic of Tukult#-Ninurta.
315
RIM A.0.102.2: col. i 1-3a, A.0.102.3: col. i 1-3a, and A.0.102.4: 1-9 (this text is very fragmentary).

169
B:

Sn ar ag aq namr#r#
ama

day"n am u er!eti aq b!l gimri
Ninurta dandannu geru aarid il"ni itarhu
Itar b!lat qabli u t"h"zi a m!lultaa tuqumtu
316

Enlil, Father of the Gods Designer of All
Sn, Sovereign of the Crown, Steward of Illumination
ama, Judge of Heaven (and) the Earth, Steward of All
Ninurta, Powerful, Strong, Preeminent among the Gods, Magnificent
Itar, Sovereign of Combat and Battle, whose game is fighting

5.2.4.1.1 Analysis

The most noticeable difference between invocations A and B of this king and the
invocations previously discussed, is the absence of the deities Marduk, Nergal, Nusku,
and Ninlil. Additionally surprising is the absence of Ninurta from invocation A and the
presence of Ninurta in B. In these two invocations, Aur is designated as the b!lu rab
ar gimrat il"ni rabti Great Sovereign, Sovereign of all the Great Gods and Anu is the
ar Igigi u anunnaki b!l m"t"ti Sovereign of the Igigu and the Anunnaku, Sovereign of
the Lands. Enlil, however, is the abu il"ni Father of the Gods in each, but only the
mu#m #m"ti mu!!ir u!urat am er!eti the one who pronounces the lots, Planner of
Heaven and Earth in invocation A, while he is the b"n kal"ma Designer of all in
invocation B. Curiously, in invocation A, a similar title is given to Ea, who is the b"n

316
RIM A.0.102.6: col. i 1-7.
170
nikl"ti Designer of Skills.
The god Sn is designated by very different titles in each invocation. In A he is the
am er!eti ilu etellu Luminary of Heaven and Earth, Lordly god, while in B he is the
more expected ar ag aq namr#r# Sovereign of the Crown, Steward of Illumination.
ama also receives very different titles. In A, he is the day"n kibr"tu mut!ir ten!te
Judge of the Regions, who leads aright humanity, while in B he is the more expected
am u er!eti aq b!l gimri Judge of heaven (and) underworld, Steward of all. Also
interesting is that Itar follows these two gods in A, while in B she follows Ninurta. In
each example she is no longer the b!let am u er!eti; she is not the supreme deity.
Instead, she is, as she is designated in invocations A and B, the b!lat qabli u t"h"zi a
m!lultaa tuqumtu Sovereign of Combat and Battle, whose game is fighting.
Finally, Ninurta, though not present in A, is designated as the dandannu geru
aarid il"ni itarhu Powerful, Strong, Preeminent among the Gods, Magnificent. The
title geru is one generally reserved for Adad in the invocation units and the designation
aarid il"ni was used to refer to Itar in the inscription of Tiglath-Pileser I.

5.2.4.1.2 Summation

The organization of A may represent cosmic organization. Even though she is
given martial designation, Itar (Venus) is listed in A with Sn (the moon) and ama (the
Sun). It may be that these three gods work as a celestial set. Sn is the god who lights the
world, while ama sees and judges the regions. Itar, as the god of war, who corrects
inequities. In B, Sn and ama may still perform these roles; however, Itar is joined by
Ninurta as a deity who rights wrongs through battle.
171
5.2.4.2 Invocation C and D

The final invocation units to be discussed are almaneser III C and D. Invocation
D follows the norm to a certain extent. It occurs in the Annals of the king which were
inscribed on the Black Obelisk discovered at Kalhu:
D:

Ea ar aps mu#m #m"ti
Sn eru ar ag aq namr#r#
ama

day"n am er!eti mumaer gimri
Ninurta qarr"d

Igigi u Anunnaki ilu dandannu
317

Aur, great Sovereign, Sovereign of all the great gods
Anu, Sovereign of the Igigu and the Anunnaku, sovereign of the lands
Enlil, august, father of the gods, designer of all
Ea, Sovereign of the Aps, who pronounces the lots
Sn, wise one, sovereign of the crown, steward of illumination
Adad, the supremely strong, sovereign of the yield
ama, judge of heaven (and) underworld, who rules all
Marduk, sage of the gods, lord of oracles
Ninurta, warrior of the Igigu and the Anunnaku, powerful god
Nergal, finest one, Sovereign of battle
Nusku, carrier of the holy scepter, prudent god
Ninlil, spouse of the god Enlil, mother of the great gods

317
RIM A.0.102.14: 1-13 and A.0.102.15: 1-13.
172
C:

Aur b!lu rab
Anum ilu !#ru
Enlil urbu gitm"lu
Adad gugal am u er!eti
Ninurta aarid il"ni b!l qabli u t"h"zi
Itar aaritti am u er!eti
Sn ar ag b!l namr#r#
318

Aur, Great Sovereign
Anu, August God
Enlil, Most Exquisite
Adad, Canal-inspector of Heaven and Earth
Ninurta, Preeminent among the gods, Sovereign of Combat and Battle
Itar, Preeminent in Heaven and the Underworld, Sovereign of Combat and Battle
Sn, Sovereign of the Crown, Sovereign of Illumination
Marduk, Sage of the Gods, Lord of Oracles

5.2.4.2.1 Analysis

The only major divergence between invocation D and the invocations in the
Adad-n!r!r" II and Tiglath-pileser II Annals is the addition of the epithet ilu dandannu
powerful god to Ninurtas set of designations. This designation is found only here and
in almanesers invocation B. Unlike invocation D, invocation C is somewhat peculiar.
This invocation seems to be a much-abbreviated form of the norm, as if it should
instead appear as one half of the maledictory unit on a kudurru. The functions of the gods
can be best understood if divided into three sets, each comprised of three gods.
In the first section of the invocation, Aur, Anu, and Enlil are simply the most
majestic of the gods. Aur is b!lu rab Great Sovereign, Anu is simply the ilu !#ru

318
RIM A.0.102.10: col. i 1-5.
173
August God, and finally, Enlil is urbu gitm"lu Most Exquisite. None of these gods
receives an active title. The next set of gods contains the trio Adad, Ninurta, and Itar.
Adad is, for the first time in an invocation, designated as the gugal am u er!eti Canal-
inspector of Heaven and Eartha common southern title for the god. Ninurta follows
Adad and he, too, is not designated as expected. Ninurta receives two titles previously
attested for Itar. The first is the supreme title aarid il"ni Preeminent among the Gods,
while the second is the male version of the standard martial title for Itar, b!l qabli u
t"h"zi Sovereign of Combat and Battle. It was recognized that in almaneser B,
Ninurta is also referred to as aarid il"ni; however, he was not called b!l qabli u t"h"zi.
Itar, listed last in the trio, is the aaritti am u er!eti Preeminent in Heaven and Earth.
Once again, she is designated by the most exalted title.
Finally, Ea, Sn, and Marduk, are listed together as a trio. They are the lords of the
secret knowledge of the gods. Ea is designated as the ar aps b!l n!meqi has#su
Sovereign of the Aps, Sovereign of Wisdom, Knowledgeable One, while Sn is the
ar ag b!l namr#r# Sovereign of the Crown, Sovereign of Illumination, and, lastly,
Marduk is the apkal il"ni b!l tr!ti Sage of the Gods, Lord of Oracles. These three are
the keepers of cosmic knowledge.

5.2.4.2.2 Summation

The invocations of almaneser III display great variation. D almost mirrors the
previous invocations, but A, B, and C are quite different. A seems to demonstrate a
celestial manifestation of Itar, since she is grouped with ama and Sn. Though a unit,
each of these gods performs a different function. Sn is the light of the universe. ama
174
provides the wisdom to lead humanity on the correct path. Itar is the troublemaker. As
the god of war, she is said to enjoy fighting. Invocations B and C both carry on and alter
this tradition. In B, Itar is designated by the same epithets as in A; however, this time
she is partnered with Ninurta. Since this duo, Itar and Ninurta, are preceded by Sn and
ama, it is unclear if she is still associated with the two gods. It is tempting to interpret
the four deities as a set. Sn, ama, and Itar continue to be celestial deities who
seemingly rise and set. If Ninurtas presence just before Itar indicates that he is her
partner, this invocation not only reflects their status at Kalhu. Since the two gods share
the same title in invocation C, Sovereign of Combat and Battle, both the idea of
partnership and the presence of a Kalhu theology seem confirmed.

5.2.5 Short Invocations

In addition to the great invocations found in the Annals of the various kings of
Aur, three different short invocations are attested in the inscriptions of Aur-na!irpal II
and almaneser III. These invocations are merely lists of gods, and contain no divine
epithets. One of these short invocations, ascribed to Aur-na!irpal II, is engraved on a
cliff near Kurkh:
Aur Adad (
d
IKUR) Sn (
d
30) u ama Itar (
d
INANA) il"ni (DINGIR.ME) r"bti
(GAL.ME) "lik$t p"ni (IGI) umm"n"t!ya (RIN.HI.A.ME-a)
319

Aur, Adad, Sn, and ama, Itar, the great gods who travel before my armies.

The two short invocations appear in the inscriptions of almaneser III and bear a great
resemblance to one another:

319
RIM A.0.101.19: 1-4 .
175
Aur Sn (
d
30) ama Adad (
d
IKUR)
d
Itar (
d
INANA) il"ni(DINGIR.ME) rabti
(GAL.ME) r"im$t arr$t#ya (MAN-ti-ia) muarbu um#ya (MU-ia)

Aur, Sn, ama, Adad, and Itar, the great gods who love my sovereignty and
who make my name great
320

And:

Aur Adad (
d
IKUR) Sn (
d
30) ama
d
Itar (INANA) il"ni (DINGIR.ME) rabti
(GAL.ME) r"im$t (GA-ut) arr$t#ya (MAN-ti-ia) a b!l$t (EN-ut) ki$ti u
"[p]ir$t (MU) kabtu uarb

Aur, Adad, Sn, ama, (and) Itar, the great gods who love my sovereignty,
those who caused my dominion to be great and my control firm.
321

As can be seen, each of these lists is very different from the longer invocations discussed
above. The listing of gods in the invocation of Aur-na!irpal II reads: Aur, Adad, Sn,
ama, Itar, while in both of the almaneser inscriptions the list reads: Aur, Sn,
ama, Adad, Itar. In each, Asur is listed first, Itar last, and Sn and ama are paired.
The only difference is the placement of Adad in the list. In the Aur-na!irpal invocation,
he is connected to Aur, while in the almaneser invocation he is placed with Itar.

5.3 Conclusion to the Entire Invocation Analysis
In EARI, an invocation section appears in the Annals of Tiglath-pileser I, Adad-
n!r!r" II, Tiglath-pileser II, Aur-na!irpal II, and almaneser III. While the designations
for the deities present in the invocation units of the Annals of Tiglath-pileser are
demonstrative of a theology particular to this sovereign, the invocations units attested in
the Annals of Adad-n!r!r" II and Tiglath-pileser II demonstrate a strong southern

320
RIM A.0.102.21: 1-4.
321
RIM A.0.102.22: 1-5.
176
influence. Both Aur-na!irpal II and almaneser III have more than one invocation unit
attested in their inscriptions; however, in the inscriptions of each king, at least one of
these is practically identical to the invocation units found in the inscriptions of Adad-
n!r!r" II and Tiglath-pileser II. The two differing invocation units which are located in
the inscriptions of Aur-na!irpal II likely differ only due to scribal error. The two
differing invocation units which are located in the inscriptions of almaneser III contain
not a southern influence, but seem to reflect a theology present in the city of Kalhu.
In all invocations found in EARI, Aur is the first deity to be listed, while Itar is
the final deity (except for two instances, one of which is likely due to scribal error). Itar
receives seven different designations in the invocations found in EARI:

Tiglath-pileser I
A.0.87.1
d
INANA SAG-ti DINGIR.ME be-lit te-e-e mu-ar-ri-hat MURUB
4
.ME-te
A.0.87.2 [Itar SA]G-ti DINGIR.ME [b!lit te-e]-e mu-r-ri-hat MURUB
4
.ME-te.

Adad-n"r"r! II
A.0.99.2
d
i
8
-tr SAG-ti AN-e KI-te a pa-ra-a! qar-du-ti uk-lu-lat

Tiglath-pileser II
A.0.100.1.
d
INANA SAG-ti AN-e u KI-te pa-ra-a[! qard$ti uklulat]
A.0.100.2.
d

A.0.101.17
d
i
8
A.0.101.20
d
INANA SAG-ti [am u er!eti a para!] [qar-du]-te uk-lu-lat

A.0.101.26
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M
A.0.101.28
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M
A.0.101.29
d
INANA NIN MURUB
4
u M
A.0.101.50
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M

almaneser III
A.0.102.2
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M me-lul-ta- GI.LAL
A.0.102.3
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M] me-lul-ta- [GI.LAL
A.0.102.4
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M] me-lul-ta- GI.LAL
A.0.102.6
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M] me-lul-ta- GI.LAL
177
A.0.102.10
d
INANA SAG.KAL AN-e KI-ti
A.0.102.14
d
INANA SAG-ti AN-e KI-te a GARZA qar-du-te uk-lu-lat

Of the seven different designations, two types can be discerned: a martial type (b!let t!
Sovereign of Frenzy; muarrihat qabl"te [she] who Quickens Combats; a para!
qard$ti uklulat [she] who wears the insignia of heroism; b!let qabli u t"h"zi
Sovereign of Combat and Battle; and a m!lultaa tuqumtu [she] whose game is
fighting) and a supreme type (aaritti il"ni Preeminent among of the Gods and aaritti
am u er!eti Preeminent of Heaven and Earth).
From these designations, three major innovations in her function may be
perceived. In the invocation of Tiglath-pileser, Itar as the b!let t! is represented as a
deity who controls chaos and speeds battle. As this manifestation, she is the aaritti il"ni
who can incite war and provoke armies to victory; thus, she provides the equilibrium to
Aurs steadfast nature. In the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" II, Tiglath-pileser II, Aur-
na!irpal II, and in one version of the invocation unit of almaneser III, Itar is depicted
with none of these chaotic undertones. As the aaritti am u er!eti she is the most
supreme deity in the pantheon, while as the a para! qard$ti uklulat, she presides over
warfare. Perhaps her chaotic nature is once again apparent in the remaining inscriptions
of almaneser III in which she has martial overtones. In two versions of this kings
invocations, Itar is designated as the b!let qabli u t"h"zi a m!lultaa tuqumtu.
Of further note is that the company of Itar changes throughout the invocations. In
the invocation of Tiglath-Pileser I, Itar is a deity of frenzied war with both Adad and
Ninurta. Ninurta, in this instance, resembles Nergal. He is referred to as the qardu "gi
lemni u ay"bi. He is also the muem! mal libbi, a characteristic invoked of him in the
178
concluding formula of the early NA kings. In the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" II, Tiglath-
pileser II, Aur-na!irpal II, and in one version of the invocation unit of almaneser III,
Itar (and Adad) is no longer connected to the martial gods. Instead, Ninurta is listed with
Nergal and Nusku, perhaps under the influence of a Babylonian theology. Finally, Itar is
once again paired with Ninurta in the invocation of an inscription of almaneser III found
on the Black Obelisk at Kalhu. In this invocation, she and Ninurta are both, once again,
sovereigns of war.

Chapter 6: CATALOG OF REFERENCES

Unless otherwise noted, all information provided in this section is dependent on
that provided in the RIMA vols. I-III. This information is provided purely as a quick
reference. All normalizations and translations are given and explained within their
respected discussions. If more detailed information is desired pleased consult the RIMA
volumes. The section lists only the royal inscriptions of rulers of Aur. Any other texts
(hymns, dedications, rituals) and/or inscriptions which may contain references to Itar
(whether royal or otherwise) will be mentioned in the pertinent sections of this analysis.
The quick reference lists:
Contents: the main contents of the inscription (e.g., recorded construction work,
Annals).
Object: the type of object upon which the inscription was found.
Find-spot(s): the location of the object(s) upon which the inscription occurs was
discovered if known.
Additional: any additional information of interest
Exemplars: the amount of exemplars for the text (per RIM)

The term exemplar is used in these editions to refer to a single
inscription found on one object. The term text refers to an inscription
which existed in antiquity and which may be represented in a number of
exemplars which are more or less duplicates.
322

322
RIMA I, xiii.
180
Reference to Itar: unit of the inscription in which the name of Itar is attested

Catalog

Ititi (c. 1900)
Text: A.0.1001
Contents: dedication of booty (allatu) to Itar
Object: stone plaque
Find-spot(s): Itar temple, Aur
Additional: Old Akkadian
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 8
Reference to Itar: action
1) i-ti-ti
2) PA
3) DUMU i-nin-la-ba
4) in a
l0
-la-ti
5) ga-sur
x
(SAG)
KI

6) a-na
7)
d
INANA
8) A.MU.RU

Ilu-umma (c. 19
th
cent.)
Text: A.0.32.1
Contents: dedication of temple to Itar
Object: stone object
Additional:
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 16
Reference to Itar: titulary
4) na-ra-am
5)
d
a-r
6)
d
INANA

Text: A.0.32.2
323

Contents: dedication of temple to Itar
Object: bricks
Find-spot(s): Aur

323
Again, following the conventions of RIMA, the number given to an inscription (e.g., RIM A.0.32.2)
represents the master Text. This is a composite of all exemplars of the Text. For the purposes of this study,
only significant variations between exemplars have been noted.
181
Additional:
Exemplars: 16
Line count: 65
4) na-ra-am
5)
d
a-r
6)
d
INANA

and action:
19) a-na
d
INANA
20) NIN.A.NI

am!-Adad I (1814-1782)
Text: A.0.39.1
Contents: record of construction work to Aur temple
Object: stone tablets
Find-spot(s): Aur/Enlil temple, Aur
Additional:
Exemplars: 9
Line count: 135
Reference to Itar: concluding formula
127)
d
INANA
128) be-le-et ta-ha-zi-im
129)
GI
TUKUL-u
GI
TUKUL
130) um-ma-na-ti-u
131) li-i-bi-ir

Text: A.0.39.2
Contents: record of construction work on .me.nu.
Object: stone cylinders
Find-spot(s): Itar Temple, .ma.ma, Nineveh
Additional:
Exemplars: 19
Line count: 25
Col. i
6) na-ra-am
d
INANA

and action:
Col. iii
6) a-na a-a-!ti"
7)
d
INANA be-el-ti
8) pa-la-a-am ed-de-a-am
9) lu- i-ru-kam

and concluding formula
182
Col. iv
21)
d
INANA NIN ni-nu-wa-a.!KI"
22) ar-ru-us-s pa-la-!u"
23) li-"e
4
-!er"-u-ma
24) [a-na] [a-ni]-i-!im"
25) [liddi]-i[n]

Text: A.0.39.6
Contents: dedication of kettledrum to
d
INANA.LUGAL
Object: clay tablet
Find-spot(s): Mari
Additional: school tablet
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 14
1) a-na
d
INANA.LUGAL
2) a-p-ra-at ki-a-at
3) a-me-e er-!-tim
4) ma-gi-ra-at ni-i qa-ti-u
5) a-li-ka-at im-ni-u

Aur-uballi" "" " (1365-1345)
Text: A.0.73.4
Contents: record of construction work on chapel? of
d
INANA kud-ni-it-tum
Object: clay tablet
Additional:
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 14
5)
d
INANA kud-ni-it-tum be-el-ti

and concluding formula:
r11)
d
a-ur
d
IKUR
r12)
d
INANA kud-ni-it-tum
r13) ik-ri-bi-u i-a-am-m-

183
Adad-narar! I (1307-1275)
324

Text: A.0.76.1
Contents: standard introduction (proto-Annals)
Object: multiple objects
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional: also appears on A.0.76.7; A.0.76.8; A.0.76.13; A.0.76.16; A.0.76.19;
A.0.76.20; A.0.76.21
Exemplars: 34
Line count: 32
15b) LUGAL U.NGIN
16) ma-al-ki ru-be-e
d
a-nu a-ur
d
UTU
d
IKUR
17)
d
i
8
-tr a-na e-pi-u -e-ek-ni-u

Text: A.0.76.2
325

Contents: standard conclusion (proto-Annals)
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional: also appears on A.0.76.5; A.0.76.6; A.0.76.7; A.0.76.8; A.0.76.10; A.0.76.13;
A.0.76.16; 0.76.19; A.0.76.20.A; A.0.76.22.T; A.0.76.24
Exemplars: 38
Line count: 51
59b)
d
i
8
-tr be-el-ti
60) a-bi-ik-ti KUR-u li-i-ku-un i-na pa-ni na-ak-ri-u
61) ia iz-zi-iz

Text: A.0.76.3
326

Contents: second standard introduction (proto-Annals)
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional: also appears on A.0.76.4; A.0.76.5.A; A.0.76.6.A; A.0.76.22
Exemplars: 38

324
Because this standard introduction is shared by multiple Texts, RIM assigns it an individual number,
even though this is something of a falsity (RIMA I, 128). Since it was applied indiscriminately, having no
specific connection to the body of a Text, for the purposes of this study, this standard introduction will also
be treated as an individual Text.
325
This entry is considered by RIM to be the standard conclusion (RIMA I, 132) and will be treated in a
fashion similar to RIM A.0.76.1. See n. 1.
326
This entry is considered by RIM to be the standard introduction (RIMA I, 135) and will be treated in a
fashion similar to A.0.76.1. See n. 1. Additionally, A.0.76.3 is dated later in the reign of Adad-n!r!r" I
than A.0.76.1.
184
Line count: 26
21) ina
GI
TUKUL.ME dan-nu-ti
d
a-ur EN-ia
22) i-na tu-kl-ti
d
a-nim
d
en-ll
23)
d
-a
d
30
d
UTU
d
IKUR
d
i
8
-tr
24)
d
U.GUR ka-a-ka-a DINGIR.ME
25) DINGIR.ME ra-a-bu-ti
26) EN.ME-ia

Text: A.0.76.4
Contents: record of construction work at Taidu
Object: stone slab
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional:
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 53
49) [
d
i
8
]-tr GAAN a-bi-ik-ti [m"t#u]
50) li-!i-ku"-un i-na pa-n[i nakr#u]
51) ia iz-zi-[i]z

Text: A.0.76.11
Contents: record of construction work on northern quay wall at Aur
Object: stones
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional:
Exemplars: 3
Line count: broken, between 70-80
32)
d
i
8
-tr be-el-ti
33) a-bi-ik-ti KUR-u
34) [li-i]-ku-u[n] Lacuna

Text: A.0.76.14
Contents: record of construction work on wall at Aur
Object: stone tablet
Find-spot(s): none
Additional:
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 40
34)
d
i
8
-tr GAAN a-bi-ik-ti
35) KUR u li-i-kun

185
Text: A.0.76.15
Contents: record of construction work on Itar temple at Aur
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional: this inscription is the model for A.0.77.8. almaneser I continued the work,
and Tukult"-Ninurta I finished it.
Exemplars: 8
Line count: 49 + date formula
42)
d
i
8
-tr be-el-ti a-bi-ik-ti
43) KUR-u li-i-kun i-na pa-ni
44) na-ak-ri-u ia iz-zi-iz

Text: A.0.76.1001
Contents: Object: stone tablets
Find-spot(s): Nineveh
Additional:
Exemplars: 1
Line count: very fragmentary
9) i-na e-mu-q dan-na-t[i...]
10) !ina" ka-ak-ki da-an-nu-t[i...]
11) !a"li-kat pa-ni-[ia]

almaneser I (1274-1245)
Text: A.0.77.1
Contents: standard inscription (proto-Annals)
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional: similar inscription to A.0.77.16
Exemplars: 21
Line count: maxium 168. It is difficult to judge line count, because of the fragmentary
nature of the exemplars.
2c) NUN mi-gir
d
INANA

Text: A.0.77.6
Object: three stone tablets
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional: see A.0.76.15
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 31
26)
d
i
8
-tr NIN a-be-ek-te KUR-u li-i-ku-un
27) i-na pa-ni na-ak-ri-u
186
28) ia iz-zi-iz

Text: A.0.77.16
Contents: record of construction work on Itar temple at Tamuu and Arbail
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional: same Text as A.0.77.1, but with addition of work on above temples.
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 4 columns (aprox. 50 lines each)
2c) NUN mi-gir
d
INANA

Text: A.0.77.17
Contents: record of construction work on Itar temple at Nineveh
Object: numerous clay cones
Find-spot (s): Nineveh
Additional:
Exemplars: 20
Line count: 13
4) a i-na tu-kl-ti !
d
"i
8
-tr NIN-u e["-li-i(?) kl-l]a-at na-ki-ri-u i-na-ru-ma
5) db-du za-e-ri-u i-na q-reb ta-ha-zi il-ta-ka-n[u-ma(?)...]-gi-u-nu sa-ak-lu-te
and the
6) a-na GR
d
i
8

and the concluding formula
11b)
d
i
8
-tr ik-ri-b[i]-u i-e-[m]e

Text: A.0.77.18
Object: numerous clay cones
Additional:
Exemplars: 5
Line count: 12
6) a-na GR
d
i
8

and the concluding formula
11) [
d
INANN]A !ik-ri"-be-u [i]-e-me

Tukult!-Ninurta I (1245-1208)
Text: A.0.78.1
Contents: standard inscription
Find-spot (s): Aur
187
Additional:
Exemplars: 18; however, col. iv 9-22 is extant in only 1 exemplar.
327

Line count: six columns

Col. vi
9) [itar NI]N(?)-la-at
10) [MUR]UB
4
(?) ta-ha-zi
11) [na]-ba-at
12) B[AL]A.ME-ia lu-u-mi
13) [zik-r]u-su si-ni-sa-n
14) [mut$ssu] !a-na" ri-hu-ti
15) [liku]-un
16) [abikti]
17) [m"t#u]
18) li-ku-un-u i-na pa-[ni nakir#u]
19) ia i-zi-iz x xx [...]
20) li-ner qu-ra-!di"-[u]
21) !lu-ub"bu ana U KR.!ME-"
22) lu-me-li-

Text: A.0.78.5
Contents: standard inscription
Find-spot (s): Aur
Additional:
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 126
48) ina
GI
TUKUL-ti
d
a-ur
49)
d
BAD
d
-ma DINGIR.ME GAL.ME
50) EN.ME-ia i-na re-!u-ti
51)
d
i
8
-tr NIN-at AN-!e" KI-ti
52) i-na pa-ni um-ma-n[i]-ia
53) il-li-ku

and the concluding formula:
120)
d
i
8
-tr NIN na-ba-at
121) BALA.ME MAN-ti-ia

327
RIMA I, 233. Of the eighteen exemplars of this Text, in only two are the curses sections extant and in
only one, E% 7889 (Ass 829), do we find the critical sign MURUB
4
. Unfortunately, this fragment has not
been located, and so we must accept that as Weidner observes the traces look like [] x-e and so the
editors of the volume write, this may be the final traces of the sign MURUB
4
(RIMA I, 238).
188
122) a-bi-ik-tu KUR-u
123) li-ku-un i-na pa-ni KR.ME-
124) ia iz-zi-iz
125) a-na U KR.ME-u
126) lu--me-li-u

Text: A.0.78.11
Object: huge stone block, two gold tablets, two silver tablets, five lead tablets
Find-spot (s): Aur
Additional:
Exemplars: 10
Line count: 86
7) SIPA ki-nu na-mad
8)
d
INANA

71)
d
INANA
72) ik-ri-be-
73) i-e-me
77)
d
INANA NIN
78)
GI
TUKUL-
79) li-be-er
80) a-na U KR.ME-
81) lu-mel-li-
82) i-na u
4
-me-u-ma i-na ur-ru LUGAL-ti-ia
83)
d
INANA NIN -na-a el mah-ri-i
84) .AN.NA- qu-u-du i-ri--ni-ma
85) TIL u-bat
d
INANA NIN-ia i-na pa-na
86) e-du-nu- I il-ti-nu- a-na ri-mi-it
d
INANA ku-un-nu-ma -hu-ru i-na pa-ni-u
la ep-u

Text: A.0.78.13
Find-spot (s): none
Additional:
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 65
54)
d
i
8
-tr ik-ri-be-u
55) i-e-me
59)
d
i
8
-tr NIN-ti
60) LUGAL-su li-gi
61)
GI
TUKUL-u li-bir
189
62) mu-tu-su ana ri-hu-ti
63) li-ku-un
64) a-na U KR.ME-u lu-mel-li-u

Text: A.0.78.14
Contents: record of construction work on
d
di-ni-tu chapel in Itar temple at Aur
Object: gold tablet, stone block, silver tablet, gold tablet, and two lead tablets.
Find-spot (s): Aur
Additional:
Exemplars: 6
Line count: 43
4) SIPA ki-nu na-mad
d
INANA

concluding formula
36)
d
di-ni-tu
37) ik-ri-be-u i-e-me
and
39b)
d
di-ni-tu
40) NIN
GI
TUKUL-u
41) li-be-er
42) a-na U KR.ME-u
43) lu-me-li-u

Text: A.0.78.16
d
di-ni-tu chapel in Itar temple at Aur
Object: a stone
Find-spot (s): Aur
Additional:
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 33

65)
d
di-ni-tu
66) ik-ri-be-u
67) i-e-em-me
and
71)
d
di-ni-tu
72) NIN-ti
73) MAN-su li-gi
74)
GI
TUKUL-u li-be-er
75) mu-tu-su
76) a-na ri-hu-ti
77) li-ku-un
78) a-na U KR.ME-u
79) lu-me-li-u
190
Text: A.0.78.17
d
nu-na-i-tu chapel in Itar temple at Aur
Object: 1 gold and 1 silver tablets
Find-spot (s): Aur
Additional:
Exemplars: 2
Line count: 35
33b)
d
nu-na-i-tu
34) ik-ri-be-u
35) i-e-me

Text: A.0.78.23

K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta
Object: stone
Find-spot (s): K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta
Additional:
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 146
22) ek-du na-mad
d
INANA
and action
58) i-na re-!u-ti
d
INANA NIN AN KI
59) i-na pa-ni um-ma-na-te-ia il-li-ku

Text: A.0.78.24

K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta
Object: stone
Find-spot (s): K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta
Additional: related to A.0.78.23
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 57
10b) bi-bl
d
INANA NIN DINGIR AN-e KI-ti

Aur-r#a-ii I (1132-1115)
Text: A.0.86.1

Itar temple at Nineveh
Object: clay cones
Additional:
Exemplars: 29
Line count: 13
12c)
d
i-tar NIN GAL-tu D-[ iemme]
13b)
d
i-tar NIN GAL-tu LUGAL-su BALA- [li-is-k]ip 1-en u
4
-ma NU TI-su [liqbi]
191
Text: A.0.86.2

Object: clay cones
Additional: short version of A.0.86.1
Exemplars: 16
Line count: 8
8c)
d
i
8
-tr !D"-[u iemme]

Text: A.0.87.1 Tiglath-pileser I (1114-1076)
Contents: Annals
Object: multiple
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional: many fragments found by Anu-Adad temple; written before conquest of
Babylon.
Exemplars: 42
Line count: eight columns
Reference to Itar: invocation
13)
d
INANA SAG-ti DINGIR.ME be-lit te-e-e
14) mu-ar-ri-hat MURUB
4
.ME-te

Text: A.0.87.2
Contents: Annals
328

Object: multiple clay tablet fragments
Find-spot(s): Aur and Nineveh
Additional: written before conquest of Babylon; Aur copies contain description of
building activities at Aur, while Ninevite copies contain building activity at Nineveh.
Exemplars: 5
Line count: 46
6) [
d
INANA SA]G-ti DINGIR.ME [b!lit te-e]-e mu-r-ri-hat MURUB
4
.ME-te

Text: A.0.87.10
Contents: Annals
Object: multiple clay tablets
Additional: A.0.87.11; these texts are essentially Ninevite versions of A.0.87.4. The
Ninevite versions contains different construction records.
Exemplars: 8
Line count: 94
93)
d
a-ur EN GAL-
d
i
8
-tr NIN-at URU ni-nu-a ik-ri-be-u i-e-mu-!"

328
As with the numbering for the proto-Annals, the Annals are given in chronological order. The greater
the number, the later the text (e.g., RIM A.0.87.2 was likely to have been composed after RIM A.0.87.1).
192
Text: A.0.87.11
Contents: Annals
Object: a broken clay tablet
Additional: introduction mirrors A.0.87.10
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 93 on the obverse. 26 remain on the reverse.
25) [aur b!lu rab]-!"
d
INANA be-lat U[RU ninua]
26) [ikrib!u iemm]

Text: A.0.91.3 am!-Adad IV (1053-1050)

Object: clay cone
Additional:
Exemplars: 1
Line count: impossible to assess due to the fragmentary state of the cone.
5) [arr$ssu li]s-ki-pu MU-u NUMUN-[u]

Text: A.0.98.3 Aur-d"n II (934-912)

Craftsmans Gate
Object: multiple clay cones
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional:
Exemplars: 12
Line count: 21
18) a-ur
d
IKUR
d
30
d
UTU
d
i-tar DINGIR.ME GAL-te
19) ik-ri-bi-u i-e-mu-

Text: A.0.99.2 Adad-n"r"r! II (911-891)
Contents: Annals
Object: clay tablets
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional: dates to the 19
th
year of his reign (893).
Exemplars: 4
Line count: 134
4b)
d
i
8
-tr SAG-!ti" AN-e ! KI"-te a pa-ra-a! qar-du-ti uk-lu-la

and action
97) !ina qib#t" a-ur EN GAL EN-ia ! "
d
!i
8
-tr" be-lit MURUB
4
! M" a-lik-at pa-
na-at RIN.HI.A.ME-ia DAGAL.ME

193
Text: A.0.99.3
Contents: Annals
Object: clay tablet
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional: dates to the 19
th
year of his reign (893).
Exemplars: 1
Line count: fragmentary duplicate of 99.2
References to Itar: see 99.2

Text: A.0.100.1 Tukult!-Ninurta II (890-884)
Contents: standard introduction for Annals
Object: fragmentary clay tablets
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional: perhaps having the same conclusion as A.0.100.2 or A.0.100.4
Exemplars: A.0.100.2, A.0.100.3, and A.0.100.4 (and perhaps A.0.100.5).
Line count: 34+
13)
d

Text: A.0.100.2
Contents: broken. Record of construction work on a wall.
Object: clay tablet
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional: same introduction as A.0.100.1; A.0.100.3; and, A.0.100.4
Exemplars: 1
Line count: impossible to assess due to the fragmentary state of the text.
Reference to Itar:
13)
d

8b) [aur b!lu rab]
9) [u itar be-l]at URU ni-na-a ik-[rib!u iemm]
10) [ina t"h"z# a MAN.M]E-ni a-ar tq-ru-[ubte ammar libb#u]
11) [lu am-!]a(?)-[u(?)]

Text: A.0.101.1 Aurnasirpal II (884-859)
Contents: Annals but a unique style which incorporates other genres.
329

Object: massive stone reliefs
Find-spot(s): Kalah; reliefs layered the walls and floors of the Ninurta Temple at
Additional: Begins with prayer to Ninurta; no concluding formula.
Exemplars: 1
Reference to Itar: titulary/action

329
RIMA II, 191.
194
37b) ina bi-ib-lat -ia u ti-ri-i! U-ia
d
INANA GAAN GA
38) SANGA-ti-ia lu tam-gu-ra-ni-ma e-pe MURUB
4
u M -a ub-la-ma

and action
70) ina q-bit a-ur
d
INANA DINGIR.ME GAL.ME EN.ME-ia

Text: A.0.101.17
330

Contents: Annals
Object: stone stele
Find-spot(s): Kalhu; found at entrance to Ninurta Temple
Additional: frequently referred to as the Nimrud (or Great) Monolith
Exemplars: 1
10)
d
i
8
-tr SAG-ti AN-e KI-te GARZA qar-du-ti uk-lu-la-at

and titulary:
46b) ina bi-ib-lat lb-bi-ia
47) tir-!i U-a
d
INANA NIN GA SANGA-ti-ia
48) lu- tam-gu-ra-ni-ma e-pe MURUB
4
M
49) lb-ba-a ub-la-ma

and action
70) [ina q-bit a-ur
d
INANA DINGIR.ME GAL.ME EN.ME-ia]

Text: A.0.101.19
Contents: Annals
Object: stone stele
Find-spot(s): Kurkh
Additional: frequently referred to as the Kurkh Monolith; no concluding formula.
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 103
1) a-ur
d
IKUR
d
30
2) u
d
-ma
d
INANA
3) DINGIR.ME GAL.ME
4) a-li-ku-ut IGI RIN.HI.A.ME-a

Text: A.0.101.20
Contents: only the introduction extant
Object: stone stele (fragments)
Find-spot(s): Babil (SE Turkey)
Additional: introduction similar to A.0.101.17

330
The introduction is identical to RIM A.0.101.8. RIM A.0.101.8 has not been published (RIMA II, 233)
and so will not be treated for this study.
195
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 47 lines extant
12b)
d
INANA SAG-ti [am u er!eti a para!]
13) [qar-du]-te uk-lu-lat

Text: A.0.101.26
Contents: record of construction work on palace at Kalhu.
Find-spot(s): Kalhu
Additional: not all exemplars contain concluding formula
Exemplars: 16
Line count:
68c) a-ur EN GAL-
69)
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M D i-em-me

Text: A.0.101.28
Contents: record of work done on the arrat-niphi temple at Kalhu
Object: inscribed on the obverse of a lion. See also 101.32.
Find-spot(s): arrat-niphi temple at Kalhu
Additional:
Exemplars: 1
Line count:
1) a-na
d
GAAN-KUR NIN GAL-ti SAG-ti AN-e KI-tim !ar-rat D" DINGIR.ME ge-r-tu
[ina .KUR.ME] si-kir- DUGUD
2) ina
d
INANA.ME u-tu-rat nab-ni-sa zi-mu nam-ru GIM
d
!-ma" ta-li-me- kip-
pa-at AN-e [er!etim] mit-h[a-ri] [ ta-h]i-"a
3) le-a-at
d
a-nun-na-ki bu-kur-ti
d
a-nim ur-bu-ut DINGIR.ME ma-li-kt PAP.ME- a-li-
kt mah[-r]i d[a-li-h]at [ta]-ma-a-te
4) mu-na-ri-"a-at hur--ni ur--na-at
d
NUN.GAL.ME be-lat MURUB
4
u M ba-lu-
ina -r-ra !ip-"u ul" i-!ma"-ga-ru-ma
5) mu-al-qa-at li-i-ti mu-am-!a-at !am"-mar lb-bi GA-at ki-na-te e-ma-at ik-ri-bi le-
qa-at un-ni-ni
6) ma-hi-rat ts-li-te
d
INANA n-bu-t gt-mal-tu u-tu-ur-tu AN-e KI-tim ta-hi-"a ina
kib-!rat" KUR.KUR.ME D-i-na na-bu-
7) MU- qa-i-at TI.LA.ME DINGIR-tim rme-ni-ti qur-bu- DG.GA a-ib-at URU kal-
hi NIN-ia

col. v
15b) a-ur EN GAL- NUN-
d
!INANA GAAN" MURUB
4
u M [t"h"z#]- MAN.ME-ni
16) a-ar tq-ru-ub-te am-mar [libb!u ]-am-!u-

196
Text: A.0.101.29
Contents: Declares various temple construction work at Kalhu.
Object: known only from a squeeze
Find-spot(s): Kalhu
Additional: very broken
Exemplars: 1
Line count: unknown
25) [...]
d
INANA NIN MURUB
4
u M [...]

Text: A.0.101.32
Contents: record of work done on the arrat-niphi temple at Kalhu
Object: inscribed on the reverse of a lion. See also 101.28.
Find-spot(s): arrat-niphi temple at Kalhu
Additional:
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 21
14b) e-nu-ma
d
GAAN.KUR GAAN GAL-tum ina BRA- K ina at-ma-ni- ru-a-me -
-bu ki-ni lu tap-pr-da-da [ar"k] UD.ME-a lu DUG
4
.GA
15) m-ud MU.ME-a lu ta-tas-qar SANGA-ti lu ta-ram a-na na-dan zi-bi-ia lu tah-du e-
ma MURUB
4
M <-!a-ma-ru > !u-um-rat -a [lu] !tu"-ak-i-da-ni NUN-
and
17b) a-ur EN.GAL-
d
MA u
d
INANA a-ib .KUR -a-t H.NUN "u-hu-du H.GL ina
KUR- lu-kn-nu UN.ME[-] al-ti DU.DU-ku-ma ina gi-mir KUR.KUR.ME
18a) ina M a MAN.ME-ni KI tq-ru-ub-te am-mar - -am-!u-
and
19b)
d
MA EN me-hi -ga-a-te
d
INANA !be"-lat MURUB
4
u M MAN-su
20) [lis]-ki-pu GI.A.TI- KAR- ina IGI L.KR.ME- ka-mi lu-e-ib-u su-un-qu
bu-bu-tu ni-ib-ra-tu ina KUR- [lu]-ki-nu MU-
21) NUMUN- ina KUR- lu ZH

Text: A.0.101.38
Contents: record of construction work on the
d
INANA NIN-at
d
kid
9
-mu-ri
the temple of Itar the Sovereign of the Divine Kidmuru at Kalhu.
Find-spot(s): Kalhu
Additional: other objects from this temple are: A.0.101.98; A.0.101.99; A.0.101.109;
A.0.101.132.
Exemplars:
Line count: 49
34) a-ur EN GAL-
d
-ma DI.KU
5
AN-e
35) u KI-te
d
INANA NIN-at
d
kid
9
-mu-ri ik-ri-bi-
36) i-e-mu- UD.ME- lu-ri-ku ina M a MAN.ME-ni
37) a-ar tq-ru-ub-te am-mar - lu -am-!u-
197
38) H.NUN "u-hu-du u H.GL ina KUR- lu-kn-nu

Text: A.0.101.40
Contents: standard Nineveh inscription
Object: stone reliefs
Find-spot(s): Nineveh in Itar temple (and Nab temple and palace)
Additional: 31)
d
INANA URU ni-na-a NIN-ia ina qaq-qar -ma-ma
34b) ana si-mat qar-ra-du-ti-
d
INANA NIN-ia
Exemplars: 31
Line count: 44
38c) a-ur
d
INANA
39) [il$ rabtu r]a-i-mu-ut MAN-ti-ia EN-su ina nap-har KUR.KUR.ME lu-ar-bu- ina li-
ti
40) [ki$ti u m!tell$ti l]i-ir-ta-du-[]u GUN kib-rat 4-ti a-na i-qi-u
41) [lu]-at-[li-mu-ma nu-uh]-[u] ["u]-uh-du h-gl-lu ana KUR-u lu-kn-nu

Text: A.0.101.50
Contents: record of construction work at Imgur-Enlil
Object: 2 stone tablets
Find-spot(s): Imgur-Enlil in a stone box
Additional:
Exemplars: 4
Line count: 49
42b)
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M
43)
GI
TUKUL.ME- lu- tu--bir GI.A.TI-
44) lu te-kim-

Text: A.0.101.56
Object: multiple clay tablets
Additional: 14)
d
INANA URU !ni"-[nu-a]; similar to A.0.101.40
Exemplars: 25
Line count: 19
7) [e"lu qardu ] ina
GI
TUKUL-ti a-ur
d
IKUR
d
INANA
d
MA !DINGIR".ME re-!i-u
DU.DU-ku-ma

17b) !
d
INANA" be-let URU ni-na-<a> !ik"-ri-be- i-e-me
18a) ina M MAN.ME-ni -ra tq-ru-!ub-te am"-mar lb-bi- lu-!i-
and
19)
d
INANA NIN GAL-tu [ina GI].GU.ZA- li-ke-mu- ina IGI KR.ME- ka-mi lu-e-
ib-u
198
Text: A.0.101.66
Contents: record of construction work on Adad temple at Nineveh
Object: multiple clay cone fragments
Additional:
Exemplars: 17
Line count: 14+
4) e"-lu qar-du a ina
GI
TUKUL-ti a-ur
d
IKUR
d
!INANA(?)"
d
MA DINGIR.ME GAL.ME
5) EN.ME- it-tal-la-ku-ma

almaneser III (858-824)
Text: A.0.102.2
Contents:
Object:
Find-spot(s): Kurkh
Additional: likely dates to 853/2; found with the similar A.0.101.19; is thought to have
been poorly written; does not have concluding formula.
Exemplars: 1, though has the same invocation as A.0.102.2; A.0.102.3; A.0.102.4.
Line count: 2 columns (aprox. 150 lines total)
3b)
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M me-lul-ta- GI.LAL DINGIR.ME GAL.ME GA-ut
MAN-ti-ia

Text: A.0.102.6
Contents: Annals
Object: clay tablets
Find-spot(s): Aur (and Kalhu)
Additional:
Exemplars: 12
8b)
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
M me-lul-ta-a GI.LAL
8) DINGIR.ME GAL.ME

Text: A.0.102.10
Contents: Annals
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional: found with one exemplar of A.0.102.6
Exemplars: 1
Col. i 5)
d

199
Text: A.0.102.14
Contents: Annals
Object: obelisk
Find-spot(s): Kalhu
Additional: commonly referred to as the Black Obelisk; likely dates to 827.
Exemplars: 1, though has the same invocation as A.0.102.15.
Line count: 190
13b)
d
INANA SAG-ti AN-e KI-te GARZA qar-du-te uk-lu-la-at

Text: A.0.102.21
Contents: record of third campaign to Nairi
Object: rock face
Find-spot(s): near the source of Tigris
Additional: likely dates to seventh regnal year (852).
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 17
1) a-ur
d
30
d
-ma
2)
d
IKUR
d
INANA DINGIR.ME GAL.ME
3) ra-i-mu-ut MAN-ti-ia mu-ar-bu
4) MU-ia

Text: A.0.102.22
Contents: record of third campaign to Nairi
Object: rock face
Find-spot(s): near the source of Tigris
Additional: likely dates to seventh regnal year (852).
Exemplars: 1
Line count: 20 +
1) a-ur
d
IKUR
d
30
d
-ma
2)
d
itar(?) DINGIR.ME GAL.ME GA-ut
3) MAN-ti-ia EN-ut ki-u-ti u
4) -[p]i-ru-ti MU kab-tu
5) -ar-bu-

Text: A.0.102.38
Contents: very fragmentary
Object: stone statue
Additional: began with long invocation of Itar
Exemplars: 1
Line count: unknown
1) a-na
d
INANA NIN GAL-ti []
200
2) NIN-at MURUB
4
M e-pi-[a-at (?) ]
3) [sa]-ah-ma--ti na-x-[]

Text: A.0.102.43
Contents: record of restoration projects at Aur
Object: clay cones
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional:
Exemplars: 12
Line count: 14
10b) a-ur [
d
]IKUR DINGIR.ME GAL.ME
d
INANA -u-ri-[tu] ik-ri-bi-[u]
11) i--me-!"

Text: A.0.102.46
Contents: record of restoration of Tabira gate at Aur
Object: clay cones and clay hand
Find-spot(s): Aur
Additional:
Exemplars: 4
Line count: 18
14b) a-ur
d
IKUR
d
30
15)
d
-ma
d
i-tar
d
U.GUR DINGIR.ME GAL.ME
16) ik-ri-bi-u i-e-me-

Chapter 7: CONCLUSION

The goal of this study was to investigate the function of Itar in Assyrian royal
inscriptions from the reign of Ititi through the reign of almaneser III (EARI). In order to
discover that function, the study approached the material on two levels. On the first, it
examined the function of Itar in each unit in an Assyrian royal inscription: titulary,
action, concluding formula, and invocation. On the second, this study attempted to
correlate particular periods, territorial regions, divine company, and designations for Itar
with those functions which were determined. The results of this study confirm that the
central function of Itar in EARI is either to ordain or assist in the acquisition and
maintenance of an Assyrian rulers sovereignty. The goddess performs these activities
primarily at Nineveh and in traditionally Hurrian territories under the designations, B!let
Ninua Sovereign of Nineveh and b!let qabli u t"h"zi Sovereign of Combat and
Battle. As the Sovereign of Nineveh, Itar held an executive position at Nineveh and,
during the late MAearly NA periods, she came to be viewed as Aurs counterpart. As
the b!let qabli u t"h"zi, Itar was likely the patron deity of Kalhu and therefore held an
executive function in that city. This form of Itar also may have held martial and
executive jurisdiction over those northern territories which were traditionally Hurrian.
202
She may also have been partnered with a very martial form of Ninurta (Nergal). Finally,
the study suggests that Itar had an important function at Aur during the reign of Adad-
n!r!r" I. As Itar Aur#tum, Itar functioned together with Adad as a deity of war for this
king.
Breakdown of The Results of Level One
Titulary: In addition to stating the throne name and genealogy of a ruler, the titulary
unit also contains a list of the various additional designations each ruler of Aur took.
Chapter One established that four rulers of Aur took a designation compounded with
the name of Itar (e.g., nar"m Itar). The goal of this chapter was to understand the
relationship between the function of Itar and designations compounded with her name.
Conclusion:
Because the purpose of the titulary unit was to identify the power of the subject of
the inscription vis--vis peoples and nations, each designation taken by him in his titulary,
including those compounded with the name of a deity (DN) must be understood in this
context. Using outside cuneiform source material as a guide, it was established that
designations compounded with a DN name should be understood as territorial titles (e.g.,
ar Aur). It was also demonstrated that the subject deity of such designations held
executive power over that territory. Through an analysis of the designations compounded
with the name of Itar in the inscriptions of am"-Adad I and almaneser I (and, perhaps,
Ilu-umma), it was shown that this title indicated that Itar held executive control over the
surrounds of Nineveh during the time of these kings. Though never explicitly stated in
the designations, it is likely that Itar held this authority under the specific designation
b!let Ninua (i.e., the title is never attested as nar"m b!let Ninua). That it is only as the
203
b!let Ninua that Itar holds power is supported by the fact that, in the same Ninevite
inscription in which am"-Adad takes the designation nar"m Itar, he also proclaims
that b!let Ninua granted him sovereignty.
It was further demonstrated in this chapter that, in the inscriptions of Tukult"-
Ninurta I, the region over which another form of Itar held executive authority was likely
Hanigalbat. Though never explicitly stated in the designations, it is likely that Itar held
this authority under the specific designation b!let qabli u t"h"zi. That it is only as the
b!let qabli u t"h"zi that Itar holds this position is supported by the fact that Tukult"-
Ninurta claims that Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi proclaimed his sovereignty.
In conclusion, after an analysis of the titulary units of EARI, it was demonstrated
that different manifestations of the goddess Itar held executive power over different
territorial regions. Itar b!let Ninua had authority over Nineveh and its surrounds, while
Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi had jurisdiction over Hanigalbat.

Action: In the action unit, the subject of an inscription states his accomplishments.
In general, the accomplishments recorded in the unit were pious acts, city construction,
martial campaigns and victories, and hunting activities. Though it was not done
consistently, at various points in the unit, the actions of a particular god, or gods, were
also recorded. Although Itar is recorded to have requested a new temple in an inscription
of Tukult"-Ninurta I, in the main, the actions recorded for Itar are martial. The goal of
this chapter was to discover what specific actions Itar is said to be capable of performing
and whether there was a correlation between the actions attributed to her, the particular
manifestation she acted under, the particular deities she was accompanied by, and the
204
territory connected to her actions.
Conclusion:
The chapter demonstrates that in the action unit, three different Itars act, each
with different accompanying deities, territories, and responsibilities. As the b!let qabli u
t"h"zi Itar acts within Hanigalbat and seems to have martial jurisdiction over Hanigalbat.
She is recorded to have commanded the king to arms in this region and is stated to have
led the kings army into battle. In doing this, her divine entourage consists of Aur,
Adad, and Ninurta; furthermore, in this venture, she provides weapons to the king. As the
b!let am u er!eti, Itar both commands and helps the king battle the Kassites. She may
also cause the kings enemies to become subjugated to him. In this capacity, she acts both
independently and in connection to a larger group comprised of Aur, Enlil, ama, and
Adad. As a member of this larger group, Itar is one of the gods who leads the battle-
formation. Finally, in the action unit, as the b!let Ninua, Itar acts similarly to Itar as
b!let am u er!eti. She commands the king to war, aids him during the battle, and causes
his enemies to become subjugated to him. She further has the ability to perform combat
and battle. She acts independently, or together with Aur. All of these actions take
place within the territory of Nineveh.
In conclusion, after an analysis of the action units of EARI, it was demonstrated
that different manifestations of the goddess Itar held martial authority within different
territorial regions. Itar b!let Ninua had authority over Nineveh, and its surrounds, while
Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi had jurisdiction over Hanigalbat. Itar as the b!let am u er!eti
seems to have held martial authority over either the Kassites or southern lands (e.g., KI).
As the b!let qabli u t"h"zi Itar seems to have had the widest range of martial power. She
205
is the only manifestation of Itar which is indisputably said to lead the army
independently and to provide the king with a weapon.

Concluding Formula: In the concluding formula, a future ruler is urged to perform
certain traditional respectful actions to the inscription and the object upon which the text
is located. The future ruler is compelled to perform these actions though a series of
blessings and cures. In the unit, various gods are invoked to enact these blessings and
curses. The goal of this chapter was to discover which specific blessings and curses Itar
is said to be capable of performing and whether there was a correlation between the
actions attributed to her, the particular manifestation she acted under, the particular
deities she was accompanied by, and the territory connected to her actions.
Conclusion:
The chapter established that in concluding formulae there are two forms of
benediction: a short form and an extended form. The study determined that tutelary
deities were invoked in both forms of the benediction and that, depending on the
construction topic recorded in the inscription, the project indicated over which area the
deity held tutelary status. Most deities are invoked in connection to their own temples;
thus, these were the areas over which they held jurisdiction.
In this capacity, Itar is invoked differently in each city. At Aur, she is invoked
as Itar, Itar-Aur#tum, Din"tu,
d
nu-na-i-tu, and Itar-kud-ni-it-tum; At Nineveh the
goddess is invoked as Itar b!let Ninua; and at Kalhu, the goddess is invoked as Itar
b!let qabli u t"h"zi, arrat-Niphi, and Itar b#let-
d
kid
9
-mu-ri. Itar is invoked as the
tutelary deity over a region or territory under three different manifestations. Although
206
Aur is the primary tutelary deity of Aur, during the time of Aur-d!n II, Itar-
Aur#tum, together with Aur, Adad, Sn, ama, is invoked as a tutelary deity of Aur.
During the reign of almaneser III, this form of Itar is invoked as well; however, Nergal
is added to this list of accompanying deities. At Nineveh, Itar b!let Ninua is always
invoked as the tutelary deity. At Kalhu, Itar as the b!let qabli u t"h"zi is the tutelary
deity during the reign of Aurna!irpal II and almaneser III. During the early NA period,
Itar as the b!let Ninua joins Aur in becoming a tutelary deity of greater Assyria.
The chapter further determined that in the concluding formula several different
types of maledictions are invoked. Itar is invoked in two types: executive and martial.
While several different deities are invoked in executive maledictions, Itar is invoked
primarily to perform martial maledictions.
The attestation for the executive maledictions has a pattern not dissimilar to the
attestations for blessings; they demonstrate the tutelary status of the deity. Beginning
during the reign of am"-Adad I, it is only Itar b!let Ninua who is invoked to remove
sovereignty in inscriptions from Nineveh. During the reign of Aur-na!irpal II, the case
is similar at Kalhu and at neighboring Imgur-Enlil. In the few attestations of the curse
which remain, Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi is invoked to remove sovereignty. In one of these
inscriptions, a very violent form of Ninurta is invoked with her. Together these gods are
additionally invoked to enact several over executive maledictions. They are invoked to
cause a non-compliant future king to dwell in bondage before his enemies, to destroy his
lineage, and to devastate his land through disease.
Martial maledictions are invoked only of Itar until the reign of Tukult"-Ninurta I
(except one attestation in an inscription of Aur-na!irpal II). The study concludes that
207
specific manifestations of Itar are invoked to perform specific maledictions; furthermore,
these specific manifestations of Itar are invoked to perform these maledictions only
during the reigns of particular kings. It is only during the reign of am"-Adad that a
manifestation of Itar referred to as the b!let t"h"zi was invoked to break the weapons of
a non-complainant future ruler and his army. She is invoked with Nergal and Sn. During
the MA period, the manifestation of Itar, Itar Aur"tum, was invoked by rulers as a
bailiff deity who assured that a martial defeat was brought down upon the enemy king.
During the reigns of Adad-n!r!r" I and almaneser I, she acted as a bailiff in concert with
Adad.
During the reign of Tukult"-Ninurta a variety of new martial curses were included
in the concluding formula. Under the two names Itar and Din"tu, Itar is invoked to
remove sovereignty, remove manhood, and hand over an enemy. Itar, designated as the
b!let qabli u t"h"zi, is invoked in one inscription to slay an enemy king and to perform
all of the previous martial curses that various forms of Itar (except to break weapons)
were invoked to perform. The distribution of the curses in the inscriptions of Tukult"-
Ninurta suggests that Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi was likely a composite deity formed from
a deity named Itar b!let t"h"zi (Itar) and a deity named B#let-qabli (Din"tu). Using
outside sources as a guide, it was concluded in the chapter that, traditionally, Itar b!let
t"h"zi merely broke weapons. She was accompanied in this venture by a deity designated
as the Sovereign of the Weapon. The deity B#let-qabli (Din"tu), traditionally had the
authority to slay an enemy king, remove the manhood of that king, and hand him over an
enemy. This deity was accompanied by Zababa. Outside evidence further suggested that
the traditional home for both of these deities is the Habur triangle and that they had been
208
combined into the deity Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi during the OB period. Finally, Itar as
the b!let qabli u t"h"zi is invoked to break weapons in an inscription of Aur-na!irpal II.
In conclusion, this chapter demonstrated that under the designation b!let t"h"zi
Itar functioned as a bailiff deity during the reign of am"-Adad, together with Nergal
and Sn. During the reigns of Adad-n!r!r" I and almaneser I, Itar may have functioned
together with Adad as a bailiff deity under the designation Itar Aur#tum. This status
changed during the reign of Tukult"-Ninurta. During the reign of this king, a
manifestation of Itar designated as the Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi, was introduced to Aur.
This deity, who already included the Itar designated as Itar b!let t"h"zi, also subsumed
Itar Aur"tum for a brief time. In general, after the reign of Tukult"-Ninurta, Itar no
longer functioned as a martial maledictory deity. Instead, during the early NA period,
Itar as the b!let qabli u t"h"zi, rose to a rank similar to Itar b!let Ninua. While Itar
b!let Ninua was always a tutelary deity of Nineveh who maintained executive authority
over that city and its surrounds, Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi became the tutelary deity of
Kalhu and came to have executive authority over that city and its surrounds (perhaps with
Ninurta). Various smaller forms of Itar continued to have tutelary status of their
individual temples.

Invocation: In the invocation unit of an inscription, a list of gods is invoked by the
subject of the inscription. Following the name of each of the deities are two to three
designations which define the provinces over which they have jurisdiction. Itar is
invoked in every invocation present in EARI. The goal of this chapter is to discern the
209
function of Itar not only by the designations she is given, but also by determining the
meaning of her position in the register and with whom she is listed.
Conclusion:
This chapter demonstrated that there are four major designations attested for Itar
in the invocation unit:
1. aaritti il"ni Preeminent among of the Gods
2. b!let t! Sovereign of Frenzy
3. aaritti am u er!eti Preeminent One of Heaven and Earth
4. b!let qabli u t"h"zi Sovereign of Combat and Battle
There are also three subordinate designations which may accompany one of the
major designations:
a. muarrihat qabl"te [she] who Quickens Combats
b. a para! qard$ti uklulat [she] who wears the insignia of heroism
c. a m!lultaa tuqumtu [she] whose game is fighting.

It was further demonstrated that each of these designations represents a different
manifestation of the goddess.
During the reign of Tiglath-Pileser I, Itar was recognized as a supreme god, the
aaritti il"ni, and as a deity of frenzy (b!let t!) who controls and speeds battle
(muarrihat qabl"te). As both the preeminent god among gods and the deity of frenzy,
Itar had the ability to approve or disapprove of regimes. This was shown to be a power
equal to the god Aurs, for, if she disapproved of a reign, she could topple it. It was
further demonstrated that, as this manifestation, Itar was linked to both Adad and
Ninurta. Ninurta, in this instance, resembles Nergal. He is referred to as the qardu "gi
lemni u ay"bi.
In the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" II, Tiglath-pileser II, Aur-na!irpal II, and in
one version of the invocation unit of almaneser III, neither Itar nor Adad is primarily
210
connected to the martial gods (Ninurta, Nergal, and Nusku). Itars status is instead
elevated to that of aaritti am u er!eti. She is now the most supreme deity, not only of
the divine pantheon, but of the entire universe. In the invocation unit of these kings, the
subordinate designation a para! qard$ti uklulat [she] who wears the insignia of
heroism accompanied the designation aaritti am u er!eti; thus, though her martial
aspect took a subsidiary position to her supreme position, Itar continued to have a
martial aspect.
Perhaps because of the importance of the city of Kalhu, Itar continues to be
designated as the b!let qabli u t"h"zi during the reign of almaneser on the Black
Obelisk at Kalhu. This major designation for Itar is also referred to as the a m!lultaa
tuqumtu in the invocation unit. In this capacity, Itar is not only associated with Ninurta
in the unit, but, since they are both designated by extremely similar titles, they seem
almost inseparable.
In conclusion, this chapter demonstrated that, through an analysis of Itars
designation in the invocation units and her position vis--vis the other gods present in
those units, Itar rose in importance for the Assyrian kings during the early NA period.
During the MA period, due to her fearsome martial authority, she became a deity
preeminent among the gods, one who could destroy kings and topple regimes. Later, this
martial aspect was emphasized less as Itar ascended to the position of Preeminent
among Heaven and Earth.

211
The Results of Level Two
The results of this study confirm the presence of no fewer than eight active
manifestations for Itar in EARI: Itar, Itar Aur#tum, Itar b!let Ninua, Itar b!let t"h"zi,
Din"tu, Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi, Itar b!let am u er!!ti, Itar b!let t!, and arrat-
niphi. Furthermore, the evidence presented suggests that each of these manifestations has
her own distinct characteristics and history. Each had dominion over specific regions,
performed specific actions, and each may have been associated with a particular company
of gods.
While several of the manifestations were invoked in EARI concurrently (e.g., Itar
Aur#tum and Itar b!let Ninua), attempts to unite certain manifestations are also present.
This seems first to have been seriously attempted during the reign of Tukult"-Ninurta I.
This king not only created a new Itar temple at Aur but also combined the various
actions of the various manifestations of the goddess in the maledictory units of several
inscriptions. After the reign of this king, during the later MA period, further unification is
perceptible. In the invocations of later inscriptions, the martial form of Itar is united with
the form which held executive authority over the gods and, later, the universe. The
culmination of this unification occurred during the reign of Aur-na!irpal II, when this
king brought all previous discussed manifestations of Itar together in the form of a great
deity: arrat-Niphi.

212
arrat-niphi
331

Though each designation which accompanies a gods name represents a separate
manifestation of that god, when those designations are juxtaposed, a greater and more
versatile deity is, in effect, created. In EARI, this process culminates in the creation of the
goddess arrat-niphi, a manifestation of Itar so great that she encompasses all of the
previously discussed manifestations.

Analysis of arrat-Niphi Hymn
1
ana arrat-niphi (
d
GAAN-KUR) b!lti (NIN) rab#ti (GAL-ti) aaritti (SAG-ti) am
(AN-e) er!eti (KI-tim) !arrat kal (D)" il# (DINGIR.ME) geertu a [ina ekurr"ti
(.KUR.ME)] sikira kabtu (DUGUD)
2
ina itar"ti (
d
INANA.ME) $turat nabn#ssa z#mu namru a k#ma (GIM) !
d
ama"
tal#m#a kipp"t am (AN-e) [er!eti)] mith"ri[] tahitta
3
l!t Anunnaki bukurti Anim urb$t il"ni (DINGIR.ME) m"likat ahh!a (PAP.ME-
) "likat mahr[i d]"lihat [t]m"ti
4
munarri"at hur"n# ur"nat Igigi (
d
NUN.GAL.ME) b!lat qabli (MURUB
4
) u t"h"zi
(M) a balua ina Earra !ip"u ul" i!ma"ggar$ma
5
mualqt l#ti muam!t !am"mar libbi r"imat (GA-at) k#n"ti !mt ikrib# l!qt
unn!n#
6
m"hirat tesl#t# Itar (
d
INANA) nebtu gitm"ltu $turtu a am (AN-e) er!etim (KI-
tim) tahi""a ina kib!r"t" m"t"ti (KUR.KUR.ME) kal#ina (D-i-na) nab
7
uma (MU-) q"iat bal""i (TI.LA.ME) ilti (DINGIR-tim) r!m!n#ti a
qurbua ""bu (DG.GA) "ibat "l (URU) Kalhi b!lt#ya (NIN-ia)
332

To arrat-niphi, Great Sovereign, Preeminent One in Heaven (and) the Earth,
Sovereign of All Gods, Strong One, her command is weighty [in the temples],
among goddesses her shape is surpassinga glowing radiant form which, like
ama her sibling, surveys uniformly the entirety of Heaven (and) [Earth]; expert
of the Anunnaki, child of Anu, greatest of the gods, counselor of her brothers,
who travels in front, who roils seas, who shakes mountainsheroine of the Igigi.

331
Queen of the Planetary Rising is Itar in her aspect as the rising Venus (Andrew George, Babylonian
Topographical Texts [Leuven: Orientalia Lovaniensia,1992], 464 n. 170). Cf. Otto Schroeder,
d
arrrat-
Niphi, AfO 1 (1913): 25-26; and also, W. de Filippi New Evidence for the Separate Identity of
d
arrat-
Kidmurri and
d
arrat-Niphi (GAAN.KUR) Formerly Read b#lat-m!ti, RA 70 (1976): 181-2.
332
RIM A.0.101.28: 1-6
213
Sovereign of Combat and Battlewithout whom they do not approve a verdict in
Earrawho causes victory, who causes the attainment of a hearts desire, who
loves loyalty, who hears prayers, receives petitions, (and) accepts supplications.
Itar, radiant, perfect, surpassing, who surveys Heaven (and) the Earthin all the
regions of all the lands her name is calledguarantor of life, compassionate
goddess whose proximity is good, the one who dwells in the city of Kalhu, my
sovereign

After the introduction to the goddess as arrat-niphi, this hymn divides beautifully into
two stanzas. In stanza A, Itar is praised as Itar of Nineveh (indicated by the title b!ltu
rabtu) while in stanza B she is praised as the Itar of Kalhu (indicated by the title b!let
qabli u t"h"zi):
Stanza A:

b!lti (NIN) rab#ti (GAL-ti) aaritti (SAG-ti) am (AN-e) er!eti (KI-tim) !arrat kal
(D)" il# (DINGIR.ME) geertu a [ina ekurr"ti (.KUR.ME)] sikira kabtu (DUGUD)
2
ina itar"ti (
d
d
ama"
tal#m#a kipp"t am (AN-e) [er!eti)] mith"ri[] tahi""a
3
l!t Anunnaki bukurti
Anim urb$t il"ni (DINGIR.ME) m"likat ahh#a (PAP.ME-) "likat mahr[i
d]"lihat [t]m"ti
4
munarri"at hur"n# ur"nat Igigi (
d
NUN.GAL.ME)

Great Sovereign, Preeminent One in Heaven (and) the Earth, Sovereign of All
Gods, Strong One, her command is weighty [in the temples], among goddesses
her shape is surpassinga glowing radiant form which, like ama her sibling,
surveys uniformly the entirety of Heaven (and) [Earth]; expert of the Anunnaki,
child of Anu, greatest of the gods, counselor of her brothers, who travels in front,
who roils seas, who shakes mountainsheroine of the Igigi.

Stanza B:

b!lat qabli (MURUB
4
) u t"h"zi (M) a balua ina Earra !ip"u ul"
i!ma"ggar$ma
5
mualqt l#ti muam!t !am"mar libbi r"imat (GA-at) k#n"ti
!mt ikrib# l!qt unn!n#
6
m"hirat tesl#t# Itar (
d
INANA) nebtu gitm"ltu $turtu a
am (AN-e) er!eti (KI-tim) tahi""a ina kib!r"t" m"t"ti (KUR.KUR.ME) kal#ina
(D-i-na) nab
7
uma (MU-) q"iat bal""i (TI.LA.ME) ilti (DINGIR-tim)
r!m!n#ti a qurbua ""bu (DG.GA) "ibat "l (URU) Kalhi b!lt#ya (NIN-ia)
333

333
RIM A.0.101.28: 1-6.
214
Sovereign of Combat and Battlewithout whom they do not approve a verdict in
Earrawho causes victory, who causes the attainment of a hearts desire, who
loves loyalty, who hears prayers, receives petitions, (and) accepts supplications.
Itar, radiant, perfect, surpassing, who surveys Heaven (and) the Earthin all the
regions of all the lands her name is calledguarantor of life, compassionate
goddess whose proximity is good, the one who dwells in the city of Kalhu, my
sovereign

As the patron of Nineveh, Itar is designated by two of the titles she receives in
EARI invocation units: aaritti am u er!eti Preeminent One in Heaven and Earth and
arrat kal il# Sovereign of All the Gods. In stanza B, Itar is addressed only as the b!lat
qabli u t"h"zi. In each stanza, after each designation, comes praise of the goddess
authority. In stanza A, this authority concerns command, which originates with the
goddess. This is indicated by the declaration, [ina ekurr"ti] sikira kabtu her command
is weighty [in the temples]. In stanza B, this authority concerns her importance in the
divine council. This is indicated by the statement balua ina Earra !ip"u ul"
i!ma"ggar$ma without whom they do not approve a verdict in Earra.
In addition to establishing Itars judicial authority, in each stanza the different
manifestations, Itar of Nineveh and Itar as the b!l!t qabli u t"h"zi, are equated with
celestial bodies. In A, this is rendered by:
2
ina itar"ti (
d
d
ama"
tal#m#a kipp"t am (AN-e) [er!eti)] mith"ri[] tahi""a

among goddesses her shape is surpassinga glowing radiant form which, like
ama her sibling, surveys uniformly the entirety of Heaven (and) [Earth];

In B, this is rendered by:
nebtu gitm"ltu $turtu a am (AN-e) er!eti (KI-tim) tahi""a

radiant, perfect, surpassing, who surveys Heaven (and) the Earth

Finally, the remaining contents of the hymn provide distinctive qualities for each
215
manifestation. In stanza A, the goddess is the:
3
l!t Anunnaki bukurti Anim urb$t il"ni (DINGIR.ME) m"likat ahh#a (PAP.ME-
) "likat mahr[i d]"lihat [t]m"ti
4
munarri"at hur"n# ur"nat Igigi
(
d
NUN.GAL.ME)

expert of the Anunnaki, child of Anu, greatest of the gods, counselor of her
brothers, who travels in front, who roils seas, who shakes mountainsheroine of
the Igigi.

As the daughter of An, Itar is compared with Bau (B#let Ekallim or Gula). As the one
who roils the seas, she is the b!let t! the Sovereign of Frenzy who is also deemed the
Sovereign of the Gods in the invocation of Tiglath-pileser I. The section ends by
declaring this Itar causes victory and brings joy to those who worship her. In stanza B,
the goddess is the one:
5
mualqt l#ti muam!t !am"mar libbi r"imat (GA-at) k#n"ti !mt ikrib# l!qt
unn!n#
6
m"hirat tesl#t#

who causes victory, who causes the attainment of a hearts desire, who loves
loyalty, who hears prayers, receives petitions, (and) accepts supplications.

Unlike Itar, daughter of An, Itar b!lat qabli u t"h"zi is not presented as a goddess who
revels in warfare; rather, she is the one who, through a kings loyalty, assigns victory.
The hymn ends with a praise of the total goddess, arrat-niphi:
ina kib!r"t" m"t"ti (KUR.KUR.ME) kal#ina (D-i-na) nab
7
uma (MU-)
q"iat bal""i (TI.LA.ME) ilti (DINGIR-tim) r!m!n#ti a qurbua ""bu (DG.GA)
"ibat "l (URU) Kalhi b!lt#ya (NIN-ia)
334

In all the regions of all the lands her name is calledguarantor of life,
compassionate goddess whose proximity is good, the one who dwells in the city
of Kalhu, my sovereign:

Thus, represented in this hymn is the culmination of those aspects for Itar which are

334
RIM A.0.101.28: 1-6.
216
present, yet veiled, throughout the entirely of EARI.

Conclusion
The results of this study indicate that, in order to understand the characteristics of
Itar and her role in society, she should not be approached as a singular deity (perhaps no
deity should). Although EARI provide merely a rough and sometimes opaque screen
through which to examine the many functions of Itar and the various manifestations
under which she performed those functions, the information contained in the inscriptions
can illuminate the multiple facets of her development. If Itar was ever a deity native to
Aur, the texts do not reveal this status. Instead, she seems to have been connected, not
to southern Mesopotamia as some would argue, but to the north, northeast, and northwest
of Aur. Although some of the manifestations of Itar which are represented in the texts
may be connected to northern Sumerian cities, Itar, in EARI, is a north Mesopotamian
deity. Furthermore, the texts demonstrate that, as Aur became Assyria, Itar developed
into an even greater form of the goddess, thus paving the way for her status as patron of
the Sargonid kings. It is to be anticipated that, because this work solidly demonstrates the
rise and unification of various manifestations of Itar, it will provide the foundation upon
which further, even more specific, research may be built.

217

Appendix A
B!let-t"h"zi, and B!let qabli u t"h"zi
Sovereign of Battle and Sovereign of Combat and Battle

am!-Adad I:
A.0.39.1.A
d
INANA be-le-et ta-ha-zi-im

Tukult!-Ninurta I
A.0.78.1 [Itar NI]N(?)-la-at [MUR]UB
4
(?) ta-ha-zi

Adad-n"r"r! II
A.0.99.2
d
!i
8
-tr" be-lit MURUB
4
! M"

A.0.101.26
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M
A.0.101.28
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M
A.0.101.29
d
INANA NIN MURUB
4
u M
A.0.101.50
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M

almaneser III
A.0.102.2
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
A.0.102.3
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
A.0.102.4 [
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M] me-lul-ta- [GI.LAL]
A.0.102.6
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
M] me-lul-ta- GI.LAL
A.0.102.38
d
INANA NIN GAL-ti []
NIN-at MURUB
4
M e-pi-[a-at(?) ] sa-ah-ma--ti na-x-[]

Considered by scholars to be one of Itars quintessential epithets (certainly her
typical martial title),
335
the designation b!let qabli u t"h"zi Sovereign of Combat and
Battle likely has its origins as a combined title which, when separated, originally
represented two different deities. One of these deities was an independent god named
B#let-Qabli (Sovereign of Combat), while the second was a manifestation of Itar, Itar
b!let t"h"zi Sovereign of Battle. As will be demonstrated, B#let-Qabli seems to have
been united with Itar b!let t"h"zi as early as the reign of the Ur III king, $-Sn;

335
Hurowitz and Westenholz, LKA 63, 11.
218
however, this conjoined deity was not universally recognized. In a variety of inscriptions
from the OB period, each deity continues to be attested independently. This is the case in
EARI. Itar as the b!let t"h"zi is implored in one inscription of am"-Adad I,
336
while
Itar as the b!let qabli u t"h"zi is attested in multiple Assyrian royal inscriptions after the
reign of Tukult"-Ninurta I. Though the original function of Itar b!let t"h"zi may have
been to watch over and support the king on campaign, Itar b!let qabli u t"h"zi is a much
more violent manifestation of the goddess; one who relishes the fight.
Grammatically, the full title, b!let qabli u t"h"zi, is a genitival chain comprised of
the bound form of the governing noun, b!ltu (b!let), followed by the governed terms
qablu and t"h"zu in the genitive (qabli and t"h"zi). In EARI, b!ltu is not consistently
spelled syllabically; however, when expressed logographically, it is with the Sumerogram
NIN (never GAAN), and always accompanied by a phonetic complement, -at or et (-it).
Generally, in EARI, the terms qablu and t"h"zu are expressed logographically by the
signs MURUB
4
(qablu) and M (t"h"zu), respectively; however, in the inscriptions of
am"-Adad I and Tukult"-Ninurta I, t"h"zu is spelled syllabically. Finally, in all
examples of the epithet in EARI in which the designation is directly preceded by the
name of the goddess Itar, the name is consistently expressed logographically as
d
M

(
d
INANA).
Unlike the titles of other gods such as ama (whose designation as b!l d#ni
Sovereign of Justice is more easily comprehended), the exact nature of Itars role in
warfare remains elusive. Generally, Itars shorter martial title, b!let t"h"zi, is translated
as Sovereign of Battle, while the combined version, b!let qabli u t"h"zi, may be

336
This title may also take the form b!let qabli in later Assyrian royal inscriptions, but this version of the
title is not present in EARI.
219
translated as Sovereign of Combat and Battle, or understood as a merismus: Sovereign
of Warfare. The term t"h"zu battle, is represented in Old Akkadian texts by the sign
KAS.UDUN-eig.
337
According to the lexical list Proto-Izi I, KAS.UDUN-eig has two
possible meanings: either a specific type of battle maneuvering, e.g. to ambush, or, as a
generic term for battle or military campaign.
338
This latter meaning reflects a
possible core connotation to the Akkadian term t"h"zu.
The noun t"h"zu is derived from the verb ah"zu to seize or to take. This sense
of taking may apply to a region, as in to take over.
339
When the verb ah"zu is used
with the noun harr"nu road, one may translate idiomatically: to take [to] the road.
This would be similar to its use with the noun d#nu justice, as in to take to court, or,
in the case of marriage to take to wed. If the noun t"h"zu originally connoted military
seizure or military operation (with the intent of seizure) at its most basic level, Itars
standard martial title is likely to reflect an original role as the deity of the (military)
campaign. Evidence for this conclusion is borne out by reviewing the contexts in which
the title is used for Itar.
CAD provides two separate entries for the term qablu: a. middle and b. battle.
In EARI, both entries (a and b) can be signified by the logogram MURUB
4
; however, in
Akkadian texts which date to the OB period, only the first usage is represented by
MURUB
4
. The second usage is indicated by the repetition of the logogram EN. Because
both of the terms were originally represented by different logograms, it is unclear if their
meanings are related (i.e., should qablu be understood to represent the center of

337
CAD T, 48.
338
Ibid.
339
CAD A, 173.

220
combat?). The logogram EN can also indicate the Akkadian word amu battle;
however, because the usages of amu in Akkadian texts are also vague, it, too, offers
little by way of clarification. One may tentatively suggest that the use of the logogram
MURUB
4
came to represent both usages of qablu purely for ease of memory, and that the
second usage did not originally mean center of the battle. The martial term qablu
should then be accepted as a poetic synonym for t"h"zu, as CAD and various Sumerian
texts suggest (these texts will be addressed in the succeeding discussion); thus, the
translation combat will continue to be used here.

Early Attestations
The earliest attestation for a Sovereign of Combat (
d
nin. en) is attested in the
ED Sumerian god-list from F!ra.
340
There is no ED attestation for a deity called the
Sovereign of Battle. Furthermore, neither designation is extant in the inscriptions of the
Sargonic kings as a title or name of a god.
341
Instead, the earliest attestation for
Sovereign of Battle seems to be in a Sumerian inscription ascribed to Gudea of
Laga (c. 2144-2124).
342
In the maledictory section of an inscription located on a statue

340
WVDOG 43 1 v
6 d
ni n. en. Also, Manfred Krebernik, Die Gtterlisten aus F!ra, ZA 76 (1986): 161-
204. Unfortunately, there is a lacuna in the text where we would expect to find the deities who precede this
god. It must also be remembered that there is a chance
d
ni n. en represents a male deity (if it had any
gender/sex at all) for, during this early period, it is likely that the logogram ni n could represent either
sex/gender; see Joan Westenholz, Goddesses of the Ancient Near East 30001000 BC in Ancient
Goddesses: The Myths and the Evidence, edited by Lucy Goodison and Christine Morris (London: British
Museum, 1998), 63-82; cf. also, Selz, Five Divine Ladies, n. 2.
341
The title is also not attested in the poems attributed to Enheduanna, or in any of the legends of the
Sargonic kings.
342
For the remainder of this discussion the goddess will be referred to as Itar. This is done primarily for
221
of Gudea devoted to the god Ningirsu (the warrior and protector of Laga), Itar is
mentioned in the company of Bau (who is called the daughter of An) and Utu (who is
called the Sovereign of the Blue Skies):
Let An, let Enlil, let Ninhursanga, let Enki of trustworthy utterance, let Suen,
whose name nobody can explain, let Ningirsu, lord of the weapon, let Nane, lady
of the boundary, let Nindara, the master and warrior, let the mother of Laga,
shinning Gatumdu, let Bau, the lady, eldest daughter of An, let Inana (
d
i nana),
lady of battle (nin. m. ke
4
), let Utu, lord of the blue (skies), let Hendursanga,
the herald of the land
343

This maledictory section is somewhat generic in that none of the deities mentioned is
given a specific task to perform; rather they are, as a group, invoked to curse a disloyal
future ruler. This means no conclusions as to Itars role as the Sovereign of Battle can
be drawn. However, it is of note that Itar as the Sovereign of Battle is listed after Bau,
who is a deity of Laga and described as the daughter of An (the deity of Uruk), and
before Utu, normally the deity of Larsa; thus, Itar, the Sovereign of Battle (and
perhaps Utu), may be connected to the divine circle of Bau at Laga.
Though not titled b!let t"h"zi, Itar is designated as the Lion of Battle
(piri g. m) in The Victory of Utu-hegala royal inscription likely commissioned by
Utu-hegal (c. 2130), the king of Umma and Uruk. This work, which reads somewhat like
a literary text, commemorates Utu-hegals defeat of Gutian invaders, and in it the king

ease, but also because, if Sumerian Inana and Akkadian Itar were combined during the Sargonic period,
they must be, at this time, considered one and the sameat least until further research is done into this
topic. For all other gods: if mentioned in Sumerian texts, the god will be designated by the Sumerian name
(e.g., Utu), when in Akkadian texts, the god will be referred to by the Akkadian name (e.g., ama).
343
RIM E3/1.1.7.St B col. viii 44-64. It is of note that, out of the twenty-six dedicatory statues
commissioned by Gudea, Itar is not designated as the Sovereign of Battle on the statue devoted to Itar
(RIM E3/1.1.7.St C). In the statue devoted to Itar, she is designated as Itar of the Lands
(
d
i nanna. kur. kur).
222
states that he went before Itar saying:
My lady, lioness in the battle (pirig. m), who butts the foreign lands, the god
Enlil has com[missioned me] to bring back the kingship of the land of Sumer.
[May you be my] a[lly].
344

Utu-hegal then reports his departure from Uruk, stating that Itar is, in fact, his ally. Also
of note is that the text records the assignment of Dumuzi-ama-uumgal as the kings
military commander by order of Gilgame. Whether Itar as the Lion of Battle is
comparable to Itar, the Sovereign of Battle (or Sovereign of Combat and Battle), is
not yet clear. Since he is departing from Uruk, Utu-hegal may only be calling upon Itar
in her capacity as patron god of Uruk, and on Dumuzi/Gilgame in his capacity as the
patron god of Bad-Tirba; however, it should be noted that in this capacity she is said to
butt the foreign lands; thus, this text may contain an allusion to Itars depiction in the
poem in. nin. me. hu. a.
345
This poem will be discussed in more detail. On a final note,
Pirig-m Lion of battle, is the name of a king of Laga prior to the reign of Gudea.
346

In the hymns of the Ur III ruler ulgi (2094-2047) and his son Amar-Sn (2046-
2038), Itar is, in the main, depicted as a sweet and loving spouse; however, the tradition
of Itar as a deity of warfare is also evident. The standard martial title for Itar is attested
on several texts attributed to ulgi, and in an inscription of Amar-Sn. In a simple hymn
which narrates ulgis pursuit of Gutian rebels, ulgi D, the king is praised as a mighty
warrior whose battle-axe drips with blood. Though Itar is mentioned in a very broken

344
RIM E2.13.6.4: 27-32.
345
The contemporary title can be Inana and Ebih. Literally, i n. ni n. me. hu. a may translate to Mistress
of the Red Essence; however, it may also be rendered, Mistress of the Angry Essence, for the Sumerian
term hu (Akk. ezzu) may indicate either the color red or anger.
346
Itars connection to lions is well known. It is not the goal of this discussion to connect the goddess with
lions. Rather, it is the history of her connection to battle as part of a title which is investigated.
223
passage, the remains of this passage suggest that she, designated as the Sovereign of
Battle, is displeased with the events which have transpired (whatever they may have
been);
347
thus, we may infer that she has an opinion concerning the kings activities.
What results from this opinion is not extant, but, presumably, it would have been of some
consequence; this conclusion is borne out in a Sumerian text, Death of Ur-Nammu.
Death of Ur-Nammu was likely commissioned by the daughter of Ur-Nammu (or
by his son, ulgi) upon his death.
348
Although a king beloved by the gods, Death of Ur-
Nammu narrates the tragic reality that the pantheon of the gods had tired of Ur-
Nammus offerings of piety and no longer accepted them.
349
Without the support of the
council of the gods, Erekigal, Sovereign of the Netherworld, orders Ur-Nammus
death. Of all the deities, it is Itar as the Sovereign of Battle who may have been the
one most likely able to save the king from his fate. Unfortunately, the goddess is absent
during the decision of Erekigal, because, as the tale reports, Enlil had sent her away to a
foreign land. Realizing that she missed the verdict, Itar becomes passionately upset,
destroying cattle-pens, devastating sheepfolds, and hurling insults. Itar as the Sovereign
of Battle is presented in the text as a supporter of the king, and, perhaps, even as
guarantor of his safety.
Itars status as sponsor of the king is also present in ulgi X, yet another hymn

347
For a discussion of this hymn see Jacob Klein, Three ulgi Hymns: Sumerian Royal Hymns Glorifying
King ulgi of Ur (Ramat-Gan: Bar Ilan University Press, 1981), 50-123, and The Royal Hymns of Shulgi
King of Ur: Man's Quest for Immortal Fame (Philadelphia: The American Phiological Soceity, 1981).
348
See Dina Katz, The Image of the Netherworld in the Sumerian Sources (Bethesda: CDL Press, 2003),
329.
349
This summary follows the treatment of the text by Samuel N. Kramer, The Death of Ur-Nammu and
His Descent to the Netherworld, JCS 21 (1967): 104-22.
224
attributed to ulgi (this one dedicated to ulgi, himself). In this hymn, ulgi travels to
Uruk where Itar, designated as the daughter of Sn (the patron god of the Ur III
dynasty),
350
greets the king as one would greet a lover. The goddess then declares that she
will grant the king a good fate:
In [the campaign] (m) I will be the one who goes before you. In [the theater of
war] (en. en), I will carry your weapon like a personal attendant. In the
assembly I will be your advocate. On [the road] (har. ra. an. na) I will be your
encouragement.
351

In the hymn, Itar may not be referred to as the Sovereign of Battle but her words
confirm her status as sponsor for the king in his martial activities while on campaign. The
reference to the divine assembly, in the midst of a section referring to warfare, indicates a
role for the goddess similar to that depicted in Death of Ur-Nammu. She would seem to
have the power to advocate for the justification of ulgis war. By going before the king
while on campaign she announces her approval for the action.
As in the Utu-hegal text in which the goddess is designated the Lion of Battle,
in the Death of Ur-Nammu Itar is connected with Uruk. This is where ulgi travels to
venerate Itar. As in the Gudea inscription, Itar is in the company of the gods, Bau and
Utu. Just after giving her proclamation to ulgi, the king states that he knows the joyful
heart of B#let-Ekallim (=Bau),
352
and brings an offering before Utu at his temple. Utu

350
It is possible that this new designation, daughter of Sn, occurs because Itar is subsumed into the
circle of Sn, just as Ningirsu is equated with Ninurta, son of Enlil. In the hymn, Itar claims that it is Sn
who gives her power.
351
ulgi X 28-30, edited in Jacob Klein, Three ulgi Hymns, 124-66.
352
It is during the Ur III period that Bau is conflated with B#let-Ekallim. Furthermore, the three gods, Itar,
Utu, and Bau (B#let-Ekallim) are frequently found together in texts. For an examination of the goddess
B#let-Ekallim see Geet! De Clercq, Die Gttin Ninegal/B#let-ekallim nach den altorientalischen Quellen
des 3. und 2. Jt. v. Chr., (Ph.D. diss., Julius-Maximilians-Universitt zu Wrzburg, 2003).
225
then gives ulgi more good news. Finally, Itar is associated with the word-pair battle
(m) and combat (en. en). As discussed above, the addition of combat (en. en)
to the title Sovereign of Battle may have been for poetic reasons; for unlike the term
battle (m), which is regularly found in texts dating before the Ur III period, combat
(en. en) only seems to come into regular use in texts during this time.
353
It is,
nevertheless, also possible that this inscription demonstrates a transitional stage. Itar is
not yet designated the Sovereign of Combat and Battle but she is present during both
battle (m), presumably the province of Itar as Sovereign of Battle, and combat
(en. en), presumably the province of the enigmatic deity, Sovereign of Combat
(
d
nin. en).
A simple dedicatory inscription of Amar-Sn which was found on multiple bricks
at Uruk, confirms the association of Itar, the goddess who loves the king, with Itar, who
is designated as Sovereign of Battle: For Itar (
d
inana), mistress of battle (nin. m),
his beloved spouse.
354
Generally, when titled spouse of the king in the hymns
attributed to the Ur III kings, Itar is depicted as joyful, loving, and attracted to the
king.
355
This simple inscription seems to solidify that which is suggested in ulgi X. For
the Ur III kings, Itar, as Sovereign of Battle, could also be a beloved spouse.
356

Unfortunately, in this short inscription, no further hint is given concerning Itars more
specific role in either battle or combat.
The refrain of the Sumerian poem in. nin. me. hu. a reads I shall praise the

353
G. R. Castellino, Two ulgi Hymns (BC) (Rome: Instituto di Studi del Vicino Oriente, 1972), 100 n. 29.
354
RIM E3/3.1.3: 13.
355
E.g., in the case of ulgi A in which Itar chooses ulgi to be her spouse because of his good looks.
356
This is, of course, connected to the Ur III kings equation of themselves with Dumuzi of Bad-tirba, the
fianc or spouse of Itar.
226
[Sovereign of Battle (ni n. m)], the great child of Suen, maiden Inana.
357
As with the
previous works, Itar is titled Sovereign of Battle and designated the daughter of Sn.
Also similar to the previous works, in this text, Itar is depicted as a helper to the king;
however, this time she is characterized as a bloodthirsty terror that initiates and
participates in wars:
Goddess of the fearsome divine powers, clad in terror, riding on the great divine
powers, Inana, made perfect by the holy a-an-kar weapon, drenched in blood,
rushing around in great battles (m), with shield resting on the ground (?),
covered in storm and flood, great lady Inana, knowing well how to plan conflicts
(en. en) you destroy mighty lands with arrow and strength and overpower
lands.
358

This is so much the case that she is, in fact, said to plan and begin martial action:

Against its magnificent sides, I shall place magnificent battering-rams, against its
small sides I shall place small battering-rams. I shall storm it and start the 'game'
of holy Inana. In the mountain range I shall start battles (m) and prepare
conflicts (en. en).
359

Retold in the poem is the great fight which the goddess, as the Sovereign of Battle,
brings to the mountain, Ebih, because the mountain is disrespectful to her, flaunting its
height and beauty. When commencing battle, in the poem, Itar is said to have opened
the gate of the house (temple) of battle (.m).
360
Unlike the previously discussed works,
in this poem the goddess is not depicted as a judicial advocate of the king, nor is she

357
Since there is no critical commentary for this poem, the translation follows the Oxford University
edition in The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature; http://www-etcsl.orient.ox.ac.uk, 1.3.2: 23-
24hereafter, ETCSL. Cf. also, Henri Limet, Le pome pique Inanna et Ebih. Une version des lignes
123 182 Orientalia 40 (1971): 11-28, and Jean Bottro and Samuel Kramer, Lorsque les dieux faisaient
l'homme (Paris: Gallimard, 1993), 219-226.
358
ETCSL 1.3.2: 1-6.
359
ETCSL 1.3.2: 37-40.
360
Ibid.; see also, Andrew George, House Most High: The Temples of Ancient Mesopotamia (Winona Lake:
Eisenbrauns, 1993), 126 No. 797.
227
depicted as merely holding his weaponry in battle. Rather, Itar is characterized as not
only present on the battlefield, but ready to fight; however, her actions are still meant to
aid the king.
In in. nin. me. hu. a, Itar declares to An that he placed her at the right side of
the king in order that the king be powerful:
You have placed me at the right hand of the king in order to destroy rebel lands:
may he (the king), with my aid, smash heads like a falcon in the foothills of the
mountain
361

In the poem, Itar as the Sovereign of Battle is annoyed because the king (whose name
is not given) was unable to conquer the region in which Ebih lies. Correlating the kings
power with her own, Itar proclaims that the mountain Ebih would not bow down to her
(or her king). Itar then pleads her case to An, demanding the destruction of the mountain.
Eventually, after a massive battle, she (with the king) is victorious.
This altered portrayal of the goddess continues to be present in an inscription of
the brother and successor of Amar-Sn, $-Sn (2037-2029). In the text, Itar is, again,
noticeably a deity of war. This time she is referred to by the extended martial title
Sovereign of Battle and Combat; however, her role, assigned by Enlil, is to be a soldier
to the king:
[Lady of battle (nin m) (and)] combat (en. en), butting [l]ike a [bull], [Inn]in,
[b]orn to be a warrior, [p]resented with a , a mace, arrows (and) a quiver, the
one covered with [as]tounding qualities, the first [da]ughter of the god Sn,
holding the fifty [m]es, the holy goddess Inanna (
d
inana. ke
4
) for $-Sn, her
beloved spouse in order to sweep like a huge onrushing flood over its
population (namely) the enemy country which in disobedience to him,
(engages) in battle (and) hostilities in order to smite its powerful ones,
mischievous (and) inimical, in order to destroy the memory of its famous black-
headed people, in order to subdue its great far-reaching mountain ranges the

361
ETCSL 1.3.2: 1-6: 80-81.
228
god Enlil made Inanna (
d
inanna) as helper for $-Sn, mighty king, king of
Ur, king of the four quarters.
362

As in the previous texts, Itar is once again a helper to the king, and, as in the
in. nin. me. hu. a, she aids the king in war, not merely holding his weapons, but
providing him with the ability to subdue nations. In this instance, in her role as the spouse
of the mortal king, Itar is not said to provide a good destiny for the king. Instead, she
attacks foreign lands.
363
This text is also, to my knowledge, the only extant Sumerian
inscription which contains the full version of the standard martial title for Itar.
Furthermore, this is the last Sumerian literary text to attribute the standard martial title to
Itar until the reign of Rim-Sn.

Early Old Babylonian Texts
According to Piotr Michalowski, the Lamentation of the Destruction over Sumer
and Ur was created as a propagandistic piece to legitimize both Ibi-Erras destruction of
the Ur III state and the founding of his new dynasty at Isin (2017-1985).
364
Because Ibi-
Erra was the general of Ibbi-Sn, the last ruler of the Ur III dynasty, Michalowski
contends that Ibi-Erra is depicted as a defender of the Ur III state and the custodian of its
traditions even though he is the one who aided in its downfall.
365
The fall of the dynasty
of Ur III is presented in the Lamentation as having been inevitable, for though:

362
RIM E3/2.1.4.1 col. i 25- col. ii 13. This long inscription (some six columns) was written on a
Sammeltafel (with 7 exemplars) found at Nippur (RIME II/III, 295-300).
363
It may also be noted that, in a dedicatory inscription of this king (RIM E3/2 1.4.19), it is Annun"tum who
is designated as the spouse of $-Sn.
364
Piotr Michalowski, The Lamentation of the Destruction over Sumer and Ur (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns,
1989), 6-7hereafter, LDSU.
365
Ibid., 7.
229
Ur was indeed given kingship [but] it was not given an eternal reign
Who has ever seen a reign of kingship that would take precedence (forever)?
366

The text demonstrates an acceptance of a revolving kingship and depicts the demolition
of a regional power. An, Enlil, Enki and Ninmah decide the fate of the dynasty, which is
then commanded by An and Enlil.
367
The gods, who cannot disobey the command, take
action. An, Enlil, Nintu (Ninmah), and Enki initiate the destruction of the state. The gods
frighten the inhabitants, blow an evil storm, and take away foodstuffs. After these actions,
Utu no longer provides justice, while Itar handed over strife (m) and battle
(en. en. na) to a rebellious land.
368
She is finally followed by Ningirsu who wastes
the land like milk given to dogs.
369

This lament is particularly significant for several reasons. Again, as in the Laga
inscription of Gudea and the ulgi hymn, Itar seems to be in similar company. In this
text, Itar is listed with Utu and, while not Bau herself, the spouse of Bau, Ningirsu.
Furthermore, though not titled Sovereign of Battle, as in the other two examples, Itar
has jurisdiction over battle and combat. What it means to put battle into the hands of an
enemy land is more difficult to discern. In the poem in. nin. me. hu. a, victory did not
automatically come merely because Itar declared it should be so. Ebih stood up to the

366
LDSU 366-368.
367
LDSU 55.
368
In his translation, Michalowski presumes it is victory in battle and combat which Itar gives: Inanna
handed over victory in strife and battle to a rebellious land. This is, of course, a reasonable conclusion, for,
in the inscriptions and legends of the Sargonic kings and in a few of the ED legends, Itar, not as b!let
t"h"zi (or b!let qabli u t"h"zi), is said to give victory to various kings. Since this is not yet demonstrated to
be an ability of Itar as b!let t"h"zi (or b!let qabli u t"h"zi), it cannot be assumed that this is the role she
plays here.
369
LDSU 58-64.
230
goddess; the mountain did not bow down. It is possible that, in the Lamentation of the
Destruction over Sumer and Ur, Itar does not give a pronouncement that allows the king
even to participate in warfare. She does not come to the aid of the king; she is not his
helper.
Itar is also the controller of battle and combat in an OB Balbale to the goddess:
[Enlil] hat mir den Himmel gegeben <hat mir> der Erde <gegeben>, ich <die
Himmelsherrin bin ich>. Der Herrenschaft hat er mir gegeben, die
Herrinnenschaft hat er mir gegeben, den Kampf (m) hat er mir gegeben, die
[Schla]cht (?) (en. en) <hat er> mir <gegeben>.
370

In this lament, Itar only proclaims her ownership over the dominions of battle (m) and
combat (en. en), as received from the god, Enlil. She is not titled nin; she is not the
sovereign.
In Enki and the World Order, Itar makes a similar, yet even further weakened
proclamation. The tale narrates how Enki, authorized by Enlil, orders the world. Enki
does this by granting functions to various deities; however, he seems to overlook Itar,
for she comes to him requesting a role in the universe. Enki responds to the goddess by
increasing (?) her powers:
Maiden Inana, how have I disparaged you? How can I enhance you? Amongst the
ominous occurrences in the hurly-burly of battle (m en. en. na) I shall make
you speak vivifying words; and in its midst, although you are not an arabu bird (a
bird of ill omen), I shall make you speak ill-omened words also.
371

As in The Death of Ur-Nammu and ulgi D, Itar seems to play a judicial role in this text.

370
Eine sumerische Hymne mit Selbstlob Inannas 11-15, edited in Willem Rmer, Eine sumerische
Hymne mit Selbstlob Inannas, Orientalia 38 (1969): 97-114.
371
ETCSL 1.1.3: 437-450. Cf. also, C. A. Benito, Enki and Ninmah and Enki and the World Order
(Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1969); Samuel Kramer and John Maier, Myths of Enki, the Crafty
God (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 38-56; and, Richard Averbeck, Myth, Ritual, and Order
in Enki and the World Order, JAOS 123 (2003): 757-71.
231
The vivifying words which she speaks are likely oracular; thus, it is possible the text
reflects the tradition which places Itar in the assembly advocating for the life of the king
(and perhaps even for the average warrior). The text also seems to assign yet another role
to Itar, for, not only does she speak positive, vivifying words, she speaks negative ones
as well.
The short form of Itars martial title, Sovereign of Battle, is attested in two
Akkadian inscriptions of Iddin-Sn, an early OB ruler of Simurrum, a city on the Hurrian
border.
372
One of these inscriptions, written on a stone block, is dedicatory in nature. In
this inscription, Iddin-Sn explains that, because the gods Adad, Itar, and Niba
answered the prayers of his son, Zabazuna, he was able to conquer the city of Kulunnum.
These same gods appear in the maledictory section of the inscription:
aw#lam u"ti Anum (AN) Enlil Ninhursag Enki (
d
EN.KI) Sn (
d
EN.ZU) Adad (
d
IKUR)
b!l kakkim (
GI
TUKUL) ama (
d
UTU) b!l d#nim (DI.KU
5
.DA) Itar (
d
INANA) b!lat
t"h"zim Ninsianna (
d
nin-AN-si
4
-an-na) il#ya Niba b!l#ya erretam lemuttam
liruru

May Anum, Enlil, Ninhursag Enki Sn Adad, Sovereign of the Weapon, ama,
Sovereign of Judgment, Itar, b!lat t"h"zim, Ninsianna, my god, and Niba, my
sovereign, curse that man with an evil curse.
373

The reign of Iddin-Sn coincided with that of Ibi-Erra; thus, it is not surprising to find
the same four lead deities: An, Enlil, Ninhursag (Nintu/Ninmah), and Enkiwith the
addition of Sn. These gods are followed by three deities who are given titles: Adad,
Sovereign of the Weapon, ama, Sovereign of Judgment, and Itar, b!let t"h"zi.

372
For recent treatment of the early history and texts from this region see Jesper Eidem and Jrgen Lsse,
The Shemshara Archives (Copenhagen: Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab, 2001).
373
RIM E4.19.1.1 34-53. It is also likely that this same maledictory section appears on two additional
dedicatory inscriptions of this king, one to Adad, and the other to Niba (RIM E4.19.2 and 3).
Unfortunately, in both of these examples the concluding formula is missing.
232
Two final gods are designated the personal deities of Iddin-Sn: Ninsianna and Niba.
While the deity Niba is said to be merely the personal deity of Iddin-Sn, the
mention of the goddess Ninsianna is of particular interest. In a hymn thought to have
been written during the reign of Iddin-Dag!n and considered the penultimate attestation
for the hieros gamos, Itar is praised for a multitude of attributes: one of these being her
beauty, another, her role as holder of the me.
374
Additionally, in the hymn, the goddess is
frequently praised as the Great Sovereign of Heaven (nin. gal. an) and as Venus, the
evening star.
375
Of further interest for this investigation, is that the hymn itself is
dedicated to Ninsianna, whose name may mean Red Sovereign of Heaven.
376
Though
Ninsianna is also referred to as Itar in the text, and though referred to as a warrior, she
is never said to be the b!let t"h"zi; thus, though having martial powers and having been
equated with the universal Itar, Ninsianna (certainly in this text) seems to be a separate
deity from Itar, b!let t"h"zi. She is Venus, specifically as the evening star.
Perhaps the second oldest Akkadian attestation for the standard martial title of
Itar is in the Old Assyrian satire, Sargon, Lord of Lies. The text was discovered in the

374
Daniel Reisman, Iddin-Dagan's Sacred Marriage Hymn, JCS 25 (1973): 185-202. See also, and
Willem H. Ph. Rmer, Sumerische Knigshymnen der Isin-Zeit (Leiden: Brill, 1965), 128-208.
375
Wolfgang Heimpel, Catalogue of Near Eastern Venus Deities, SMS 4 (1982): 59-72. Heimpel notes
that the earliest clear association of Ninsiana with Venus is in the OB star-list.
376
Cf. Thorkild Jacobsen, who translates the name as Heavens Radiant Queen (Jacobsen, The Harps that
Once: Sumerian Poetry in Translation [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987], 124 n. 23); and, RIME
III/II which renders that name (divine) lady of the twilight or the redness of heaven (RIME III/II, 117).
If the name is understood as Red Sovereign of Heaven, the deity Ninsiana may also lie behind the name
i n. ni n
9
. It may be recalled that, in the poem i n. ni n. me. hu, Itar is designated Mistress (i n. ni n
9
) of
the Red Essence. Finally, worship of Ninsiana would seem to be connected to Uruk. In a dedicatory
inscription found in the . an. na (RIM E3/2.1.2.7), Amar-Sn records working on a bronze argibillu for
Ninsiana.
233
Kltepe archives; thus, it likely dates to the k"rum period at Aur (c. 1900-1850). In this
farcical tale, Sargon of Akkade boasts of his grand military prowess, swearing by Adad
(
d
IM) b!l emuqim u Itar (U.DAR) b!lat t"h"zim, that his tales of conquest are true.
377

Unfortunately, like the inscription of Iddin-Sn, the two gods perform no explicit actions
in the text other than to be witnesses to the kings oath, but this does suggest an early
connection between Adad and Itar as maledictory gods at Aur. However, a second
early inscription from Aur indicates a different divine circle for Itar.
The earliest Akkadian attestation of the martial title for Itar from which any
more specific role may be gleaned is also its first attestation in EARI. In the maledictory
section of am"-Adad Is Aur inscription, Itar is once again titled b!let t"h"zi:
ama (
d
UTU) Enlil Adad (
d
arrim (LUGAL) [m"]hir#u $ u umm"n"t$u ay-iprik$ Nergal ina kak"im
iittau u iitti m"t#u lirtaddi Itar (
d
GI
TUKUL-u)
u kakk# (
GI
TUKUL) umm"n"t#u libir Sn (
d
ZUEN) il (DINGIR) r!#ya l$ r"bi!
lemutt#u ana d"ri"tim
378

who opposes him, may he and his army not resist; may Nergal, violently,
confiscate his assets and the assets of his country; may Itar, Sovereign of Battle,
break his weapon and the weapons of his army; may Sn, god of my
administration, be a malevolent bailiff to him for an eternity.

Unlike its position in the Iddin-Sn inscription, Itar is listed between the gods Nergal and
Sn. Also dissimilar is that, within the inscription, Itar is specifically requested to break
the weapons of a disloyal future ruler, not merely to curse him. Previously, in the
inscriptions of the Ur III kings in which Itar was titled b!let t"h"zi, she was depicted as a
helper to the king who led his army and carried his weapon. This curse may still reflect

377
Kt. j/k 97: 11-12, edited in Cahit Gbatti, Kltepeden Akadli Sargona it Bir Tablet, AA 3 (1997):
152-155.
378
RIM A.0.39.1: 114-135.
234
that role. She does not carry the weapons of the enemy king; she destroys them.
The final two OB examples of the short form of Itars martial title appear in an
inscription of Rim-Sn and in an extispicy prayer. In the prayer, Itar, in addition to
multiple other deities, is called upon to act as a witness to a divinatory act of the king.
Her name and epithet appear at the end of a list of gods which begins with An, followed
by Sn and Nergal. All of the gods are requested to stand by the king during his ritual:
Anum abi am Sn arri agm Nergal b!l kakki Itar (
d
INANA) b!let t"h"zim
lib$ma itt#ka ina ikrib akarabu trti eppuu kittam uknam

May Anum, Father of Heaven, Sn, King of the Crown, Nergal, Sovereign of the
Weapon, (and) Itar, b!let t"h"zim, stay with you! In the ritual act I prepare, in the
extispicy I perform, put you truth!
379

Two of the deities listed with Itar as b!let t"h"zi are the same as those in the am"-
Adad maledictory section: Sn and Nergal. Also of note is the designation of Nergal as
b!l kakkim, the same title given Adad in the Iddin-Sn maledictory sections.
Unlike the just-discussed OB examples, in a Sumerian inscription of Rim-Sn, the
standard martial title for Itar is slightly altered. The inscription itself is located on a
dedicatory cone found in the temple of Ningizida (who may, at times, be equated with
Nergal). In the inscription, Rim-Sn recalls his conquest of Uruk and credits multiple
gods with his success: An, Enlil, Ninlil, Ninurta, Nuska, Enki, Ninhursag, Sn, ama,
Adad, and Nergal.
380
Separately listed are: Itar Sovereign of my Battle
(
d
nin. m. g. ta), Ninisina Sovereign of my strength, and Sovereign of Combat
(
d
nin. en. en. na) who shines for me. That these three gods are not only listed

379
YBC 5023 60-66, edited in Albrecht Goetze, An Old Babylonian Prayer of the Divination Priest, JCS
22 (1968): 25-9.
380
RIM E4.2.14: 10.
235
together, but also set off from the main list of deities further indicates their association
with one another.
According to several offering lists of the early OB kings Abi-ar# and S$m-el, a
goddess named Sovereign of Battle (
d
nin. m) is the recipient of oil at Larsa.
381
In a text
dating to a slightly later period, a deity named Sovereign of Combat (
d
nin. en. en. na)
receives offerings in the Ninurta temple at Nippur. This offering is listed in a text dated to
the third regnal year of the Larsa king, Sn-iq"ams (1840-1836). It has been suggested
that the offering was made in gratitude to the goddess for her aid in his conquest of the
settlements P"-N!r!tim and Na!!rum (which he took during his second regnal year).
382

d
nin. en. en. na is listed in both TCL 15, 10 v and VS 24, 20 v as an independent deity:
d
nin..an. na
d
inanna. xxxx
19 d
nin. en. en. na
d
nin. in. ti. na
d
nin. en. en. na is listed after
d
nin..an. na, Sovereign of the . an. na and
d
inanna. xxxx, and before
d
nin. in. ti . na (inti = alakti?, way, caravan or, perhaps,
campaign. An = Anum IV lists
d
nin. in. ti. na after
d
nin. en. en. na and
d
nin. m
and equates the goddess with b!let qurdi Sovereign of the Hero]) and
d
nin..m. a,
Sovereign of the Emu (the temple of Itar and Dumuzi at Bad-tibria, a precinct of
Uruk). Because
d
nin. en. en. na,
d
nin. m, and
d
nin. in. ti. na, are listed together in

381
YOS 14 204: 3, YOS 14 246: 4, and YOS 14 248: 3. There is a further Larsa attestation for this goddess.
An undateable text records a Trankofers for
d
ni n. m, see, Thomas Richter, Untersuchungen zu den
lokalen Panthea Sd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit (Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2004), 368.
382
Ibid., 131.
236
An = Anum IV, it is possible to speculate that
d
inanna. xxxx =
d
inanna. nin. m.
Finally, VS 24, 20 v 13-17 lists
d
nin. en. en. na before the Itars of Uruk, Ki,
Zabalam, and Akkade.
383
While no further characterization is given for the goddess in the
offering lists, in the Rim-Sn inscription the Sovereign of Combat (
d
nin. en. en. na) is
called the one who shines for me. Because of the epithet which accompanies her name,
it may be possible to equate this deity with Ninsianna, as Venus, the evening star. This
deduction is further supported by a dedicatory inscription of Rim-Sn which says that
Ninsiana is the goddess whose station shines forth.
384

As mentioned previously, Ninsiana can be connected to B#let-ekallim. In the
offering lists of Abi-ar# and S$m-el, B#let-ekallim is listed just prior to the Sovereign
of Combat (
d
nin. en. en. na) and just after Adad. This may indicate a connection
between Adad and B#let-Ekallim.
385
Finally, in a Rim-Sn text, Ninisin is titled the
sovereign of my strength. This is a similar designation to that of Adad in the Old
Assyrian satire, Sargon, Lord of Lies. Additionally, Adad is entitled ar qabli
(
d
lugal . en. en. na) in the great god-list An = Anum.
386
Thus, there would seem to be
a correlation and, at times, an equation between the gods B#let-Ekallim, Adad, and the
Sovereign of Combat (
d
nin. en. en. na). Finally, it should be noted that, as in the
previously-discussed Sumerian works, each goddess is listed as performing particular

383
Furthermore, though an Itar of Uruk is listed in VS 24, 20 V, because
d
ni n. en. en. na is listed after
d
ni n..an. na in TCL 15, 10 V, the ordering may suggest that she is a deity of Uruk. This is certainly the
case by the NA period, for the ki . en. en. na is listed as a seat of Itar in the . an. na of Uruk according
to the Topographic Texts (George, House Most High, 111 No. 614).
384
RIM E4.2.14.18: 1-2.
385
Richter, Panthea Sd- und Mittelbabyloniens, 370.
386
An = Anum III 220 (Litke, 140).
237
actions for the king. Itar is designated as the deity of my battle, Ninisina is the goddess
of my strength, and Sovereign of Combat shines for me. As martial deities, they provide
military aid to the king.
The only OB attestation of the combined form of Itars martial title appears in
the epilogue to the Code of Hammurabi. This section of the Code is maledictory in nature
and, of all the deities present, the largest amount of curses is entreated of Itar:
Itar (
d
INANA) b!let t"h"zim (M) u qablim (EN.EN) p"tiat kakkiya lamass#
damiqtum r"imat palya ina libbia aggim ina uzz"tia rabi"tim arr$ssu l#rur
damq"tiu ana lemn!tim lit!r (lit!r repeat) aar t"h"zim (M) u qablim (EN.EN)
kakkau libir i#tam ahmatam likunum qarr"d#u liamqit dam#unu er!etam
liqi gurun alm"t umm"n"tiu ina !!rim littaddi umm"nu r!mam aj uari u"ti
ana q"t nakr#u limall#uma ana m"t nukurtiu kam l#r$u

May the goddess Itar, mistress of battle and warfare, who bares my weapon, my
benevolent protective spirit, who loves my reign, curse his kingship with her
angry heart and great fury; may she turn his auspicious omens into calamities;
may she smash his weapon on the field of war and battle, plunge him into
confusion and rebellion, strike down his warriors, drench the earth with their
blood, make a heap of the corpses of his soldiers upon the plain, and may she
show his soldiers no mercy; as for him, may she deliver him into the hand of his
enemies, and may she lead him bound captive to the land of his enemy.
387

In the epilogue, Itar is mentioned between Zababa, who, as son of the Ekur (Enlil) is
equated with Ninurta and with Nergal. It is not surprising that Itar is connected with
Zababa in the text. Both deities were patron gods of Ki and it is in connection to this city
that Itar is most frequently mentioned in the inscriptions of this king. What is curious is
that, as can been seen, her role in the epilogue is much like that presented in the early
Sumerian inscriptions. Itar is referred to as a benevolent protective spirit of
Hammurabi who aids the king in warfare. Because of her love for him, she is expected to
alter his omens and perform startling feats of violence, plunging the enemy into

387
Code of Hammurabi l 92-li 23. As presented in Martha Roth (Law Collections from Mesopotamia and
Asia Minor [Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997]).
238
confusion and causing the earth to be drenched with the blood of enemy soldiers.
It is possible that in this passage Itar is a combination of the earliest version of
Itar, as b!let t"h"zi, and the later version, as b!let t"h"zi u qabli (from the text of $-
Sn). In this section, Itar is a judicial advocate for the king with the ability to overturn
divine pronouncements concerning other kings and is a warrior who forces enemies to
bow down before the king. It is likely, too, that Itar does not merely perform these tasks,
but empowers or allows the king to perform them as well.
The epilogue reads that Itar is the one who bares (p"tiat) [his] weapon. The
participle p"tiat derives from pet to open, or to reveal.
388
Simply, the phrase alludes
to the unsheathing of a sword; however, the phrase may also suggest that she is
permitting warfare to occur. Though perhaps more explicit, this role may be similar to
that already discussed. Just as in the Balbale to Itar, as Enlil gives battle (m) and
combat (en. en) to Itar, in a bilingual letter of Hammurabi it is declared, for him
(Hammurabi) on the battle field, Itar gave (nad"num) you t"h"zu (m) and qablu
(en. en).
389
This sentiment may reflect the one present in the Lamentation of the
Destruction over Sumer and Ur. In that text, Itar was said to hand over battle (m) and
combat (en. en) to an enemy land.
This negative action is also present in the Curse of Akkade, in which Itar, this
time specifically connected to the Ulma temple in Akkade, abandons her city because of
Enlil. In her abandonment, she takes [removes] the gift of battle (m) and combat
(en. en) from the city and hands them over to the enemy. Furthermore, she removes

388
CAD P, 340.
389
LIH 60 i 17 (CAD, T 42); cf. Nathan Wasserman, A Bilingual Report of an Oracle with a Royal Hymn
of Hammurabi, RA 86 (1992): 1-18.
239
the citys weapons, thus:
The life of Agade's sanctuary was brought to an end as if it had been only the life
of a tiny carp in the deep waters, and all the cities were watching it. Like a mighty
elephant, it bent its neck to the ground while they all raised their horns like
mighty bulls. Like a dying dragon, it dragged its head on the earth and they jointly
deprived it of honour as in a battle.
390

Akkade is destroyed, not only due to Enlils proclamation, but also through Itars
removal of warfare and the martial accoutrements necessary to protect the city during
times of strife. Itars connection to the Ulma is intriguing. In the Temple Hymn to
Ulma, Itar (who is listed together with Aba the patron deity of the Akkade dynasty) is
called:
An urabu-bird, the nungig of the nigingar; Arrayed in battle, beautiful,
who handles the utg-weapon; Who washes the tools in the blood of battle
(m); She opens the door of battle (m)
391

Again, as in the case of the Hammurabi inscriptions, Itar is said to open warfare. Itar
in that work was connected with Ki and designated as b!let qabli u t"h"zi. Finally, the
Temple Hymn to Ulma also records Itar as an arabu-bird which is exactly the type of
bird Itar is said not to be in the Sumerian work Enki and the World Order.
Finally, in a bi-lingual letter to Zimri-L"m, Itar is referred to not merely as the
b!let qabli u t"h"zi, but also as the aaredat qabli u t"h"zi Pre-eminent One in Combat
and Battle.
392
In this letter, Itar is preceded by ama and Adad. Adad is referred to as
the qur"dum rabm Great Warrior.

390
ETCSL 2.1.5: 77-82.
391
Temple Hymn to Ulma 13-16, edited in ke W. Sjberg, et al., The Collection of the Sumerian Temple
Hymns (Locust Valley: J. J. Augustin, 1969).
392
A, 1258 + S.160 SN line 17 in Dominique Charpin, Les malheurs d'un scribe ou de l'inutilit du
sumrien loin de Nippur, in Nippur at the Centennial, 7-27.
240
Late Old Babylonian-early Neo-Assyrian Texts
There are only two late OB texts which connect Itar to t"h"zu (m) and qablu
(en. en): a Kassite inscription and the poem in. nin. ag
4
gur
4
. ra. Though not
designated by either version of her standard martial title in the Sumerian poem
in. nin. ag
4
gur
4
. ra, Itar is connected to battle (m) and combat (en. en) within
the text. Similar to her representation in the poem in. nin. me. hu. a, the goddess is
depicted as enthusiastically engaging in warfare:
She (Itar) stirs confusion and chaos against those who are disobedient to her,
speeding carnage and inciting the devastating flood, clothed in terrifying radiance.
It is her game to speed conflict (en. en) and battle (m), untiring, strapping on
her sandals.
393

The poem itself is the premier literary work which demonstrates the connections between
conflict, strife, misery, confusion, and Itar. Though attributed to Enheduanna, it was
likely created in the OB period, and seems to have been eventually cataloged with two of
the other great poems which honor the goddess: nin. me. r. ra and
in. nin. me. hu. a.
394
This text is seen as having been so influential that it has even been
argued to be the template for the martial lexical list Erimhu, which has attestations at
Bogazky and Aur.
395
In in. nin. ag
4
. gur
4
. ra, Itar is praised for her authority and

393
ETCSL 1.3.2: 18-28. In his excellent treatment of the complicated text, Sjberg chooses to not translate
the verbs denoting the action, instead rendering:
18
She confusion and rebellion against those who are
disobedient to her,
19
She battle, she lets a devastating flood come fast, she is clothed in awe-inspiring
radiance,
20
Her(!?) joy (is) the fight, to battle, untiring, strapping on her sandals (in-nin -gur
4
-ra: A
Hymn to the Goddess Inanna by the en-Priestess Enheduanna, ZA 65 [1976]: 161253) hereafter, IG.
394
The three poems lead the OB catalog at Andrews University: AUAM 73.2402
1
[i n- ni n] ag
4
gur
4

ra
2
[i n- ni n] me hu. a
3
ni n me ar
2
- ra. On the dating of Sumerian texts see William Hallo, On the
Antiquity of Sumerian Literature, JAOS 83 (1963): 167- 76.
395
Piotr Michalowski, Literature as a Source of Lexical Inspiration: Some Notes on a Hymn to the
241
supremacy in warfare and, as noted by ke Sjberg, for her power over seemingly every
aspect of society. The poem also attributes new martial characteristics to Itar, such as a
speeder of battle. This characteristic will be discussed more fully in Appendix C.
Of further significance, it is only in in. nin. ag
4.
gur
4
. ra that the martial word-
pair battle (m) and combat (en. en) are reversed. In each of the examples presented
in this discussion, battle (m) has consistently preceded (en. en). This is even the case
in the Rim-Sn inscription. Itar, Sovereign of my Battle, is listed prior to the
Sovereign of Combat. This is not the case for An = Anum.
19 d
nin. ni. n. a ar-rat ni. nu. a
20 d
nin. ki. ku. lu. b. gar be-lit um-ma-nim
21 d
nin. en. en. na MIN (= be-lit) qab-[li]
22 d
nin.KA
!
xZAB.a MIN ta-ha-[zi]
396

21 d
nin. in. te. na MIN qur-di
397

This new word order seems to become the norm. For, in post-OB attestations of the
combined martial title of Itar, the word-pair is ordered qabli u t"h"zi, as in the poem
in. nin. ag
4
. gur
4
. ra and in the god-list An = Anum.
An attestation of this new word-pair order is present in an inscription of the
Kassite king, Kurigalzu, son of Kadaman-Harbe (c. 1500).
398
In this inscription, the

Goddess Inana," in Written on Clay and Stone; Ancient Near Eastern Studies Presented to Krystyna
Szarzyska, eds. Jan Braun, et al. (Warsaw: Agade, 1998), 65-74.
396
The text reads
22 d
ni n. KAx x. a. Litke argues that the sign x resembles an inserted ZAB, thus he
believes the scribe meant AGxZAB = M not KA
!
xZAB (p. 150 n 22).
397
Litke, 150.
398
For a discussion concerning the authenticity of this inscription, see Tremper Longman, Fictional
Akkadian Autobiography: A Generic and Comparative Study (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1991), 90-91.
242
Kassite king praises Itar of Uruk, together with An, and says that he granted many lands
to:
Itar (
d
I-tar) b!lti (GAAN) urb$ti "likat id#ya muallimat umm"n#ya r!ti
ni#ya s"kipat lemm#ya
399

Itar, the Greatest Sovereign, who travels at my side, who keeps my army safe,
who shepherds my people, who defeats my enemies

At the end of the inscription, in its maledictory section, the king implores only Itar:
Itar b!ltu (GAAN) urb$tu ina qabli (MURUB
4
) u t"h"zi (M) ina id"u (-)
ayya-illik (DU-ik) abikti taht (I.I) umm"n#u likun puhuru liparrir
400

May Itar, the Greatest Sovereign, not travel at his side in combat and battle; may
she establish a severe defeat of his troops; may she scatter his company.

Itar, now titled the Greatest Sovereign, continues to be a helper-goddess to the king in
warfare. She is said to travel at his side, to keep his army safe, and to cause the defeat of
an enemys army through disorder. This Kassite example is of particular import for two
reasons. The first significance is, as previously stated, the preceding of t"h"zu by qablu;
the second is the representation of qablu, not by the logogram EN.EN, but by MURUB
4
.
This difference in representation seems to have been adopted by the scribes of the
Assyrian ruler, Tukult"-Ninurta I.
It is not until well after the reign of am"-Adad I that the standard martial epithet
of Itar, b!let t"h"zi (b!let qabli u t"h"zi), reappears in EARI. After a period of
approximately five hundred years, the title is attested in the standard royal inscription of
the MA ruler, Tukult"-Ninurta I. The title appears in the maledictory section of the
inscription:

399
CT 36 6 col. i 22, edited in Arthur Ungnad, Schenkungsurkunde des Kurigalzu mr Kadaman-
Harbe,AfO 1 (1923): 19-22
400
CT 36 7 col. ii 26-30.
243
Itar [INANA] b!lat [NIN-la-at] qabli [MURUB
4
] u t"h"zi [n"]bt palya
(B[AL]A.ME-ia) lu$mi zikr$ssu sinnis"ni mut$ssu ana rihti likun abikti
m"t#u likunu ina p"ni nakir#u ay-izziz x xx [...] lin!r qur"d#u [lu-ub]-bu ana
q"t (U) n"kr#u (KR.ME-u) lumell#u
401

[Itar], Sovereign of Combat and Battle, [the one who] called my pal: may she
transform his masculinity in the same manner as a sinnis"nu; may she cause his
potency to pour-out; may she establish a defeat of his land; may he not stand
before his enemy; may she ... slay ....his soldiers; (and) may she place him into the
hand of his enemies.

As can be observed, the title is ordered as in the Kurigalzu text, with qablu preceding
t"h"zu. Also similar is that qablu is represented not by the logogram EN.EN, as in the
earlier texts, but by MURUB
4
. Dissimilar is that t"h"zi is written syllabically, as in
previous Akkadian texts of northern origin (i.e., the Iddin-Sn inscription), and not
represented by the logogram M, as in the Kurigalzu text.
The appearance of the title in the Tukult"-Ninurta text is unexpected. Also
peculiar are the actions Itar is entreated to implement in the maledictory section. In both
the am"-Adad inscription and epilogue to the Code of Hammurabi, Itar is requested to
break the weapons of a disloyal ruler. Here she is not entreated to do this. Nor is she
requested to bring about chaos, deny mercy, or drench the land with soldiers blood, as in
the Code of Hammurabi. Instead, here, Itar, as b!let qabli u t"h"zi, is merely implored to
bring about the defeat of a disloyal kings land. This is a curse found in the Kurigalzu text;
however, it should be noted that this curse is also typical of those found in the
inscriptions of his direct ancestors, Adad-n!r!r" I and almaneser I.
There is a gap of several centuries before the epithet b!let qabli u t"h"zi is once
again attested in EARI. This time it occurs in the standard inscription of the early NA
king, Adad-n!r!r" II. Referred to as b!let am u er!eti in the invocation section of this

401
RIM A.0.78.1 col. vi 9-22.
244
king, in the action section, Itar is designated the b!let qabli u t"h"zi. As with the
Tukult"-Ninurta inscription, in all exemplars of the inscription, qablu is designated by the
logogram MURUB
4
. The term t"h"zu, however, is indicated by the logogram M, as in
texts of southern origin. In the Adad-n!r!r" II inscription, Itar, as b!let qabli u t"h"zi, is
also attributed a role similar to that in the ulgi texts. Following her title, the inscription
records that she is the one who "likat pan"t umm"n"t#ya rap"tu travels before his (the
kings) vast army.
402
In this instance, the campaign is against the Hurrian region of
Hanigalbat.
While in the Adad-n!r!r" II inscription Itar is referred to as b!let qabli u t"h"zi,
in the standard inscription of Tukult"-Ninurta I Itar is designated by her supreme title,
b!let am u er!eti. She is referred to as the b!let am u er!eti when she is said to lead
that kings army against Babylon. The difference in designations may reflect Itars role
as a southern deity as opposed to a northern deity. As will be explored more fully in a
succeeding section concerning Itars title, b!let am u er!eti, the scribes of Tukult"-
Ninurta may have employed this title for the goddess because they were following a
southern Kassite tradition. The scribes of Adad-n!r!r" II may have been following a
tradition in which the b!let qabli u t"h"zi leads warfare in the northern regions. In fact, it
is likely that the title b!let qabli u t"h"zi reflects an Itar established in the northern city
of Kalhu (and likely Arb#la), for it is only in inscriptions discovered at Kalhu that Itar is
designated by this title.
The standard martial epithet of Itar, b!let qabli u t"h"zi, is not attested in the
inscriptions of the son of Adad-n!r!r" II, Tukult"-Ninurta II; however, it is attested in

402
RIM A.0.99.2: 97.
245
multiple inscriptions of Aurnasirpal II, grandson of Adad-n!r!r" II.
403
Like the Tukult"-
Ninurta I inscriptions, in each of these instances, the epithet is located in the maledictory
section. Furthermore, in each example Itar is entreated to perform a different action. In
one of the inscriptions (thought to come from Kalhu), she is merely requested to listen to
a future kings ikribu,
404
while in a second, from a town near Kalhu, she is implored to
break the weapons of a disloyal king and remove his throne.
405
The first example is
notable because it is similar to yet another inscription of Aurnasirpal which was found
at Nineveh. In this example, the king declares that Itar, designated this time as the b!let
Ninua, will listen to a future kings ikribu and grant him success in all of his battles
against other kings; thus, she is not the b!let qabli u t"h"zi in the Nineveh inscription.
Finally, though Itar is not titled b!let qabli u t"h"zi in the action section of two
versions of the standard inscription of Aurnasirpal II,
406
both of which were discovered
at Kalhu, the ruler does declare:
ina bibl"t libb#ya (-ia) u tiri! q"t#ya (U-ia) Itar (
d
INANA) b!ltu (GAAN)
r"imat (GA) angt#ya (SANGA-ti-ia) lu tamgurannimma ep! qabli (MURUB
4
) u
t"h"zi (M) libbaa (-a) ublama

Because of my heartfelt offerings and my prayers, Itar, the sovereign who loves
my priesthood, accepted me and decided to make combat and battle.
407

In these inscriptions, qabli and t"h"zi do not form part of an epithet, but, once again, Itar
is specifically associated with the pair of martial terms qablu and t"h"zu. She is also
presented as she was in the earliest Sumerian inscriptions: as a helper to the king.

403
RIM A.0.101.26; A.0.101.28; A.0.101.29; A.0.101.32; and A.0.101.50.
404
RIM A.0.101.26 and A.0.101.29, though this last inscription is too broken to make out the curse.
405
RIM A.0.101.50.
406
RIM A.0.101.1 and A.0.101.17.
407
RIM A.0.101.1: 37b-38b, and A.0.101.1: 17 col. i 46b-49a.
246
Because of her love for him (due to his piety), she makes (ep!u) qabli u t"h"zi, as in the
much earlier inscription of $-Sn.
There are several attestations for the standard martial epithet of Itar in EARI in
the inscriptions of almaneser III. It is attested in an invocation section repeated on
several inscriptions of almaneser III.
408
The inscriptions themselves date to various
periods, and were written objects located in northeastern Assyrian territory (i.e., Kalhu,
Nineveh, and Kurkh). In the invocation, the title b!let qabli u t"h"zi is accompanied by
the additional martial epithet, a m!lultaa tuqumtu the one whose game is fighting.
This additional epithet will be more fully discussed in the following section; however, it
should be noted here that it represents the tradition in which warfare is not merely the
realm over which Itar presides, but that it is considered a form of play for the goddess.
Itar is also designated as the b!let qabli u t"h"zi in two further inscriptions of
this king.
409
One of these inscriptions contains a version of almaneser IIIs Annals,
which can be dated to the year 843.
410
This edition of the Annals has multiple exemplars,
several of which were discovered at Aur, while a single exemplar was found at Kalhu.
As in the case of the shared invocation section of the inscriptions just discussed, Itar is
designated in this inscription as not only b!let qabli u t"h"zi, but also, a m!lultaa
tuqumtu the one whose game is fighting. Finally, there are two further inscriptions
which contain the title. In one, it is unclear whether a m!lultaa tuqumtu accompanies it.
The inscription is located on a stone statue found at Nineveh and contains a dedicatory
inscription to Itar. The beginning of the text seems to have contained several epithets for

408
RIM A.0.102.2, A.0.102.3, A.0.102.4, A.0.102.38.
409
RIM A.0.102.6, and A.0.102.38.
410
RIMA III, 32.
247
the goddess, but unfortunately, it is very broken. On the second, the designation is located
in the invocation of one version of the Annals of almaneser III. In this inscription, it is
Ninurta who is deemed as the b!l (EN) qabli (MURUB
4
) u t"h"zi (M).
411

411
RIM A.0.102.10.
248

Appendix B
B!let am u er!eti
Sovereign of Heaven and the Earth

Tukult!-Ninurta I
A.0.78.5
d
i
8
-tr NIN-at AN-[e] KI-ti
A.0.78.23
d
INANA NIN AN KI
Though only attested twice in EARI, in the inscriptions of a single king, the divine
designation Sovereign of Heaven and the Earth has a rich history in southern
Mesopotamia. Its appearance in the two inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta I, one from Aur
and one from K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta, speaks not only to the rulers ready adoption of that
tradition, but also to its endurance.
Like Itars standard martial title Sovereign of Combat and Battle, the title
Sovereign of Heaven and the Earth is a simple genitival chain comprised of the bound
form of the governing noun b!ltu (b!let) followed by the governed terms am and er!etu
in the genitive (am and er!eti). As can be seen, in each attestation in EARI the terms
b!ltu, am, and er!etu are expressed logographically by NIN, AN, and KI, respectively;
however, it is only in the K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta inscription that phonetic complements are
given (-at with NIN, -e with AN, and ti with KI). A further orthographic distinction
between the attestations is the writing of the name of the goddess. In the inscription from
Aur, her name is spelled:
d
i
8
-tr, while in the K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta inscription it is
expressed logographically as
d
M (
d
INANA).
Unlike Itars standard martial title, in which b!ltu governed two similar nouns, in
this instance b!ltu governs two opposing nouns: am and er!etu. The Akkadian term
am meaning sky or heaven is, as noted by Wayne Horowitz, unlike its Sumerian
249
counterpart an. While an is a singular noun, am is plural.
412
According to Horowitz,
behind this plurality lies a Semitic tradition in which the sky was perceived as having
multiple levels: lower, middle, and upper. Contrary to am the term er!etu is singular;
however, it too represents multiple levels: earth, netherworld, and land.
413
The
term er!etu has no exact Sumerian equivalent; er!etu may denote the ground upon which
people walk, or signify the ground underneath. In Sumerian, these planes are identified
separately as ki and kur and are not interchangeable.
414
Because the title Sovereign of
Heaven and the Earth is attested in both Akkadian and Sumerian texts, these nuances
must be acknowledged. If translated literally, the designation for Itar in the inscriptions
of Tukult"-Ninurta (b!let am u er!eti) may mean Sovereign of Heaven and Earth
(excluding the Netherworld) or Sovereign of Heaven and Earth (including the
Netherworld). It may also, as will be borne out through the following discussion, be
translated Sovereign of the Space in between these Regions.
Itar is first designated Sovereign of Heaven and Earth in two Sumerian hymns
attributed to the poet Enheduanna: in. nin. ag
4
. gur
4
. ra, and the Sumerian Temple
Hymn to Uruk.
415
The designation of Itar as the Sovereign of Heaven and Earth is
striking. Though multiple cuneiform texts refer to Itar as the Sovereign of Heaven,
particularly in her manifestation as Ninsiana, there is far less evidence which suggests

412
Wayne Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1998), 223-24.
413
CAD E, 308.
414
Horowitz, Geography, 272.
415
IG
179
n . gal . gal . zu a. ba sag mu. un. g. g za. e ni n. an. ki . me. en Who can oppose your
great deeds? You are the Lady of heaven and earth! and Sumerian Temple Hymn to Uruk
207
un. gal . an. ki
d
i nanna. ke
4
(Emesal un. gal . an. ki = ni n. an. ki ) The Great Queen of Heaven
and Earth, Inanna, edited in Sjberg, Sumerian Temple Hymns, 29.
250
she was ever titled Sovereign of the Earth. According to William Hallo and J. J. A. van
Dijk, the title reflects Itars elevation in the pantheon during the Sargonic period. Hallo
and van Dijk contend that, since Itar was the patron goddess of the Sargonic kings, the
power to bestow kingship over Sumer and Akkade passed to Akkadian Itar just before
they conquered the region, i.e., they would not have been able to rise to power had Itar
not had this status.
416
In order to legitimate this claim to the throne, the scholars contend
that the Sargonic poet Enheduanna conflated Akkadian Itar with Sumerian Inana. In
order to demonstrate the goddess elevation further, the scholars argue that Earth was
added to the title Sovereign of Heaven. This new designation was an attempt to
conflate the goddess with Antu (Earth), the wife of the god An (Heaven).
417
According to
this theory, originally Itar (Inana) had been merely a junior queen (nu. gig) at Uruk.
This new title reflects her elevation to senior queen by virtue of being equated with Antu,
the wife of An (the highest deity in the Uruk pantheon);
418
thus, the new title Sovereign
of Heaven and Earth draws together two characteristics: Inanas original celestial nature

416
Hallo and van Dijk, Exaltation, 4.
417
Ibid., 86-87, and Sjberg, Sumerian Temple Hymns, 9.
418
In Sumerian Temple Hymns, ke Sjberg also chronicles Inanas possible prior husbands in an attempt
to ascertain the origin of a tradition of a marriage between An and Inana (Ibid.). Prior to Hallo and Sjberg,
it was Adam Falkenstein who first suggested that what lay behind Inanas title as Sovereign of Heaven and
Earth was an effort to equate her with Antu (Sumerische religise Texte, ZA 52 (1957): 56-75). In the
main, conflation has been accepted; thus, most scholars agree that from this point on, the traits of both
deities were merged and no reference to Inana or Itar can be understood separate from the other. This
conclusion, that at least by the Sargonic period, the deities were fused, finds validation in the texts
themselves. It is possible to find in a single text (which dates to the Sargonic period) the name of this new
compound deity Inana-Itar written syllabically (Akkadian), and signified by the Sumerian logogram
d
i nana (M). This logogram would normally have been used to indicate the Sumerian deity only. For
more on the title nu. gi g used in reference to Inana cf. Annette Zgoll, Inana als nugig, ZA 87 (1997):
181-95.
251
and Antus terrestrial nature. The difficulty with this theory is that the title Sovereign of
Heaven and Earth is used to refer to several male gods, none of whom were ever thought
to have been married to either An or Antu. A further complication to this theory is that
the title is attested before the reign of the Sargonic period.
Instead of translating each segment of the title separately, Samuel N. Kramer saw
the designation as indicative of a merismus; thus, he translated it as Queen of the
Universe.
419
As Nathan Wasserman notes in his work on OB literary texts, heaven and
Earth are not merely opposites, but, when written as a pair, they represent a merismus;
when juxtaposed, heaven and Earth do not represent either heaven or Earth.
420
Instead,
Wasserman contends, it is the space between Heaven and Earth that is intended by
pairing the two poles.
421
In essence, then, the title Sovereign of Heaven and the
Netherworld would represent the ultimate rule of the area in between the two regions;
therefore the title likely does not conceal a tradition of two separate deities with two
separate titles,

one belonging to a deity of Heaven, and one to a deity of the Earth. This
possibility is corroborated by a Sumerian inscription of the last ruler of Larsa, Rim-Sn.
In the introduction of this inscription, Itar is addressed as the Sovereign of Everything

419
Samuel N. Kramer, The Sumerian Sacred Marriage Texts, 502.
420
Nathan Wasserman, Style and Form in Old-Babylonian Literary Texts (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 62.
421
Wasserman defines a merismus as: a widespread stylistic device, whereby a conceptual totality is
expressed, concretum pro abstracto, by the use of two antipodal terms. These extremes encompass and
define a conceptual totality (Ibid., 61). Wasserman further explains that merismatic pairs which designate
space are expressed either on a vertical or on a horizontal axis, concluding that the space within the
vertical axis is generally conveyed by heaven-earth, while the horizontal is usually denoted by east-west
(Ibid., 73).
252
(nin. g. sag), a title which is paralleled in the conclusion by the designation
Sovereign of Heaven and Earth (nin. an. ki).
422

Earliest Attestations
The title Sovereign of Heaven and Earth is attested in royal inscriptions as early
as the ED period, and continues to be found in texts through to the NB period. Among the
gods who are designated by this title are Ninlil, Enlil, Nanna, Itar, ama, and in the
later periods, Marduk, and Nab. The title was not consistently held by any single god
and seems to have been transferred between gods; thus, it is possible that the title was
originally a political one. A survey of the various attestations of the title demonstrates a
correlation between the god to whom a king attributed his kingship, and the likelihood of
that same god being designated Sovereign of Heaven and Earth in texts attributed to
that king.
In texts which date to the earliest periods in the written record, two royal titles
which designate territorial rule are attested.
423
In texts from Uruk which date to the
archaic period, the title which designated rule over the territory of Uruk was en
(en. ki . en. gi or en. uruk). In texts from Ur, which date to the slightly later Fara period,
the title which designated rule over the territory of Ur was lugal (lugal. kal am. ma
later, lugal . uri m).
424
Each title designated rule not merely over the city, but over the
entire territory governed by the city. It is conventionally accepted that, though no
particular god is said to grant kingship in the Sumerian King List, the god Enlil was, in

422
RIM E4.2.14.2.
423
Hallo, Titles, 3-8.
424
Ibid.
253
fact, the deity who was thought to do so. According to Westenholz, this long-held belief
is not entirely accurate. The bestowing of kingship, according to Westenholz, was also,
originally, one of the central functions of Itar.
425

Westenholz demonstrates that both Enlil and Itar granted kingship in Sumer by
citing two, almost identical, dedicatory inscriptions, which were ascribed to the ED king
of Uruk, Lugal-kigine-dudu (c. 2400):
For An, king of all the lands, and Inana, queen of Eana, Lugalakiginedudu, king
of Ki when Inana combined lordship with kingship for Lugalakiginedudu, he
exercised lordship in Uruk and kingship in Ur. When Inan[a specially summoned]
Lugalak[igi]nedu[du], [then
?
Lugalakiginedud]u dedicated this for his l[i]fe to
Inana, his mistress.
426

And:

For Enlil, king of all the lands when Enlil specially summoned? him, and
combined lordship with kingship for him, he (Lugalakiginedudu) exercised
lordship in Uruk and kingship in Ur. Lugalakiginedudu, in his great joy, dedicated
this for his life to Inana, his beloved master.
427

Each of these of these almost indistinguishable texts explains that either Inana or Enlil is
responsible for the rule of Lugal-kigine-dudu. In yet another royal inscription, this one
ascribed to a contemporary king, E-anatum of Laga, only Itar gives kingship:
Eanatum, who is commissioned by Ningirsu to Eanantum, ruler of Laga, Inana,
because she loved him so, gave him the kingship of Ki (e.g., hegemony over
Sumer).
428

It is also in the inscriptions of two of these kings, Lugal-kigine-dudu of Uruk and
Eanantum of Laga, that the divine title Sovereign of Heaven and Earth is first

425
See Westenholz, Empowerment.
426
SARI Uk 1.2.
427
SARI Uk 1.1.
428
SARI La 3.5.
254
attested.
429

In a fragmentary dedicatory inscription of Lugal-kigine-dudu of Uruk, the god
Enlil is designated as ar am u er!eti;
430
and, in a dedicatory inscription of the slightly
later king of Uruk, Urzage, Ninlil, the spouse of Enlil, is referred to as Sovereign of
Heaven and Earth (nin an. ki. ra).
431
In this same inscription, Enlil is only referred to
as the ar m"t"ti (lugal kur. [kur]. ra), the Sovereign of the Lands. The title also
appears on the Stele of the Vultures. This famous Sumerian inscription, likely
commissioned by En-anatum of Laga, records the first military defeat of Umma by E-
anatum, his father. In the text, which records a boundary dispute between Umma and
Laga, it is Enlil who is credited with assigning victory and who is repeatedly referred to
as Sovereign of Heaven and Earth (lugal. an. ki . ka).
432
This god is also the lead deity
in the maledictory section, indicating his primacy. Itar plays a key role in the inscription
as well, but she is titled the spouse of E-anatum and is said to be the god of whom the
king must be worthy (for it is Itar who chooses to put the king in the lap of Ninhursag).
The practice of crediting either Enlil or Itar with the ability to bestow kingship
continued into the Sargonic period; however, it was also during this period that Enlil
came to be the primary deity of the pantheon. By the Ur III period, the cult of Enlil at
Nippur rose in importance such that Nippurian theology began to permeate all

429
This transfer of the bestowing of kingship is also traditional to the two gods of Laga. In an inscription
of Entemena (SARI La 5.23), Nanshe is credited as the one who gave kingship of Laga to Enmetena, while
in a inscription of the later king Uruinimgina, it is Ningirsu who is said to have granted the kingship of
Laga.
430
SARI Uk 1.4 (this is a rather broken inscription).
431
CBS 09594 and CBS 09622. Cf. SARI Uk. 1 and Uk. 3., and RIM E1.14.16.01, ex. 2. One wonders if the
same situation between Ninlil and Enlil is occurring as with Nane and Ningirsu.
432
EAN 1 and FAOS 05/11.
255
Mesopotamian religion. The result of this was that all divine power came to be routed
through Enlil. Not unlike the rerouting of Athenas power through Zeus, Inanas power
over kingship was sublimated through Enlil, as can be seen in such statements as [Enlil]
who gave her the power to give kingship.
433
Following Jacobsens model, it was during
this time that the pantheon of gods was conceived as sitting in the council of Enlil. This
divine pantheon would then select one of their own to be the head and to be granted
Enlil-ship (illil$tu), the divine counterpart to mortal kingship. This head god then chooses
a mortal worthy to be her/his ensi governor.
434

In a tigi to Enlil ascribed to the Ur III king Ur-Nammu, Ur-Nammu B, Ur-Nammu
explains that Enlil chose him to build the Ekur into a lofty temple. In the tigi, Enlil,
designated as Nunamnir the Shining One, is also designated as the Sovereign of
Heaven and the Earth (an. ki. lugal. [bi ]).
435
Enlils characterization in the lament
is as the one whose commands cannot be altered and as the ruler of everything. It is also
in this text that Enlil proclaims Ur-Nammus kingship. Interestingly, in a text ascribed to
the son of Ur-Nammu, ulgi, ulgi A, Nanna, the patron god of the Ur III dynasty, is

433
Westenholz, Empowerment, 79-80.
434
Jacobsen, Early Political Development in Mesopotamia, ZA 52 (1957): 91-140; see also, Jacobsen,
Mesopotamia: The Cosmos as a State; The function of the State; The Good Life, in The Intellectual
Adventure of Ancient Man: An Essay on Speculative Thought in the Ancient Near East, eds. Henri
Frankfort et al. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977), 125-219. For an analysis of pre-Sargonic
attestations for Enlil see Gebhard Selz, Enlil und Nippur nach prsargonischen Quellen, in Nippur at the
Centennial: Papers Read at the 35e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Philadelphia, ed. Maria
deJong Ellis (Philadelphia: The University Museum, 1992), 189-225.
435
ETCSL 2.4.1.3: 3. See also, Jacob Klein, Building and Dedication Hymns in Sumerian Literature ASJ
11 (1989): 27-67 and G. Castellino, Urnammu. Three Religious Texts (continued), ZA 53 (1959): 106-32.
256
referred to by the title Sovereign of Heaven and Earth (
d
nanna. lugal. an. ki. ke
4
).
436

The title is also used to designate Nanna in a somewhat fragmentary adab to the god
credited to $-Sn (
d
/nanna
?
\ /en
?
\gal.an.ki.a.ka).
437
Finally, in Ibbi-Suen C, another
adab to Nanna, this time credited to Ibbi-Suen, the final king of the Ur III dynasty, the
god is once again designated by the title Sovereign of Heaven and Earth (an. ki. <a>
lugal. bi ).
438
In both adabs, it is Nanna, not Enlil, who elevates the kings to rulers over
the land. In his treatment of this hymn, Mark Hall considers this phenomenon:
The notion in this context is that Ibbisuen is elevated by the moon-god to be the
foremost among all princes of the world, just as Enlil has elevated Nanna/Suen to
be the foremost prince among the gods.
439

This tradition of referring to Nanna as the Sovereign of Heaven and Earth does not
seem to have been continued by the kings of the Isin dynasty, for it is not attested in their
inscriptions. Rather, since these kings credited their kingship to Itar, it follows that, in
their inscriptions, she receives the designation Sovereign of Heaven and Earth.
Itar is referred to only as the Sovereign of Heaven in an inscription of the Isin
king, Iddin-Dag!n; however, in texts ascribed to his son, Ime-Dag!n, the goddess is
designated as the Sovereign of Heaven and Earth in two texts: a royal poem, Ime-
Dag"n A +V, and a Hymn to Itar. Each work bears a great resemblance to the much
earlier Lugal-kigine-dudu royal inscription for, in each, Itar is said to have combined the
priestly office of en with the office of lugal on Ime-Dag!ns behalf. In Ime-Dag"n A

436
ETCSL 2.4.2.01: 86c.
437
TuM NF IV, 12: 20, edited in Mark G. Hall, A Study of the Sumerian Moon-God, Nanna/Suen, (Ph.D.
diss., Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1985), 788-99.
438
CBS 8526, edited in Hall, Nanna/Suen, 454-58.
439
Hall, Nanna/Suen, 458.
257
+V, the king declares:
Inana, the lady of Heaven and Earth (
d
inana nin. an. ki. ke
4
), chose me as
her beloved spouse. She put attractiveness in my waist-belt (?), looking at me
with her life-giving look, as she lifted her radiant forehead to me, to make me step
onto the flowery bed. She has uttered her unalterable holy word for me to spend
long, long days in the &ipar, combining the priestly office of en with the kingship
and caring unceasingly for E-ana, and for my neck to become thick like a wild
bull's in Unug as my splendour covers Kulaba.
440

And, in the Hymn to Itar ascribed to the same king, it is said:
Then she made Ime-Dag!n, the son of Enlil, the en priest of Unug, into their
guardian -- this is what Inana, the lady of Heaven and Earth (
d
inana
nin. an. ki. /ke
4
\), did; and the great An declared his consent.
441

It must also be noted that in the Hymn to Itar, unlike in the Lugal-kigine-dudu
inscription, the consent of An (and possibly of Enlil) regarding Itars decision to bestow
kingship is declared. In fact, in this hymn, Enlil is also referred to as the Sovereign of
Heaven and the Earth. This sublimation of Itars power through Enlil is also present in
a Balbale to the goddess.
In this Balbale the goddess declares:
Mullil (Enlil) hat mir den Himmel gegeben <hat mir> der Erde <gegeben>, ich
<die Himmelsherrin bin ich>. Der Herrenschaft hat er mir gegeben, die
Herrinnenschaft hat er mir gegeben, den Kampf hat er mir gegeben, die [Schla]cht
(?) <hat er> mir <gegeben>.
442

440
ETCSL 2.5.4.01: 100-111. See also, Douglas R. Frayne, New Light on the Reign of Ime-Dag!n, ZA
88 (1998): 6-44.
441
ETCSL 2.5.4.a: Segment C 10-13. See also, ke W. Sjberg, Sumerian Texts and Fragments in the
University of Pennsylvania Museum Related to Rulers of Isin, in Dubsar anta-men: Studien zur
Altorientalistik: Festschrift fr Willem H. Ph. Rmer zur Vollendung seines 70 Lebensjahres mit Beitrgen
von Freunden, Schlern und Kollegen, eds. Manfried Dietrich and Oswald Loretz (Mnster: Ugarit-Verlag,
1998), 345-78.
442
Selbstlob lines 11-15.
258
In this lament, which was discussed in the previous chapter regarding Itars standard
martial title, b!let qabli u t"h"zi, Itar states that Enlil gave her Heaven and Earth and the
ability to bestow kingship. Curiously, a somewhat opposing view is present in an adab to
Inana attributed to Ur-Ninurta, the sixth king of Isin.
In an adab credited to Ur-Ninurta, Ur-Ninurta D, not only is Itar designated as
the Sovereign of Heaven and Earth, but she is also said to have power and wisdom
equivalent to the highest gods, An and Enlil. As in the Balbale, she is said to have
acquired kingship, only this time she has done it on her own:
Your ideas are as profound as the abzu; no one is known to have perceived them.
Your actions are very great, and there is no god to rival you. You fetched your
divine powers on a favourable day, and none of them escaped you. You have
secured the kingship, and nothing escapes from your hand. You have equal rank
with An the king, and you decide destinies with him. Your utterances are as well-
established as those of Enlil. Grandiloquent Inana, you have no rival in Heaven or
on Earth.
443

The king continues:

Inana, lady of Heaven and of the broad Earth (
d
inana nin. an. ki. dajal. la),
powerful, who radiates , who shines by night, who goes forth from,
who is diffused wide over Heaven and Earth may you make eminent...
444

In this text, Itar no longer needs the consent of An and Enlil; her decisions are, once
again, her own.
In the hymns of the Isin kings, they frequently equate themselves with Dumuzi
(e.g., when they referring to themselves as the chosen spouse of Itar). Though allegedly
referring to events which took place during the ED era, the extant versions of Enmerkar
and the Lord of Aratta date to the OB period. If this legend was popular during the reign

443
ETCSL 2.5.6.4: 6-12. See also, Adam Falkenstein, Sumerische religise Texte, ZA 52 (1957): 56-75.
444
ETCSL 2.5.6.4: 25-29.
259
of the Isin kings, then it is no surprise to find Itar declaring:
I, whom the great neck-stock of Heaven, the Queen of Heaven and Earth
(nin. an. ki . ke
4
), the goddess of the myriad powers, Holy Inana, Enmerkar and
the lord of Aratta.
445

In addition to being designated the Sovereign of Heaven and the Earth in the legend,
Itar plays a pivotal role in the attainment of kingship for the legendary king, Lugalbanda.
This title is also used to designate Itar in two additional literary texts which may be
dated to the Isin period: the Lament for Eridu and the Dumuzi tale DI D
1
. As is typical of
the lament genre, in the Lament for Eridu various gods were chronicled as having
destroyed their patron cities. After Enlil, Aruru, and Nanna were said to have destroyed
their cities, Itar is reported to have destroyed her city of Uruk. She is designated as the
Sovereign of Heaven and Earth (gaan. an. ki . ke
4
).
446
Unlike in the lament, DI D
1

tells the happy tale of Dumuzi as he goes to the couch of Itar. The story highlights
Itars ability to grant Dumuzi a long and successful reign. In the text, Itar is declared
Queen of Heaven and Earth (nin. an. ki) and Queen of the Extent of Heaven and
Earth (nin. an. ki. . a).
447

It is unclear what brought about the defeat of the Isin kings by the southern
Amorite dynasty at Larsa; however, during the transition of rule from the Isin to Larsa a

445
ELA 221-2.

446
Eridu Lament 21, edited in Margaret W. Green, The Eridu Lament, JCS 30 (1978): 127-167. In her
treatment of the text, Green considered two possible dates for the text: either the reign of Ime-Dag!n of
Isin or that of the Larsa king, Nur-Adad (128).
447
DI D
1
col. iii: 63 edited in Yitzhak Sefati, Love Songs in Sumerian Literature: Critical Edition of the
Dumuzi-Inanna Songs (Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 1998). Only a single copy of this text is
preserved (BM 15280). Kramer sees a connection between this tale and the Sacred Marriage hymn of
Iddin-Dagan (Kramer, Sacred Marriage, 502).
260
usurper king named Enlil-b!ni (1860-1837) was allowed to assume the throne at Isin.
448

Though Itar figures prominently in many of the inscriptions of Enlil-b!ni, in a hymn
attributed to this king, Enlil-b"ni A, the god Utu is designated as the Sovereign of
Heaven and Earth and is said to grant the king his rule:
In the E-ana, Inana has fixed a rejoicing heart to be your lot and has you brought
grandly into her holy bedchamber to spend the night there. The mother of the
Land, Ninisina, has caused you to lay the foundations with your hands in Isin. Utu,
the judge, the king of Heaven and Earth (lugal . an. ki. ke), has confirmed for
you in your hands the sceptre which brings the black-headed to justice.
449

It is interesting that in this hymn Enlil-b!ni credits ama with his rule and that he
designates him as the Sovereign of Heaven and Earth, for this is exactly the tradition
carried on by Larsa kings.
According to Kuhrt:
Utu (Sumerian sun-god, patron-deity of Larsa) chose a human helper to put
matters right and appointed Nur-Adad, Sn-iddinams father (c. 1865), who he
taught how to restore order in the kingdom of Larsa.
450

With the dawn of a new regime, that of the Larsa kings, Utu continues to be titled
Sovereign of Heaven and Earth (ar am u er!eti). In his inscriptions, Sn-iddinam (c.
1842) designates ama as arid am u er!eti Preeminent One of Heaven and the
Earth and in the inscriptions of the slightly later Larsa king, Kudur-Marduk (c.1835),
ama is also designated as the Sovereign of Heaven and the Earth (b!l am u
er!etim);
451
thus, even though this dynasty ruled various cities, it is ama who is

448
Kuhrt, The Ancient Near East, 78.
449
ETCSL 2.5.8.1: 151-168. See also the edition in Alex Kapp, Ein Lied auf Enlilbani von Isin, ZA 51
(1955): 76-87.
450
451
RIM E4.2.13a.2; This may also be the earliest Akkadian attestation of the title.
261
designated as the Sovereign of Heaven and the Earth. Curiously though, in a letter from
a petitioner to the son of Kudur-Marduk, Warad-Sn (1834-1823),

Nanna is referred to as
the Sovereign of Heaven and Earth (en. an. ki ).
452
This king also revises a blessing not
attested in inscriptions since those from the Sargonic period discovered at Marihe
wishes Nanna, at Ur, to grant him a firm foundation for his throne. It is possible that this
inconsistency stems from a desire to return to the older traditions of kingship ceremonies.
In texts ascribed to another son of Kudur-Marduk, Rim-Sn, each of the three gods who
have previously held the title, Itar, Enlil, and Nanna, are designated by it.
Rim-Sn expanded the rulership of the Larsa dynasty, ruling Nippur and
eventually taking even Isin and Uruk.
453
In an early inscription of this king (discussed
above), Itar is addressed as both the Sovereign of Everything (nin. g. sag) and as the
Sovereign of Heaven and Earth (nin. an. ki)
454
; however, in R#m-Sn A, a hymn to
Enlil, Enlil is credited with granting him kingship and is titled Sovereign of Heaven and
Earth (lugal. an. ki. [a]).
455
Finally, Nanna is designated by the same title
(lugal . an. ki ) in another hymn of this king, R#m-Sn G, and is also credited with
bestowing kingship upon him.
456
In each of these prayers, the king also refers to each of
the gods by the same title Sovereign of Heaven and the Earth. One wonders if Rim-Sn,
with this allocation of the title, used it in order to apply older traditions, understanding

452
The title is attested in RIM E4.2.13.16 and in C. J. Gadd, Two Sketches from the Life at Ur, Iraq 25
(1963): 177-181.
453
Kuhrt, The Ancient Near East, 78. According to Kuhrt, it is also possible that Sn-k!id may have briefly
held control of Aur.
454
RIM E4.2.14.2: 21.
455
ETCSL 2.6.9.1: 1.
456
ETCSL 2.6.9.7: 6.
262
each god as acting independently and each as having jurisdiction over its own region;
therefore, three crowning ceremonies: one at Uruk, one at Nippur, and one, not at Sippar,
but at Ur, meant three gods had to be titled Sovereign of Heaven and the Earth.
It is also noteworthy that, during the reign of R"m-Sn, Uruk was able to break
away from the rulers hegemony under the authority of Sn-k!id (c. 1830)another
Amorite.
457
It is not a surprise, then, that, on a number of clay cones, he dedicates work
done to the . an. na temple at Uruk and to Itar as the Sovereign of Heaven and Earth
(nin. an. ki . ke).
458
The designation is attested for Itar in the inscriptions of Anam, a
later descendant of Sn-k!id, who also ruled Uruk.
459
In the inscriptions of other Amorite
rulers, either Itar or ama continued to be designated by the title.
Hammurabi, the famous promoter of ama, claimed the deity of the Sun as his
grantor of kingship.
460
It is no surprise, then, that in a bi-lingual inscription ama is not
merely the Sovereign of Heaven and Earth, but the b!lum rabium a am u er!etim
(Sumerian en. gal. an. ki) Great Sovereign of Heaven and the Earth. At Mari, in the
inscriptions of a different Amorite ruler, Yahdun-L"m (c. 1810), it is also ama who is
designated as Sovereign of Heaven and Earth; however, in the bi-lingual letter to
Zimri-L"m, both ama and Itar are designated by the title. Furthermore, Zimri-L"m
attributes his reign to Itar.

457
458
RIM E4.4.1.7: 1.
459
RIM E4.4.6.1: 38.
460
For a study on the reasoning behind Hammurabis allegiance to ama see Jennie Meyers, ama of
Sippar and the First Dynasty of Babylon, in Studies Presented to Robert Biggs, ed. Marth Roth (Chicago
University Press: Chicago, 2004), 193-200; Cf. also, Meyers, The Sippar Pantheon: A Diachronic Study,
(Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2002).
263
The title Sovereign of Heaven and Earth first occurs in the Assyrian royal
inscriptions in a dedicatory inscription of am"-Adad I, which was found at Mari. In the
Mari inscription, Itar (
d
INANA.LUGAL) is referred to by the somewhat unusual title:
"pirat instead of the expected b!let (NIN). This designation is, in turn, followed by the
phrase kiat am u er!etim:
ana Itar-arratim (
d
INANA.LUGAL) "pirat kiat am u er!etim m"girat n#
q"t#u "likat imn#u am#-Adad arrum (LUGAL) dannum (KALAGA) ar (LUGAL)
m"t Akkade k"id kiat ay"b#u lilissam (LI.LI.Z) siparram (ZABAR) a rigimu
""bu ana simat qarr"d$t#u $luku u!li

For Itar-arratim, Sovereign of the entire Heaven and Earth, the one who is
favorable of his hand-lifting, the one who travels at his right hand: am"-Adad,
Strong King, King of Akkade, conqueror of all his enemies, appropriately offers
up a copper kettledrum whose sound is good, suitable of his heroism.
461

Like the designation "pirat, the addition of the qualifier kiatu before am u er!etim is
also unique.
At Mari, the title "piru, which generally refers to the overseer or governor for a
powerful ruler of a city-state, could also be the equal of b!lu or arru, lord or king, as in
the case of an inscription of Naram-Sn.
462
In this inscription, Naram-Sn is referred to as
the "pirim of Everything upon his capture of Elam. Knut Tallqvist also recognizes this
equation when used in reference to Gilgame. When Gilgame is designated "pir er!!tim,
Tallqvist translates the phrase Regent der Unterwelt.
463
Rikvah Harris offers further
insight into the use of "piru, contending that it could be employed as a poetic epithet, as
illustrated through its use with the rulers of Sippar.
464
Thus, though not the expected term,

461
RIM A.0.39.6.
462
CAD,
1
, 453 ff
463
464
Rivkah Harris, Biographical Notes on the Naditu Women of Sippar, JCS 16 (1962): 1-12.
264
b!ltu (NIN), "pirat may be a dialectical substitute with the same nuance; however, if this
is indeed the case, how then should
d
INANA.LUGAL be understood?
Dominique Charpin asks just this question in his discussion of the name.
465

Charpin chooses to translate the name literally, Itar-roi. In his discussion, Charpin
compares the name to the formulation of a benediction to a lord, bu-lu-u" e
4
-tr lugal li-
ba-<li>-i"-ka,
466
Salut! QuItar te fasse vivre, toi, le roi! Thus the question becomes
whether to translate that Itar make you live, you, the king, or may Itar make you live
as king, as opposed to taking it appositionally, namely, may Itar, the queen, make you
live. Charpin compares the name to Getinana-lugal.
467
If
d
INANA.LUGAL indeed must be
read as Itar arratu, then the title "pirat appears redundant. It is perhaps better to
translate
d
INANA.LUGAL as the construct Itar arri Itar of the King. This would allow
a connection to be made between this goddess,
d
INANA.LUGAL, and the goddess B#let
Ekallim, whose name literally means the Sovereign of the Palace. As has been
mentioned previously, this goddess is frequently equated with Itar.
The final curiosity concerning the epithet "pirat kiat am u er!etim is the
addition of kiatu, a modifier that, like arratu, appears redundant. The simplest
explanation for the addition of kiatu to am u er!etim is that it is meant to clarify that
Itar is not the deity of two separate realms, Heaven and Earth, rather that she is the deity
of all of Heaven and Earth, the universe. This was seen in the inscription of Rim-Sn,
who designated Itar as the Sovereign of Everything (nin. g. sag) in addition to

465
Dominique Charpin, Inscriptions Votives dEpoque Assyrienne, MARI 3 (1984): 41-81.
466
ARM X 103, with a translation in ARMT X 157 ibid., 44.
467
For a discussion of this name see Piotr Michalowski, Royal Women of the Ur III Period - Part III, ASJ
4 (1982): 129-142.
265
Sovereign of Heaven and Earth (nin. an. ki).
468
It could also be merely a word-play.
In his Aurite titulary, am"-Adad I takes the grand title LUGAL KI, which
literally translates to King of Ki.
469
Originally, the title King of Ki referred
specifically to the land of Ki. Eventually, the meaning of the title increased so that the
title could be taken by any ruler who claimed hegemony over northern Babylon.
470

By the Sargonic period, the logogram KI came to be equated with the Akkadian kiatu;
thus, the Akkadian correspondent to the title LUGAL KI is ar kiati King of
Everything.
471
It has been suggested that, since the land of Ki was not a country over
which am"-Adad held dominion, the latter is an example of how the king understood
the title.
472
The reason Itar is designated "pirat kiat am u er!etim may reflect
am"-Adads desire to bestow upon Itar a title as grand as his own. Thus the Itar of
Kings was also the "pirat kiat am u er!etim, as am"-Adad could claim to be ar
kiati and k"id kiat ay"b#u the conqueror of all his enemies. After am"-Adad, the
tradition of referring to Itar and ama as Sovereign of Heaven and Earth continues at

468
RIM E4.2.14.2.
469
Hallo is very suspect of the grandeur of this title. Though it could mean emperor, he thinks it is a more
simple territorial title (Titles, 98).
470
SARI, 18; cf. also SANE 2/ 17; and Westenholz, Empowerment, 77, in which she explains that , in
order to claim this title, Enlil had to bestow kingship. Because of this, Westenholz argues that the
designation king of Ki could have originally referred only to the northern lands; thus, Enlil bestowed
control over the northern regions and Inana/ Itar over the southern. Our inscription suggests that, for
am"-Adad I, Itar controlled the entirety of the lands.
471
This was because the logogram KI was used by the Assyrians for the Akkadian word, kiatu (Hallo,
Titles, 23 n. 1). am"-Adad also did not take another popular title of the Akkadian kings, ar kibr"tim
arbaim Sovereign of the Four Corners- essentially having the same meaning as ar ki. Perhaps this is
because, as Westenholz has noted, it was Man-it$u after whom am"-Adad styled himself- a king who
did not use the title (Hallo, Titles, 50-51).
472
ARI, 19-20 n. 68
266
Mari in the inscriptions of Zimri-L"m.
473

On a kudurru of the Kassite king, Burna-Buria II (1359-1333), whose reign
likely coincided with the Assyrian ruler, Aur-uballi" I, ama continues to be
designated as the Sovereign of Heaven and Earth (en. gal. an. ki) in two inscriptions
discovered at Larsa.
474
Both describe work done on the . babbar, the Shining House,
the temple of ama found at Sippar, Larsa, Girsu, and Aur;
475
however, it should be
noted that neither inscription addresses the kingship of Burna-Buria. In an inscription of
this same king, Itar, too, is designated the Sovereign of Heaven and Earth
(nin. an. ki ).
476
This inscription records the dedication of a diorite vase to Itar;
however, the object was placed not in the . an. na, Itars temple in Uruk, but in the
. hur. sag. kalam. ma, Itars temple at Ki.
477
This is the first attestation of an Itar
not associated with Uruk, who is designated as Sovereign of Heaven and Earth;
however, it is not the only one from this period. In several inscriptions of the Kassite king,
Kudur-Enlil (1254-1246), whose reign likely coincided with that of almaneser I, Itar is
once again referred to as the Sovereign of Heaven and Earth (nin. an. ki).
478
Here
again, her temple is not the . an. na. Instead, the inscription is found on bricks from the

473
Referred to above, in Charpin, Les malheurs d'un scribe, the Sumerian half of the text refers to Itar as
the gaan. an. ki . In the Akkadian she is the b!let am (AN) u er!eti (KI). ama, in the Sumerian half of
the text, is the l ugal . an. ki , while in the Akkadian he is the ar am (AN) u er!eti (KI).
474
MSKH 1, pp. 105-6, No. E.2.2 and No. E.2.3.
475
George, House Most High, 70 No. 97-100.
476
MSKH 1, p. 142, No. P.2.2 and MSKH 1, p. 110, No. J.5.2.
477
George, House Most High, 101 No. 482.
478
No. J.5.2 (MSKH 1, 142) and No. P.2.2 (MSKH 1, 191).
267
. bra. dr. gar. ra Temple, Dais of the Throne, Itars temple at Nippur.
479
As can
be seen from the preceding list of attestations, it is unclear if the title Sovereign of
Heaven and Earth still indicated a gods purview over kingship. It is apparent, however,
that by the Kassite period, when designated as Sovereign of Heaven and Earth, Itar
was no longer specifically tied to Uruk.
As is to be expected, with the rise of a new dynasty, the designation once again is
used to refer to a different deity. In the maledictory section of an inscription inscribed on
a kudurru of Nebuchadnezzar I (1126-1105), Ninurta is designated as the Sovereign of
Heaven and Earth (ar am u er!eti). In both this text and on another kudurru, Ninurta is
listed with the goddess, Gula; however, in the second text, Ninurta is preceded by
Mardukwho is now designated by the title ar am u er!eti.
480
Nebuchadnezzar not
only attributes his kingship to Marduk, but also is thought to have elevated Marduk
within the pantheon for just this purpose. In both of these kudurrus, Marduk is referred to
as the ar il"ni. Marduk continues to be referred to by this title in the inscriptions of the
later Babylonian kings, however, he is not designated the ar am u er!eti.
On a kudurru of Marduk-nadin-ahhe (1100-1083), the brother of Nebuchadnezzar,
Itar in her incarnation as Venus (Ninsiana?) is designated as Sovereign of Heaven and
Earth (b!let am u er!etim). In the maledictory section of this inscription, Itar is listed
together with Sn and ama:

479
George, House Most High, 71 No. 110. This temple has an alternative title: . dur. an. ki , House,
Bond of Heaven and the Netherworld (George, House Most High, 80 No. 218). Additionally, the
. hur. sag. kal am. ma is listed in litanies to Itar after the . bra. dr. gar. ra (George, House Most
High, 71 No. 110).
480
BBS VI col. ii: 39 and BBS VII col. ii: 25-29, as edited in L. W. King, Babylonian Boundary-Stones and
Memorial-Tablets in the British Museum (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1912)hereafter BBS.
268
Sn "ib am (AN-e) ell$ti saharubb k#ma lub"ri lilebbissa zumuru ama
(
d
UTU) dikuggal am (AN-e) u er!eti (KI-ti) lu dikkulduma
481
ina par[ik]ti
lizzissu Itar b!lit (NIN) am (AN-e) u er!eti (KI-ti) ana mahri il"ni (DINGIR.ME)
u arri (LUGAL) ana lemutti lirtedd#u
482

May Sn, who dwells in the pure heavens, dress his body with leprosy as with a
garment; May ama, Chief Judge of Heaven and Earth, be his opponent and
stand against him with obstruction; May Itar, Sovereign of Heaven and Earth,
bring him enmity before the gods and the king.

This is the first clear attestation of Itar designated as both the Sovereign of Heaven and
Earth and as Venus.
The version of the title which appeared in the inscription of am"-Adad is
nowhere to be seen when the epithet reappears approximately four hundred years later in
the inscriptions of Tukult"-Ninurta I. Once again, the title returns to its more expected
form as b!let am u er!eti.
483
In each of the inscriptions, one discovered at Aur, and a
second, written later in his reign and discovered at his new city, K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta, the
title is attested in identical passages of the action unit of the inscription:
ina
GI
tukulti a
d
Aur Enlil (
d
BAD) u
d
ama il"ni (DINGIR.ME) rabti (GAL.ME)
b!l#ya (EN.ME-ia) ina r!!$ti a Itar (
d
i
8
-tr) b!lat (NIN-at) am &AN-!e")
er!eti (KI-ti) ina pani umm"n[#]ya illik$ itti katiliau ar (MAN) m"t (KUR)
Kardunia ana ep! tuqm"ti asniq abiktu umm"n"t!u akun
484

With the support of Aur, Enlil, and ama, the great gods, my lords, (and) with
the aid of Itar, Sovereign of Heaven (and) the Earththey who travel before my
armyI approached Katiliau, King of the land of Kardunia, to perform mles.
I established a defeat of his troops.

481
The meaning of dikkuld is uncertain; however, CAD suggests opponent (CAD D, 137).
482
BBS VIII col. iv 7-14.
483
RIM A.0.78.23.
484
Cited here: RIM A.0.78.5: 48-57. RIM A.0.78.23: 56-68 has
d
INANA NIN AN KI for Itar b!lat (NIN -at)
am (AN-e) er!eti (KI-ti).
269
In this passage, Itar, designated as b!let am u er!eti, does not grant kingship; however,
in the maledictory unit of the inscription, she is credited with granting his kingship. Here,
she helps lead his army against Babylon and the Kassite king, Katiliau. That Itar is
designated as b!let am u er!eti in this role, rather than the b!let qabli u t"h"zi, is
unexpected. It may reflect the theological ideologies already evident in a letter from the
scribe of Zimri-L"m. In that letter, Itar is designated both by the title b!let am u er!eti
and by the title aaredat b!let qabli u t"h"zi most pre-eminently powerful in battle and
conflict. Furthermore, in the letter, Itar b!let am u er!eti, was intimately concerned
with the kings success on the battlefield for she caused his weapon to surpass all others.
The question remains, however, whether the inscription of Tukult"-Ninurta demonstrates
a tradition in which Itar as the b!let am u er!eti was also envisaged as designating
kingship.
Though the title b!let am u er!eti is not attested in any of EARI again until the
inscriptions of Aurna!irpal II, it is present in a psalm to Itar written for the Assyrian
king, Aur-na!irpal I (1050-1032). In this hymn, it is Itar, the Sovereign of Nineveh,
who is titled b!let am u er!eti:
ana arrat il"ni (DINGIR.ME) a par!# [.. u]tlumu q"tua
ana b!let "l (URU) Ninua r[u?
!
-bat
?
..]-ME aq$tu
ana m"rat (DUMU) Sn (
d
XXX) tal#mat
d
ami ku
!
[-u]l
!
-lat arr$ti (LUGAL-ti) tab!l
ana p"risat puruss (E.BAR) il"t (DINGIR-at) kal gimri
ana b!let am (AN-e) er!eti (KI-ti) m"hirat ta!l#t#
ana !mt ikrib# l!qt unn!n#
485

For the Sovereign of the Gods, who bestows the divine ordinances
For the Sovereign of the city of Nineveh, the exalted [princess of the gods]
For the Daughter of Sn, the sibling of ama, you control all sovereignty
For the One who Renders Verdicts, the goddess of the whole of everything
To the Sovereign of Heaven and the Earth, who accepts appeals

485
Wolfram von Soden, Zwei Knigsgebete an Itar aus Assyrien, AfO 25 (1974): 37-45 [38 lines 4-9].
270
To the One who hears prayers, who receives lamentations

Similar to the inscription found on the kudurru of Marduk-nadin-ahhe, the Babylonian
king who ruled concurrently with Aurna!irpal I, Itar, designated as b!let am u
er!etim, is also equated with Venus. As in the kudurru, she is listed together with Sn and
ama. Also similar to the kudurru inscription, Itar, though later in the text called an
uumgallat terrifying dragon, is at no point connected to war or battle. Instead, in this
hymn Aurna!irpal declares: Itar ana r!tu ina ni# tabbinni called me for
shepherdship over the people.
486

In EARI, two kings directly attribute their kingship to Itar, am"-Adad I and, as
just mentioned, Tukult"-Ninurta I. In an inscription discovered at Nineveh, am"-Adad
directly attributes his reign to Itar, who is expressly designated as Itar of Nineveh
(though not b!let am u er!eti).
487
In this inscription, this Itar is also accorded the
ability to remove kingship and bestow it upon someone else. Tukult"-Ninurta attributes
his kingship to Itar in two inscriptions; however, she is designated differently in each. In
his standard inscription from Aur, the goddess is designated as the b!lat qabli u t"h"zi
when she calls him to kingship.
488
In the second inscription, also discovered at Aur, the
goddess is designated as the b!let am u er!eti when she leads the kings army to war,
and receives no additional designation when credited with calling his kingship.
489
To
confuse matters even more, in yet another inscription of Tukult"-Ninurta, one discovered
at K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta, the king proclaims that he is the babil Itar beloved of Itar,

486
AfO 25: 39 line 27.
487
RIM A.0.39.2.
488
RIM A.0.78.1.
489
RIM A.0.78.5.
271
who is designated as the b!let il"ni a am u er!eti the Sovereign of the Gods of
Heaven and the Earth.

Conclusion
The designation b!let am u er!eti could be a standard title for Itar at Uruk;
however, though no other god is designated by this title in EARI, in early Sumerian texts
it refers to multiple other deities. During this earlier period, no two gods are designated
by this title simultaneously. This indicates transference of the title between gods; thus,
though a supreme title, it was likely not a permanent one. The method of transference
appears to have been intricately linked to the patron god of the city from which a dynasty
ruled (e.g., the Ur III kings designated Nanna, the patron god of Ur, as the ar am u
er!eti). With the rise of the Amorite dynasties, this changes slightly. Not only does the
title begin to be consistently attributed to ama, the patron god of Larsa and Sippar
(cities from which Amorites ruled), it seems to have also designated other deities
concurrently. During this period, this new usage of the title continues into the Kassite
period; however, any established tradition connected to the title seems to evaporate with
the rise of the second dynasty of Isin. This is likely the reason for its appearance in EARI.
Eventually, when used for Itar, the title is linked to Itar in her manifestation as Venus.
At this point, it is unclear if the title continues to indicate divine executive power over
mortal kingship.

272

Appendix C
B!let il"ni a am u er! !! !eti and Aaritti il"ni
Sovereign of the Gods of Heaven and the Earth and Preeminent One of the Gods

b$let il"ni a am u er! !! !eti

Tukult!-Ninurta I
A.0.78.24
d
INANA NIN DINGIR.ME AN-e u KI-ti

In a single inscription of Tukult"-Ninurta I inscribed on a stone tablet discovered
at K!r-Tukult"-Ninurta, Itar (
d
INANA) is designated as the b!let (NIN) il"ni (DINGIR.ME)
a am (AN-e) u er!eti, (KI-ti) Sovereign of the Gods of Heaven and the Earth. Though
seemingly similar to the title b!let am u er!eti, the title is entirely different. This time is
not the region of Heaven and Earth over which she is sovereign, but the gods that dwell
in each of those regions. It is unclear why Itar should receive this title here. Since it
occurs only a in single inscription, which was written during the latter half of the reign of
Tukult"-Ninurta, it undoubtedly reflects a new theology. It may be that the specification
that it is the gods over whom she rules indicates that she functions as the leader of the
divine council.

273
aaritti il"ni
The title aaritti il"ni is only attested as a designation for Itar in the identical
invocation units of the two different versions of the Annals of Tiglath-Pileser I.
490

Tiglath-Pileser I
A.0.87.1
d
4
. ME-te
4
. ME-te

In each invocation unit, Itar is listed as the final deitylocated after Aur, Enlil, Sn,
ama, Adad, and Ninurta. After her name are listed her designations. She is designated
first as the aaritti il"ni, then as the b!let t! muarrihat qabl"te Sovereign of Frenzy,
who Quickens Combats. Itars name is expressed logographically in one attestation as
d
M

(
d
INANA); however, there is a lacuna where her name would ordinarily be expected
in the second attestation. The appositional phrase which follows the goddess name,
aaritti il"ni, is a simple genitival chain comprised of the bound form of the governing
noun, aarittu (aaritti), followed by the governed term, il"nu, in the genitive (il"ni). In
each attestation of the title, the noun il"ni is expressed logographically by the combined
logogram DINGIR.ME. The noun, aarittu, is also signified logographically. In each
instance it is signified by the logogram SAG, which is always accompanied by the
phonetic complement -it.
Although the logogram SAG can signify r!u head or r!t first. It can also
signify aaridu leader.
491
Both Akkadian terms have the connotation of primary;
however, r!t has a more numeric nuance and can indicate a bureaucratic or hierarchical

490
RIM A.0.87.1 and A.0.87.2.
491
CAD A
2
, 416.
274
rank amongst others, as in first-rank, first born, the one in front.
492
The adjective, aaridu,
though also having the connotation of foremost, can mean leader or vanguard;
however, the nuance is not numeric as much as it indicates power or strength. It means
the most powerful, or being the most authoritative on a subject.
493
To be aaridu may
allow one to have r!t status in a particular field, as when Tiglath-Pileser I proclaims in
The Epic of Tiglath-Pileser that the gods gave him aarid$ta !#r$ta qard$ta taq#au,
the most power, highest place, and valor.
Traditionally, in the Tiglath-Pileser examples SAG-ti is not normalized aaritti
(both Tallqvist
494
and CAD
495
have r!t); however, I propose that this is exactly the term
that was meant. Though aaridu is more commonly expressed by the combined logogram
SAG.KAL (as directed by the Old Babylon lexical list OB Lu
2
-azlag
2
)
496
in SB documents,
it may also be written SAG, SAG.IZI, and IGI.DU.
497
This inconsistency is demonstrated in
attestations of the title as a designation for the god, Ninurta. In several versions of the
Annals of Aurnasirpal II
498
and in an inscription of almaneser III,
499
Ninurta is

492
CAD R, 274.
493
CAD A
2
, 416.
494
Tallqvist, Gtterepitheta, 169. Tallqvist actually translates the epithet as die Vornehmste des Himmels
und der Erde. By translating r!t vornehme, he argues that the title has a nuance of royalty and so
understand the title as a family title, rather than a political one, perhaps connecting the title to the Inana and
Dumuzi hymns in which Inana is a princess.
495
CAD R, .
496
Cf. OB Lu2-azlag2 A:
140
l u
2
sag. kal a-a-re-du-um and OB Lu2-azlag2 B-C
121
l u
2
sag. kal a-a-re-
[du-um].
497
aaridu in the f.s. construct can be aardatu (as in the OB Mari text); however, in SB texts the form is
aarittu.
498
RIM A.0.101, A.0.101.3, and A.0.101.4.
499
RIM A.0.102.10.
275
referred to as aarid il"ni. In each case, the title is written SAG.KAL DINGIR.ME; however,
in the Epic of Tukult# Ninurta, the same title is given to Ninurta, this time written SAG-id
il#. The phonetic complement id forces the normalization, aarid il"ni. In The Epic of
Tiglath-Pileser, the title again designates Ninurta; however, aaridu is expressed by SAG.
Though there is no phonetic complement, Hurowitz and Westenholz contend that SAG, in
this case, should be normalized aarid, because this is one of Ninurtas most common
epithets.
500
If SAG, when used in the title aarid il"ni as a designation of Ninurta, should
be normalized as aarid, then it stands to reason that it should be normalized similarly
when referring to Itar.
Finally, EARI themselves indicate that aaridu is the term signified by SAG. In the
Annals of Adad-n!r!r" II,
501
Tiglath-Pileser II,
502
Aur-na!irpal II,
503
and almaneser
III,
504
Itar is referred to by the title aaritti am u er!eti. In each example, save two, the
designation is written SAG-ti AN-e KI-te; however, it is the two anomalous writings for
the title which suggest a normalization of aaritti for SAG-ti. In one exemplar of the
Annals of Tiglath-Pileser II (KAR 349), the title is written SAG-it-ti AN-e KI-te.
505
In a
single inscription of almaneser III, the title is written SAG.KAL AN-e KI-te (in this same
inscription Ninurta is called the aarid (SAG.KAL) il"ni (DINGIR.ME).
506

This title is first attested as a designation for Itar in a Sumerian hymn attributed

500
501
RIM A.0.99.2.
502
RIM A.0.100.1.
503
RIM A.0.101.17 and A.0.101.20.
504
RIM A.0.102.10 and A.0.102.14.
505
RIMA I, 165 n. 13. This is taken as a scribal error by the editors of RIM who contend that this is an error
for r!t#ti.
506
RIM A.0.102.10.
276
to Hammurabi, Hammurabi F. In it, Itar is the aaritti il"ni
(sag. kal. dingi r. re. e. ne).
507
Itar receives a similar title in the in. nin ag
4
gur
4
. ra
in which she is called the aaritti Annunaki (sag. kal . nun. gal. e. ne).
508
In each of
these hymns, Itars importance in the decision making process of the gods is emphasized.
In Hammurabi F, the text states that Enlil can not make a decision without Itar, while
the Annunaku gods were considered the judges of the divine world. This judicial aspect
to the title is also seen in the case of ama, who embodies judicial power. In urpu, it is
ama who is the aarid il"ni.
509
Even though it is, at this point, impossible to determine
with any confidence a deeper meaning for the title, it may be that it is placed in order to
highlight to succeeding title. As ama is the aarid il"ni when it comes to judicial
matters, Itar would then be the aaritti il"ni in matters of war.

507
ETSCL 2.8.2.6.1: 3.
508
IG 26
509
urpu vii 83 ff.
277

Appendix D
B!let t! muarrihat qabl"te
Sovereign of Frenzy, who Quickens Combats

Tiglath-Pileser I
A.0.87.1
d
4
. ME-te
4
. ME-te

The title b!let t! and the secondary epithet muarrihat qabl"te are attested in
two inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser I: in his standard inscription and in a derived
inscription which was discovered on fragmentary clay tablets found at Aur and
Nineveh.
510
While the epithet muarrihat qabl"te is extant in no other text, there is a
single attestation of the title b!let t! in a text external to EARI. In this example, located
in the Epic of Tiglath-Pileser, the title is followed by the epithet d!k"su ana qabli
(MURUB
4
) who provokes him to combat.
511
In all EARI attestations of the conjoined
designations, b!let t! and muarrihat qabl"te, the title b!let t! and the participle
muarrihat are written syllabically; however, qabl"te is written logographically with the
sign MURUB
4
followed by the pluralizing determinative ME and the phonetic complement
-te. The syntax of the title b!let t! is simple. Similar to b!let qabli u t"h"zi, it is
comprised of the bound form of the noun b!ltu (b!let) followed by the term t! in the
genitive (t!). Behind the title b!let t! lies a tradition which characterizes Itar as a
violent figure who causes frenzy through her own actions and by inciting others to
violence. The title muarrihat qabl"te

intensifies this characterization of Itar.
The meaning and tone of the title b!let t! is very different from Itars standard

510
RIM A.0.87.1 and 2.
511
278
martial epithet b!let qabli u t"h"zi. Whereas qablu is a generic term for battle or warfare,
and t"h"zu likely stands for the military campaign, the noun t! connotes not merely a
combative situation, but imparts a sense of commotion, disorder, and frenzy. Also
noticing this core nuance, Knut Tallqvist translates the title Herrin der Umwlzung,

and
there is a similar rendering by RIMA II: Mistress of Tumult.
512
The noun t! begins to
be attested only during the OB period, and its first meaning, as given in CAD, is anarchy,
disarray, confusion, disorder; its secondary meaning is melee, fray.
513
Depending on
the actor, t! can be characterized as a positive or a negative situation. When negative,
the term is utilized primarily in omens to indicate times of political or social upheaval,
times when normal life becomes acutely disorganized. This sense of confusion is present
in its association with a particular set of winds, the ar t! (i m uhhu), which were
thought to be evil violent swirling dust storms that created chaos. When positive, t! is
experienced by the enemy. Opposing soldiers become so disorganized that they fall down;
later NA and Neo-Babylonian (NB) texts suggest that t! represents the fiercest combat
in the middle of the battle where the true chaos takes place.
Referred to as an idiosyncratic substitute for Itars usual epithets [b!let qabli u
t"h"zi],
514
the title, b!let t!, is attested only in two royal inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser
I
515
and in the epic of this same king. Because the title appears in the invocation section
of the inscriptions, little information as to the role played by the b!let t! can be
surmised. This is not the case with regards to the epic, which provides important

512
513
CAD T, 42.
514
515
RIM A.0.87.1 and A.0.87.2.
279
additional information. The Epic of Tiglath-Pileser records the rebellion of what may be
Gutian lands and a full half of the narration is devoted to the actions of the gods and the
king on the battlefield. After equipping the king, the god Enlil leads him to the battlefield.
It is after this action that we are told that Itar, who is now referred to as the b!let t!,
provokes (d!k) him (the king) to battle:
a[n]a nuur umm"n"t!unu tuqunta (GI*L) ib(!)ni
qabla (MURUB
4
) ikta!ar uk#n sahmata
kakk! (GI.TUKUL.ME) !tesih namurr$*te
umdairma ana t$ari (x) *m[i(?)]giru
Tiglath-Pileser "lila uarrah kakk! (GI.TUKUL.ME)
ina mahr#$ma (IGI--ma)
d
Enlil (BE) ana tuqmate ireddu
d
Itar (U-DAR) b!let t! dekssu ana qabli (MURUB
4
)
[t]amehma
d
Ninurta (MA) aarid (SAG) il"ni (DINGIR.ME) panuu
imnuu
d
Nusku (ENADA) kullat ay"b# iaggi
um!luu nakr! (KR.ME) irahhi!
d
Addu
516

In order to diminish their troops he (Aur) created battle.
He prepared war, he caused disarray (among the enemies).
He girded himself with awesomely bright weapons.
He directed to the battlefield his favorite.
He makes pre-eminent the weapons of Tiglath-Pileser, the champion.
In front of him (Tiglath-Pileser), Enlil leads him into war.
Itar, Lady of Turmoil, stirs him to battle.
Ninurta, foremost of the gods, takes (position) at his fore.
On his right, Nusku massacres all the enemies.
On his left, Addu devastates the foes

The verb used to describe the action of Itar, dek, can have the meaning to arouse or
to call up soldiers.
517
Each of these meanings connotes a very different function. To
arouse is to awaken or to provoke a person out of a state of calm. To call up soldiers is
to mobilize forces, to prepare battle lines, or, possibly, to arrange the soldiers. This
second action is performed by Itar in the much earlier epic of the MA king, Adad-n!r!r".

516
LKA 63 rev. 1-10.
517
CAD D, 124.
280
To refer to the Epic of Adad-n"r"r# as existing in a fragmentary state would be an
understatement; however, from the pieces which remain it may be determined that it
records Adad-n!r!r"s confrontations with the Kassite king, Nazi-Marutta (1307-1282).
Luckily, it is also in these fragments that Itar is mentioned. Although it is unclear
exactly who is speaking, the text reads:
!!"numa
d
Itar iqr q[ur"d# ()] [n]aspanta u!! el#ya
518

When Itar summoned my warriors [for battle], she brought down destruction
upon me

The verb qer to invite, can be used to call up or to lead. It does not mean to rouse.
Itar, in this instance, as in earlier texts, is responsible for the assembling of the army.
Itar is said to perform a similar action in a much earlier inscription of the Gutian ruler,
Erridu-pizir (2260-2223):
Itar (
d
INANA) in m"t Akkad

umm"nam (RIN-am) ikun
519

Etar had established troops in Akkade.

Unlike the Gutian inscription or the Epic of Tukult#-Ninurta, in the Epic of Tiglath-
Pileser, Enlil calls (red) the warriors to the line. In the Epic of Tiglath-Pileser, Itar, as
the b!let t!, rouses the king to action after he has been called. She affects the battle, not
from the outside, as a general, but from the inside, as an inciter. This characterization of
the goddess is very different from that present in the Epic of Adad-n"r"r#, but is very
similar to her depiction in the Epic of Tukult#-Ninurta.
Compared to the Epic of Adad-n"r"r#, the Epic of the Tukult#-Ninurta is in an

518
Epic of Adad-n"r"r# 9-10, as presented in Claus Wilke, Die Anfnge der akkadischen Epen ZA 67
(1977): 153-216 [187-190].
519
RIM E2.2.2.
281
excellent state of preservation. Similar to the Epic of Adad-n"r"r#, the Epic of Tukult#-
Ninurta records a series of confrontations between a Kassite king, this time Katiliau
(1232-1225), and the Assyrian king, this time Tukult"-Ninurta. Itar is featured twice in
the Epic and, though not titled b!let t!, she performs chaotic actions and is praised
within the frenzy of battle. In the first appearance, Itar is said to be a deity who, together
with Aur, Enlil, Anu, Sn, Adad, ama, and Ninurta, acts alongside Tukult"-Ninurta in
the climactic battle. In the description of this final battle, as in the later Epic of Tiglath-
Pileser, the actions of the gods are recounted. Each deity performs a specific attack,
striking with his/her own weapon. Enlil uses flaming arrows, Anu, a mace, Adad, wind,
and Itar, a kepp:
#mer ina (A) mahra
d
Aur ippuh el (UGU) nakr! (KR.ME) i"t (IZI) napanti
isarru
d
Enlil (BE) qabl"te ay"b# uaqtar nabla
ikun
d
Anu me""a la p"d elu targ#gi
nannaru
d
Sn (xxx) uk#n el#unu (UGU-unu) namungat qabli (MURUB)
uerdi "ra (IM) ab$ba eli (UGU) t"h"z#unu
d
Adad (ISKUR) urannu
ut"i !n umm"n"t m"t (KUR) umeri u Akkad (URU
KI
)
d
ama b!l (EN) d!ni
d
Ninurta qardu aar!d (SAG-ed) il"ni (DINGIR.MES) kakk#unu (
GIS
TUKUL.MES-unu)
uebberma imha! keppa
d
Itar a qur"d!unu ueni "!ma,

Aur in the vanguard went to the attack; the fire of defeat burned upon the enemy.
Enlil in the midst of the foe, (and) sends flaming arrows smoking.
Anu pressed the unpitying mace upon the wicked.
The heavenly light Sn imposed upon them the paralyzing weapon of battle.
Adad, the hero, let a wind (and) flood pour down over their fighting.
ama, lord of judgment, dimmed the eyes of the armies of the land of Sumer and
Akkad.
Heroic Ninurta, first of the gods, smashed their weapons.

Itar flailed her jump rope, driving their warriors insane!
520

Of the actions of all of the gods, Itars are the most curious; not only her choice of

520
Epic of Tukult#-Ninurta col. iii 33-40 as presented in Peter Machinist The Epic of Tukulti-Ninurta I: A
study in Middle Assyrian literature (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1978). Although the order of the tablets
still remains a matter of some dispute, this is the only critical edition to datehereafter, ETN.
282
weapon, a jump rope, but also because she performs no violence per se.
In the Epic of Tukult#-Ninurta, Itar is said to hit (mah"!u) her kepp. This
striking leads to the disorientation of the enemy soldiers. "!mu discretion or
initiative,
521
was an important quality for a king to have during battle, as is reported in
a speech by Sargon of Akkade in Sargon, the Conquering Hero:
[i-na-an-na-ma]
?
a-a-re-du-um is-sa-a[k-k]ar
te-er pa-ag-ru-uk u-ku-ut-ta-ka
// t[il-i]l-li-ka
wu-di at-[t]a a "e-[mi] ka-i-id-ka na-kr
// (x)-x-x-x-ul-x
pi-ka li-ib-ba-ka li-wa-hi-ir
li-ib-ba-ka li-wa-hi-ir bi-ir-ki-ka
an-na mi-it-hu-ru-um-ma a qr-ra-di
ur-ra-am q-ab-lam ak-ka-di -ar-ra
[i]-si-nu-um a mu-ti in-ni-pu-u

Now (?), the champion speaks,
Restore to your body your jewelry, your festive garb!
Certainly you are endowed with "!mu, your attacker is the enemy of
Let your mouth command your legs!
Here, then, is the clashing of heroes
Tomorrow, Akkade will commence battle.
A festival of arms will be celebrated.
522

In the D, the intransitive verb an to become different, strange or to change is made
transitive, rendering, unn to alter.
523
When "!mu is the object of unn, the meaning
becomes to change ones mind or to put confusion into someones mind. When
negative, this madness is thought to occur when a person is confronted by a terrifying
sight, e.g., a severed head. It can also be incurred after a severe physical attack, e.g., a
blow to the cranium. Finally, even kings are called mad when they trust in their own

521
CAD $, 85.
522
Sargon the Conquering Hero 10-17, as presented in Westenholz, Legends.
523
CAD
1
, an B, 408.
283
strength (as opposed to that of the gods): a ina an "!me ana em$q ramaniu [ittaklu]
(Kutu-Nahundi) who in his lunacy trusted in his own strength.
524
The device Itar uses
to create this bewilderment is her kepp; a device which, in and of itself, may embody
confusion.
E, the verb from which the noun t! confusion is derived, can be indicated
logographically by the sign SH. This sign was originally comprised of two tangled
threads (sh = two crossed gu signs).
525
This sense of entwining remains in the adjective
e, which means tangled or confused,
526
and is present in the phrase "!munu em
their tangled minds.
527
Itars connection to the twisting (sh) of fibers is attested in
Enki and the World Order, when Enki says to the goddess:
I made you tangle (sh) straight threads; maiden Inana, I made you straighten out
tangled threads. I made you put on garments, I made you dress in linen. I made
you pick out the tow from the fibres, I made you spin with the spindle. I made you
colour tufted (?) cloth with coloured threads.
528

Itar is also associated with rope (if not the tangling of it) in the Sumerian ir-namursa&a
to Inana for Iddin-Dag!n:
Their right side they adorn with women's clothing,
They walk before the pure Inanna.
The great lady of heaven, Inanna, I would say: Hail!
Their left side they cover (?) with men's clothing,
They walk before the pure Inanna.
To the great lady of heaven, Inanna, I would say: Hail!
With jump ropes and colored cords they compete before her,
They walk before the pure Inana.

524
Ibid., 406.
525
CAD E, 380.
526
Ibid.
527
Ibid.
528
ETCSL 1.1.3: 437-444.
284
To the eldest daughter of Su'en, Inanna, I would say: Hail!
529

In his extensive treatment of the term kepp, Benno Landsberger somewhat cautiously
concludes that the instrument was a jumping rope (e.g., two entwined cords).
530
The noun
kepp does not occur in texts whose date is prior to the MB period and it is rarely attested
before the NA period.
531
It does, however, appear in the Akkadian version of Itars
Descent to the Netherworld.
In this version, Itar decides to visit the Netherworld for reasons which are not
altogether clear. After she arrives at the gate, the attendant must announce the visitor to
Erekigal, the sovereign of the region. Itar is specifically referred to by the gatekeeper as
muk#ltu a kepp rabti d"lihat ap mahar Ea she who holds the skipping rope and stirs
the Aps before Ea:
!rumma
l
at izzakkara [ana]Ere[kigal] ann#tu m ah"tki
d
Itar i[zzaz] ina
[
gi
dalti]
muk#ltu a kepp rabti d"lihat ap mahar
d
Ea
532

The door-man went inside and said to Erekigal: Listen to this: your sister Itar
is standing at the gate. She is the one who holds the jumpropes and stirs up the
Aps before Ea

529
Iddin-Dagan A 60-66, as edited in Reisman, Iddin-Dagan's Sacred Marriage Hymn. See also, and
Rmer, Sumerische Knigshymnen, 128-208.
530
For a discussion on the kepp and other Mesopotamian items of play see Benno Landsberger, Einige
unerkannt geblieben oder verkannte Nomina des Akkadischen, WZKM 56 (1960): 109-129; see also, Anne
Kilmer, An Oration on Babylon, AfO 18 (1991): 9-22.
531
CAD K, 312.
532
The Descent of Itar to the Netherworld lines 25-27 as presented in William R. Sladek, Inannas
Descent to the Netherworld (Ph.D. Dissertation, The Johns Hopkins University, 1974), 243. Though the
two most complete Akkadian editions of ID date to the NA period (CT 15 45 and KAR 1:26), the end of
LKA 62 (which dates to the reign of Tiglath-Pileser I) contains the first eleven lines of Itars Descent to
the Netherworld (see Erica Reiner, Your Thwarts in Pieces your Mooring Rope Cut: Poetry from Babylonia
and Assyria (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1985), 25-27.
285
In this instance, Itar, holder of the kepp, is also d"lihat the one who roils the great
Netherworld river, the Aps. She is not said to stir the mind of Aps. ke Sjberg
considers this meaning in his discussion of the bi-lingual hymn, the
in. nin. ag
4
. gur
4
. ra, noting that the verb kepp can mean to twist.
533

In Mesopotamia, the mind was believed to be in the gut, the liver (kabtu). If we
analogize this situation to the one presented in the Epic of Tukult#-Ninurta, we may
understand that Itar drove the warriors insane (ueni "!ma) and removed their initiative
by roiling their insides. In other words, she made them afraid. In this instance, Itar, by
hitting her kepp, disoriented the judgment of the enemy warriors.
534
Instead of trusting
in the gods, they trusted in their own strength. It should be recalled that disorientation
was also an important attack element in the Epic of Tiglath-pileser. In that instance, it
was Enlil who caused disarray (among the enemies). That Itar is said to drive the
enemies insane by beating (mah"!u) her kepp is significant for her later title b!let t!.
Itar performs the opposite action in her second appearance in the Epic of Tukult#-
Ninurta. Itar is mentioned for a second time in the Epic of Tukult#-Ninurta during the
final battle, recorded in a riveting narration:

iz!zak"ruma qur"d
d
Aur ana mithu!i ipann m$ta
!#"ta!ll"al$ Itar (
d
EDAR) ahulap ina t! inaddu b!lta
[l]abbuma !am"ru k#ma Anz an nabn#ta
[ka]dru ezzi ana t! balu tahl#pi
[i]l-!tah"-"u irati ut !tak"kiru lub$#
!i"kta!ru p!r!ti userra i!mar# tuhri
[i]mmell$ma ina (A) eh!lu"ti kakk# (GI.TUKUL.ME) d"pinu mutu uranu
!u"
?
iziqqa ana ah"me k#ma ti!but labb# ZU-har-ra-a-tu $m# (U
4
.ME)

533
Sjberg, in-nin -gur
4
-ra, 161253.
534
In his treatment of the Epic, Peter Machinist suggests that it was perhaps the rotating of the kepp which
was maddening to the warriors; that the sound it created was unnerving (ETN, 342).
286
!x a hi"mmat aamti t! i!d ina qabli (MURB)
535

The warriors of Aur declared: To the fight! (and) go to meet death.
They give shout: O Itar, be merciful! (and) in the melee praise the mistress.
They rage wildly, become strange in form like Anzu.
They go fiercely and furiously to the fray, without armor.
They had stripped off their chest ornaments (and) changed their clothing.
They had bound up their hair (and) rubbed their lances with bran.
The ferocious, heroic men played with sharpened weapons;
[And] destructive monster winds blew at each other like attacking lions.
[t]he confusion of swirling dust storms whirls about in the battle.

As they begin their onslaught, so terrifying do they become that they are equated with
lions, demon winds, and the Anzu bird; so fearless that they strip themselves of their
armor and fight in the nude. They are himmat aamti swirling dust storms, which, in
the t! frenzy, i!d ina qable whirl about in the battle. Just as they begin their
onslaught, in the midst of the frenzy, the warriors cry out, Itar ahulap praise Itar. The
actions of the warriors are precisely the actions attributed to Itar in her manifestation as
the Guea in the Akkadian works, the OB Great Itar $ila and Aguaya.
Aguaya, an exceptionally complex poem written in OB Akkadian, narrates the
difficulties the gods endured due to Itars enjoyment of pandemonium. Because of its
archaic and complex language, an exact understanding of Itars character is difficult to
assess. Treated in depth by Brigitte Groneberg, the poem records that:
7
i-si-in-a ta-am-ha-ru
8
u-ut-ra-aq-q-du a-an-ti
9
i-a-t--ul ta-am-ha-at a-te-
li
10
i-ta-ar-ru da-a-ni
11
Itr i-si-in-a ta-am-ha-ru
12
u-ut-ra-aq-q-du a-an-ti
13
i-a-t--ul ta-am-ha-at a-te-li
14
i-ta-ru da-a-ni
536

Ihr Fest ist der Kampf das Tanzenlassen der hren (?) sie verknpft(?) (aber)
hlt nicht gepackt die Frsten: sie holt die Gewaltigen fort. Itar ihr Fest ist der
Kampf das Tanzenlassen der hrensie verknpft (?) aber hlt nicht gepackt

535
ETN col. iii 40-53.
536
Aguaya col. III 7-14, as presented by Brigitte Groneberg in, Lob der Itar Gebet und Ritual an die
altbabylonische Venusgttin Tanatti Itar (Groningen: STYX, 1997), 76.
287
die Frsten: sie holt die Gewaltigen fort.

Again, the connection between frenzy and Itar is made, this time by the verb raq"du to
dance.
537
Raq"du, like t!, was also considered a synonym for sh.
538
Groneberg
suggests that Aguaya was created as an etiology for a whirling festival held in honor of
Itar as the deity Guea, whose name literally translates to Whirler. In this aspect, Itar
is most connected with storms, ferocity, and wind. Within the work, the goddess is
repeatedly presented as a violent warrior who enjoys and relishes battle, not unlike her
depiction in the much earlier Sumerian poems in. nin. me. hu. a and
in. nin. ag
4
. gur
4
. ra. Furthermore, as can be seen from the excerpt, in her incarnation
as the Whirler, Itar incites battle or rage. This is so much so, that she even rouses Enki
to anger (albeit against her) in a later section of the work. It should also be recalled that in
the Akkadian version of Itars Descent to the Netherworld, it is the Aps she roils, the
home of Enki.
Itars role as the Guea is also found in the Akkadian MB copy and in the Hittite
translation of the Great Itar $ila from Bogazky. In the Great Itar $ila, Itar is
referred to both as Guea, the one who whirls, and as the kakkab tan$q"te mutamhi!at
ahh! mitgur$ti star of the battle-cry who makes brothers who have lived in concord do
battle with one another.
539
This connection is also present in the god-list An = Anu a
am!li, a list possibly dating to the MA period. In An = Anu a am!li, Guea is equated
with the Itar of the battle-cry (a tan$q"te); thus, not only was it likely that the Assyrian

537
CAD R, 166.
538
Ibid.
539
Erica Reiner and Hans Gterbock, The Great Prayer to Ishtar and its Two Versions from Bogazkoy,
JCS 21 (1967): 25566.
288
scribes knew of Itar as the Guea, but may have also connected the goddess with
madness and fury.
540

muarrihat qabl"te
The participial epithet muarrihat qabl"te (MURUB
4
.ME-te) is only attested in the
invocation section of the two versions of the standard inscription of Tiglath-Pileser, each
time subsequent to the title b!let t!. Curiously, it does not follow b!let t! in the Epic
of Tiglath-pileser. Its syntax is slightly more complicated than b!let t!. Though also
comprised of a bound form followed by a noun in the genitive, muarrihat is a bound f.s.
participle rather than a simple noun. qabl"te is merely the plural form of qablu in the
genitive. Previous attempts to translate the phrase have produced: [the one] who proudly
does battle
541
and [the one] who adorns battles.
542
Each of these translations derives
muarrihat from ar"hu to become laden with glory, or pride.
543
In the D-stem, this
meaning becomes factitive, thus having the meaning to boast or to exalt, or to make
magnificent, or to glorify.
544
This is how Westenholz and Hurowitz have understood

540
An = Anu a am!li
96d
g. a. i a MIN (= b!let) ta-nu-qa-a-te (Litke, 235). This god-list differs
significantly from the great god-list An = Anum, and has no traceable ties to it (Litke, 4). Not only do
the lists follow different orders, but also they give Akkadian, rather than Sumerian, explanations for the
gods (Litke, 15-16). Furthermore, while the much longer An = Anum arranges deities according presumed
familial relationships, the ordering found in An= Anu a am!li indicates a different pattern. See also L.
King, CT 24, 6-8.
541
CAD Q, 14 (CAD
2
does not offer a translation).
542
RIM A.0.87.1 and A.0.87.2.
543
CAD
2
, 37.
544
AHw 1182-3 D stolz and verherrlichen.
289
its use in LKA 63 rs. 5 uarrih kakk!: he (Aur) makes pre-eminent the weapons.
545

Thus, muarrihat qabl"te may also be translated she who brings preeminence to
combats. The only difficulty with this translation lies within its meaning, for it is
entirely unclear what it means to bring preeminence. To glorify battle, is to make it
important or attractive, thus RIMs translation she who adorns battles; however, the
inscriptions give no indication that Itar was thought to be an attractive deity, particularly
in her warfare role. To glorify weapons may be to make them strongest, or most
successful. Perhaps this should be the interpretation: she who makes combats
successful. This interpretation works well with her role as a helper in battle; however, it
may be more appropriate to translate the phrase in connection to her role as b!let te.
As the b!let te, Itar was responsible for arousing battle. In the Epic of Tukult#-
Ninurta, she speeds battle so intensely the warriors became like winds. Instead of
understanding muarrihat as derived from the verb ar"hu,
546
it should perhaps be
categorized as a bound f.s. durative participle of the -stem of the verb ar"hu to hasten
or to quicken.
547
This verb is used in conjunction with Itar in the sentence aruh
napura her (Itars) pardon is swift.
548
As muarrihat qabl"te, Itar would then be
the one who quickens combats. This is precisely the activities performed by the
goddess in the Epic of Tukult#-Ninurta and in the Sumerian texts. Taken together then, the
epithets b!let t! and muarrihat qabl"te would compliment one another: Sovereign of
Frenzy, who Quickens Combats.

545
Horowitz and Westenholz, LKA 63, 7.
546
Though listed under ar"hu, CAD does actually specify the form of the word. AHw does not even offer a
translation, but does list it as a D-stem (AHw, ar"hu, 1183).
547
CAD A
1
, 222.
548
Ibid., 221.
290

Appendix E
Aaritti am u er! !! !eti a para! !! ! qard#ti uklulat
Preeminent One of Heaven and the Earth who wears the insignia of heroism

Adad-n"r"r! I
A.0.99.2.A/I
d
i
8
-tr SAG-[ti] AN-e [ KI]-te a pa-ra-a! qar-du-ti uk-lu-lat

Tiglath-Pileser II
A.0.100.1.A/I
d

A.0.101.17.C
d
i
8
A.0.101.20
d
INANA SAG-ti [am u er!eti a para!] [qar-du]-te uk-lu-lat

almaneser III
A.0.102.10.A/I
d
A.0.102.14.C/I
d
INANA SAG-ti AN-e KI-te a GARZA qar-du-te uk-lu-lat

In EARI, the title aaritti am u er!eti Preeminent One of Heaven and the
Earth, occurs only in the invocation units of the Annals of Adad-n!r!r" II, Tiglath-
Pileser II, Aur-na!irpal II, and almaneser III. Similar to the designation b!let am u
er!eti, aaritti am u er!eti is a powerful title and it is with it that the function of Itar is
taken full circle. In Sumerian texts, and in the inscriptions of am"-Adad I and Tukult"-
Ninurta I, Itar, in her manifestation as Sovereign of Heaven and the Earth, held
executive authority over the southern lands. In her final designation as aaritti am u
er!eti, Itar is elevated even higher. She becomes Preeminent of Heaven and the Earth,
overshadowing all other deities.
Also similar to the designation b!let am u er!eti, the title aaritti am u er!eti is
a simple genitival chain comprised of the bound form of the governing noun, aarittu
(aaritti), followed by the governed terms am and er!et in the genitive (am u er!eti).
In each attestation, the terms am and er!etu are expressed logographically by AN and KI,
291
and each is accompanied by the expected phonetic compliments (-e with AN, and ti with
KI). The term aarittu is signified by the logogram SAG, followed by the phonetic
complement ti in all attestations, but one. In a single inscription of almaneser III,
aarittu is indicated by the combined logogram SAG.KAL, without a phonemic
compliment.
549
The writing of the name of the goddess is also not consistent. In the
Annals of Adad-n!r!r" II and in a version of the Annals of Aur-na!irpal II, Itars name
is written syllabically as
d
i
8
-tr.
550
Yet, in the Annals of Tiglath-Pileser II, in a second
version of the Annals of Aur-na!irpal II, and in two versions of the Annals of
almaneser III, her name is expressed logographically as
d
M (
d
INANA).
551
As mentioned
in the introduction, in the invocations, the title is consistently paired with the secondary
martial epithet, a para! qard$ti uklulat she who wears the insignia of heroism.
552

a para! !! ! qard!ti uklulat
The epithet, a para! qard$ti uklulat is attested in multiple EARI as a secondary
epithet. The epithet appears, with only minor variants, in inscriptions from the early NA
period and only in the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r" II, Tukult"-Ninurta II, Aurnasirpal II,
and almaneser III.
553
In the inscriptions of Adad-n!r!r", II Tukult"-Ninurta II, and
Aurnasirpal II, the entire phrase is written syllabically. This, however, changes in the
inscriptions of almaneser III. In one example of the phrase in this kings inscriptions

549
RIM A.0.102.10.
550
RIM A.0.99.2.A and A.0.101.17.
551
RIM A.0.100.1, A.101.020, A.0.102.10, and A.0.102.14
552
With the exception of one version of almanesers Annals (RIM A.0.102.10).
553
See the above catalogue.
292
par!u is signified by the logogram GARZA; the remaining sections of the epithet are
spelled. Each attestation of a para! qard$ti uklulat is preceded by the supreme title for
Itar, aaritti am u er!eti Sovereign of the Heaven and the Earth, with which it is in a
genitival relationship. The epithet itself is a subordinate clause comprised of a genitival
phrase governed by the stative uklulat. The governed phrase is composed of the
governing noun par!u in the bound form (para!), followed by the abstract noun qard$tu
in the genitive (qard$ti). Like the epithet b!let t"h"zi u qabli, a para! qard$ti uklulat
assumes a full jurisdiction over battle, but this time, it is not battle itself that is highlight,
it is the rites which accompany it.
Variously translated as: who is endowed with all the attributes of heroism,
554

who possesses fully all the attributes of heroism,
555
or who is consummate in the
canons of combat,
556
it is still not entirely clear what is meant by the epithet. The term
uklulat is derived from the quadrilateral verb uklulu, which has the basic sense to
make whole or to make complete. In Akkadian texts, to be whole or complete
generally indicates perfection; thus, the verb is descriptive in nature. Literally, then,
uklulat, should mean she who is in the state of being made perfect or complete, thus
rendering the above translation who is endowed. The difficulty of translation and, thus,
interpretation lies in the translation of the modifier, para! qard$tu.
Unlike qard$tu heroism, the connotation behind par!u is a bit more difficult to
define. Attested as early as the Old Akkadian period, it has very diverse set of meanings:
1. rite, ritual

554
CAD Q, 131.
555
CAD
3
225.
556
RIM A.100.1, A.0.101.17, A.0.101.20, and A.0.102.14.
293
2. temple office, prebend, income from a prebend
3. divine authority, power, office
4. symbol, insignia
5. authoritative decision, command, decree
6. custom, practice
557

As can be observed from the above list, par!u can have the meaning rite or ritual, but
it can also mean divine authority, command, offices, or insignia.
Itar is frequently defined in cuneiform sources as heroic. Evidence for this has
already been given in the discussion concerning her standard martial epithet, b!let qabli u
t"h"zi. Itar is also depicted as a goddess who may perfect the heroism of others. Again,
this was illustrated in the previously mentioned texts in relation to the king. It will also be
more fully discussed in a following section of this study. If par!u is understood as
military procedures (or rites), then those qualities of Itar which make her the one who
musters or arranges troops may be alluded to by this epithet. What has not yet been
explored is Itars relationship to the cultic rites which involve battle.
In a Sumerian hymn ascribed to the Ur III king ulgi, ulgi E, battle is
metaphorically referred to as the rites of Inana, and, as can be seen, its connection to
heroism is apparent:
For the rebel lands, the illiterate (?) ones that carry no emblems, my warfare is a
horizon on which there are clouds, enveloping the twilight in fear. The mountains,
where the forests do not grow as thick as thornbushes, where in the cult places of
the rites (gar. za) of Inana (i.e. in battle) throw-stick and shield do not tumble to
the earth in a great storm, where the combatants take no rest in the insistent
bitterness of the fierce battle, where life-fluid and blood from both scoundrel and
honest person
558

The Sumerian word for rites (gar. za) is equal to par!u in certain circumstances. When

557
CAD P, 195.
558
ETCSL 2.4.2.05: 220-235.
294
these rites of Inana, take place throw-stick and shield do not tumble to the earth in a
great storm and combatants take no rest in the insistent bitterness of the fierce battle.
Those engaged in battle remain competent and do not abandon the fight even when tired.
These are the actions which would be expected of heroic and skilled warriors. This
circumstance is also reminiscent of that found in the Epic of Tukult#-Ninurta, in which the
warriors praised Itar while performing battle. Thus, it may be that both the actions taken
during battle, which then lead to heroism, may be what is alluded to in the epithet. This
interpretation is bolstered by the meaning of the final martial epithet to be discussed, a
m!lultaa tuqumtu. There is, however, yet another possible interpretation.
If par!u is understood as insignia, then the epithet may be understood to reference
Itars appearance. As explored by Gudrun Colbow, Itar was frequently depicted with
various martial accoutrements.
559
If understood this way, para! qard$ti uklulat would be
the epithet by which one could differentiate one Itar from another. The epithet could
then be read who wears (is endowed with) the insignia of heroism. Reading the epithet
this way, one may conclude that Itar performs a role akin to a general. She controls not
only the troops, but also the very theater of war.

559
Gudrun Colbow, Die kriegerische Itar: zu den Erscheinungsformen bewaffneter Gottheiten zwischen
der Mitte des 3. und der Mitte des 2. Jahrtausends (Mnchen: Profil Verlag, 1991); see also Marie Barrelet,
Les desses armes et ailes, Syria 32 (1955): 22260.
295

Appendix F
a m!lultaa tuqumtu
"Whose game is fighting"

almaneser III
A.0.102.2
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
A.0.102.3
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
A.0.102.4 [
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
u M] me-lul-ta- [GI.LAL]
A.0.102.6
d
INANA be-lat MURUB
4
M] me-lul-ta- GI.LAL

Like the previously discussed epithets, the designation a m!lultaa tuqumtu is
part of a double epithet. It is always is preceded by the standard martial epithet b!let
qabli u t"h"zi and (as mentioned in the previous section discussing b!let qabli u t"h"zi) is
attested only in the invocation units of four versions of the Annals of almaneser III.
560
In
all attestations, m!lultaa is written syllabically, while the noun tuqumtu is indicated by
the composite logogram GI.LAL. Like a para! qard$ti uklulat, a m!lultaa tuqumtu is
a subordinate clause. Unlike a para! qard$ti uklulat, its composition is a simple
verbless clause. This clause is comprised only of the bound form of the noun m!lultu with
a f.s. pronominal suffix -a (m!lultaa) and the noun tuqumtu in the nominative. Because
the translation of the epithet is easily evident, there is unanimity for its translation
generally being rendered whose play/game is fighting.
The meaning of the term tuqumtu is similar to qablu battle, or fight.
561
The
noun m!lultu is a term for an unspecified play or game.
562
The verb m!lulu, from which it

560
RIM A.0.102.2, A.0.102.2, and A.0.102.4. The only other deity to carry a similar epithet is Itars
counterpart, Nanaya: me-lul- qab-lum (Nanaya K 3600- DT 75, I 4 [ABRT I 55].
561
CAD T, 481.
562
CAD M
2,
15.
296
is derived, means to play
563
and is used in a variety of contexts. In Mesopotamian texts,
children are said to play in playgrounds, and when winds move, they are said to play.
The idea that fighting was a form of play is attested in the Epic of Tukult#-Ninurta:
immell$ma ina ehl$ti kakk [the men] play with sharp weapons.
564
In Sumerian texts,
a popular metaphor for battle seems to have been e. e. men inana the game of Itar;
and, the bilingual lexical series Diri lists m!lultu together with kepp (Itars weapon in
the Epic of Tukult"-Ninurta) as Akkadian synonyms for the Sumerian term for game,
e. e. men KI. E. NE. DI.
565

In the legend concerning the Early Dynasty ruler, Lugalbanda, Lugalbanda in the
Wilderness, battle is presented as the game of Itar since the establishment of the
universe:
[In the days long past, when heaven was sundered from earth[when] the offices
of lord and king of Unug were made brilliantly manifest, then sceptre and staff of
Kulab were held high in battle which is Inana's game (m eemen

d
inana. ke
4
)
566

In a second legend concerning an Early Dynastic king, Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta,
the game seems not to have been the battle itself, but rather the provocation/ incitement
of the warriors. This is made explicit in a speech made by the messenger of the king of
Aratta involving the goddess:
And if were he able to pile it up in the courtyard of Aratta Truly, if he were
able to pile it up in this manner, then the joy of the grain pile (Itar), the torch of

563
CAD M
2,
16.
564
ETN col. v 49.
565
Diri IV goes so far as to specify that it is, in fact, a game of Itar:
273
e. e. me. i n KI.E.NE.DI.AN.INANNA
ki-ip-pu- = MIN

(= kip-pu-u), me-lul-t
d
INANNA (CAD M, 15).
566
Lugalbanda in the Wilderness 1-14, as presented in Herman Vanstiphout, Epic of Sumerian Kings: The
Matter of Aratta (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003).
297
the mountains, the emblem of the settlements, the ornament of the seven walls,
the mistress fit for battle, Inana (
d
inana), the heroine of the battleground who
makes the troops dance her dance (eemen
d
inana)
567

And it may be recalled that in the poem in. nin. me. hu. a Itar declares that by
storming the mountain she will start the game of Inana:
Against its magnificent sides I shall place magnificent battering-rams, against its
small sides I shall place small battering-rams. I shall storm it and start the 'game'
of holy Inana. In the mountain range I shall start battles (m) and prepare
conflicts (en. en).
568

This same characterization is found in the previously discussion Sumerian hymn,
in. nin. ag
4
. gur
4
. ra.
The game, was not always thought to be good. Sometimes men were advised
not to engage in Inanas game, as we read in the Exploits of Ninurta:
But lord, do not venture again to a battle as terrible as that. Do not lift your arm to
the smiting of weapons, to the festival of the young men, to Inana's dance
(eemen
d
inana. ke
4
)! Lord, do not go to such a great battle as this!
569

The Sumerian term eemen

can also indicate a festival, or time of joy. This sense of the
term is also displayed with regards to warfare in Akkadian texts. In the Akkadian legend,
Sargon, the Conquering Hero, battle is equated with a festival:
10
!i-na-an-na"
?
-a-ma a-a-re-du-um is-s-a[k-k]ar
11
te-er pa-ag-ru-uk u-ku-ut-
ta-ka
12
// t[i-i]l-li-ka
13
wu-di at-[t]a a "e-[mi] ka-i-id-ka na-kr
14
// (x)-x-x-x-ul-
x
15
pi-ka li-ib-ba-ka li-wa-hi-ir
16
li-ib-ba-ka li-wa-hi-ir bi-ir-ki-ka
17
an-na mi-it-
hu-ru-um-ma a qr-ra-di
18
ur-ra-am q-ab-lam ak-ka-di -ar-ra
19
[i]-si-nu-um
a mu-ti in-ni-pu-u

Now (?), the champion speaks, Restore to your body your jewelry, your festive
garb! Certainly, you are endowed with "!mu, your attacker is the enemy of Let

567
Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta 285-289, as presented in Vanstiphout, Epic of Sumerian Kings.
568
ETCSL 1.3.2: 96-99.
569
ETCSL 1.6.2: 137-139.
298
your mouth command your legs! Here, then, is the clashing of heroes. Tomorrow,
Akkade will commence battle. A festival of arms will be celebrated.
570

This festival can also be specifically attributed to Itar, as in Aguaya: #sina tamh"ru.
571

570
Sargon the Conquering Hero 10-19, as presented in Westenholz, Legends.
571
Aguaya col. III 7 (Groneberg, Lob der Itar, 76).
299

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The Function of Itar in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: A Contextual

Analysis of the Actions Attributed to Itar in the Inscriptions of Ititi through

s-ta-a [xxx t]ar-a-mi-ma b#t()-ki 29 [x]-ti-ki ta-an-[xxx a-n]a?

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