Thornton, C. P. (2009) Archaeometallurgy: Evidence of a Paradigm Shift? In (T. L. Kienlin & B. W. Roberts, eds.) Metals and Societies.

Studies in honour of Barbara S. Ottaway. Universittsforschungen zur prhistorischen Archologie. Bonn: Habelt, pp. 25-33.

Metals and Societies

Studies in honour of Barbara S. Ottaway

Tobias L. Kienlin Ben Roberts

Contents
Ben Roberts Tobias L. Kienlin Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Caroline Jackson Of Barbara. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Christian Strahm Die Begegnung mit Barbara Ottaway: Erinnerungen an die Impulse fr die frhen akademischen Studien . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Publications of Barbara S. Ottaway. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18

I. Metals and Societies

Christopher P. Thornton Archaeometallurgy: Evidence of a Paradigm Shift?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 Martin Bartelheim Elites and Metals in the Central European Early Bronze Age. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 Rdiger Krause Bronze Age Copper Production in the Alps: Organisation and Social Hierarchies in Mining Communities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Tobias L. Kienlin Thomas Stllner Singen Copper, Alpine Settlement and Early Bronze Age Mining: Is There a Need for Elites and Strongholds? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 Emma C. Wager Mining Ore and Making People: Re-thinking Notions of Gender and Age in Bronze Age Mining Communities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Christian Strahm Andreas Hauptmann The Metallurgical Developmental Phases in the Old World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 Ben Roberts Origins, Transmission and Traditions: Analysing Early Metal in Western Europe. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 Benot Mille Laurent Carozza Moving into the Metal Ages: The Social Importance of Metal at the End of the Neolithic Period in France. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143

Contents

Dirk Brandherm The Social Context of Early Bronze Age Metalworking in Iberia: Evidence from the Burial Record . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172 John Bintliff Is the Essence of Innovative Archaeology a Technology for the Unconscious?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181

II. Aspects of Copper and Bronze Age Metallurgy

Duan Bori Absolute dating of metallurgical innovations in the Vina Culture of the Balkans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 Nikolaus Boroffka Simple Technology: Casting Moulds for Axe-adzes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246 Tobias L. Kienlin Ernst Pernicka Aspects of the Production of Copper Age Jszladny Type Axes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 258 Mark Pearce How Much Metal was there in Circulation in Copper Age Italy? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 Paul Ambert Valentina Figueroa-Larre Jean-Louis Guendon Veronika Klemm Marie Laroche Salvador Rovira Christian Strahm The Copper Mines of Cabrires (Hrault) in Southern France and the Chalcolithic Metallurgy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285 Roland Mller Ernst Pernicka Chemical Analyses in Archaeometallurgy: A View on the Iberian Peninsula. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 296 Susan La Niece Caroline Cartwright Bronze Age Gold Lock-rings with Cores of Wax and Wood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307 Trevor Cowie Brendan OConnor Some Early Bronze Age Stone Moulds from Scotland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313 Viktoria Kiss The Life Cycle of Middle Bronze Age Bronze Artefacts from the Western Part of the Carpathian Basin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 328 Elka Duberow Ernst Pernicka Alexandra Krenn-Leeb Eastern Alps or Western Carpathians: Early Bronze Age Metal within the Wieselburg Culture. . . . . . 281 Marianne Mdlinger Gerhard Trnka Herstellungstechnische Untersuchungen an Riegseeschwertern aus Oststerreich . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 350 Barbara Horejs Metalworkers at the ukurii Hyk? An Early Bronze Age Mould and a Near Eastern Weight from Western Anatolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 358

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Vincent C. Pigott Luristan Bronzes and the Development of Metallurgy in the West-Central Zagros, Iran. . . . . . . . . . 369 Quanyu Wang Jianjun Mei Some Observations on Recent Studies of Bronze Casting Technology in Ancient China. . . . . . . . . . . . 383

III. Approaches to Early Metallurgy

Walter Fasnacht 7000 Years of Trial and Error in Copper Metallurgy in One Experimental Life. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395 Caroline Jackson Experimental Archaeology and Education: Theory without Practice is Empty; Practice without Theory is Blind. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 400 Salvador Rovira Ignacio Montero-Ruiz Martina Renzi Experimental Co-smelting to Copper-tin Alloys. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 407 Julia Heeb Thinking Through Technology An Experimental Approach to the Copper Axes from Southeastern Europe. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 415 Colin Merrony Bryan Hanks Roger Doonan Seeking the Process: The Application of Geophysical Survey on some Early Mining and Metalworking Sites. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 421

IV. Studies in Historical Metallurgy

Alessandra Giumlia-Mair Pter Gaboda Hedvig Gyry Irn Vozil Two Statuettes with mty km Inlays in the Fine Arts Museum Budapest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 433 Nerantzis Nerantzis Using Mills to Refine Metals: Iron Smelting Technology of the Transitional Byzantine to Ottoman Period in Macedonia, Greece . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 443 Paul T. Craddock Perceptions and Reality: The Fall and Rise of the Indian Mining and Metal Industry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 453

List of Contributors. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 465

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Christopher P. Thornton

Archaeometallurgy: Evidence of a Paradigm Shift?

Eine neue wissenschaftliche Wahrheit pflegt sich nicht in der Weise durchzusetzen, da ihre Gegner berzeugt werden und sich als belehrt erklren, sondern vielmehr dadurch, da ihre Gegner allmhlich aussterben und da die heranwachsende Generation von vornherein mit der Wahrheit vertraut geworden ist.
Max Planck (cited in Kuhn 1962)*

Abstract
Archaeometallurgy has long been a rather loosely-defined field of study with few central tenets of a theoretical or scientific nature. Over the past few decades, calls for an integrated approach to ancient metallurgical practices have arisen, and certain schools of archaeometallurgical thought have coalesced in different parts of the world. Using Kuhns conception of paradigms, this paper seeks to highlight some of these schools as a step towards formulating a new archaeometallurgical paradigm one that combines scientific practice with theoretical understanding.

3. and that this new paradigm is actually different from Goodways conception in that archaeometallurgy should not be about understanding both sides of ancient metallurgical practice, but about understanding the dialectic between metallurgy as material science and metallurgy as human behavior. It is this study of the discursive relationship between metal artifacts, metallurgical technologies, and the ancient people that performed and utilized them that I believe is the first major archaeometallurgical paradigm and the future of our discipline. In this essay, written in honor of Barbara Ottaway, a remarkable scholar who was one of the first to successfully investigate archaeological questions with rigorous scientific methods and nuanced theoretical understanding, I will attempt to explain what I mean by an archaeometallurgical paradigm. Furthermore, I will try to elucidate what is nowadays meant by the term archaeometallurgy among a specific quorum of scholars working in America and in Europe. I will then provide a cursory historical review of some of the influential figures, seminal works, and theoretical movements of the 20th century that contributed to this new paradigm. Finally, I will suggest some future directions from the perspective of one who is part of die heranwachsende Generation and who, thus, does not know any better.

Introduction
The title of this essay is taken directly from a symposium paper by Martha Goodway (1991), the former head metallurgist at the Smithsonian Institution, in which she applauds what she perceives to be a paradigmatic shift in the study of ancient metallurgy that has refocused attention from metals to materials, from art history and the history of technology to archaeology and material culture (p. 709). Goodway noted that a key aspect of this new paradigm was the desire to understand both the technical and the human aspects of ancient metallurgy in the framework of a particular socio-cultural context. It is this new paradigm, she argued, that truly deserves the title of archaeometallurgy (p. 710). Goodways paper was a landmark, in that it brought attention to the fact that by the early 1990s, both the practice and the theory of archaeometallurgy was changing (see also Cleere 1993; Ehrenreich 1991; 1996). However, I question the accuracy of her much-cited title on three grounds: 1. that what she was referring to was in fact the creation of an archaeometallurgical paradigm during the 1970s80s and not a shift per se, 2. that the true paradigmatic shift in archaeometallurgy began after her paper was published in the early 1990s,

Defining paradigm
It was, of course, Thomas Kuhn (1962) who first took the word paradigm from linguistics and applied it to science, defining it as a shared set of beliefs held by a group of scientists that determines how they attempt to solve problems or interpret results. Kuhn differentiated a paradigm (or shared worldview) from a
* A new scientific truth does not triumph by convincing its opponents and making them see the light, but rather because its opponents eventually die, and a new generation grows up that is familiar with it. (Kuhns translation).

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paradigm shift (or scientific revolution), which is when the new paradigm finally replaces the old paradigm. He noted the presence of a transitional period, in which two or more incommensurable paradigms compete for converts a period of negotiation that ultimately must fail, giving way to one dominant paradigm. While a useful heuristic device for understanding intellectual trends in academia, Kuhns conception of paradigms and paradigm shifts is unnecessarily essentialist and deeply rooted in a Hegelian-Marxian framework involving chronological periods of theoretical stability truncated by revolutions of new and radical thought. In archaeometallurgy (if not in all academic disciplines), these shifts cannot be historicized absolutely i.e., just as the introduction of copper did not cause the cessation of lithic production, the introduction of a new theoretical paradigm did not and does not necessitate the extinction of its predecessors. In fact, even contrary modes of thought can operate in tandem see, for example, the prolonged existence of culture historical approaches to archaeology (e.g., ceramic typologies, migration models) despite two highly-touted paradigmatic shifts to processualism in the 1960s and to post-processualism in the 1980s. Thus, a paradigm shift is defined here as the adoption of a new school of thought by a certain quorum of scholars that affects the structuring and interpretation of hypothesis testing and that is built upon preceding paradigms without superceding them (contra Kuhn). Such a shift in worldview can be noticeable in both Plancks rising generation but also among those more senior scholars who were part of so-called competing paradigms. Just as archaeometallurgy is moving away from replacement models in discussing the development of early metallurgy, so too should we avoid confrontational conceptions of paradigms as put forth by Planck, Kuhn, et al. However, it is a reality of any academic field that methods and theories ebb-and-flow over time, sometimes returning to past conclusions and sometimes striking out into new territory (Trigger 1989: 370411). The archaeometallurgical paradigm discussed in this paper began in the 1970s and 1980s with scholars from both sides of the Atlantic, experienced a transition period in the 1990s, and appears to have been firmly adopted by the early years of the 21st century.

Christopher P. Thornton

of metal artifacts, but actively exacerbates the widening division between archaeological science (archaeometry) and archaeological theory realized since the 1980s (see Olin 1982; Renfrew 1991; Thomas 1991; Dunnell 1993; Pollard 1995; Killick/Young 1997; Pollard/Bray 2007). As Ehrenreich (1991: 55) has noted: The objectives of archaeometallurgy should be to augment our understanding of the rise of craft specialization, the organization and importance of prehistoric industries, the effects of new technologies on societies, the extent and limits of cultural contacts, and the impetus and alterations required to change rudiments of societal infrastructure. It is this idea of augmenting the archaeological record that is often lost on many archaeometallurgists, who predominantly come to ancient metallurgy from the perspective of the natural or material sciences. This is not to say that the scientific aspects of archaeometallurgy are unimportant! On the contrary, it is the ability to empirically document the production, use, and meaning of metals in society that differentiates an archaeometallurgist from an art historian, archaeologist, or a scientist-technician (see Rehren/ Pernicka 2008). Without the scientific methodology, archaeometallurgy would be almost entirely unable to tap into the past human behavior captured so elegantly in the microstructures and chemical compositions of metal artifacts (Smith 1978; Franklin 1983). Thus, in this section I will attempt to summarize the major steps in the metallurgical process ( la Ottaway 2001) in order to show how they have been (and could still be) informed by broader archaeological and anthropological understandings vis--vis the new archaeometallurgical paradigm. The earliest stage in the metallurgical process is naturally the selection and extraction of metallic ores. Numerous scholars have attempted to understand prehistoric mining techniques and ore-selecting decisions through ethnographic, experimental, and analytical means (see Weisgerber/Pernicka 1995; Knapp/ Pigott 1997; Weisgerber/Willies 2001). More rare are studies that emphasize the socio-economic (e.g., Bakewell 1984; Godoy 1985) or socio-cultural (e.g., Herbert 1993 and various papers in Knapp et al. 1998) aspects of historic or prehistoric mining, including the organization of labor, symbolic and/or ritualized behavior, and demarcated gender roles. As in other facets of archaeometallurgy, this overemphasis on the technical aspects has led to explanations lacking anthropological nuance, such as Charless (1980: 160) somewhat accepted (but theoretically moribund) argument that copper ore usage began in the Neolithic period of the Old World because the recession of the last major glaciers left a zone of copper-rich geological formations exposed (see Killick 2001: 487488). Although environmental determinism is not unique to

Defining archaeometallurgy
Archaeometallurgy is often defined simply as the study of ancient metallurgical technology, focusing exclusively on the manufacturing process from ore selection and mining to the production of metal objects. This sort of definition not only emphasizes the technical aspects over the human production and use

Archaeometallurgy: Evidence of a Paradigm Shift?

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begin to manufacture the object through a combination of various casting and shaping techniques. It is this manufacturing process that is perhaps the most important part of the entire chane opratoire for the archaeometallurgist, because the sequence of steps is readable in the structure of the metallic grains of the artifact as seen through a metallographic microscope (Smith 1978; Pigott 1996: 139). Perhaps no other material provides such unhindered access to an ancient technological process (with the possible exception of lithics that can be reconstructed back to the original core), thus allowing archaeometallurgists a unique view of ancient human behavior. After an object is produced, it begins the major portion of its biography ( la Kopytoff 1986) that is, unfortunately, often the most difficult to reconstruct. This chapter in the artifacts life history is sometimes called the use life and deals with the physical and symbolic transformations the object undergoes during multiple stages of use, re-use, recycling, and eventually deposition (see Gosden/Marshall 1999). In other words, the archaeometallurgist must attempt to understand the artifact as a dynamic entity that is continuously engaged in a social discourse with the people who created, transformed, used, traded, and discarded it, and whose meaning and function were (and still are) constantly being re-negotiated by performative acts of use and disuse (see Srensen 1997; Sofaer Derevenski/Srensen 2002). To accomplish this somewhat quixotic quest, the archaeological context of the object is of primary importance, because by placing the artifact in space and time and, thereby, drawing comparanda with similar objects, we come to understand its role in trade and exchange systems, in levels of craft specialization, and in mediating and maintaining socio-political hierarchies and socio-cultural identities.

archaeometallurgy, the study of ancient mining and ore exploitation could certainly benefit from more contemporary anthropological theories on the interaction between societies and their environments such as landscape studies (e.g., Thomas 2001) and studies of spatial organization (e.g., Rapoport 1994) as well as more theoretical discussions on the adoption of new materials (e.g., van der Leeuw/Torrence 1989). Some relatively recent literature on lithic and stone mining may serve as an appropriate model for how this may be accomplished (e.g., Bradley/Edmonds 1993; Topping/Lynott 2005).1 After the ores are mined, they are usually pro cessed (e.g., worked to remove aggregates or roasted to turn sulfide ores into oxide ores for ease in smelting) and brought to the smelting site, which may be situated either near to the ore source or nearer to a water, clay, or charcoal source that is some distance from the mine (Childs 1991: 342343; Doonan 1994; Ottaway/Roberts 2008). Alternatively, the location of a smelting site may be chosen relative to the location of the actual settlement (as opposed to a material resource) or because of some belief held by the community about a particular place. Although it may be difficult to delineate such reasoning in the past, it is important for the archaeometallurgist to keep in mind that smelting sites are not arbitrarily chosen but signify a conscious decision on the part of those involved (Childs/Killick 1993). The actual process of extracting metal from ores can be achieved in multiple ways that need not be discussed here (see Tylecote 1962; 1980; Ottaway 1994; Craddock 1995 for excellent summaries). However, it is important to note that the transformation of one material into another (assuming, of course, that ancient societies categorized these materials separately as we do) was undoubtedly as much a symbolic act as a technical act (Budd/Taylor 1995). Thus, the ways in which we interpret the remains of extractive metallurgical processes, including furnace or crucible fragments, slag, and charcoal, must seek answers beyond the purely technological into the realms of social and cultural behavior (e.g., van der Merwe/Avery 1988; Childs 1991; Epstein 1993; Bourgarit 2007). With the raw metallic material in hand, the ancient metalworker had a plethora of techniques to use in the creation of an object. First, the metalworker could melt different metals together (e.g., tin and copper) in order to create a particular alloy (e.g., tin bronze) with more desirable visual (e.g., color) or mechanical (e.g., hardness) characteristics. This alloying step can also be achieved during the smelt itself by mixing ores containing different metallic ele ments (e.g., malachite for copper and cassiterite for tin). Once the metal with desired characteristics was achieved or received, the metalworker would then
1 I thank Ben Roberts for pointing me towards these references.

The ins and outs of archaeometallurgy: Three waves

Although I state above that the first archaeometallurgical paradigm as I define it began in the 1970s, this was not the first time that ancient metallurgy was subjected to academic scrutiny. Indeed, the earliest examples of ancient metallurgical research date to the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th century, when the first attested experiments were performed on metal artifacts to determine their authenticity and antiquity (see Craddock 1995; Goodway 1991). By the late 19th century, scientists such as John Percy had begun to report on their analyses of metal artifacts within archaeological publications, while early 20th century scientists such as William Gowland began to combine ethnographic accounts with archaeological and analytical data. Although these studies serve as

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the ancestors of all later archaeometallurgical work, they cannot be defined as an archaeometallurgical paradigm per se because they could not provide interpretations of archaeological import without the help of archaeologists. What I would call the second wave of archaeometallurgy is derived not from scientists, but from the theories of Engels (1969 [1884]) and Marx (1971 [1857]), who conceptualized metals (following C. J. Thomsen and L. H. Morgan) as important indicators of certain social evolutionary stages and, therefore, integral components of the ancient socio-economic system. The intellectual heir of Marx and Engels in the field of archaeology was unquestionably V. Gordon Childe (e.g., 1930; 1944; 1957), whose theories on social evolution and class construction through technological advancement (particularly metals) and craft specialization continue to influence modern archaeo logical interpretation (see Rowlands 1971; Trigger 1986; and various papers in Wailes 1996). Remarkably, Childe was able to create these synthetic models and theories about ancient metallurgy without utilizing hardly any scientific analysis, thus prohibiting this second wave from being defined as a true archaeometallurgical paradigm. It is important to note that this proscription from the dubious honor of archaeometallurgical paradigm is not intended to diminish the importance of Marxian and Childean thought in archaeology and, by extension, to archaeometallurgy. Indeed, some of the most influential writers on metallurgical theory in the past few decades have followed these theorists and have similarly not bothered to integrate technical analysis with anthropological understanding. For example, the famous Wertime Renfrew debate on the origins of metallurgy (e.g., Renfrew 1969; Wertime 1973), which has become the archetypical discussion on diffusion vs. independent invention, was carried out with little mention of possible analyses to prove or refute their hypotheses (see Muhly 1988: 15). Even the great Russian scholar Evgenii Chernykh (1992; Chernykh et al. 2000), whose metallurgical province model is perhaps the most influential theory on ancient metallurgical production since Childe, only loosely refers to the technical analysis of over 60.000 metal artifacts that he oversaw from sites across the former Soviet Union. While these scholars unquestionably operate within a Marxian-Childean archaeological paradigm, their theories cannot be described as truly archaeometallurgical because they lack the crucial integration of the human/societal and the technical aspects of ancient metallurgy. This conceptual divide was first crossed in the 1970s by a group of scholars (here called the third wave) who are as notable for their excellent archaeometallurgical research as for their enduring legacy as teachers and mentors. In Germany, Gerd Weisgerber and Hans-Gert Bachmann championed scientific

Christopher P. Thornton

methods of analysis in collaboration with archaeological investigations of ancient mines and metallurgical sites. In Africa, early work by Nikolaas J. van der Merwe, Donald Avery, and Peter Schmidt integrated ethnographic research with archaeological and archaeometric analysis to discuss more cultural and ideological aspects of early metallurgy. In England, Ronald Tylecote of the UCL Institute of Archaeology and Beno Rothenberg of the Institute of Archaeometallurgical Studies (IAMS) and the Timna Project in Israel were the first to successfully combine archaeological fieldwork, scientific analysis, and experimental reconstruction in order to understand firsthand the interaction between ancient societies and their metallurgical technology (Killick 2001; Cleere 1993). In America, this first archaeometallurgical paradigm manifested in the material sciences with scholars at M.I.T. such as Cyril Stanley Smith, Martha Goodway, and Heather Lechtman, and at the University of Pennsylvania with scholars such as Robert Maddin, Tamara Stech, and James Muhly, all of whom were instrumental in introducing metallography to studies of ancient metallurgical technology (Goodway 1991: 706). It is worth dwelling for a moment on the American side of this third wave of ancient metallurgical studies, because I would argue that it is out of Smiths teachings that a new archaeometallurgical paradigm has coalesced. Although never trained in anthropology or the humanities, Smith argued in a series of papers (e.g., 1970; 1971; 1977; 1978) that, technology is more closely related to art than to science due to its ability to manipulate matter in order to create something more culturally complex than is scientifically analyzable (Smith 1981: 325). By this he meant that the adoption or application of a technology derives not from some technical or economic necessity, but from aesthetics and other socio-cultural desires. Neolithic peoples did not need copper tools indeed, they continued to make lithic and bone tools for the next 5.000 years but they wanted copper tools, and Smith argued that we need to understand that desire in order to understand early metallurgy as a human endeavour. To know why ancient peoples wanted metals, Smith felt that we had to know how they made metals, more specifically how they cast and worked native copper or copper ingots into finished artifacts. He argued that the desire of the craftsperson should be apparent in the finished product at all levels of inference chemical, physical, and visual and that by studying the artifact scientifically at all three levels, we should be able to deduce a pattern (what he called a structural hierarchy). As a simple example, if an ancient metalworker wanted to create a strong knife blade, then the modern-day scientist should be able to prove this by determining the choices of the craftsperson: Did he or she choose the stronger metal over the weaker metal? Did he or she hammer and

Archaeometallurgy: Evidence of a Paradigm Shift?

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lurgical paradigm i.e., the first set of beliefs shared by a group of scholars who were interested in understanding ancient societies vis--vis ancient metallurgy through both scientific and anthropological/ archaeological methods of inquiry. However, her belief in a shift was not altogether unfounded, simply premature. As early as the 1980s, the Smith-Lechtman school of technology and behavior was rapidly gaining converts, but mainly among scholars interested in ancient ceramics (e.g., Wright 1985; various papers in Kingery 1986; Gosselain 1992; Hegmon 1992). While some American archaeometallurgists accepted these teachings early on (e.g., Pigott 1982; Heskel 1982), it was not until the 1990s that a significant quorum of archaeometallurgical works began to appear in support of this paradigm (e.g., Childs 1991; Epstein 1993; Hosler 1994; Reedy 1997; Friedman 1998) in conjunction with larger discussions about the social organization of craft production (e.g., Brumfiel/Earle 1987; Costin 1991; 2001; Pfaffenberger 1992). More recently, this new paradigm has become almost de rigueur among American archaeometallurgists (see Killick 2004), particularly among the younger generation (e.g., Ehrhardt 2005; Tedesco 2005; Peterson 2007; Ehlers forthcoming), which is the best (and perhaps only) indication that a true paradigmatic shift has occurred. While the Smith-Lechtman school of technological style has not had the same effect on European archaeometallurgy as it has in America, I would argue that there has still been a theoretical shift, although of a different nature. In Britain, for example, the innovation-adoption school, which came out of Renfrews work on southeastern European metallurgy (1969; 1973) and the Varna cemetery (1978; 1984; 1986), has had a dramatic effect on the ways in which archaeologists study metallurgy and metal artifacts (e.g., Srensen 1989; 1996; Kienlin 1999; Sofaer Derevenski 2000; Kim 2001; Ottaway 2001; Sofaer/Srensen forthcoming).3 A theoretical shift can also be seen to some extent in continental Europe, where the social organization of technology (if not the cultural aspects of its production and use) have become dominant themes (e.g., Vandkilde 1996; various papers in Pare 2000; Ottaway/Wager 2002). More recently, the trendy though ill-defined materiality school in Britain has been dominating theoretical discussions of ancient technologies (e.g., DeMarrais et al. 1996; Renfrew 2001; DeMarrais et al. 2004; Miller 2005; but see
3 It was pointed out to me by Prof. Thilo Rehren of the UCL Institute of Archaeology that the major achievement in British archaeometallurgy over the past few decades has been the incorporation of ancient metallurgical studies into mainstream archaeological departments and teaching curricula a paradigmatic shift still sadly absent from American academia. The role of innovation-adoption theories in the acceptance of archaeometallurgy by mainstream archaeologists has never been fully explored, but would certainly be an interesting topic for discussion.

anneal the blade to maximum hardness or leave it ascast? Did he or she make the object long and pointy, or short and round? If any of these levels of inference do not suggest the desire for a strong blade (e.g., they left it as-cast instead of hammering it) then we must seek a different explanation for its construction (e.g., it was made to be put in a tomb and not to be used as a weapon). These ideas were greatly expounded upon by his protg, Heather Lechtman (1977), whose conception of technological style has, over time, had a truly revolutionary effect on technological studies in anthropology and archaeology (see Dobres/Hoffman 1994: 217221). Lechtman was to Smith what Huxley was to Darwin his staunchest supporter, and the one who took his teachings and ideas and made them something really paradigmatic. In her own series of papers, Lechtman (e.g., 1979; 1984; 1993; 1996; 1999) argues that the manner in which an object is made unconsciously reflects (and actively recreates) the ideological worldview of the craftsperson and his or her society through the medium of non-verbal communication known as style. To reach this conclusion, Lechtman took Smiths concept of the structural hier archy of materials and argued that the pattern of inter-related processes seen at the chemical, physical, and visual levels of an object are due to cultural patterning in the craftspeople who made it.2 That is, Lechtman takes a Maussian/Bourdieuan approach to human behavior, in which agents operate unconsciously in a particular way due to a shared cultural mindset a process that Mauss (1935) called enchanement organique and which Bourdieu (1977) called habitus. Thus, by studying metalworking practices in particular regions or sites, the archaeometallurgist is often able to deduce a local technological tradition that defines the metallurgy of that region (e.g., Ravich/Ryndina 1995; Thornton/Lamberg-Karlovsky 2004). These stylistic traditions, which are often expressed in other crafts as well (see Keightley 1987; Lechtman 1996; Shimada 1996; Sofaer 2006), help us to determine the choices being made and allow us to actually catch a glimpse of the desires, taboos, and rules that structured ancient societies.

Archaeometallurgy in the 21st century

In the beginning of this paper, I responded to Goodways proclamation of a paradigm shift in archaeometallurgy by suggesting that she was actually documenting the creation of the first archaeometal2 This conception is very similar to, although developed apparently without any knowledge of, Leroi-Gourhans (1945; 1964) idea of degr du fait and those of his successors in the French social technology school such as Lemonniers (1976; 1986; 1992) theory of technical systems.

30
also Ingold 2007 and responses), although we await proof that this theory has any relevance to scientific studies of ancient materials (see Jones 2004 and responses in Archaeometry 2005, volume 47.1). While the apparent shift in British and European discussions of metallurgy and other technologies is indeed significant, theoretical trends like materiality are mostly archaeological paradigms with little interest in scientific data. Such approaches threaten to widen the gap between archaeometrists or archaeo logical scientists and more theoretically-inclined archaeologists. As discussed above, it is the use of empirical data in conjunction with archaeological and anthropological interpretation that can provide the most holistic view of ancient technologies in their social and cultural contexts. This either occurs through close collaboration between scientists and archaeologists, or by adoption of the archaeometallurgical paradigm discussed above. Without both aspects informing the other in a dialectical relationship (i.e., theory structuring practice just as practice changes theory), we are only understanding half of the story. Barbara Ottaway (1994; 2001; 2002; 2003) has long been a great champion of this critical relationship between metallurgy as a scientific practice and metallurgy as a human endeavor, and it is hoped that future generations will follow her lead and join the revolution.

Christopher P. Thornton

Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Ben Roberts and Tobias Kienlin for inviting me to submit a paper for this volume, meant to celebrate one of the grande dames of archaeometallurgy. Insightful comments on and criticisms of early drafts of this paper were provided by Ben Roberts, Thilo Rehren, Vincent Pigott, and David Killick. I thank them greatly for their help while accepting full responsibility for the views expressed in this paper.

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