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January 30, 2008 

The legacy of Soeharto

A.M. Hendropriyono, Jakarta

Former President Soeharto has passed away. But that has not stopped many from speculating on the legacy of
Indonesia's former ruler for more than three decades. Perhaps most telling have been the comments of some of
Soeharto's peers from around the region. Here, special mention must be made of the remarks by Singaporean
Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew during his Jan. 12 visit to Soeharto's bedside.

That Lee was fast to make the trip to Jakarta — he was the first foreign leader, either serving or retired, to arrive
— spoke volumes. It was especially poignant given that Indonesia and Singapore had their share of bilateral
tension during the administrations of Lee and Soeharto, though on a personal level both reportedly considered
each other a friend.

Following the visit, Lee was quoted as saying that the ailing Soeharto's record had been tainted by charges of
corruption and nepotism. But counter-balancing this, Lee was quick to point out, was real growth and progress
in Indonesia.

I don't think I would be betraying any confidences to say that Lee once told me the same thing. Soeharto had his
flaws, he noted to me, but the nation had developed to a remarkable degree during Soeharto's tenure.

These comments from Lee come as he no doubt considers his own legacy. It would probably be safe to say that
Singapore's founding father is assured a fond mention in history. Helping has been the fact that he stepped down
from office at the right time and on the right note.

Another undoubtedly considering his legacy is former Malaysian leader Mahathir Mohamad, who also paid
Soeharto a bedside visit. The 82-year-old Mahathir, too, will probably be remembered by future generation at
home in a positive light.

Soeharto's legacy, I think, will be much more mixed and controversial. As Lee said, this is a shame. After all, if
you strip away the corruption, nepotism, and human rights issues from Soeharto's reign, what do you have? The
thankless task of running an often dysfunctional archipelago that revels — and is mired — in diversity.

Soeharto has been alive to see the pendulum swing from dictatorship to true democracy. But the lessons of his
prolonged reign and its immediate aftermath are full of contradictions. When Soeharto was appointed acting
president in 1967 and subsequently president the following year, the country's problems were legion — as they
are now. These ingrained problems can hardly be tackled within a single presidential term, and probably not
even within a couple of terms. Yet any future Indonesian leader will find it hard to pile on terms without facing
charges of becoming a dictator.

Too, a sprawling, diverse archipelagic nation like Indonesia appears to work best with a strong central
government. Yet the Pandora's box of decentralization has already been opened, and any attempts to reverse this
trend are met with fears of returning to the strong rule of Jakarta.

Coming to terms with these contradictions is part of the growing pains faced by any democracy. Here,
Indonesia is hardly unique. The United States of America, after all, faced serious hurdles during its first
decades, though it was able to resolve these without its leaders being scrutinized on CNN and You Tube.
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Indonesia, too, will emerge in years to come as a strong, more resilient country.

As for Soeharto's legacy, it is still too early to write it with any authority. After all, Indonesia's founding father,
Sukarno, died a broken man, with Indonesia coming to terms with stifling trade barriers and foreign policy
misadventures.

Today, however, Sukarno's record has been largely white-washed in the public memory. He has become a
beloved symbol of a proud nation, and a man remembered for his ability to captivate the masses with his
emotive speeches.

Soeharto had none of Sukarno's oratory skills. But he did have a reserved Javanese presence and was at the
helm of the longest sustained period of growth this country has ever seen. That, ultimately, will be Soeharto's
legacy, though he just needs to wait a few more decades before it is written.

The writer is former head of the Indonesian State Intelligence Agency (BIN).