Community Study: Retrospect and Prospect Author(s): Conrad M. Arensberg and Solon T.

Kimball Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 73, No. 6 (May, 1968), pp. 691-705 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2775775 . Accessed: 23/01/2014 08:11
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Journal of Sociology.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Community Study:Retrospect and Prospect

ConradM. Arensberg and SolonT. Kimball

ABSTRACT Communitystudy as a method of social sciencehas undergoneextensivetransformation since its inceptionand now exhibitssome divergencefromthe traditional use of such concepts as structure, function, and role. Those who have utilized substantivefindings from community studies to establishthe validity of a priori theorieshave not understoodthe process throughwhich new insightsare won in the use of the community-study method. The new emphasisis upon the search for principlesof process and the nature of change and taxonomicorientation. of methin contrastto the originaldescriptive The development and event analysis have proved to be the most important ods for system,interaction, theoretical tools in thisadvance.

studiesrevived;the When more than threedecades ago we worldwar,community of theiruse was regainedand to the studyof com- momentum introduced werefirst anthropolo- accelerated;and in recent in complexsocieties, munities yearsit has conin that tinued littleinterested Each yeartheappearto proliferate. gistswererelatively surveys, ance of new studies,in new countries, exdid community field.Sociologists in social problems tends the cross-cultural and geographic but theywereinterested and rangeof theextant descriptions and analyrather than in the characterization undertaken by this cultures of ways of life. Culturaland ses of complex comparison con- method In investigation. of anthropological wereas yetlittle socialanthropologists as well,theproor lessermeasure, cernedwithpeoples otherthan the prelit- greater of liferation inclusion increased thestoreof has steadily erateones,and thesubsequent unoftheoretical and thedepths many European,Asian, and Latin-Ameri- techniques in thescience. of complexand de- derstanding can nationalcultures, in the comparative Ofequal importance has beenthegradual veloped civilizations, the offers that the community patterns recognition and culture analysisofinstitutions had notyet mostsignificant ethnology and in cross-cultural themostviableform focus, had beenmade ofhuman A beginning been effected. for directed innovation, grouping, of theLynds' formassiveand continuous of thefirst in theappearance of stimulation (in the Midwest) culturalchange.The approach to change volumeson Middletown teamstudyofYankee City called "community and in Warner's emerged development" weredeclared- at the end of WorldWar II. It has grown (in New England),but these to put into attempts the first ly pioneerefforts, much vogue and some power,if not field work, method,and anthropological failures. Programs alwayseasilyor without analysisto workon literate, whole-culture of India, such as thoseof thegovernments communities. complex Bolivia, Egypt, Pakistan, Nigeria, Syria, Soon afterour ownworkin Ireland,the those of the as such efforts among others, of war years choked off the momentum American in the Nations United movement, had which of the thirties thesebeginnings aid programs gearedin somecounus. By then,indeed,studieshad foreign inspired suchoccasional to villagedevelopment, in the American South,in tries been completed as theCornell University successes Japan,in FrenchCanada as wellas in Ire- brilliant sincethen of Vicos Projectin Peru-all attest land.Butwiththeendof thenear-decade 691

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

692

THE AMERICAN OF SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL

definias in recentdecades from preliminary use of thecommunity to thewidespread to analysesofstructure of phenomena tions socialchange. a focusfordirected of differcommu- amongthem, to theidentification and thepioneer Sinceour work, and to for their entialfunctions amonginstitutions, nitystudiesnow forceattention ina the exploration study, of thecomplexcultural impactof community fundamental them. and tegration so muchscholarly interconnecting from result collective perseemsto be a changed effort, practical If today'sbasic search is forprinciples or of stability and systemic in functional in socialscienceitself. spective and culof social, economic, Commu- the dynamics There are severalexplanations. then the methodof for their tural transformation, nity studiesnow forceattention advantages studyhas strategic commu- community Further, number and variety. sheer a researchmethod whichwe shall spell out.The scienceis no nity studies represent of cultural with definitions at once, longercontent questions manyinterrelated raising or with typologies the and social phenomena, of exploring a method provide and they ofsysorwiththestaticproperties of the answersto these of these, interconnectedness soInsteadof analyzing them. studies have thus temsuniting questions.Community fordefinitional phenomena generalmovement cial and cultural takenpartin therecent or forevoluand classification, of recognition of social science fromthe treatment of thesocialscientists classification, of cor- tionary thediscovery isolateddata through studrela- today,bothin and out of community relationsto the analysisof systemic groups, among social facts. Such inter- ies, wishto treathumanbehaviors, tionships among the facts of social and values in vivo. That is, theywish to connectedness in which in the contexts today both in the treatthesethings systemsis challenging not atomistic studies, Older, theappear. they raises in It and theparticular. abstract or socialof the community as to the natureof social explorations oretical problems matrixof the data, abstracted and culturalphenomena;it requiresour structural away data all too often of the natureof the different social and cultural explanation operating fromtheircontextsin the complexintersystemsof collectiverestraints and their existence determining of the connections upon all menand of theintegration a fullviewof deniedsocial scientists and val- force, goals,motives, sociallysupported in particular relationships ues forindividualsthat combinein such their systemnic possibiliand of theirdifferential systems.It raises cultures sociocultural different in other, and connection of raison d'etre placement the ties as to problems particular and social systems. cultural and socialconditions, variant customs of particular studiesseem to escape such Community and as to whyin any one cultural problems abstraction from artificial which distortion arising thefactstaketheform social system of data fromreal process. and suspension take. they thesocial and cultural and theparticular prob- Theydo not remove The theoretical the web of confrom gain a common data theyencounter lems about social systems commutualsupports, functions, studies nections, today in community illumination etc., theyseem to placements, Withmore plementary theirverymultiplicity. through such have in the life of the people of the cominto analysisthrough cultures coming study.They tryinstead undergoing of humansocial sys- munity studiesthe variation inter- to describe that web, to followout its tems expands and the comparative to treatit foritself. of culturaland social data, strandsand stresses, connectedness of the in growth community-study grows intricacy. With to system, system from nowwideeventhecommon, indeed, studiesthushavesharedin the effort, Community social of the modern gain to sciencewhich the growthof the spread functionalism a shiftin nature. has yielded.Through- scienceshas undergone method comparative part of the has moved That shiftis also, probably, out thehumansciencesinterest

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

COMMUNITY STUDY: RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT

693

studiesproceed fromquite in social sciencewhich changed perspective Community Even the emphasisupon has occurred sincewe began. different criteria. those between Thereis a difference in thefunctionalismfunctional analysiscommon of traditional sociologyand thatof those who adhere to traditional sociological and those steeped in community whohave used thecommunity studymeth- thought to exod. The difference is subtle,and it might studyproves, on closerexamination, easilyescape notice, but it is real. The so- hibit wide contrasts.The systemicview, sees funcin the latterapproach, ciologyand social anthropology that have inherent the context within come down to us fromthe thirties (from tionas interdependence the founders of thattime,Radcliffe-Brownof thewhole.Such a viewis based on variof a cus- ability in relationships and Malinowski)see thefunction and not upon the tomor institution as its serviceto thesup- contribution or utilityof an item of beportof societyor,alternately, its contribu- havior,structure, or value to some other tion to the management of the emotions, item,although of we grantthe usefulness sentiments, needs,and supportof society's sucha viewin someinstances. For example, constituent individuals. In the codification if criteria judgare thebasis for of benefit of structure-function theoryprovidedby ing some practiceor institution, we could and widelyused in American Merton, soci- thensee thejustification forusingtheconologytoday,since the conceptof function trastoffunction Our own and dysfunction. was takenfrom Radcliffe-Brown and Mal- inclination is to abandonsuchvaluedcateinowski'searliersocial anthropology, this gorizations sincetheyviolatetheprinciples method of "function" employment to meanservice of the inductive,natural-history to societyis explicitly developedand leads upon whichcommunity studyis founded. since at onceto an effort, as in biology, to evalu- The contrast notcomplete, is ofcourse ate the eufunctionaland dysfunctional a function or recan be botha congruent or effect, ofsocialand cultural quality, to or phe- sultantcovariation and a contributor nomena.For us, however, whoderivecom- destroyer But the questions of something. munity studynot onlyfrom social anthro- are different ones,and theanalysisof form pology (in the above sense) but also from and resultance and more is morecomplex, and evolu- telling, the comparative, classificatory, to contribution thanthatof simple tionary concerns withsociocultural systems, efficacy Indeed, it subsumes of operation. of rites, as wholesand as collections traits, theother. is to be rules,and institutions whoseform in additionto any function explained they OF COMMUNITY THE DIMENSIONS mayhave,suchconcerns rising prominently need to do now is to explore What we in continental ethnology and American culof the herthe relevance and relationship turalanthropology (even thenomenclature to commuthought anthropological of itage is different fromthe British"social anwish to emwe In particular, study. nity thropology"),"function" means, as it to seeks which perspective that phasize mightin mathematics, congruent, configculture between the relationship explore or urational, or systemic co-occurrence in thewholeas it is manifested Form and function must be and society emergence. of delineation through ness of community and indeedone form separated, may have and instiofbehavior one functional need per- theinterdependencies severalfunctions, such wholes.This, then,sets within haps have several formsfulfilling it, and tution the questionscom-munity studiesask thus forth in whichone of us1 dethe context or emergence deal morewithco-occurrence 1 Conrad as Ob"The Community M. Arensberg, vecor a historical (as a systemic product Anthropologist, ject and as Sample,"American torial resultant among forces) than with LXIII, No. 2, Part I (1961), 241-64;and Arenseu- and dysfunction. American Method," "The Community-Study berg,

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

694

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

elements and the if we state the multifactorial the field, scribedthe perspective, study.In the brief whicha fullcommunity methodof community encompasses. our anwe mustpreface of thisanalFirst,however, of thesubstance recapitulation to thenumerous attention we restateour view of swerby drawing ysis whichfollows in characteristics and method statusof theory which animal and human thecurrent and thento sharein common, thisfield. communities aspect of from which the distinctive and contrasting There are two perspectives belearned and transmitted If one views symbolically community may be observed. thenthequestions haviorfoundonlyamongmen.Basic comit as an objector thing, withinthesetwo typesof comobjective parability which are askedwillhave as their the of its nature.The answers munityis establishedby delineating the explication theresources provides unitwhich thatone seekswillbe thosewhichestablish territorial But there and the degree forsupport types,functions, identities, ofa given population. which summaArensberg parallels of successwithwhichit meetsthe individ- are other "Human beings, needs of its inhabitants. rizedas follows: withculual and collective about the commu- ture,and animals,without it, equallywell If one asks questions to study divideintocommunities, or sample"in which boundanityas a field establish else thanthecommunity itself," ries,trendtowardexclusivememberships; something defense, formutualsupport, then the questionswill be of a differentband together of land whichmustbe satisfied and matechoice; establish rhythms kind.The criteria throw up monand movement; and the otherquestionsforwhichanswers use, travel, to mustbe gainedhave as theirobjectivethe uments of one physicalsort or another of community studyfor theircoresidential, familial and communal, use of the results old settlements the purposesof social science.These are livings; reuseand rework and and theirmonuments variability, into new shells for problemsof comparison, between bud off newcolonial parts living;or,alternatively change; of therelationships old communities duplicating and wholes; and of the individualand and daughter in their and lifehistories. ones."2 connections group eleIn addition to the distinguishing thelegitiThereis also theneedto establish we must add ments enumerated, already which views a parmacy of a procedure unitis no mere The population mi- stillothers. as a representative ticularcommunity It individuals. of undifferentiated "of thewholeof a society, culture, aggregate crocosm and an age sexes of both members includes or epoch." civilization, fromthe newlyborn to as an object range stretching Those who viewcommunity in the decliningperiod of old age. those of thecommuhave been themostcritical Withinsuch a rangethereoccursa differapproach.They ask: How does nity-study such as thoseof of relationships, entiation one determine thata community mayserve mother or old to young, to infant, whichis as representative fora culture or society? one formof a hierarchy of status. In a to insure humancommunity How mayyoubounda settlement this table of organizaHow inclusive of all aspects tionmaybe elaborated completeness? farbeyond a purely of behaviorand institutions must a com- biologicaldefinition to include possessors must of the array of diverseskills which are munity be? Whatlevelofcohesiveness be evident? The answer of learned. These are culturally to thequestions transmitted thesecritics can be gainedin largemeasure withinthe setting of a community which in its rangeof individual is thus variation of Sociology, LX, No. 2 (1954), 109-24. thechiefrepository Joulrnal patterns, of behaviors,
Reprintedas chaps. i and ii in Conrad M. Arensberg and Solon T. Kimball, Culture and Community (New York: Harcourt,Brace & World, 1965). 2 Arensberg, "The Communityas Object and as Sample," op. cit. (see n. 1 above), p. 250.

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

STUDY: RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT COMMUNITY

695

in thecalendarsof in short, Each typeof community intensification, and institutions. and social activity. social differentia-his religious possessesits distinctive of comof laborwhich tionsand exhibits a division These, then,are the dimensions must be perpetuated if it is to survive. munity.Their applicationpermitsus to it thus: "The answer the demands posed by sampling Arensberg has formulated as a is the minimalunit table of theory that requireof a community community whocan carry sampleof a societythat it be a groupor organization ofthepersonnel and transmit thisculture. It is theminimal unit of that societywhichis itselfrepreand cohesive. inclusive, complete, unitrealizingthe categories and offices of sentative, in any theirsocial organization. It is the minimal We contendthat any community to chosenwithdue regard in thepresent society, properly groupcapable of re-enacting meetssamto the future thecultural these pointsof its character, and transmitting in social science. and institutional inventory of their distinc- pling requirements tiveand historic And from tradition. it, in METHOD COMMUNITY-STUDY it, the child learns, frompeers and the street as well as from parents and teachers, The objectives of any studyand the opthe lore of his people and what must be erations in gathering and whichare utilized learnedto becomeone of them."3 have significant analyzingdata, however, The dimensions of community we have consequences fortheresults whichemerge. enumerated thus farincludespatial (terri- It is forthisreasonthatwe mustnowturn torial), ecological(resources used), popu- to an examination of the concepts and of group- methods lation (personnel), social (forms whichguide thosewho engagein ing), and cultural (learned behaviorand community study.Since manyof theseare its transmission). To these we must add also utilized in other areas of social science one more-the temporal only thoseof dimension. Com- research, we shall emphasize munities, animal and human, exist over greatest import. method time.Each one of the severalstagesof an The origins of community-study in theuse,by anthropologists, individual'slife-span is represented in its can be found membership at any one pointof time.But of the natural-history approach to small the community The extends backward and for- and relatively simpletribalgroupings. ofliving wardin time and theconditions beyondthelifehistory of any isolatedsetting one individual. The biological of the and forced theimmersion of permitted expression into the life of his group.His this transgenerational quality is general- researcher ized in theconcept "genepool." Its cultural data were recordedfromthe day-to-day the theless frequent ceremonials, is containedwithinthe knowl- activities, expression edge and behaviorgeneralized in customs, verballyrelatedaccountsof past happeninstitutions, and values. Temporalsucces- ings of men and the gods, the observed no smooth, sion,however, presents unvary- techniquesof tool making and use, the and membership of humangroupings The rhythms ing pattern. and periodicities forms in the variety and fieldco-opdomestic of or groupmove within of individual recurassociated erativelabors,and thepractices and ring cycles of alteringrelationships withteaching and learning. the processesof naturalhistory. Man, aland The raw data, won by observation thoughunable to fully escape from the servedno purpose beyondthat exploration, of diurnaland seasonal changeand of simplefact,however, effect untiltheybecame has nev- transformed of thelifecycleof theindividual, through analysisand interpreertheless created a ritualizedtemporality, tation.Fromthisordering thedeemerged in his ritesde passage, and in his ritesof scriptions of groups,theiractivitiesand
a

Ibid.,p. 253.

to thephysand their relationships beliefs,

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

696

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

aroundthem.PerPerhaps some additionalelaboration ical and social settings at but thecircum- this time on the construction haps it was not inevitable, and use of stances underwhichsuch fieldwork was modelswould assist in clarifying commuof the nity-study conductedled to the recognition method and in contrasting it the "whole"and, even- with other approaches.Ever since social valueof describing of anthropology scientistsdiscoveredand borrowedfrom tually,as the perspective of functions mathematics explanation shifted, of seeking and the physicalsciencesthe dis- conceptof "models" therehas existedan rather thantrait and interdependencies alone. Althoughthe researcher assumption, tributions amongsome of themat least, intothe field that the use of such modelshas increased hypotheses may have carried was estab- thescientific with him, theirsubstantiation rigor and validity of their opby the forcedreferral eration. (Kurt Lewin's transfer lished or disproved of field of his ideas back to the factsof situation theory from physics to thestudyof groups or behavior whichhe encountered. can serve as an earlyexample.) In those method instances, of thisholistic The transference however, whereno clear distincthatis, small tionwas made between from thestudyof"primitive," theresearch design of "civ- and thesubjectof research, to theexamination and wherethe tribalsocieties, in complexsocieties model was intendedto represent, ilized" communities among in other things,a hypothetical in its wake somenew additions brought representabor- tionof thatwhichwas to be investigated, technique and concept, oftentimes from other sometimes seriousquestionshave been raised about socialsciences, rowed Fromthisoldertradition the worthof such an innovation freshly invented. and the as a basic validityof the assumptions. community studyhas retained, There is no of be- needforsuchdoubtsto arisein thecase of goal, the searchforthoseprinciples which allow the community-study havior and social structure method,as a real and the formula- community cross-cultural comparison and any modelof social strucabout culture tureerectedto describeit are always imtion of generalstatements and society, rather thanemphasis upon the mediately separable.The misinterpretation In thissensethe whichcan resultfromthe failureto keep natureof theobjectitself. becomesthe settingin which- thesetwothings community sharply separated can lead the exploration proceeds; the methoden- to dubiousconclusions indeed,as exemplicompasses those devices, conceptualand fiedin the Stein interpretations of Ameriverifica- can communities, whichassist discovery, technical, to whichwe shall come and comparison. As Arensberg phrased shortly.5 tion, studyis that methodin For thosewhoare partialto formal it, "Community modwhicha problem(or problems)in the na- els, there is no reasonwhytheyshouldnot or dynamics of be- thinkof the results ture,interconnections, of community studies is explored againstor as modelsof communities haviorand attitudes within their culof otherbehavior within thesurround and tures and societies. Community-study methof the individuals be to them, attitudes making up the od might then, theconstruction It is a of specific, life of a particularcommunity. successivemodelsforstructurcomparativemethod. It is ing local social relationships naturalistic, and local sobehaviorand attitudes cial and behavioralfactsin the way best aimed at studying as objects in vivo throughobservation suited to depictingtheir real-lifeoccurratherthan in vitrothrough isolationand rencesand interconnections. But thosewho or in a model through experi- preferto startwitheitherimplicit abstraction or exment."4
The Eclipseof Community: 'Maurice R. Stein, ofAmerican Studies(Princeton, 'Arensberg, "The Community-Study Method," An Interpretation Press, 1960). N.J.:Princeton University op. cit. (see n. 1 above), p. 110.

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

AND PROSPECT STUDY: RETROSPECT COMMUNITY

697

THEORY AND INTEPRETATION plicit models must beware of injectinga priori assumptions aboutthenatureof their Knowledgeof the structure, function, objectof study,thatis, thereal lifeof the and processof community and communipeoplein their community. They musttry ties is won in quite otherways than demanymodelsforbest fit and best depic- ductiveformulation of theoretical necessimustrideno hobbyhorses;they ties.It comesfrom tion; they thelaborious collection must hold freeto try firstthis and then of theempirical factsin situand from subof elements thatidentification and arrange- sequent similaranalysisof theregularities, mentof parts; structure thisway and that ities,and concurrences amongthem.It rewayas thedata, nottheir received concepts quires an inductiveapproach for syntheor favorite methods used elsewhere, require. sizingsocial structure whichcontrasts with For example, "powerstructure," "stratifi- thelogico-deductive procedure followed tocation," "ecological system,""social net- day in so muchof social science. work," modern in etc.,are useful, concepts As illustration of the contrastbetween social science, but to treatthemas univer- such proceduresand an approach which sal phenomena of all communities and so- derivestheory fromthe data, we directly cieties,to seek theirspecific in proposeto comment expression upon the monograph each community used forstudy, or to gen- by Stein,previously mentioned, and to the eralizethemwithout test from one to an- summation entitled Comby Frankenberg, other, is to prejudgethe comparative data munitiesin Britain, in which he makes beforetheyhave been gathered. Similarly eclecticuse of varioustheories in his interas is so often truetoday, if all-too-plausible pretation of severalcommunity studies.6 but simplecontrasts are proposed, such as In his The Eclipse of Community, Stein "primitive"and "complex,""rural" and draws upon studies examining numerous "urban,"or "closed" and "open," without aspects and segments of American life to testfortheir to the real commu- giveus a provocative, relevance sociological analysis nity beforeone, then,too, data are dis- of thedirection in whichAmerican society tortedbefore they are won and nature is moving. It is not a treatise about comforcedinto reflecting art and theory, method, noris it a comparanot munity-study tiveanalysisin the ethnographic tradition. reality. purpose is to "develop a If we can construct a living,moving Its substantive of American life"which community model,both continuant of theory and changing, of a upon "the development of the real commu- is dependent thislifeand structure for framework relating disparate communityof persons, thenour imagery will approximate the reality.Certainly the crea- nity studies to each other."Our interest upon his theoretical model,and we tion of any a priori substantive model, centers it as an example shall examine of theeffect deduced from hypotheticalconvictions which such a definition exertsupon the about the natureof society, or culture, or of data and theconclusions. selection all humangroupings outsidethisone,deepthat theprocesses(also Stein theorizes ly violatesthe empirical spiritof science labeledsocialforces or pressures) ofurbanand the canonsof community-study meth- ization,industrialization, and bureaucracy od. Anthropology has let no received theo- are shapingAmericancommunity life. In ry of humannaturestand untested;cer- this view he findshimself in accord with tainlycommunity-study method,even in "general sociologicaltheorists like Marx, can let no theory of social complex society, ' RonaldFrankenberg, in Britain: Communities of social and cultural or structure, change, Social Life in Town and Country (Hammondsof institutional function overrulewhat it worth, Middlesex, England:Penguin Books,Ltd., sees and whatit hearsin thelifebefore it. 1966).

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

698

OF SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL THE AMERICAN

thelives of suburbwhichafflicts and others."His model diffusion Weber,Durkheim, that his is providedin the "field- an dwellers.Stein acknowledges of community theinflureflect postulate of Kurt Lewin, in viewsabout theindividual theoretical" Freudand of Paul Radin, is seen as "an organized enceof Sigmund whichcommunity relation- thelatterholding ideolto an individualist in a determinate standing system Withthe almostto anarchy. Changeis seen as ogyamounting shipto its environment." and the impactof forceson the systemfrom addition of a purely individualistic se- psychological a Steinprovides perspective, which there emerges an alternating closure in the counterpoised and reorganiza- theoretically quence of disorganization processes historical of immutable tion. (Shades of Hegel!) "The conceptual symmetry lifedramaat and individual of change at one extreme model restson the examination industrial- the other. and assumesthat urbanization, as defined Summaries such as this one can never ization,and bureaucratization, In fully catch the author's intricaciesof plotmostof thekey dimensions. earlier, and mustinevitably and argument the problemtoday thought terms, field-theoretical the contem- carry some distortion. They do lay the is as muchone of identifying with other for contrast industrial- ground,however, porarystages of urbanization, their sharpento further thus can lead views and through bureaucratization and ization, We think apprehension. pressures ing of intellectual as environmental manifestations of it helpful, however, if we makethegeneral the new patterns as it is of discovering about the dangerof confusing that theycall observation social structure community theprocess of changeand its consequences. forth."7 may be seen as a speciesrepThe "case" materialutilized by Stein An elephant of Chicago resenting a certainstage in the evolution studies thesociological included of Robert Park to of animals,but we can hardlyexplainthe under the inspiration The as elephantizing. the Robertand Helen processof emergence showurbanization;8 processis foundinsteadin natural Lynd reportof Middletown(Muncie, In- generic and selection. We thinkthat the use of urbanindustrialization; diana)9 to illustrate as explanatory suchterms the Warnerand Low studyof the factory izationand other fromthe same disability. system in Yankee City (Newburyport, processessuffer bureauc- Urbanization,industrialization, and buMassachusetts)'0to demonstrate and support- reaucratization shouldbe viewedas conseAs supplementary ratization. ing evidence,he examinesanotherhalf- quences,not as processes.We shall offer the slumsand further about Stein'sapproachin from comment ranging dozen studies, with the analysisof FrankenIn his interpreta- conjunction Bohemiato thesuburbs. an berg'sanalysisto whichwe now turn. tion of social processeswe encounter framework whichFrankThe theoretical but older themeappearing unformulated of im- enbergutilizes to comparethe resultsof undera new guise-the assumption in betweenthe individualand several studies made on communities plicit conflict as a comin theimpel- GreatBritainshouldbe counted This is exemplified his society. to create an interpretive by identity mendableeffort ling statusquest accompanied a wide diversity modelwhichencompasses 7 Stein,op. cit.(see n. 5 above), p. 107. of community types.(That he has chosen 'Robert E. Park, E. W. Burgess,and R. D. Mcto select as one of his examplesour own Kenzie (eds.), The City (Chicago: Universityof does us honor, of Irish countrymen study Chicago Press, 1925). to his was notcentral its inclusion although 'Robert and Helen Merrell Lynd, Middletown calls theoretical Frankenberg concern.) (New York: Harcourt,Brace & World, 1929). sociologist.As oW. Lloyd Warner,J. 0. Low, Paul S. Lunt, Leo himselfa model-building studiesprovidehimwith City(New Haven, Conn.: Yale Uni- such,community Srole, Yankee and explicate data to verify thesubstantive versityPress, 1963).

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

COMMUNITY STUDY: RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT

699

which of bothas things social theory. His majorconcern is thecon- in theirtreatment of each other struction of a morphological continuum on orbit quite independently to whichthe ruralcommunity stands at one and withoutany necessaryconnection differend and urbansocietyat the other.Each themethod Thereareother ofstudy. may serve of the communities continuum he summarizes may be ences.Frankenberg's in helpplaced at somepointalong the continuum someheuristic, purpose definitional but in socialforms, differences as it approximates either theruralor urban ingto clarify model. Although he liststwenty-five can producedisthemes sucha priori formulations in his model,foreach of whichhe offers torted little and theycontribute categories, contrasting distinctions the process of social betweenruraland to understanding urban,the important differences are cov- change.We are not opposed to creating ered in conceptsof community, on the role, net- typologies comparison whichpermit work, class and statusgroup, socialconflict, basis of process, but or pattern, structure, and socialredundancy. This eclectic matrix we do notbelievethatcomparison by polar is drawnfrom suchdiverse sources as Mer- oppositionor dichotomization contributes ton,Barnes,Marx,Weber,Durkheim, and very understandmuchto advancescientific of of Stein'sdesignation communication theorists. ing. Our criticism and The mainsubstance of his argument bureaucratization, can industrialization, be presented quickly.At one extreme we urbanization as processesis based upon havetheface-to-face intimacy ofrural com- somewhatthe same premises.We grant munities, and at the otherend of the con- thattheseterms maybe made operational, we findurbanalienation tinuum and arno- but whentheyare used primarily as labels mie. In such a theoretical in community construction of forsupposedtrends patterns urban life we encounter to identify that the effort once again the we thensuggest for valued implicitassumptionof separation variationsand to model differences in favorof and conflict between the individualand themselves has been abandoned and polardichotomization society.In rural areas, roles are few in an all-too-easy number butpossessa fluidity which permits ization. XVe suspect these authors have classificationa varied pattern; there are many inter- given up natural-history data forits taxand connections linkages through in whichutilizestheinternal others of structhesocial network; thefruits ofproduction onomy-and the pain and effort remain in the hands of the pro- tural comparison based upon description primarily ducers;class and statusdifferentiations are of real specimens,for prematurescalar offers us WhenFrankenberg minimal, and status is ascribed; and the quantification. inof two poles,withforced languageof communication is redundant. a continuum ease of thebeguiling In contrast, roles in the urban worldare termediate gradations, has taken over. No manybut formal;thenetwork of relations scalar quantification the relationtendsto be directand bureaucratic; work- other model for presenting modelsof ers are alienatedfrom theproducts of their shipsoverotherpossible,better the data may show has labors; class distinctions and conflict ap- the connections The hope of simplecorrepear, and statusis achieved; and the lan- been presented. that choice of modelis tendsto becomea code. lationis so strong guage of behavior These brief summariesof Stein and not free,fit of various modelsnever atbed has been and a procrustean Frankenberg provide a contrastbetween tempted, facts. upon thestilluncovered and method, which forced theperspective, theory, further analysisof the differAlthough and our own. The immetheyrepresent, is contained in ences which separate our approach from distinction diatelyapparent we theirseparation of the method of commu- that of otherswould be illuminating, to only attention thedata of community from wish to draw immediate nitystudyarnd theperspecaspect,namely, withinthe data, and one additional derivedfrom theory

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

700

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

and his in- rocalsin interaction analysis,about which tive from whichthe individual Those we shall have a greatdeal to say shortly, teractions withothersis examined. as does Franken- then our data permitus to specifythe who utilizerole theory, berg,workwithsuch conceptsas role be- changesin bothindividuals and theirrelarole-other, role-set, tionships.For example, observation havior, roleexpectation, will the attributes establish etc., as if theseconstituted thatthere are quantitative as well withan assumedset of fixed po- as behavioral associated in therelationship differences in a family, sitions school, of an Irish farmfather suchas one finds who directs a still or other relativelystable institution. It immature adolescentson fromthat of a in such an father to a son to whom seemsto us thattheindividual, thefamily land has or be- been deededand who is now its adult repentirely approach,is eitherignored When one takes into account We resentative. comessubmerged as partof a position. as age, etc.,it can be seen also believethat thosewho see the struc- suchdimensions of sets of thatvariation ture of society as consisting occursin the reciprocal and cannotpossibly hence function even thoughthe positional linkedroles in interaction of father-son whichexplainthe proc- definition developprinciples stillobtains.When referential esses associatedwithchange,since role is you combine fluidity (any position or reciprocal not an empirical unitof observation. may be chosen as the The approach is one whichrec- pointfrom which theentire we favor system is exambetween ined) and dimensional ognizes the intimateconnection variability(time, theindividual and thesystem (or systems) space,personnel, etc.), thenyourdata will in whichhe participates with othersbut yield explanations of change.The definiwhichalso countsindividual or system as tionalbasis of role theory does not seem in analysis. so suited. separate focusesof reference obserBasic data are alwaysderivedfrom EXTENSIONS AND DEVELOPMENTS with vation of individualsin interaction in each other.We followRadcliffe-Brown In one sense, the methodological adeach interpersonal event in- vanceswhichhave accruedwiththeprolifconsidering Each eration of community volvingtwo personsas a reciprocal. studies represent with othersmay elaborationsand refinements individual's participation in inherent and categorized, be examined and his "so- theoriginal approach. As we wouldexpect, cial personality" is the expression of his greater sophisticationhas accompanied in the variouspositions avail- theiruse and wider application.Furtherparticipation able. For example, individual A, who acts more, the self-conscious examinationof as fatherin one relationship, appears as field proceduresand subsequentanalysis in another, son in another, as brother as has broughtmany of the underlying asin another, landlord etc. Each relationship sumptionsinto conscious awarenessand is viewedas reciprocal and in its specifica- heightened the focusof theoretical considcarriesa cultural erations.In particular,the relationships tion,such as father-son, of appropriatebehaviorwhich betweenresearchmethodand substantive definition to the situation. variesaccording Data de- findings have becomeclear.In thisarea we thisperspec- acknowledge rivedfrom observations from our debt to Bridgman forhis tive permitus to make statements about formulation of theprinciple of operationaltheindividual, elicita positional structure, ism. His insight gave us understanding of and describeculturalpractices.Only the how theuse of the toolsof scienceaffected referential fluidity whichreciprocalanal- the resultsobtainedfromany subject of a less static study. ysis injects,however, permits role analysisthan that whichcomes from In anothersense, however,therehave theory. been some major innovations, and there When we utilize the conceptof recip- are three of theseto which we wishto direct

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

AND PROSPECT STUDY: RETROSPECT COMMUN'ITY

701

specialattention. Theirsignificance willbe These we call systemanalysis,interaction and eventanalysis.Theiruse permoredeeplyappreciated, we believe, iffirst analysis, and to reconstruct we attempt a bit of thetheo- mitsus to pose new typesof questions retical climatewhich prevailedwhen we to begin to describethe dynamicaspects Alwith greaterprecision. were originally initiatedinto community of community to each of thoughour own contributions study. elsebeenreported One of the objectivesthattimewas the theseareashave already of each resume we shalloffer a brief in- where, to look beyondthe particular attempt dividualor traitof culture as thebasis for one at thistime. Systemanalysisassumesthat the parts explainingsocial and psychological pheare of each phenomenon nomena.Explanationwas believed better and relationships whole.In to be achievedby ascertaining the func- variableaspectsof an identified task is to tional connections betweenindividualbe- the studyof any groupthe first are. Since haviors and itemsof culture or social insti- decidewhatthesebasic variables groupsin vivo studyexamines tutional rules.As subscribers to thisview, community we were loyal adherents to the ideas of empiricalobservationquickly establishes activiengagein repetitive Durkheim, Radcliffe-Brown, and Malinow- thatindividuals natureand or co-operative ski. Linkedto the searchforfunction was tiesof a solitary the need to establish social categories and that theyhold certainbeliefsabout these we can establish the specification of the associatedcultural activities.Furthermore, in exhibitregularities behavior. This taxonomic ordering is a first that theseactivities initial the three Hence, in space. time and all scientific It us step procedure. gives a framework or structure which helpsto clar- classes of phenomenawhich we identify between include interaction a system ifydifferences and similarities and permits within in their from whichwe abstractstructheplacingof newelements proper individuals such niches. The delineation ofa system ofsocial ture; thebehavior whichaccompanies form whichin its standardized class in the YankeeCitystudywas one of interaction extheproducts of theseearlyefforts. Once it we label custom; and the judgmental one could ask about planationswhichwe call values. "Thus a had been formulated, of a number the mannerin whichsocial class was ex- system of is seen as composed expressedin otherparts of the community, individuals relations, by ordered united or questionscould be istingin time and space, each individual such as institutions, of one socialclass responding towards posedaboutthefunction manner in a customary or in relation to another. otherswithinthe system(or outsiders of the social eventswhichimpinge In retrospect, thisordering on the system),the first relations was a necessary (ordered environment step,but natureof theinteraction or and customs) being an expression it was also a staticone. "Social system" of the then referred to an ar- values affected "social structure" by the situationor event ofcategories and their functions. whichstimulated rangement the response."'' to the referred Functional be asked if interdependence The questionmay properly or welfare of the parts thisformulation affect is equallyapplicableto the contributory Therewas no failure to rec- community to each other. as a wholeas wellas to itsparts. was unlikethepast, Can we explicatethe interdependencies of ognizethatthepresent or that future and changesmightbe expected all the variedbehaviorin institutions thatwe anato occur; it was only that the conceptual groupswiththesame facility devicesthenavailable were inadequateto lyze a school,a family, or the behaviorof the task of specifying of change. processes I Solon T. Kimballand MarionPearsall,The we havemadeconsiderable Sincethen prog- Talladega Process Story:A Studyin Community in three (University: thesedifficulties ressin overcoming of AlabamaPress,1954), University separatebut relatedanalytical approaches. P. xviii.

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

702

THE AMERICAN OF SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL

on some tween youngmenwho assemblenightly them. In thismanner we have a simanal- ple operational recordof humanrelations. We believethatsystem street corner? of status,reciprocity of peris not Relationships thissince the problem ysis permits bonds,legal and For example,if sonal ties and emotional one of size or complexity. economic, as a macrosystem nonlegal,formaland informal, of a community we think or what one will,even what are political,religious, as a microsystem, and a family opposition, and warto thoseof antagonism, variablesthat are common the specific (the natural fare, are all possible of reductionto a each? These are environment recordof observed events. modified pop- quantitative setting), and technologically The structure of the group is reached social organization ulation (individuals), theconstruction of a matrix of re(categoricaland relationalgroups), cus- through and values (sym- lations derived from the operationsby ofbehavior), toms(forms we describe, compare, and generalize It shouldbe noted which bolic representations). modelof that each of these variablesmay also be such events.One usefulempirical of numeriThus population thegroupis, thus,thecollection examinedsystematically. expressing the recorded numthe indi- cal formulas demographically, may be treated values as logics, ber of events,ordersof action,rates,and vidual as a personality, each relation analysisand event durationsthat characterize etc. In fact,interaction persons. Anyrelation of thecollecelaborationof between further analysis represent of any and of system analysisas applied tion is a numericalfunction theprinciples everyother. The groupis a function of its to humanbehavior. relations, and theyin turnto analysiswas bornof theur- component Interaction the groupas a which could theirtotalwhichdescribes gency to develop techniques eventsof interperof social behavior- recordof the historical the realities measure contact, and communication, the orderof actions among individuals- sonalactivity, theregu- output.No matterwhat the groupis, no sucha base to construct and from what the activities of its members in- matter of changewithin laritiesand processes Chapple and maybe, or theeventsthatmarkthecourse stitutions.Its discoverers, theirschemein of its life, it can be comparedwith any have reported Arensberg, othergroupin thiscommon analysis. elsewhere.'2 its fullcontent In this manner, interaction betweeninThe condensedversionwhich we shall can be is in- dividualsand thegroupstheyform presentin the next fewparagraphs and quantitatively, uniquely yet in to give some taste of its defined cluded primarily natureto thosewho have not yet been in- termsgeneralenoughto cover the whole and humaninstiby rangeof humanbehavior to thisapproach.Interaction, troduced Operationally, thus,a groupor an se- tutions. is an observed the simplest definition, is a history of eventsinvolving quence of action.We can see that in the institution of real persons, a history one of the interactions betweentwo individuals, encounter in an explicitand unique dewho in turn summarized will initiate to theother, them but permitting analcomparative Definedthus,an scription, terminates by responding. of specification sequence of ac- ysis. By usingthismethod eventis a time-measured of interpersonal we events, tionon thepart of personsactingin a re- and summation can erect ina classification of and groups The total each pair. cordableorderwithin that is not at all merelya reof such eventsobservedbetweenany two stitutions of theirnormative, teleological, relation be- statement theobserved represents persons and functional or expectations professions Eliot D. Chappleand ConradM. Arensberg, but one thatis independent "2 of theseattriAn Introduction to butes and can be checked, HumanRelations: "Measuring and correlated, Geof Individuals," the Studyof theInteraction with them matched independently. 1 No. (FebXX, Monographs, Psychology netic Once thespecification of a human group, 1940). ruary,

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

COMMUNITY STUDY: RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT

703

institution, or community, has been accom- the Melanesianvillages.'4Still further use plished, severaladditional stepscan follow. of thecomparison of difand structuration One of these is to erect a classification ferentialorders of action was used by the and generalizing the operation of re- Arensberg in ordering whichis derivedfrom cordingand generalizing descriptions diof data on comparative, ethnographically inter- verseprimitive the events of human interpersonal reported systems economic and Pearson'sTrade Arensberg, of the in Polanyi, action. Within this classification whichin- and Marketsin the Early Empires.15 structure of relations, a structure citedabove the cludespatternls and sequential regularities, In someof theexamples or a pro- use of eventsas the basis for analysisis one thenseeks fora taxonomy cessual discoveryof the kinds, and the clearlyevident, to ask and it is legitimate connections amongthe kinds,of social ac- if interaction analysisand event analysis of are not reallythe same thing.The emertion.The specification of the wholeness the connectedness between and among genceof eventanalysisto conscious formuof se- lationcame somewhat groupsviewedfrom the perspective laterand clearlyrequentialprocessgives up a "model" of a flects It seems of the former. the influence community derivedfrom real life observa- to us, however, in the thatat thisjuncture tionof individuals in interaction. of our science a separation development There is a should be made of those between themis fully Some mention justified. the hierarwhohave appliedthisapproachto their re- difference betweenspecifying searchand analysis.The use of the order chies of interaction observation built from of events of interpersonal actionin thein- of pair-events withinthem and set-events dustrial factoryto define,describe,and and the naturalisticdescriptionof the of seof oc- events-of-action interconnections state theprocessual and results-of-action in industrial currences relationshas been quentialeventsin the life of either simple achieved by Arensberg, Arensbergand or complexgroupsand of theirinterconThe William nections,recurrences, Tootell, Horsfalland Arensberg, and rhythms. and RobertGuest latteris thesubjectmatter Walkerand Richardson, of eventanalyin isolatingand quantifying formalman- sis. Furthermore, event analysis givesgreatformal which flow-of-work, agerialline-authority, to theconditions within er emphasis formal in-plant,"up-the-line"reporting, happenings history occurand to thenatural in- cycle. union-management grievance procedure, and engineer-worker Eventanalysis formal worker-worker all thatis inhersubsumes the entin bothsystem and formulating staff-line relationships, analysisand interaction of produc- analysis.In fact,it might of theirdeterminacy dynamics be regarded as a and solidarity. Out- joiningof thesetwo but witha somewhat tivity, strikes, morale, in non-industrial side the factory, anthro- different Its data and emphasis. perspective a similaruse of the are the activities pologyand sociology, of individuals in assemwithinevents blage and dispersalin sequenceand place. conceptsof order-of-action actorsin timesequences It elicitsfrom amongidentified and such data thestructure was used by William F. Whyte, semi- patternof institutions withinthe dimenin establishing the nature and sionsof timeand space and in similar explicitly, fashof the streetgangsof Streetthe function A Solomon IslandSociety: and by Douglas Oliver, 14 DouglasL. Oliver, CornerSociety,'l3 and Leadership amongtheSiuai of Bouand the soci- Kinship in isolating thesocial control gainville (Cambridge, Mass.: HarvardUniversity on Bougainville Press,1955). etal integration performed of by the muni or pig-feast competitors '
Society: The WilliamF. Whyte,Street-Corner of an Italian Slum (Chicago: UniSocial Structure
13

Press,1955). of Chicago versity

Karl Polanyi, Conrad M. Arensberg, and Harry W. Pearson,Trade and Marketsin the Early Empires (New York: Macmillan [Free Press],1957).

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

704

OF SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL THE AMERICAN

havior, and values.In effect, interconnections. through ion traces outinstitutional watchofindividual, or ing an event of near community-wide The natural history group, is observedin the contextof spread,we had not only been able to abcommunity stract some generalizations about comconditions. changing processbut had gained a perspecIn fact,thesignificant become munity questions structure that might thoseassociatedwith transformation-thetive of community possible. A full and enculturation of the indi- not have been otherwise socialization ofthemethod has yettobe made or pat- exposition of institution vidual; thereshaping at the timeit was reported upon tern; and the modification of values. The although creationof what is meantby community briefly.'7 As so often happens, whentheliterature examination of events leads one to through to discover others whohad see community as processbased on theac- was re-examined as their basis ofanalysis in events of individuals rather than usedevents several tivities instances wereuncovered. Many anthropolas a thing of set structure and pattern. The conceptof event analysis was an ogistshave adducedexemplifying incidents some point,but this practice In thisregard it to illustrate after-the-fact formulation. otherdiscoveries made by those does not qualifyas eventanalysis.In Van resembles who followthe inductive, natural-historyGennep'sstudy of rites de passage, howmethod ofscience, a procedure dramatically ever, he examinedevents that appeared in thelifecycleof regularity in Darwin'sdevelopment of the withrhythmic exemplified His important discovery was theoryof evolution.Some explanation of theindividual. of such rites,a the circumstances whichgave birthto the not the near universality idea maybe helpful. but that from For a two-year period fact of great significance, in the early 1950's a team of researchers the analysisof theirinternal structure he of Alabama worked could extracta schemawhichshowedthe fromthe University associatedwithsequentialtransa group ofcitizens in a smallAla- processes alongside Van Gennepwas quite explicit bama townas thelatter and car- formations. organized did not arise from riedto completion a healthinventory which that his discovery any formulation in The TalladegaStory.16 a priori butwas yieldedby the has beenreported fromapplicationof the The researchers hopedto developan under- data themselves method of ethnography. standingof community process fromob- comparative A fewBritish social anthropologists servingwho was involvedwith whom in have or dramatic what activities incident as well as the sequenceof used a case history to actionand consequences. The natureof the providethe data fortheiranalyses.There a significant problem shaped the research difstrategy in a appears to be, however, between what we mean by "event direction otherthanthatassociatedwitha ference a differtraditional approach, community study. Emphasis was analysis"and thisother in theoretical on recording the actual happenings within ence whichresidesprimarily the numerousevents which accompanied perspective. us a brief Frankenberg offers in The Social the activity.Only as we were working accountof thisdevelopment of ComplexSocieties, our materials edited through afterthecompletion Anthropology ofthestudydidwe realizehowourresearch by MichaelBanton.18 There is still much about the use and methods had yieldeda new perspective of of eventanalysisthatwe do It was then that we learned potentialities community. how fullythe courseof eventswe had reSolonT. Kimball and Marion "Event Pearsall, as an Approach to Community Study," cordedhad been shaped by a pre-existing Analysis XXXIV (1955), 58-63. structure of relationships, patterns of be- SocialForces,
above).
1-Kimball and Pearsall, op. cit. (see n. 11
18 Michael Banton(ed.), The Social Anthropology of ComplexSocieties (London: Tavistock Publications, 1966).

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

STUDY: RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT COMMUNITY not know. Until we have completed several community studies in which this methodis utilized,we cannot test some of its possibilities, especiallythose which explore comparative analysis."Models" of communities drawnfrom withinthe data, and including both temporaland spatial dimensions, shouldyield understanding of bothstructure and process and therelationships betweenthemin a fashionthat has yet to be realized.Once thisstep has been takenit seemsprobablethatsocial science will have advanced still further in undertheorganizational standing forms of animal lifeand of humanculture and of their congruencies. These three innovationsthen-system

705

analysis, and event analysis, interaction tools analysis-stand as methodological since formulated havebeenexplicitly which to community our own firstintroduction in obprecision study.They give greater and analysisthanwas previously servation they permit conpossible. Furthermore, of theories ofhumanorganization struction discovered connections and behaviorfrom thandethedata themselves rather within which upon a prioriformulations, pending other sources, from mayhavebeenborrowed of and function to explain the structure groupsand community.
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA AND COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

This content downloaded from 146.164.3.22 on Thu, 23 Jan 2014 08:11:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions