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UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE TENTH CIRCUIT DEREK KITCHEN, et al. Plaintiffs-Appellees, v.

GARY HERBERT, in his official capacity as Governor of Utah, et al. Defendants-Appellants. MARY BISHOP, et al., Plaintiffs-Appellees, and SUSAN G. BARTON, et. al., Plaintiffs-Appellees/CrossAppellants, v. SALLY HOWE SMITH, in her official capacity as Court Clerk for Tulsa County, State of Oklahoma, Defendant-Appellant/CrossAppellee. Appeal from United States District Court for the Northern District of Oklahoma Case No. 04-CV-848-TCK-TLW Honorable Terence C. Kern U.S. District Court Judge Case Nos. 13-4178, 14-5003 & 14-5006 Appeal from United States District Court for District of Utah. Case No. 2:13-cv-217 Honorable Robert J. Shelby U.S. District Court Judge

BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR RESEARCH AND THERAPY OF HOMOSEXUALITY

CORPORATE DISCLOSURE STATEMENT Pursuant to Federal Rule of Appellate Procedure 26.1, the undersigned states that Amicus Curiae, National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality, is not a corporation that issues stock or has a parent corporation.

/s/ Mary E. McAlister Mary E. McAlister

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TABLE OF CONTENTS CORPORATE DISCLOSURE STATEMENT.........................................................ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ...........................................................................................iii TABLE OF AUTHORITIES.......................................................................................iv INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE...........................................................................1 RULE 29 COMPLIANCE ...........................................................................................2 SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT.....................................................................................2 ARGUMENT............................................ ............................................ .......................3 I. HOMOSEXUALITY IS NOT AN IMMUTABLE CHARACTERISTIC..............................................................3 Non-Heterosexual Identities are Subject to Significant Change for Many People............................................ .........................................................4 Non-Heterosexuality Is Not a Fixed Trait.......................................................5 Reports of Change are Not Limited to Sexual Behavior.................................7 HOMOSEXUALITY IS NOT CAUSED BY GENETICS OR BIOLOGY...... .................... .......................................................................11 STUDIES SUGGESTING THAT CHANGE IS NOT POSSIBLE ARE RIDDLED WITH BIAS.......................................... ...............................14 A. B. C. D. There Was Substantial Bias in the Selection of the Task Force ........16 There Was Bias Regarding Statements of Evidence of Change.........15 There Was Substantial Bias in Favor of Preferred Outcomes............19 There Was Substantial Bias in the Omission of Medical Outcomes Associated with Same-Sex Behavior...................................21 iii

A.

B. C. II.

III.

E.

There Was Substantial Bias Regarding Research on the Origins of Same-Sex Attraction.............................................................22 There Was Substantial Bias in the Use of the Grey Literature......25 There Was Substantial Bias in the APAs Broader Treatment of Sexual Orientation............................................ .................................26

F. G.

IV.

ENCOURAGING SAME-SEX BEHAVIOR RESULTS IN RISKJUSTIFYING ATTITUDES WITH HARMFUL RESULTS......................27

CONCLUSION............................................ .............................................................30 TABLE OF AUTHORITIES Cases Kitchen v. Herbert, No. 2:13-cv-217, 2013 WL 6697874 (D. Utah Dec. 20, 2013)......2 Perry v. Brown, 671 F.3d 1052 (9th Cir. 2011), vacated Hollingsworth v. Perry, 133 S. Ct. 2652 (2013) .........1 Other Authorities D. Altman & J.M. Bland, Statistics Notes: Absence of Evidence is Not Evidence of Absence, 311 British Medical Journal 485 (1995).......17 American Psychological Association, Answers to your Questions for a Better Understanding of Sexual Orientation and Homosexuality (2008), available at www.apa.org/topics/sorientation.pdf. .......3, 13 American Psychological Association, Answers to your Questions for a Better Understanding of Sexual Orientation and Homosexuality (1998). ............12

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American Psychological Association, Lesbian and Gay Parenting (2005), available at www.apa.org/pi/lgbt/resources/parenting-full.pdf. .........26 P.S. Bearman & H. Bruckner, Opposite-sex Twins and Adolescent Same-sex Attraction, 107 American Journal of Sociology 1179-1205 (2002) ......13, 24 J.M. Bailey, et al., Genetic and Environmental Influences on Sexual Orientation and its Correlates in an Australian Twin Sample. 78 J. of Personality and Social Psychology 524-36 (2000).............13 A.P. Bell, M. Weinberg, & S.K. Hammersmith, Homosexuality: A Study of Diversity among Men and Women. (1981). .........25 C. Beyer, et al., Global Epidemiology of HIV Infection in Men who have Sex with Men, 380 The Lancet 366-77 (July 28, 2012). ...........28 D. Carey, Group to Review Therapy Stance, Oakland Tribune (Sept. 20, 2007) ............15 Centers for Disease Control, HIV and AIDS among Gay and Bisexual Men. (2011), available at http://www.cdc.gov/nchhstp/newsroom/docs/ 2012/CDC-MSM-0612-508.pdf. ..........28 J.R. Chambers, et al., Ideology and Prejudice: The Role of Value Conflicts, 24 Psychological Science 148 (2012). ......3 N. Dickson, C. Paul, & P. Herbison, Same-sex Attraction in a Birth Cohort: Prevalence and Persistence in Early Adulthood, 56 Social Science & Medicine 1607-15. (2003). .........8 A.M. Francis, Family and sexual orientation: The family-demographic correlates of homosexuality in men and women. 45 J. of Sex Research 371-77 (2008) ......24 M. Frisch, & A. Hviid, Childhood Family Correlates of Heterosexual and Homosexual Marriages: A National Cohort Study of Two Million Danes, 35 Archives of Sexual Behavior 533-47 (2006)......24 v

R. de Graaf, T.G.M. Sandfort, & M. ten Have, Suicidality and Sexual Orientation: Differences between Men and Women in a General Population-based Sample from the Netherlands, 35 Archives of Sexual Behavior 253-62 (2006). ......30 Gregory Herek, Sexual Orientation Differences as Deficits: Science and Stigma in the History of American Psychology, 5 Perspectives on Psychological Science 693-99 (2010) ......10, 11, 21 Gregory Herek, Myths about Sexual Orientation: A Lawyers Guide to Social Science Research, 1 Law and Sexuality 133-72 (1991) .....20 E. Hooker, Reflections of a 40-year Exploration, 48 American Psychologist 450-53 (1993). ...19, 20 D.M. Huebner, et al., Sorting through Chickens and Eggs: A Longitudinal Examination of the Associations between Attitudes, Norms, and Sexual Risk Behaviors, 30(1) Health Psychology 110-18 (2011). .....27 S.L. Jones, et al., A Scientific, Conceptual, and Ethical Critique of the Report of the APA Task Force on Sexual Orientation, 45(2) The General Psychologist 7-18 (2010), available at http://www.questia.com/library /journal/1G1-318901334/moving-back-toscience-and-self-reflection-in-the. ........16 F. Klein, et al., Sexual Orientation: A Multi-variable Dynamic Process, 11 Journal of Homosexuality 43 (1985). ........5 N. Langstrom, et al., Genetic and Environmental Effects on Same-sex Sexual Behavior: A Population Study of Twins in Sweden, 39 Archives of Sexual Behavior 75-80 (2010). .......13 E.O. Laumann, et al., The Social Organization of Sexuality (1994)........5, 6, 25 L. Marks, Same-sex Parenting and Childrens Outcomes: A Closer Examination of the American Psychological Associations Brief on Lesbian and Gay Parenting, 41 Social Science Research 735-51 (2012).........26 vi

V.M. Mays & S.D. Cochran, Mental Health Correlates of Perceived Discrimination among Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Adults in the United States, 91 American Journal of Public Health 1869-76 (2001).......27 M.E. Newcomb & B. Mustanski, Moderators of the Relationship Between Internalized Homophobia and Risky Sexual Behavior in Men who have Sex with Men: A Meta-analysis, 40 Archives of Sexual Behavior 189-99 (2011). .21, 29 M.Q. Ott, et al., Repeated Changes in Reported Sexual Orientation Identity Linked to Substance Use Behaviors in Youth. 52 Journal of Adolescent Health 466 (2013). ......4 E.A. Pascoe & L.S. Richman, (2009). Perceived Discrimination and Health: A Meta-analytic Review, 135 Psychological Bulletin 531-54 (2009). .......29 L. Peplau, L., et al., The Development of Sexual Orientation in Women, 10 Annual Review of Sex Research 70-99 (1990) ......12 J. Prejean, et al., Estimated HIV incidence in the United States, 2006-2009, 6 PLos ONE 1-13 (2011). .....28 Report of the American Psychological Association Task Force on Appropriate Therapeutic Responses to Sexual Orientation (2009) available at http://www.apa.org/pi/lgbt/resources/therapeuticresponse.pdf (last visited Feb. 8, 2014). ....passim A.L. Roberts, M.M. Glymour, & K.C. Koenen, Does maltreatment in childhood affect sexual orientation in adulthood?, 42 Archives of Sexual Behavior 161-71 (2013) ....24 Christopher Rosik, Did the American Psychological Associations Report on Appropriate Therapeutic Responses to Sexual Orientation Apply its Research Standards Consistently? A Preliminary Examination, 4 J. of Human Sexuality 70-85 (2012). .....22

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T.G.M. Sandfort, F. Bakker, F.G. Schellevis, & I. Vanwesenbeeck, Sexual Orientation and Mental and Physical Health Status: Findings from a Dutch Population Survey, 96 American Journal of Public Health 1119-25 (2006) ..........30 R.C. Savin-Williams, K. Joyner, & G. Rieger, Prevalence and Stability of Self-Reported Sexual Orientation Identity During Young Adulthood, 41 Archives of Sexual Behavior 104 (2012). ...7, 11 R.C. Savin-Williams & G.L. Ream, Prevalence and Stability of Sexual Orientation Components during Adolescence and Young Adulthood, 36 Archives of Sexual Behavior, 385-449 (2007). ..9, 10, 21 W.R. Schumm, Re-examining a Landmark Research Study: A Teaching Editorial, 48 Marriage & Family Rev. 465-89 (2012)......20 N.E. Whitehead & B. Whitehead, My Genes Made Me Do It! A Scientific Look at Sexual Orientation (2010), available at http://www.mygenes.co.nz/download.htm. .9 H.W. Wilson & C.S. Widom, Does Physical Abuse, Sexual Abuse, or Neglect in Childhood Increase the Likelihood of Same-Sex Sexual Relationships and Cohabitation? A Prospective 30-year Follow-up, 39 Archives of Sexual Behavior 63-74 (2010). ....24 M. Yarhouse, The Battle Regarding Sexuality (2009) in Nicholas Cummings et al.Psychologys War on Religion 63-93 (2009)......................................15

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INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE The National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality (NARTH) is a professional, scientific organization that offers hope to those who struggle with unwanted same-sex attractions. As an organization, NARTH disseminates educational information, conducts and collects scientific research, promotes effective therapeutic counseling, and provides international referrals to those who seek its assistance. NARTH is engaged in extensive research concerning individuals who have successfully experienced change in their unwanted same-sex attractions and the psychological factors associated with a homosexual lifestyle. NARTH offers scholarly publications and educational information to the general public and provides assistance to mental health professionals who help those seeking to eliminate their unwanted same-sex attractions. NARTH advocates for an open discussion of all viewpoints concerning the origin and nature of same-sex attractions and advises against any social, educational, or legal changes grounded in notions of immutability not supported by sound science. NARTH is a non-profit corporation organized under the laws of the State of Utah, and as such, has an interest in seeing its states laws not be subject to change based on false assumptions and unsupported scientific activism. NARTH has previously participated as amicus supporting state marriage amendments, including in the California case of Perry v. Brown, 671 F.3d 1052 (9th Cir. 2011), vacated
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Hollingsworth v. Perry, 133 S. Ct. 2652 (2013). NARTH advocates for the accurate understanding of same-sex marriage, which is that social science evidence supports the traditional model of one-man and one-woman marriage as the ideal family form for fostering a childs healthy development and believes that model forms the basis for upholding Utahs recognition of traditional marriage. This Brief is submitted pursuant to Rule 29(a) of the Federal Rules of Appellate Procedure with the consent of all parties. STATEMENT OF COMPLIANCE WITH RULE 29(c)(5) No partys counsel authored this Brief in whole or in part; no party or partys counsel contributed money that was intended to fund preparing or submitting the Brief; and no person other Amicus Curiae NARTH, its members, or its counsel contributed money that was intended to fund preparing or submitting the Brief. SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT Contrary to the district courts notion that there is no longer any dispute concerning the ability of a person to change their unwanted same-sex attractions, Kitchen v. Herbert, No. 2:13-cv-217, 2013 WL 6697874 *14 (D. Utah Dec. 20, 2013), the science simply does not support that notion. Indeed, the science currently shows that homosexuality is not an immutable characteristic. Significant and scientifically sound studies have shown that non-heterosexual identities are subject to significant change, and such change is not limited merely to behavior. Even the American
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Psychological Association (APA), which the district court relied on in making its assertions of immutability, id., does not support such a notion. In fact, as the APA recognizes, genetics are at best a partial explanation of same-sex attractions. Moreover, the studies that suggest change in non-heterosexual identities is not possible are riddled with bias and should be given little credence. Finally, recognizing same-sex marriage encourages risky and medically harmful behaviors and facilitates dangerous health outcomes. ARGUMENT To the extent that social scientists operate under one set of assumptions and values, and fail to recognize important alternatives, their scientific conclusions and social-policy recommendations are likely to be tainted.1 I. HOMOSEXUALITY IS NOT AN IMMUTABLE CHARACTERISTIC. As the APA itself has noted, there is no consensus among mental health professionals as to the actual causes of homosexuality.2 As such, extending legal rights on the basis that homosexuality is an immutable characteristic has no basis in scientific fact. In fact, non-heterosexual identities have been shown to be subject to significant change for many people. Studies have shown that non-heterosexual identity is not a

J.R. Chambers, et al., Ideology and Prejudice: The Role of Value Conflicts, 24 Psychological Science 148 (2012).
2

American Psychological Association, Answers to your Questions for a Better Understanding of Sexual Orientation and Homosexuality (2008), available at www.apa.org/topics/sorientation.pdf.
3

fixed trait among those who report such an identity. The scientific studies and reports showing change among non-heterosexual identities are not limited to changes in behavior, but extend to change of identity and preference. Also, the only sexual identity not subject to significant change is a heterosexual identity, and evidence suggests that non-heterosexual identities, attractions, and behaviors showing movement towards a heterosexual identity over the course of the individuals life, particularly among youth. A. Non-Heterosexual Identities are Subject to Significant Change for Many People.

Central to the notion that some individuals can and do report change in their sexual orientation on a continuum of change is the issue of immutability. Were all same-sex attractions and behaviors fixed and not subject to change, then sexual orientation would indeed be an enduring trait. However, there is scientifically valid data to suggest that same-sex attractions and behaviors are not fixed and are subject to varying degrees of change. A 2013 study noted that, Reported sexual identity, attraction, and behavior have been shown to change substantially across adolescence and young adulthood.3 This viewpoint has long been maintained within scientific circles. Decades ago, a study by Klein, Sepekoff, and Wolf affirmed the importance

M.Q. Ott, et al., Repeated Changes in Reported Sexual Orientation Identity Linked to Substance Use Behaviors in Youth. 52 Journal of Adolescent Health 466 (2013).
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of viewing sexual orientation as a process which often changes over time and noted the simplicity and inadequacy of the labels heterosexual, bisexual, and homosexual in describing a persons sexual orientation.4 Such evidence of significant change substantially undermines any notion that homosexuality is a fixed and immutable trait. B. Non-Heterosexuality Is Not a Fixed Trait.

The definitive study in 1994 by Laumann, Gagnon, et al., involved several thousand American adults between the ages of 18 and 60.5 This report contains the most careful and extensive database ever amassed on the childhood experiences of matched homosexual and heterosexual populations. One of the major findings of this study, which even surprised the authors, was that homosexuality as a fixed trait scarcely seemed to exist.6 Sexual identity is not in the least fixed at adolescence but continues to change over the course of life. For example, the authors reported: this implies that almost 4 percent of men have sex with another male before turning eighteen but not after. These men, who report same-gender sex only before they turned eighteen, not afterward, constitute 42 percent of the total number of men who report

F. Klein, et al., Sexual Orientation: A Multi-variable Dynamic Process, 11 Journal of Homosexuality 43 (1985).
5

E.O. Laumann, et al., The Social Organization of Sexuality (1994). See id.
5

ever having a same-gender experience.7 They also noted that their findings comport well with other large-scale studies. [O]verall we find our results remarkably similar to those from other surveys of sexual behavior that have been conducted on national populations using probability sample methods. In particular two very large-scale surveys . . . one in France [20,055 adults] and one in Britain [18,876 persons].8 This data seem to suggest that heterosexuality is normative even for those who at one point in the past reported a non-heterosexual sexual orientation. Sexual orientation stability appears to be greatest among those who identify as heterosexual: This limited empirical evidence based on four large-scale or nationally representative populations indicates that self-reports of sexual orientation are stable among heterosexual men and women, but less so among non-heterosexual individuals.9 Heterosexuality, then, likely exerts a constant, normative pull throughout the life cycle upon everyone. While admittedly Laumann theorizes that this reality is caused by American society, the same findings have been found in other societies where it has been studied. A simpler explanation might look to human physiology, including the physiology of the nervous system, which is overwhelmingly sexually dimorphic, i.e., heterosexual.

Id. at 296. Id. at 297.


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Therefore it is not surprising that the brain would self-organize behavior in large measure in harmony with its own physiological ecology, even if not in a completely deterministic fashion. Whether measured by action, feeling, or identity, Laumann, Gagnon, et al.s data concerning the prevalence of homosexuality before age 18 as contrasted with after age 18 reveal that its instability over the course of life occurred in one direction, namely toward heterosexuality, and reflected significant decline in non-heterosexual identities. This evidence of spontaneous change with the progression of time among both males and females is hardly a picture of sexual orientation stasis. It appears that the most common natural course for a young person who develops a non-heterosexual sexual identity is for it to spontaneously disappear unless that process is discouraged or interfered with by extraneous factors. Conceivably, the modern trend towards discouraging counseling seeking change could be interfering with normal sexual development and creating the false impression that non-heterosexual identity is fixed, which it certainly is not. C. Reports of Change are Not Limited to Sexual Behavior.

A New Zealand study by Dickson, Paul, and Herbison further questions the

R.C. Savin-Williams, K. Joyner, & G. Rieger, Prevalence and Stability of SelfReported Sexual Orientation Identity During Young Adulthood, 41 Archives of Sexual Behavior 104 (2012).
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claim that change might affect same-sex behavior but not same-sex attraction.10 The change of same-sex attractions reported further undermines any claims of immutability. This study found large and dramatic drops in homosexual attraction occurring spontaneously for both sexes, a finding underscored even more by its occurrence in a country with a relatively accepting attitude toward homosexuality. Interestingly, the results also indicated a slight but statistically significant net movement toward homosexuality and away from heterosexuality between the ages of 21 and 26, which suggests the influence of environment on sexual orientation, particularly for women. Specifically, it appears likely that the content of higher education in a politically liberal environment contributed to the upswing in homosexuality in this educated sample of twenty-somethings. This notion is further supported by the fact that this increase in homosexuality follows a much larger decrease that would have had to take place in the years prior to age twenty-one in order to account for the above findings. Additionally, once the educational effect wears off, the expected decline in homosexual identification resumed. The authors conclude that their findings are consistent with a significantrole for the social environment in the development and expression of sexual orientation. A large longitudinal study in 2007 by Savin-Williams and Ream is also

10

N. Dickson, C. Paul, & P. Herbison, Same-sex Attraction in a Birth Cohort: Prevalence and Persistence in Early Adulthood, 56 Social Science & Medicine 160715. (2003).
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noteworthy, as it focused on the stability of sexual orientation components for adolescents and young adults.11 Three waves of assessment began when participants were on average just under sixteen years of age and concluded when participants were nearly twenty-two years old. The authors observed a similar decline in nonheterosexuality over the time of the study: All attraction categories other than opposite-sex were associated with a lower likelihood of stability over time.12 For example, sixteen year olds reporting exclusive same-sex attractions or a bisexual pattern of attractions are approximately twenty-five times more likely to change toward heterosexuality at the age of seventeen than those with exclusively opposite-sex attractions are likely to move towards bisexual or exclusively same-sex.13 Ninety-eight percent of sixteen to seventeen year olds moved from homosexuality or bisexuality towards heterosexuality over the course of the study. Savin-Williams and Ream observed that [t]he instability of same-sex attraction and behavior (plus sexual identity in previous investigations) presents a dilemma for

11

R.C. Savin-Williams & G.L. Ream, Prevalence and Stability of Sexual Orientation Components during Adolescence and Young Adulthood, 36 Archives of Sexual Behavior, 385-449 (2007).
12

Id. at 389.

13

N.E. Whitehead & B. Whitehead, My Genes Made Me Do It! A Scientific Look at Sexual Orientation (2010), available at http://www.mygenes.co.nz/download.htm.
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sex researchers who portray non-heterosexuality as a stable trait of individuals.14 The authors acknowledged that developmental processes are involved even as they focused mostly on problems with measurement. The reality of such spontaneous changes in sexual orientation among teenagers is not in accord with any argument contending that sexual orientation is a universally enduring trait. It is not. In fact, these data indicate it is irresponsible to suggest that an institution defined in one manner since time immemorial should be changed based on the false notion that non-heterosexual identities are intrinsic, unchangeable, and therefore the individual can only be homosexual. The complex realities of sexual orientation require caution when making significant changes in policy based on a notion of immutability that is not consistent with scientific evidence. For example, a 2010 study by pro-homosexual Dr. Gregory Herek, et al. reported that only 7% of gay men reported experiencing a small amount of choice about their sexual orientation and slightly more than 5% reported having a fair amount or great deal of choice.15 Lesbian women reported rates of choice at 15%

14

R.C. Savin-Williams & G.L. Ream, Prevalence and Stability of Sexual Orientation Components during Adolescence and Young Adulthood, 36 Archives of Sexual Behavior 393 (2007).
15

Gregory Herek, Sexual Orientation Differences as Deficits: Science and Stigma in the History of American Psychology, 5 Perspectives on Psychological Science 693-99 (2010), available at 10.1177/1745691610388770.
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and 16%, respectively.16 It is worth noting that these statistics, which are not inconsequentially small, support the notion that sexual orientation is not immutable and again suggest the plausibility that modification of same-sex attractions and behaviors can and does occur. Even more important, however, are the findings for bisexuals: 40% of bisexual males and 44% of bisexual females reported having a fair amount or great deal of choice in the development of their sexual orientation. This is in addition to 22% of male bisexuals and 15% of female bisexuals who reported having at least a small amount of choice about their sexual orientation. Other studies confirm the particular instability of a bisexual sexual orientation.17 These numbers create a significantly different impression about the enduring nature of sexual orientation than the picture often painted by proponents of same-sex marriage. The notion that nonheterosexual identity is a fixed, immutable trait is simply incorrect and unscientific. II. HOMOSEXUALITY IS NOT CAUSED BY GENETICS AND BIOLOGY. Moreover, such fluidity and change makes clear that simple causative genetic or biological explanations are inappropriate. The later development of same-sex attractions and behaviors is not determined at birth, and there is no convincing

16

Id.

17

R.C. Savin-Williams, K. Joyner, & G. Rieger, Prevalence and Stability of SelfReported Sexual Orientation Identity During Young Adulthood, 41 Archives of Sexual Behavior 104 (2012).
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evidence that biology is decisive for many if not most individuals. Despite all the media hype, the APA has observed that to date there are no replicated scientific studies supporting any specific biological etiology for homosexuality.18 In 1999, the Peplau et al. study summarized that more than 50 years of research has failed to demonstrate that biological factors are a major influence in the development of womens sexual orientation . . . Contrary to popular belief, scientists have not convincingly demonstrated that biology determines womens sexual orientation.19 It is important to note in this regard that the APAs own stance on the biological origin of homosexuality has softened in recent years. In 1998, the APA appeared to support the theory that homosexuality is innate and people were simply born that way: There is considerable recent evidence to suggest that biology, including genetic or inborn hormonal factors, play a significant role in a persons sexuality.20 In 2008, however, the APA described the matter differently: There is no consensus among scientists about the exact reasons that an individual develops a heterosexual, bisexual, gay, or lesbian orientation. Although much research has examined the possible genetic, hormonal,
18

American Psychological Association, Answers to your Questions for a Better Understanding of Sexual Orientation and Homosexuality (1998).
19

L. Peplau, L., et al., The Development of Sexual Orientation in Women, 10 Annual Review of Sex Research 70-99 (1990) (emphasis added).
20

American Psychological Association, Answers to Your Questions for a Better Understanding of Sexual Orientation and Homosexuality (1998).
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developmental, social, and cultural influences on sexual orientation, no findings have emerged that permit scientists to conclude that sexual orientation is determined by any particular factor or factors. Many think that nature and nurture both play complex roles.21 Yet, the APA has made minimal effort to publicize the change in its official position on such causation or to correct the accompanying popular misconception often promoted by the media and activists that persons with same-sex attractions are simply born that way. It is difficult not to perceive this as significant professional neglect, if not outright ideological bias, and it is even more troubling to strike down laws based on a notion that even the APA no longer supports. The absence of genetic or biological determinism in sexual orientation is underscored and clarified by large-scale studies of identical twins. These studies indicate that if one twin sibling has a non-heterosexual orientation the other sibling shares this orientation only about 11% of the time.22 If factors in common like genetics or conditions in the womb overwhelmingly caused same-sex attractions, then identical

21

American Psychological Association, Answers to your Questions for a Better Understanding of Sexual Orientation and Homosexuality (2008), available at www.apa.org/topics/sorientation.pdf (emphasis added).
22

J.M. Bailey, et al., Genetic and Environmental Influences on Sexual Orientation and its Correlates in an Australian Twin Sample. 78 J. of Personality and Social Psychology 524-36 (2000); P.S. Bearman & H. Bruckner, Opposite-sex Twins and Adolescent Same-sex Attraction, 107 American Journal of Sociology 1179-1205 (2002); N. Langstrom, et al., Genetic and Environmental Effects on Same-sex Sexual Behavior: A Population Study of Twins in Sweden, 39 Archives of Sexual Behavior 7580 (2010).
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twins would always be identical for same-sex attraction. These studies instead suggest that the largest influence in the development of same-sex attractions are environmental factors that affect one twin sibling but not the other, such as unique events or idiosyncratic personal responses. Causatively, then, sexual orientation is by no means comparable to a characteristic such as race or biological sex, which are thoroughly immutable. Thus, while same-sex attractions may not be experienced as chosen, it is reasonable to hold that they can be subject to conscious choices. Same-sex attractions and behaviors are not strictly or primarily determined by biology or genetics and are naturalistically subject to significant change, particularly in youth and early adulthood. This should raise serious questions about the legitimacy of any claim that homosexuality is an immutable characteristic. It is not. III. STUDIES SUGGESTING THAT CHANGE IS NOT POSSIBLE ARE RIDDLED WITH BIAS. Probably one of the best indicators of bias among many in the mental health community and the unscientific approach many take to studying the fact that people can and do change their unwanted same-sex attractions, behaviors, or identity can be found in an analysis of the APAs Task Force Report on Sexual Orientation Change

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Efforts (APA Report or Task Force).23 The bias in the APA Report was rampant, which calls into question the significant limitation of the claims that homosexuality cannot be changed by those who seek such change or that homosexuality is an immutable characteristic. Indeed, the objectivity of the entire APA Report is demonstrably suspect because of this significant bias. A. There Was Substantial Bias in the Selection of the Task Force.

Although many qualified conservative psychologists were nominated to serve on the Task Force, every one of them was rejected. This fact was noted in a book coedited by a past-president of the APA.24 The director of the APAs Lesbian, Gay and Bisexual Concerns Office, Clinton Anderson, offered the following defense: We cannot take into account what are fundamentally negative religious perceptions of homosexualitythey dont fit into our world view.25 It appears that the APA operated with a litmus test when considering Task Force membershipthe only views of homosexuality that were tolerated are those that uniformly endorsed same-sex behavior

23

Report of the American Psychological Association Task Force on Appropriate Therapeutic Responses to Sexual Orientation (2009) (hereinafter APA Task Force Report), available at http://www.apa.org/pi/lgbt/resources/therapeutic-response.pdf (last visited Feb. 8, 2014).
24

M. Yarhouse, The Battle Regarding Sexuality (2009) in Nicholas Cummings, et al., Psychologys War on Religion 63-93 (2009).
25

D. Carey, Group to Review Therapy Stance, Oakland Tribune (Sept. 20, 2007) (emphasis added).
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as a moral good. Thus, from the outset, it was predetermined that conservative or religious viewpoints would only be acceptable when they fit within their pre-existing worldview, i.e., that homosexuality cannot be changed. This bias had predictable consequences for how the Task Force addressed its work and calls into question the entire notion of immutability. B. There Was Bias Regarding Statements or Evidence of Change.

This bias was particularly evident in the Task Forces highly uneven implementation of standards of scientific rigor in the utilization and evaluation of published findings pertaining to counseling of change.26 Of particular note is the contrast between the exceptionally rigorous methodological standards applied to beneficial outcomes and the considerably less rigorous and uneven standards applied to the outcomes of harm. With regard to beneficial outcomes, the APA Report dismisses most of the relevant research because of alleged methodological limitations, which are outlined in great detail.27 Studies pertaining to beneficial outcomes that fall short of the Task Forces rigorous standards were deemed unworthy of examination and dismissed as containing no evidence of value to the question whether individuals can successfully

26

S.L. Jones, et al., A Scientific, Conceptual, and Ethical Critique of the Report of the APA Task Force on Sexual Orientation, 45(2) The General Psychologist 7-18 (2010), available at http://www.questia.com/library/journal/1G1-318901334/moving-back-toscience-and-self-reflection-in-the.
27

APA Task Force Report at 26-34.


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change their unwanted same-sex attractions. Meanwhile, the APA Report adopted very different evidentiary standards for making statements about the fixed nature of samesex attractions. The standard as regards efficacy is to rule out substandard studies as irrelevant; however, no such standards are employed in considering studies purporting to document lack of change. The six studies relied upon and considered valid by the APA Report targeted samples that would bear little resemblance to those seeking to change today. This brings into question the Task Forces willingness to move beyond scientific agnosticism, i.e., that we do not know the prevalence of success or failure in those who seek change, to argue affirmatively that sexual orientation change is uncommon or unlikely. The APA Report seems to affirm two incompatible assertions: (a) we do not have credible evidence on which to judge the likelihood of sexual orientation change, and (b) we know with scientific certainty that sexual orientation change is unlikely. However, the absence of conclusive evidence of effectiveness is not logically equivalent to positive evidence of immutability.28 There are places in the APA Report that do seem to acknowledge that, given their methodological standards, we really cannot know anything scientifically definitive about the efficacy of counseling for those who seek to change. For example,

28

D. Altman & J.M. Bland, Statistics Notes: Absence of Evidence is Not Evidence of Absence, 311 British Medical Journal 485 (1995).
17

the APA Report states, Thus, we cannot conclude how likely it is that harm will occur from [counseling for those who seek change].29 Similarly the APA Report observes, Given the limited amount of methodologically sound research, we cannot draw a conclusion regarding whether recent forms of [counseling] are or are not effective.30 Similarly, [T]here are no scientifically rigorous studies of recent [counseling] that would enable us to make a definitive statement about whether recent [counseling] is safe or harmful and for whom.31 These expressions of agnosticism are justified by the Task Force but then are not adhered to in the APA Reports conclusions concerning the evidence of whether people can and do successfully change away from their non-heterosexual attractions or identity. Instead, the APA Report argues at length that only the most rigorous methodological designs can clearly establish a causal relationship between counseling methods and subsequent change, but it does not hesitate to make such causal attributions regarding lack of change while repudiating any such claims for efficacy or significant change. From this highly uneven application of literature review methodology, the APA Report goes on to assert confidently that change is unlikely,

29

APA Task Force Report at 42. Id. at 43. Id. at 83.


18

30

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which suggests falsely that same-sex attractions or identity are fixed or immutable. Such a conclusion simply cannot be afforded credence given the extraordinary bias in the review of studies suggesting significant change towards heterosexuality. At a minimum, it certainly does not support the notion the homosexuality is a fixed trait, and cries out for further research. C. There Was Substantial Bias in Favor of Preferred Outcomes.

That the Task Force utilized a far lower methodological standard in assessing outcome denying change than it did in assessing outcomes supporting change can be demonstrated by a few examples. The APA Report references the many varieties of methodological problems deemed sufficient to render useless most of the research on whether change is possible. Yet the APA Report overlooked such limitations when the literature addressed preferred conclusions about the potential for change of sexual orientation. First, consider the 1957 work of Hooker, which is routinely touted as groundbreaking in the field and affirmed in the APA Report and other APA publications as evidence indicating no differences in the mental health of heterosexual and gay men.32 However, this research contains such serious methodological flaws that it is inconceivable that an even-handed methodological evaluation by the Task Force

32

E. Hooker, The Adjustment of the Male Overt Homosexual, 21 J. of Projective Techniques 18-31 (1957).
19

would not have mentioned these problems. Among the many methodological problems noted by Schumm, the control group was told the purpose of the study in advance, and clinical experts were not blind to the objectives of the study.33 There was also an imperfect matching of participants, low scale reliability, the use of a small and recruited control group rather than existent national standardized norms, the post hoc removal of tests that actually displayed differences, and the screening out of men from the study if they appeared to have pre-existing psychological troubles. As Hooker wrote many years later, I knew the men for whom the ratings were made, and I was certain as a clinician that they were relatively free of psychopathology.34 Despite these serious methodological problems, which would never be tolerated by the Task Force were this research supporting change or recognizing the harmful effects of same-sex behavior, pro-homosexual APA experts such as Gregory Herek described Hookers study as part of the overwhelming empirical evidence that there is no association of sexual orientation with psychopathology.35 The point here is not to argue for such an association, but to

33

W.R. Schumm, Re-examining a Landmark Research Study: A Teaching Editorial, 48 Marriage & Family Rev. 465-89 (2012).
34

E. Hooker, Reflections of a 40-year Exploration, 48 American Psychologist 450-53 (1993).


35

Gregory Herek, Myths about Sexual Orientation: A Lawyers Guide to Social Science Research, 1 Law and Sexuality 133-72 (1991); Gregory Herek, Sexual
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underscore that a consistent application of the methodological standards affirmed in the APA Report should have led to the dismissal of the Hooker study as supportive of the no differences hypothesis. D. There Was Substantial Bias in the Omission of Medical Outcomes Associated with Same-Sex Behavior.

It should also be mentioned in the discussions of harm and benefit from counseling for those who sought change that the APA Report makes no mention of the well-documented medical outcomes associated with homosexual and bisexual behavior. For example men having sex with men (MSM) comprise 48% of all individuals with HIV/AIDS in the United States, but make up only an estimated 2-4% of men in the population.36 This is occurring in a context where MSM are reporting higher rates of sexual risk behaviors in recent years in spite of increasing cultural acceptance. Similarly, the prevalence of suicidal ideation and attempts for bisexual and lesbian girls has steadily increased since the mid-1990s.37 Certainly whatever unclear

Orientation Differences as Deficits: Science and Stigma in the History of American Psychology, 5 Perspectives on Psychological Science 693-99 (2010).
36

M.E. Newcomb & B. Mustanski, Moderators of the Relationship Between Internalized Homophobia and Risky Sexual Behavior in Men who have Sex with Men: A Meta-analysis, 40 Archives of Sexual Behavior 189-99 (2011).
37

R.C. Savin-Williams & G.L. Ream, Prevalence and Stability of Sexual Orientation Components during Adolescence and Young Adulthood, 36 Archives of Sexual Behavior 393 (2007).
21

risk of harm that might occur to an individual who sought change must be weighed against the clear medical risks that arise from enacting homosexual behavior, particularly salient among adolescents.38 E. There Was Substantial Bias Regarding Research on the Origins of Same-Sex Attraction.

Another example of the Task Forces uneven application of methodological standards concerns the APA Reports conclusion that, Studies failed to support theories that regarded family dynamics, gender identity, or trauma as factors in the development of sexual orientation.39 Of the ten studies cited in support of this conclusion, three were not readily accessible on databases and one was a review article, which is an interpretation and not an empirical study. An examination of the remaining six studies revealed many of the same methodological flaws cited in the Task Force critique of the potential for change.40 For example, the Freud and Blanchard study is cited as evidence against any role of family dynamics or trauma in

38

For additional discussion of harmful outcomes of encouraging same-sex sexual behavior, see infra Section IV.
39

APA Task Force Report at 23.

40

Christopher Rosik, Did the American Psychological Associations Report on Appropriate Therapeutic Responses to Sexual Orientation Apply its Research Standards Consistently? A Preliminary Examination, 4 J. of Human Sexuality 70-85 (2012).

22

the origin of same-sex attractions but contains many serious methodological problems, including unclear scale reliability, participants being known to the researchers as patients, the use of a convenience sample, and a narrow and therefore nongeneralizable sample composed of psychiatric patients. All of these problems were considered to be fatal flaws in the Task Forces appraisal of the literature for documenting evidence of significant change. Given that many of the methodological limitations used by the Task Force to assail the research suggesting change exist in the literature exploring the possible causal influences for sexual orientation, questions have to be raised as to why the Task Force members chose to definitively dismiss this literature as failing to support developmental theories. It appears, based on the same criteria they used to dismiss evidence of change, that their own conclusions have little support in the literature. A fairer rendering of the literature they reference in this regard would appear to be that this research is so methodologically flawed that one cannot make any conclusive statements concerning the applicability of developmental factors in the origin of homosexuality. Thus, by the Task Forces own methodological standards, the literature they cite fails to support or rule out a role for these potential developmental influences in the genesis of sexual orientation. If such ambiguity exists in the change-supporting literature on methodological grounds, then by the Task Forces own criteria, this ambiguity is also present in the
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referenced etiological research. It therefore appears that the Task Force was inconsistent in the application of their methodological critique to the broader literature on homosexuality, and they have been willing to offer more definitive conclusions about theories they wish to dismiss than is warranted by their own standards. In short, there is again the appearance of substantial bias calling into question their entire assumptions of same-sex attractions and immutability. Contrary to the repeated claims of the APA Report that it is an established scientific fact that no empirical studies or peer-reviewed research supports theories attributing same-sex sexual orientation to family dysfunction or trauma,41 there currently exist recent, high quality, and large-scale studies that provide empirical evidence consistent with the theory that familial or traumatic factors potentially contribute to the development of sexual orientation.42 Despite their significant

41

APA Task Force Report at 86.

42

See, e.g., P.S. Bearman & H. Bruckner, Opposite-sex Twins and Adolescent Samesex Attraction, 107 American Journal of Sociology 1179-1205 (2002); A.M. Francis, Family and Sexual Orientation: The Family-demographic Correlates of Homosexuality in Men and Women. 45 J. of Sex Research 371-77 (2008); M. Frisch, & A. Hviid, Childhood Family Correlates of Heterosexual and Homosexual Marriages: A National Cohort Study of Two Million Danes, 35 Archives of Sexual Behavior 533-47 (2006); A.L. Roberts, M.M. Glymour, & K.C. Koenen, Does maltreatment in childhood affect sexual orientation in adulthood?, 42 Archives of Sexual Behavior 161-71 (2013); H.W. Wilson & C.S. Widom, Does Physical Abuse, Sexual Abuse, or Neglect in Childhood Increase the Likelihood of Same-Sex Sexual Relationships and Cohabitation? A Prospective 30-year Follow-up, 39 Archives of Sexual Behavior 6374 (2010).
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relevance for scientific discussions on the etiology of same-sex attractions, these studies were simply ignored by the Task Force. F. There Was Substantial Bias in the Use of the Grey Literature.

The uneven methodological implementation of standards is again seen in the APA Reports treatment of the grey literature, i.e., studies and material published outside formal peer-review process, which is dismissed in favor of only peer-reviewed scientific journal articles in the assessment of the potential for change. No developed rationale is offered for this choice. Consequently, a highly scholarly study on counseling supportive of change for some individuals is dismissed in a footnote.43 Yet the Task Force appears to have no compunction in citing the grey literature on other subjects, such as the demographics relating to sexual orientation44 or the issue of psychological and familial factors in the development of sexual orientation,45 even though the latter book utilizes a sample of questionable representativeness. Again, this double standard suggests an inherent bias in the APA Report rendering its conclusions suspect at best.

43

APA Task Force Report at 90 n.65 (citing S.L. Jones & M.A. Yarhouse, Ex-gays?: A Longitudinal Study of Religiously Mediated Change in Sexual Orientation (2007)).
44

E.O. Laumann, et al., The Social Organization of Sexuality (1994).

45

A.P. Bell, M. Weinberg, & S.K. Hammersmith, Homosexuality: A Study of Diversity among Men and Women. (1981).
25

G.

There Was Substantial Bias in the APAs Broader Treatment of Sexual Orientation.

Another example of differential application of methodological critique highlights the systemic nature of this problem within the broader literature pertaining to homosexuality. A recent analysis of the 59 research studies cited in the APAs resource46 supporting same-sex parenting in essence applied methodological standards of similar rigor to those the Task Force applied to the change-supportive literature.47 The Marks study concluded that, some same-sex parenting researchers seem to have contended for an exceptionally clear verdict of no difference between same-sex and heterosexual parents since 1992. However, a closer examination leads to the conclusion that strong, generalized assertions, including those made by the APA Brief, were not empirically warranted. As noted by Shiller (2007) in American Psychologist, the line between science and advocacy appears blurred.48 While Marks analysis does not focus on change, it is relevant in that it underscores that APAs worldview regarding homosexuality appears to result in public policy conclusions that go beyond what the data can reasonably support. This evidence of

46

American Psychological Association, Lesbian and Gay Parenting (2005), available at www.apa.org/pi/lgbt/resources/parenting-full.pdf.
47

L. Marks, Same-sex Parenting and Childrens Outcomes: A Closer Examination of the American Psychological Associations Brief on Lesbian and Gay Parenting, 41 Social Science Research 735-51 (2012).
48

Id. at 748 (emphasis added).


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differential treatment is clearly indicative of bias in favor of the unsupported notion that homosexuality is a fixed trait. It is not. IV. ENCOURAGING SAME-SEX BEHAVIOR RESULTS IN RISKJUSTIFYING ATTITUDES WITH HARMFUL RESULTS. New research raises the possibility that some widely accepted theories germane to the discussion of stigma, discrimination, and health outcomes may in fact have gotten things backwards. A longitudinal study of gay and bisexual men found that, in contrast to the causal predictions made by most theories of health behavior, attitudes and norms did not predict sexual risk behavior over time. Rather, sexual risk behavior at [the first studied interval] was associated with changes in norms and attitudes at [at the later studied interval]. These findings are more consistent with a small, but growing body of investigations that suggest instead that engaging in health behaviors can also influence attitudes and beliefs about those behaviors.49 Thus, safe-sex norms and attitudes did not lead to reduced unprotected anal intercourse; rather, participants engagement in such HIV risk behavior appeared to change how they thought and felt about the behavior and enhanced their willingness to engage in it. These findings raise serious concerns about the impact of encouraging or facilitating such behaviors in the law, in that a law encouraging homosexual behaviors appears to increase HIV risk and negative health outcomes and thus creates a danger both to the individuals engaging in these behaviors as well as society at large.

49

D.M. Huebner, et al., Sorting through Chickens and Eggs: A Longitudinal Examination of the Associations between Attitudes, Norms, and Sexual Risk Behaviors, 30(1) Health Psychology 110-18 (2011).
27

While stigma and discrimination are real concerns in society, they are not universal explanations for greater psychiatric and health risks among sexual minorities, some of which are grounded in the biology of certain sexual practices. Some health risks, such as HIV transmission among gay men, may be influenced by stigma but are ultimately grounded in biological reality. A recent comprehensive review found an overall 1.4% per-act probably of HIV transmission for anal sex and a 40.4% perpartner probability.50 The authors noted, The 1.4% per-act probability is roughly 18times greater than that which has been estimated for vaginal intercourse.51 Recent Center for Disease Control statistics indicate the rate of new HIV diagnoses in the United States among men who have sex with men is more than 44 times that of other men.52 Young gay and bisexual men age 13-29 accounted for 27% of all new HIV infections in 2009 and were the only group for whom new HIV infections increased between 2006 and 2009.53

50

C. Beyer, et al., Global Epidemiology of HIV Infection in Men who have Sex with Men, 380 The Lancet 366-77 (July 28, 2012).
51

Id. at 5 (emphasis added).

52

Centers for Disease Control, HIV and AIDS among Gay and Bisexual Men. (2011), available at http://www.cdc.gov/nchhstp/newsroom/docs/2012/CDC-MSM-0612508.pdf.
53

J. Prejean, et al., Estimated HIV incidence in the United States, 2006-2009, 6 PLos ONE 1-13 (2011).
28

From an overall perspective, the meta-analytic research, which summarizes results over multiple studies, on the association between perceived discrimination and health outcomes indicates that the strength of this relationship is significant but small.54 Furthermore, research into what influences this association has most typically found no significant role for theoretically linked factors such as social support and identification with ones group. For example, data suggest that the impact of internalized homophobia for understanding risk behavior among men who have sex with men (MSM) is now negligible, and [t]he current utility of this construct for understanding sexual risk taking of MSM is called into question.55 By contrast, poly drug use by these men continued to be a strong predictor of risky sexual behavior. Other lines of inquiry suggest that stigma and discrimination alone are far from a complete explanation of greater psychiatric and health risks among non-heterosexual orientations. A 2001 study by Mays and Cochran reported that discrimination experiences attenuated but did not eliminate associations between psychiatric

54

E.A. Pascoe & L.S. Richman, (2009). Perceived Discrimination and Health: A Meta-analytic Review, 135 Psychological Bulletin 531-54 (2009).
55

M.E. Newcomb & B. Mustanski, Moderators of the Relationship Between Internalized Homophobia and Risky Sexual Behavior in Men who have Sex with Men: A Meta-analysis, 40 Archives of Sexual Behavior 189 (2011).
29

morbidity and sexual orientation.56 Men with same-sex attractions and behaviors were found to have a higher risk for suicidal ideation and acute mental and physical health symptoms than heterosexual men in Holland, despite that countrys highly tolerant attitude towards homosexuality.57 These findings indicate that there is a great deal left to be understood about this entire field of study, and therefore significant legal and policy changes should be implemented slowly, if at all. CONCLUSION Given the significant scientifically sound data showing that non-heterosexual identities are subject to significant change and certainly not immutable, the district courts notion that homosexuality is a fixed trait was misguided. Additionally, the substantially negative outcome associated with homosexual behavior and identity reveal that changes in social and legal policy concerning same-sex marriage are not merited and should be rejected. As such, this Court should reverse the district courts.

56

V.M. Mays & S.D. Cochran, Mental Health Correlates of Perceived Discrimination among Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Adults in the United States, 91 American Journal of Public Health 1869-76 (2001).
57

T.G.M. Sandfort, F. Bakker, F.G. Schellevis, & I. Vanwesenbeeck, Sexual Orientation and Mental and Physical Health Status: Findings from a Dutch Population Survey, 96 American Journal of Public Health 1119-25 (2006); R. de Graaf, T.G.M. Sandfort, & M. ten Have, Suicidality and Sexual Orientation: Differences between Men and Women in a General Population-based Sample from the Netherlands, 35 Archives of Sexual Behavior 253-62 (2006).
30

Respectfully submitted, /s/ Mary E. McAlister Mary E. McAlister Stephen M. Crampton LIBERTY COUNSEL P.O. Box 11108 Lynchburg, VA 24506 Tel. (434) 592-7000 Email: court@lc.org Attorneys for Amicus Curiae NARTH

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Certificate of Compliance With Type-Volume Limitation, Typeface Requirements, and Type Style Requirements 1. This brief complies with the type-volume limitation of Fed. R. App. P. 32(a)(7)(B)because: this brief contains 6,831 words, excluding the parts of the brief exempted by Fed. R. App. P. 32(a)(7)(B)(iii), or this brief uses a monospaced typeface and contains____ lines of text, excluding the parts of the brief exempted by Fed. R. App. P. 32(a)(7)(B)(iii). 2. This brief complies with the typeface requirements of Fed. R. App. P. 32(a)(5)and the type style requirements of Fed. R. App. P. 32(a)(6) because: this brief has been prepared in a proportionally spaced typeface using Microsoft Word 2010, Times New Roman 14 point , or this brief has been prepared in a monospaced spaced typeface using _____ with_______. /s/ Mary E. McAlister Mary E. McAlister Attorney for Amicus Curiae NARTH

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CERTIFICATE THAT HARD COPIES ARE IDENTICAL I hereby certify that the electronically filed version of the brief of Amicus Curiae NARTH is identical to the paper copies that will be provided to the Court on February 12, 2014. /s/ Mary E. McAlister Mary E. McAlister Attorney for Amicus Curiae NARTH

CERTIFICATE OF COMPLIANCE WITH 10TH CIRCUIT RULE 25,5 I hereby certify that the electronically filed version of the brief of Amicus Curiae NARTH properly complies with all of this Courts redactions requirements. /s/ Mary E. McAlister Mary E. McAlister Attorney for Amicus Curiae NARTH

CERTIFICATE OF COMPLIANCE WITH VIRUS SCAN REQUIREMENTS I hereby certify that a virus check was performed on the Brief, no viruses were found, and that the antivirus software used was Microsoft Forefront Client Security. /s/ Mary E. McAlister Mary E. McAlister Attorney for Amicus Curiae NARTH

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CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE I hereby certify that a true and correct copy of the foregoing was filed electronically with the Court on February 10, 2014. Service will be effectuated by the Courts electronic notification system upon all counsel of record. /s/ Mary E. McAlister Mary E. McAlister Attorney for Amicus Curiae NARTH

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