British Forum for Ethnomusicology

Forever Red: The Invention of Solo dizi Music in Post-1949 China

Author(s): Frederick Lau
Source: British Journal of Ethnomusicology, Vol. 5 (1996), pp. 113-131
Published by: British Forum for Ethnomusicology
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VOL. 5 BRITISH OFETHNOMUSICOLOGY
JOURNAL 1996

Forever Red: the invention of solo

dizi music in post-1949 China

Frederick Lau

Thesolo repertoryfor thetraditionalChinesebambooflutedizi consistsmostlyof pieces

composedin thepost-1949periodin thePeople'sRepublicof China.Despiteits relatively
recentorigin,this musicis consideredby manyChinesemusiciansto be a centuries-old
tradition.Focussingon the contributionsof dizi musicians,this paperexamines the
processes by which this music has become canonised and the reasons behind its
emergence.In particular,
it describesthetransformation
of diziperformers' status,musical
styleandrepertory againstthebackdrop of thepost 1949socio-politicalcontext.

IHtE 1949 CHINESE COMMUNIST REVOLUTION marked a significant

m turning point in the history of modem China. The attempt to establish a
populist ideology based on the thoughts of Marx, Lenin and Mao has led to
massive reforms in all domains of society. Essential to the establishment of
images of national unity in socialist China was the use of emblematic cultural
forms intended to articulate and maintain links between the party and the masses.
Consequently, traditional cultural forms and styles associated with the "common
people" were promoted largely by the creation and legitimization of new cultural
genres by the State after 1949 (Perris 1983, McDougall 1984). Once new styles in
domains such as music, literature, painting and dance were defined and
materialized in practice, they clearly functioned as emblems for the State in
representing itself and indeed creating itself in the popular perception. This
cultural imagery, projected by the State, seems to have had some impact
particularly on the recent generation in directing the internalized systems of
meaning through which people understand and respond to their conditions of
existence (Hall 1985). It is in this intensely politicized environment that new
ideas emerged, fused with, and at times even replaced traditional ones, giving rise
to new social and political forms. This trend undoubtedly affected musical
practice and gave new meaning to the definition of "traditional music"
(chuantong yinyue). 1 What follows is an account of the major transformations of
the solo dizi tradition since the 1950s. Through a series of case studies, I hope to

1 For a more detailed discussion of the term chuantongyinyue in the post-1949 Chinese context,
see Fang 1981,Provine1981 andRees 1997. As in the Bulgariansituationdescribedby Rice
(1994), the definitionof the term"tradition" also poses a seriousdilemmafor manyChinese
musicianswho workprimarily in the areaof minzuyinyue-nationalor traditional
music.

113
114 BritishJournalofEthnomusicology,
vol. (1996)

illustratethe impactof an immense societalchange on the musicians,describethe

crystallization of a single music genre, and offer some interpretationson the
situation.
In most ethnomusicologicalliterature,musicalchange is viewed in connection
with a shift in the external environment(e.g. Merriam 1977, Blacking 1978,
Kartomi1981, Nettl 1983). In recentyears, however, with the adventof practice
theoryin the social sciences, some recentethnomusicologistsare reluctantto see
musical change simply as cause and effect. Instead,they have begun, on the one
hand, to focus on individualsand their actions and on the other hand to explore
the dialectic relationshipbetween them and their socioculturalmilieu (Coplan
1991, Waterman1991, Turino 1991, Erlmann1991, 1996). Musical change, in
this view, is at once a productof societal change and an articulationof the social
agents' position in the new social configuration.In the words of Veit Erlmann,
change is a product of an "indeterminate conglomerate of forces-both
impersonaland groundedin individualagency-interacting with each otheron a
stage of much largerdimensions"(1996: 306). This theoreticalshift has drawn
our attentionto the people who carryout the changesratherthanto the monolithic
dominanceof the externalenvironment.It is in this light that I view change as a
result of both societal changes and choices made by musicians in response to
them.Using previoustheoriesof musicalchangeas a point of departure,I suggest
that the natureof change can only be fully understoodwhen humanmotivations
and actionsare takeninto consideration.
The result of musical change has been described primarily in a dualistic
perspectiveby contrastingaspects of the "old"with the "new".Conceptuallabels
such as Westernization,urbanisation,modernisationand acculturationare but
some of the ways of explainingthe natureand characteristicsof differenttypes of
changes (Nettl 1983, 1992: 381-6). A more recent approach,examiningchange
from a diachronicsocioculturalperspective,suggests that many traditionsare in
fact "invented"(Hobsbawm1983). Challengingthe popularbelief that"tradition"
is timeless and unchanging, Hobsbawm shows how links to the past can be
factitious and arbitrary.He defines "inventedtradition"as "a set of practices,
normallygovernedby overtly or tacitlyacceptedrules and of a ritualor symbolic
nature, which seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behaviour by
repetition,which automaticallyimpliescontinuitywith the past"(1983: 1).
The term"invention"in my title-inspired by Hobsbawm-is used as a poetic
image to underscorethe importanceandubiquitousrole of social agents.Building
on Hobsbawm'sidea, I want to emphasisethat "invention"is a result of human
actions and it is people who are involved in the act of making and remaking.
However, I am hesitantto use the term"inventedtradition"in the Hobsbawmian
sense because it creates an unnecessary distinction between two kinds of
traditions, some newly formed, others "genuine" or "old". When does an
"inventedtradition"stop being such and transforminto a "genuinetradition"?
The fact that some traditions have been around longer than others does not
automaticallybear any relevance to present-dayefficacy and value. Likewise,
 Lau:Solodizi musicin post-1949China 115

what appearsto have changedin practicethroughtime may simply be an attempt

to maintaina longstandingfunctionagainsta shiftingsocial andpoliticalcontext.
All traditionsare to some extent"created"or "invented"at some point in time,
with differingdegreesof consciousnessand motivation.They are at base a set of
communally accepted practices that serves a symbolic or practicalpurpose. To
characteriseone as "invented"and the other not is misleading and dodging the
essential issues. Rather than casting them within rigid boundaries, it is more
fruitfulto place them along a continuumand to focus on the ways each of them
has been shaped by individualswithin a specific historicalmomentand context.
In this vein, a numberof studies have problematisedthe notions of "traditional",
"invented" or "modern" by demonstrating their fluidity and contradiction
(Feintuch1993, Coplan 1991, Waterman1991, Schuyler 1990, Erlmann1996). It
was arguedthat "tradition[can be] a highly articulateexpression of a historical
consciousness"throughwhich "humanactors deploy historicallysalient cultural
categories to construct their self-awareness" (Erlmann 1996: 139). Subject
positioning can be a powerful force in generatingpractice and in altering the
definitionof "tradition".2
Criticismaside, Hobsbawm'swarningthat"traditionswhich appearor claim to
be old are often quite recent in origin and sometimesinvented"(1983: 1) is well
taken. I also agree that changes in a traditionoccur frequently "when a rapid
transformationof society weakens or destroys the social patternsfor which 'old'
traditions had been designed, producing new ones to which they were not
applicable..."(ibid.: 4). Viewing the problemfrom a slightly differentangle, my
paperfocuses on the processes of invention and their relationshipto the people
who have created them. In other words, how do people deal with things like
"traditions",and what do they bringto the establishedpracticesand institutions
when theirsocial conditionsanddemandshave been transformed?Why do people
behavethe way they do in a specific socioculturalformation?In this paper,I want
to suggest a way of thinkingabouttraditionand changefrom the vantagepoint of
humanagents and to highlight the need to analyse these actors in terms of their
position within particulartimes, spaces, and fields of humanbehaviour.The case
studies will illustrate that the emergence of a new music traditioncannot be
understood simply as "invented tradition"without considering the concerns,
motivationsand behavioursof the musiciansin context.
Following CliffordGeertz'snotionof culture(1973), I view traditionas "webs
of significance and meanings"spun by social actors which in turnhelp them to
define reality (ibid.: 5). Traditionis fluid and transformable,but it can only be
changed by people, not by itself. As Edward Shils argues succinctly, "nothing
called a traditionis a single thing: each of its elements is open to acceptance,
modification,or rejection"(1981: 45). The discussion below revolves aroundthe

2 I do not wish to evokethe debateon the term"tradition".Althoughused in manydifferent

contexts,it is highlycontestedandslipperyandthusalmosttoo broadto be meaningful.For a
rangeof its meaningandusageas well as discussionson thevariousprocessesof its maintenance
andtransformation, see Bohlman1988: 134-5;Waterman1990: 12; Glassie 1995;Rice 1994:
12-15;Duara1995:86-90;Anderson1983:11-16.
116 BritishJournalof Ethnomusicology,
vol.5 (1996)

traditionalChineseflute, di or dizi-a transversebambooflute of Han originwith

six finger holes anda blowhole.The most distinctivequalityof the dizi is its nasal
and buzzing tone quality, caused by a vibrating membrane covering a hole
situatedbetweenthe blowhole andthe nearestfingerhole. (See figs. 1-2.)
In researching the solo dizi repertory in the post-1949 context, I have
confrontedissues centralto the maintenanceand formationof traditions(1991).
These include the source and origin of the contemporaryrepertory,performance
practice,and the statusof dizi performersin a largersocial context. I found that
present-daydizi solos bearlittle resemblanceto manypieces datingfromthe early
partof the centuryandthata distinctsolo repertorydid not really exist beforethe
Revolution(Lau 1995). Similarto that of the erhu as describedby Stock (1992),
earlierdizi performancewas characterisedby diversifiedregionalrepertoriesand
styles, with no clear stylistic distinction between solo playing and ensemble
traditions(Thrasher1978).
This recent solo dizi repertory is frequently portrayed as continuing an
unbrokensolo dizi traditiondating from the pre-1949 period (Jiang 1957, Zhao
1983, 1985, Li 1982, 1987, Gao 1981, Yuan 1987, Ye 1996). Developed over the
last five decades, this corpus of recentcomposedpieces has been consideredthe
core repertoryfor the dizi despite its long history as a solo instrumentand its
importantrole in many regional instrumentalmusics and operas (ibid.). This
view, promotedand reinforcedby the State-runrecordingindustry,mass media,
concerts, and music conservatoires,is deeply entrenchedin both the academic
setting and popular perception. Many dizi performers and scholars whom I
interviewedcan effortlesslynameseveralof the famousmodem dizi compositions
and players such as Lu Chunling,Feng Zicun, and Wang Tiechui. Interestingly,
most would admit that they know very little about early solo dizi music. This is
common among both dizi players and non-dizi specialists alike at the
conservatoiresand in casual conversation.3In otherwords, a few famousplayers
have achieved superstarstatus,and theirrepresentativecompositions are widely
known.
Furthermore,along with changingmusic aestheticsandcompositionalpractice,
the treatmentof dizi musicianshas also improved.In contrastto the unfavourable
attitudetowardsthe dizi and its players before 1949, the prestige and centrality
they enjoy today clearly reflect a fundamental change in attitudes towards
musicians in general. All these changes in subject position no doubt present
musicalchallenges to the musicians-how to make sense of the musicalpast and
set the course for the future.Againstthe changingcontext andpolitical demands,
they have to negotiate and decide on the way of handlingthe available musical

3 Although based principally at the Shanghai Conservatoryof Music during my fieldwork, I

frequently travelled to other conservatoiresfor interviews and archival research. I have visited
those in Beijing, Guangdong, Xian, Siquan, Shenyang and Wuhan, meeting with most of their
dizi teachers. In addition, I have also interviewed many professional dizi players in major
perfonning troupes.
 L.au:Solo dizi musicin post-1949China 117

Fig. 1: A dizi

rk I~ p-
.1

~ ~ N, I

..A- ,
)It....

Fig. 2: The well-known Jiangnan sizhu musician Jing Zuli playing a dizi,
Shanghai,1986
118 vol.5 (1996)
BritishJournal f Ethnomusicology,

resources.4 By the very natureof their prescribedmusical authorityand social

status,dizi composersare able to link themselvesto an imaginarypast despite the
absence of a uniformand standardisedsolo dizi style from the pre-1949 period.
Thus what is now recognised by many as traditionalsolo dizi music, and the
notion of a professionaldizi soloist, in fact have been developed in recent years,
contraryto whatis commonlyassumed.

Dizi players
The drastic social and political transformationsof the CommunistRevolution
have underminedtraditionalattitudesand values towardsmusicians and music-
making.The primaryfunctionof variousforms of culturalexpressions, as stated
explicitly by Mao in the 1937 Talk at the Yan'anForumof Art and Literature,is
to serve the needs of workers, peasants and soldiers. Regional folk music
traditions, because of their class association, are regardedby many critics as
"politically correct" (ZYX 1959; ZYY 1960; He 1957). Consequently, many
regional folk artistsand their artistictraditionsbegan to be grantednew prestige
because of their political significance as representatives of the masses and
emblemsof populistideology. Equallyimportant,populistmusicalemblemswere
used to discredit or negate the ideology of the elite of the previous era (Jones
1995: 45). Traditionalfolk musical activities, used in various kinds of popular
social rites, festivals and local forms of entertainment,came to be legitimised as
the heritage of the masses and thus treasuredand promotedby the Communist
governmentsince the 1950s.
Duringthis time, manyregionalmusicianswere encouragedto take partin this
new musical movement. Activities, usually under the rubricsof wenyi wenhui
(evening culturalevents) and minjianyinyue wudao huiyan (variety concerts of
folk music and dance),were organisedby variousbranchesof the governmentin
an attemptto direct and promulgatethe new ideology throughthe redefinitionof
cultural production. New performingtroupes were formed under a variety of
names such as wengong tuan (cultural work troupes), gewun tuan (song and
dance troupes)and minzuyuetuan(traditionalmusic troupes)(Jones 1995: 48). It
is under such circumstancesthat a numberof regional folk dizi players gained
prominencein the early years of the Republic.Although dizi music had been a
low-prestige popularform in the pre-1949 period, throughoutthe 1950s many
regional dizi players were invited to performin various State-sponsoredpublic
concerts and variety shows in the capitaland majorprovincialcities. Among the
most prominent and highly publicised activities of this kind were the 1953
NationalFolk Dance and Music Concertand the 1956 NationalMusic Week, in
which manyrenownedfolk dizi playerswere featured.

4 The questionof how to handlemusicalheritagein socialistChinahas been a controversial

subject.Althoughthereis no consensusas to how to resolvethis issue, variouspositionshave
developedoverthe years;see e.g. Fang1981,Perris1983,Ma 1957,He 1957,Li Y. 1983,ZYX
1960,ZYY 1960.
 Lau:Solodizi musicin post-1949China 119

Shortlyafter theirconcertappearances,the same groupof folk musicianswere

invited by the Ministryof Cultureto be membersof various official performing
troupesand musical institutions.Under the new administration,the term minjian
yiren (folk artist),which was used customarilyto refer to low-class folk artistsin
the pre-Revolutionaryperiod, was droppedand replacedby the honourabletitle
zhuanye yanzouyuan (professional performer),implying a specialised, skilled,
professional musician. As government employees, these players received a
sizeable monthly salary, housing, benefits,job security,and above all the social
prestigeof which they had been deprivedbefore 1949. The ramificationsof such
a transformationlie not only in the changing social status of dizi players: more
importantly,it createdan opportunityand forumfor them to express and interpret
theirconceptionsof music in relationto the State'spoliticalneeds.
Of the many folk dizi players who were grantedprestige by the State, I was
able to interview several leading figures such as Feng Zicun, Lu Chunling,Liu
Guanyue,Zhao Songting,Chen Zhong,and WangTiechui.Like manycadresand
culturalworkers who were recruitedby the governmentat the time, these dizi
players were of humble family backgroundand working class origin. As low-
status musicians making a meagre living from playing the dizi before the
Revolution, they were seen as belonging to the oppressed majorities who had
suffered in pre-Liberation"feudalistic"Chinese society. The success stories of
how Lu Chunling and Feng Zicun, after years of hardshipin the hands of the
"landlords",eventuallyjoined the partyand devotedthemselvesto the Revolution
have been well documented(Hsiao 1962, Huo 1984, Wang 1985). The fact that
both Lu and Feng, a formerrickshawmanand a poor ruralpeasant,became dizi
specialistsrichly illustratesand personifiesfanshen-a termadoptedwidely after
1949 to denote the process of "turningover" the old society, standingup against
feudalismand enteringinto a new society (Hinton 1966: vii). Their success and
contributiondrive home the point thatthe masses can really make a differencein
the new society.
Accordingto the dizi performerLiu Guanyue(1956), the most exciting change
for many local folk dizi players in the late 1950s was the addition of the title
zhuanye yanzouyuan. While engaging in full-time performing and teaching
careers for State-sponsored music institutions, these dizi performers were
encouragedto compose new pieces primarilydesignedfor mass consumption(via
cassettes, for example; see figs. 3-4). As a result of their elevated social status,
the formerfolk dizi players began to develop a differentvision of their tradition.
In the words of Lu Chunling:"Since traditionaldizi music was so diversifiedand
backward,therewas a need in the early yearsafterthe Revolutionto establishand
develop a more systematisedand sophisticatedsolo dizi practiceandrepertory."
Lu's words encapsulatedthe attitudeof many dizi playersof the time who had
internalised a vision of the inferiority of their regional musical traditions. In
conjunctionwith theirnew social position,these musiciansadoptedthe notions of
progress,developmentand refinement,which in turnbecome powerfulimpetuses
for the formationof a new solo dizi performanceand compositionalpractice.In
short,by redefiningthe social statusof the folk dizi players, the State has tacitly
120 BritishJournal f Ethnomusicology,
vol.5 (1996)

createda body of specialistswhose attitudesand visions are in turnshapedby this

change.

The style of early dizi music

Most of the early solo dizi compositionsthatemergedin the 1950s are variations
on the dizi part extractedfrom various regional instrumentalensemble musics.
This is done simply by takingthe existing dizi partout of its originalcontext and
building upon it. Two of the most influential and often cited dizi styles are
illustratedin Feng Zicun's famous arrangementof Xixiangfeng(HappyReunion)
andLu Chunling'sversion of Zhegufei(The Flight of the Partridges).These two
1950s arrangementsare frequentlypresentedin recent Chinese music textbooks
as pioneer models for the modern solo dizi style and more specifically as
respective representativesof the so-called nanpai (southernschool) and beipai
(northernstyle) of dizi music and performingstyle. Although they are merely
standardisedversions of traditionalitems, credit is given to the playerswho first
performed and arranged them. In so doing, emphasis is placed on the
contributions and "re-creation" activities of the new specialists while
downplayingthe importanceof the musicaltraditionfrom which the compositions
were derived.
Feng's version of Xixiangfeng (fig. 5) is taken from the errentai tradition
populararoundShanxiprovinceandthe westernInnerMongoliaarea.Errentai,a
regionalmusic drama,is usually accompaniedby a quartetconsisting of a dizi, a
4-stringbowed fiddle xihu, a hammereddulcimeryangqin and a pair of clappers
bangzi. The ensemble accompaniesthe singers and provides backgroundmusic
for the dance in additionto providing an overture,interludeand postlude. The
dizi, being the most importantinstrumentin the ensemble, not only doubles the
mainvocal line but also improviseson it, to enhancethe mood and createa richer
musicaltexture.
The dizi style in the errentai traditionis characterisedby the constant use of
rapid portamento, glissando, flutter tonguing, disjunct melody with large
intervals, and short melodic fragments.Since the errentai traditionwas Feng's
only source of reference,his playing and latercompositionsare markedby these
characteristics. Another frequently employed compositional procedure,
epitomisedin Xixiangfengand many of Feng's later compositions, is the use of
theme andvariationsprocedure.As a result,Feng's dizi techniquehas become an
importantmodel of rhythmicandvirtuosicplayingfor manylatercompositions.
Contrastingwith Feng's energeticrhythmicdizi style is Lu Chunling'slyrical
playingderivedfromthe sizhu traditionof east centralChina.In Jiangnansizhu, a
wind and stringensemble traditionfrom south of the Yangtze Region, dizi is the
leading instrument.The essence of Jiangnansizhu music lies in the heterophonic
improvisationsof a melody played simultaneouslyby variousinstrumentsin the
ensemble (Witzleben 1995: 118-22). The lyrical character of the music is
accentuatedby overlappingphrases and continuous and smooth melodic lines
played by all instruments.Lu's acquaintancewith the sizhu traditionis reflected
 Lau:Solo dizimusicin post-1949China 121

Fig. 3: Lu Chunlingas shown on a cassette cover

~s' ~."?."' HL-Is

~, E- E

?^ F?

Fig. 4: Kong Qingbao,dizi soloist with the ShanghaiTraditionalMusic

Orchestra
122 British Journal f Ethnomusicology, vol. 5 (1996)

Fig. 5: Xixiangfeng(HappyReunion)by Feng Zicun(transcribedby the author

from ChinaRecordCo. M-104)

AA

1r M
eI
t-
e ~~v v v~A A A A

u -'=-' - S etc.

in both his repertoryand his playing style. His dizi style is markedby a lyrical
qualityand the frequentuse of trills, appoggiatura,subtlearticulation,contrasting
dynamics, melodic augmentationand ornamentedfigures as well as conjunct
melodic contour. His compositionZhegufei (fig. 6) exists in various versions.
Among them, Lu's version is consideredthe most popularand demandingone.
This piece has also been transcribedby JonathanStock for the Western flute
(1994: 13-19).
Feng's and Lu's compositions of the 1950s are clearly among the most
influential of early modem dizi styles. Their significance, however, lies in
providingmodels for laterplayerswho subsequentlyestablishedand developed a
standardisedsolo dizi style by fusing these and other regional dizi techniques.
Works written by other composers during the 1960s-for example, Mudi
(Shepherds' Flute), Gusuxing (A Trip to Suzhou), Huanlede jieri (Joyous
Festivals),Xiaobalujun(Little Eighth Army)-are all consideredinnovative and
sophisticatedexamples of this new solo style. However, the developmentof this
style did not stop with the fusion of regionalstyles. Dizi composerswho followed
Lu and Feng also expandedtheir compositionalstyle accordingto other artistic
 Lau: Solo dizi music in post-1949 China 123

byLuChunling(transcribed
Fig. 6: Zhegufei(TheFlightof thePartridges) by
theauthorfromChinaRecordCo.03-1246)
Ad lib.
if Sr
A .T , l-*
-r
V-1 - I~~~~~S >r Sr - - -. fr

"t" - .* S-

'- I ;
^-^ 1-- r,
^

Dj ;^<l^^' -^ Li'1
^^ ^ ^^ ,^

'5

19i -" i

--^f-- --* ^ *-9^' r

'*''-- jetc.

considerations and political agendas. In addition to drawing on Han regional

music, they frequentlyincorporatedinnovativemusical ideas and elements taken
from other sources-national minorities,regional folksongs, Europeanclassical
music, folksongs from other cultures,and sometimes even jazz-as the basis of
their compositions. The possibilities of incorporatinga wider range of musical
materialsin a composition are endless, particularlyin the last two decades (Lau
1996).
The excerpt in figure 7 demonstratesan innovativeway of incorporatingjazz
elements in creating an unconventional-soundingdizi composition.Muyangren
(The Shepherds),accordingto the composer Yu Xunfa, is based on a Canadian
folk song which he learnedwhile concertisingin Canada.In using a variety of
non-Chinesemusical elements such as syncopatedrhythms,"blue"notes, conga
drumsand claves, this dizi compositionis clearly intendedto evoke a sensibility
differentfrom thatof the earlierperiods.
 -
dizi dz-- - r ^j^
--t(*
-
r^
*- - -- r. - J -r^
- -
x - ---
. -V - wq!a
^ --;- --- - -- --1 0 -
, ,
.. ..

clave & 4 x__ - I -

-.Z - - .
..
. - -.
..
.. .--

bongo ...- L r

13

Fig. 7: Muyangren(TheShepherds)by YuXunfa

bytheauthorfromcassetteHuiliu:Yu Xunfadizi zhuanji,Tongs
(transcribed
 Lau:Solo dizimusicin post-1949China 125

Repertory
I have describedhow the emergenceof the professionaldizi soloist has resultedin
the development of a highly eclectic solo dizi style. Now let us turn to the
repertoryand comparerecent solo dizi music with some older solo dizi pieces in
orderto illustratevariousdistinguishingfeatures.
Due to limited historical documentationavailable for the pre-1949 period, I
was able to locate only nine collections of dizi tunes datedbetween 1843 and the
1940s in the Libraryof the Chinese Music ResearchInstitutein Beijing and the
Beijing Library.Bearing simple titles such as Diqu (Music for dizi) andXiaodi
xinpu (New tunes for dizi andxiao), each of these books containstwenty to thirty
relativelyshort tunes. I have noticed thatthe stylistic featuresof pieces found in
these sourcescontrastdrasticallywith those of the morerecentcompositions(Lau
1995). Althoughthese tunes are by no meansrepresentativeof the entireearly dizi
repertory,they serve as a useful point of departurefor our comparison.First,
regarding the origin of these tunes: the introductions of several tune books
indicate that the pieces were primarilypopularmelodies of the time extracted
from variousoperaticand entertainmentgenres.This is unlike the situationtoday,
whereby most melodies in the recent repertory,as demonstratedto me by dizi
playersthemselves,are newly composedmelodies fusing differentmusicalstyles.
Second, the tides of tunesin the new andold repertoriesare totallyunrelatedto
one another.While the names of the older tunes are taken from contemporary
populartunes and qupai (tune types or labelledmelodies used in variousoperatic
traditions),titles of recentpieces are largelyrootedin politicalrhetoricsupporting
the CommunistParty, for example Mannianhong(ForeverRed), Muminxin'ge
(New Songs for the Shepherds),Changzi shange gaidangting (Sing a Mountain
Song to the Party),Jinxi (Yesterday-Today),and ChundaoLasa (SpringComes to
Lhasa).
Third,most of the oldertunes are quiteshortand structurallysimple,consisting
of only a few phrases, as opposed to the more elaborate melodic lines and
complex structuresfound in most recent solo compositions. Last, but not least,
recent compositions contain explicit indicationsof particularkey, mode, phrase
markings,dynamics,articulations,ornamentations,meter,and the specific type of
dizi to be used. For most earliertunes, indicationof mode and occasionally key
are the only written performanceguides: the rest is entirely up to the individual
performerto decide.
These aspects clearly reflect significant differences in attitudes towards dizi
music and its performance.In additionto the expressionof political ideology in
the new titles, emphasis is placed on specialisation in performance,structural
complexity and formal systematisation.The purpose is clearly in line with the
State'spopulistideology: emblems of the people were elevated,while at the same
time fused with images of greater competence, skill and "scientific"
systematization-in short,the desiredimage of the new State.
Discussions with contemporarydizi musicianswho underscoredthe difference
in prestige of the new and old repertoriesprovide furtherinsights. When older
126 BritishJournalof Ethnomusicology,
vol.5 (1996)

tunes were presentedto my informants,many of them admittedto having very

little knowledge about them. Although they could identify older dizi tunes as
arrangementsof local folk melodies and operatic genres, they all insisted that
these tunes were not significant for my research; they stressed that I should
concentrate on the recent repertory, since it was specifically composed and
performedby zhuanyeprofessionalplayers and hence is a more specialised and
respectable musical tradition.The notion of being "scientific" and rigorous in
music theory and practice is somethingoften mentionedby Chinese musicians.
The implicationthat traditionalChinese music lacks these qualities has inspired
many dizi musicians, particuarlythose at the conerservatoriesand performing
troupes,to design a more "scientific"dizi and rigoroustrainingmethod.This has
spawnedmany new approachesto the instrumentand its music. Ironically,while
the dizi was grantedprestigein post-1949 Chinaas an emblem of popularsociety
andculture,it was re-createdin the image of an elite specialisttradition.

Conclusion
Scholars who study post-1949 Chinese cultural forms and their development,
such as the one I have described,frequentlyview them as the embodimentand
manifestationof State ideology (e.g. Kagan 1963, Chu 1978, Han and Li 1980,
Mackerras1981, Perns 1983, Holm 1984). The implicationis thatthese modified
culturalexpressions are inevitably consequences and sources of indoctrination.
Ideology, in this sense, projects a unilineal image of power which renders the
individual actors and musicians passive and powerless. By emphasising the
potency and prevalenceof State ideology, scholarsattributeits emergenceas the
principal cause of the change in the domain of artistic expression. I find this
conceptionof ideology restrictingto the extent thatit underminesthe complexity
of the issue. If ideology functions as a system of collectively sharedvalues and
norms and a rigid system of belief, how can we explain the emergence of new
styles and the multifaceted expressions found in dizi music of the 1980s and
1990s, which deviate from the seminal models developed by Feng and Lu? If
deviation from the norm is accepted, can we assume that State ideology is
ineffective anddysfunctional?
According to J.B. Thompson, the study of ideology examines "the ways in
which meaningor ideas affect the conceptionsor activitiesof the individualsand
groups which make up the world" (1984: 73). To assess its success in any
meaningfulway, we need to understandhow meaningis inscribedand reified in
reality,in everydaylife, in the schools andin the conservatories.Putdifferently,it
is throughindividuals' action, practice and behaviourthat we can visualise the
extent to which ideology has been internalised, because ideas can only be
materialised and expressed in action. The situation, however, is further
complicatedby the fact that a single society may see competingor overlapping
ideologies depending on the level of education, urban worldview, political
affiliation, regional association and so forth. These multiple views inevitably
become part of the concern when an individual makes a decision. The final
 Lau:Solo dizi musicinpost-1949China 127

outcome is undoubtedly a synthesis and balance of the various modes of

experienceand the social agent's interpretationof reality. Viewing ideologies as
interconnecteddomainshaving multiplelayers, we can explain why certainaction
outside the State's constraintis consideredacceptableor even possible. Ideology,
in this manner,must be viewed not as a monolithicfixed entity thatresides above
people and dictateshumanaction from the top down but ratheras an articulation
of the individualchoice made in referenceto a largerdimension.
Players like Lu Chunlingand Feng Zicun, who were elevated from low-class
folk musiciansto a prestigiousprofessionalstatus,experienceda dramaticchange
in self-perceptionand life style, which subsequentlyalteredthe way they viewed
reality.To them, the Stateis clearly theirbenefactorandproviderratherthantheir
oppressor.It is thereforenot surprisingthat they readily accept and agree to act
accordingto the demandsof the State's policy and artistic guidelines. In return,
they receive a regular salary and are given the privilege of performing and
travelling across the country and abroad.In reality, they were given a road to
stardomand social prestige which was completely out of the question for them
before the Revolution. But there was a price: by accepting the materialisticgain
and contributing their music to the political discourse of the State, they
automatically become functionaries of the State apparatus-a decision they
consent to voluntarilyratherthanby force. Accordingto Gramsci,this is how true
hegemony operates. Domination is effected not by coercion or force, but by
persuading the subaltern to internalise and consent to the dominant way of
thinking as natural (Gramsci 1971). Ideology seen in this sense is more than
unilineal but rathera dialectic process of "structureand structuring",and it has
the capabilityto "formulateand be formulated"(Bourdieu 1977). Thus, changes
in dizi music and its practice can be viewed as a result of the way players
themselves interpret and adjust to their immediate world, that is, the world
establishedby the State.This also helps us explainwhy laterplayerswho write in
new styles are acceptedandconsideredin agreementwith the Stateideology: like
theirpredecessors,they have also helped to "invent"and redefine State ideology
in theirown termswithincertainboundariesand limits.
By putting human agents in the foreground,we can account for their actions
and the changes they bring to the traditionas they continuouslyrespond to the
demandsandneeds of theirimmediateworld.In a circularfashion,Stateideology
is being kept in place throughthe invention of a new music traditionto which
new pieces are allowed to be perpetuallyaddedin orderto consolidate,articulate
andreinventthe social order.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
An earlierversion of this paperwas presentedat the EthnomusicologyColloquia,
Universityof California,Berkeley, 1993. I have benefittedfrom discussions with
Henry Spiller, AndrewWeintrauband MarkDeWitt while at Berkeley. Research
for this paper was conducted in the People's Republic of China (1986-87)
supportedby dissertationresearchgrantsfrom the NationalAcademyof Sciences
128 British
JournalofEthnomusicology,
vol.5 (1996)

CSCPRC Program and the University of Illinois Graduate College. I would like to
thank David Hughes, Jonathan Stock, Thomas Turino, Margaret Sarkissian and
Inne Choi for their incisive and generous comments. Also my sincere gratitude to
Patrick Munroe, Thomas Dresel and Thor Larsen of Cal Poly for their patience in
guiding me through the painstaking steps of creating computerised graphics and
music notation.

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PRE-1949 DIZI MUSIC SOURCES

n.d. Mss. Xiaodi hepu [Duetsfor xiao and di].
n.d. Mss. Zuixin xiao hepu [Latestmusicfor xiao and di].
1846 Mss. Zhao diqu zazhi huipian [TheZhaofamily anthology of di music].
1913 Mss. Diqu copied by Chang Ren [Di music]
1922 Mss. Shendao diqu [The divine di music], copied by Xi Tong.
1924 Xiaodi xinpu ed. by Zheng Jinwen [New music for xiao and di]. Shanghai: Shanghai
Wenming Shuju [ShanghaiCivilized Bookstore].
1933 Mss. Yandishuyi narratedby Fang [Expositionof Binzhong,written by Fang Wenxi:Art
of di playing]
1946 Xiaodi chuizoufa by Xiao Jianqing [Methods of playing the xiao and di]. Shanghai:
ShanghaiGuoguan ShudianChubanshe.

SELECTED LIST OF POST-1949 DIZI SOLO COLLECTIONS

Gao Ming (1987) Gao Ming dizi quxuan [Collections of Gao Ming's dizi pieces]. Beijing:
Renmin Yinyue Chubanshe.
Jian Guangyi (1982) Jian Guangyi dizi quxuan [Collections of Jian Guangyi's dizi pieces].
Beijing: Renmin Yinyue Chubanshe.
Jiang Yonghe (1956) Dizi jiaocai [Pedagogical materials for the dizi]. Beijing: Yinyue
Chubanshe.
(1957a) Dizi duzuoquxuanji [Collectionsof solo dizi pieces]. Beijing: Yinyue Chubanshe.
Lu Chunling (1960) Jinse: dizi duzuo quxuan ['Today-Yesterday': a collection of solo dizi
compositions]. Shanghai:ShanghaiWenyi Chubanshe[ShanghaiArts Publishing Company].
_____ (1982) Lu Chunling dizi quji [Collection of Lu Chunling's dizi pieces]. Beijing: Renmin
Yinyue Chubanshe.
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can temperone's red heart], vol. 1. Beijing: RenminYinyue Chubanshe.
_____ (1977) Renmin lieche xiangxianjin [People's train runsforward], vol. 2. Beijing: Renmin
Yinyue Chubanshe.
(1979a) Dizi quji 1949-1979 [Collection of dizi pieces 1949-1979]. Beijing: Renmin
Yinyue Chubanshe.
___._ (1979b) Zaoyuan chunse [Spring in the date garden], vol. 3. Beijing: Renmin Yinyue
Chubanshe.
 China 131
Lau:Solodizimusicinpost-1949

____ (1982) QingquanHua Xixun [Clear StreamsBrings Good News], vol. 4. Beijing: Renmin
Yinyue Chubanshe.
(1986)Dizi quji[Collectionsof dizipieces],vol. 5. Beijing:RenminYinyueChubanshe.
ShanghaiWenyiChubanshe Bianjibu,ed. (1983)Dizi quxuan[Collectionsof dizipieces],vol. 1.
Shanghai:ShanghaiWenyi Chubanshe[ShanghaiArts Publishing Company].
(1985) Dizi quxuan[Collectionsof dizi pieces], vol. 2. Shanghai:ShanghaiWenyi
Chubanshe[ShanghaiArts Publishing Company].
ShanghaiConservatoryof Music (n.d.) Dizi jiaocai yuequxuan[Collectionsof pieces for
teaching dizi], (Six Volumes). Mimeographed.Shanghai:Shanghai Conservatoryof Music.
WangTiechui(1984) WangTiechuidizi quxuan[Collectionsof WangTiechui'sdizi pieces].
Beijing: Renmin Yinyue Chubanshe.
Zhao Songting (1985) Diyi chunqiu[Springand autumnof the art of the di]. Hangzhou:
Zhejiang Renmin Chubanshe[Zhejiang'sPeople's Publishing Company].
ZhongyangYinyueXueyuan,ed. (1962) Minzuqiyue[Nationalinstrumental
music].Beijing:
Zhongyang Yinyue Xueyuan Chubanshe [Central Conservatory of Music Publishing
Company].

SELECTED DISCOGRAPHY
A collection of music played on dizi, 8-volume CD set (ChinaRecord CompanyCD 94.350-357)
Lu Chunlingdizi duzuoquxuan[Selecteddizi solos of Lu Chunling](ChinaRecordCompany
HL-150)
Huiliu: Yu Xunfa dizi zhuanji [Convergence:a special edition of Yu Xunfa's dizi solos]
(Tongshen Yueshe TS-201)
KongQingbaodizi duzuoqu[KongQingbao'sdizi solos] (ShanghaiYaushengDuwuGongshi
Y-2049)

Frederick Lau is Assistant Professor of Music at the California Polytechnic State

University, San Luis Obispo. He has conducted extensive fieldwork in the People's
Republic of China in 1986, 1989 and 1992. His interest in Chinese music focusses on
traditional
instrumental betweenmusicalchangeandsociety
musicandtherelationship
in 20th-centuryChina.He has publishedseveral articleson dizi music. His most recent
researchis on the Teochew-Thai music culturein Bangkok and on issues related to the
study of the Chinese music diaspora. Address: Music Department, California
Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo, CA 93407, U.S.A. E-mail:
<fflau@oboe.calpoly.edu>