Sex and Gender: What Do We Know? Author(s): Margaret Mooney Marini Reviewed work(s): Source: Sociological Forum, Vol.

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Sociological Forum, Vol. 5, No. 1, 1990

Sex and Gender: What Do We Know?

Margaret Mooney Marini'

The study of sex and gender is concerned with documenting the existence of differences between the sexes and explaining why those differences exist. This paper first examines what we know about how women and men differ, focusing on differences in social roles, and in the abilities and traits associated with those roles. The paper then examines why women and men differ. In addressing this question, the roles of both biological and social influences are considered. Although there is reason to believe some sex differences in behavior and attitudes have a biological basis, the existence of historical and cross-cultural variation in gender role differentiation and stratification provides strong evidence that social influences play an important role in the determination of differences between the sexes. Both biological and social factors have influenced the division of labor by sex, and the division of labor provides the basis for gender stratification by affecting the degree to which each sex is able to acquire and control the valuable resources of a society. Reduction of gender inequality in contemporary societies therefore requires reduction of gender differentiation in the division of labor.
KEY WORDS: gender; sex; social stratification; women.

INTRODUCTION Within the past 15 years the study of gender has emerged as a major research area in sociology. Scholars now use the term sex to refer to biologically based distinctions between the sexes and the term gender to refer to the social construction of differences between women and men. The term sex is also sometimes used when an individual's "sex category" constitutes a basis for classification and differential treatment, even when the differen-

Department of Sociology, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota 55455.

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0884-8971/90/0300-0095$06.00/0? 1990 Plenum PubhshingCorporation

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tial treatment is social in origin (Reskin, 1988). The purpose of this paper is to review the current state of knowledge on sex and gender. Since the study of sex and gender is concerned with documenting the existence of differences between the sexes and explaining why those differences exist, the review has two sections. The first briefly considers what we know about how women and men differ, focusing first on differences in social roles, and then on abilities and traits associated with those roles. The second examines why women and men differ. It considers the role of both biological and social influences, dividing the latter into influences operating at the macro- and microlevels.

HOW DO WOMEN AND MEN DIFFER? Social Roles The social roles and behavior of males and females have differed in all known human societies. Research on tribal societies indicates that men have tended to be the warriers, hunters, and processors of hard raw materials used for weaponry and tools, whereas women have tended to do the cooking and preparation of vegetal foods (Sanday, 1981). Although women have sometimes been full-time warriers and hunters, instances of their performing these roles were rare and occurred under special circumstances.As a result of this gender differentiation in the division of labor, men have been in a better position to acquire and control the valuable resources of their societies (Friedl, 1975; Sanday, 1981). Power, privilege, and status have rarely, if ever, been shared by women and men on an equal basis. Although some have claimed that matriarchal societies once existed, there is no sound anthropological evidence to support these claims (Bamberger, 1974; Blumberg, 1984). There is even debate about whether societies existed in which there was a rough equality between women and men. Until recently, it was believed all societies were male dominated, but a number of anthropologists now argue that egalitarian hunting-gathering and horticulturalsocieties existed prior to colonial contact (e.g., Sanday, 1981; Sacks, 1979). Anthropologists agree that more complex forms of social organization brought intensified gender stratification (Friedl, 1975). Agricultural, pastoral, and industrial societies have all been male dominated. To the extent that women have had relatively high status in a society, it has largely been because of their role in economic production and distribution (Friedl, 1975; Blumberg, 1984). There are a surprising number of societies in which women controlled as much or more property than men. Among stratified, state-level societies, however, there is no society in which

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women have held even half the economic power above the level of the local group. There is also no concrete evidence of any society in which women have held half of the political power or more than a small percentage of the power of force. No society has ever had an ideology of female supremacy, although a few posit that women and men are equal (e.g., the Israeli kibbutz, the U.S.S.R.). In modern industrial societies, work has largely become an activity performed away from home for monetary return. Initially, men specialized in work in the market, earning wages to support the family, while women specialized in work in the home, becoming economically dependent with primary responsibility for child rearing. Although there are indications of change in this division of labor as women now enter the labor market in increasing numbers, the predominant worldwide pattern remains one of gender role differentation. Today, the participation of adult women in the nonagricultural labor force is generally highest in the Soviet bloc, the Scandinavian countries, the countries of northwestern Europe, Canada, the United States, and Japan. In these countries over 40%oof women aged 15 and over are working in nonagricultural jobs. In no country, however, is the proportion of women in the nonagricultural labor force greater than 60%o. In most of the southern European countries, between 30%oand 40%oof adult women are in the nonagricultural labor force, although in Spain and Greece the figure is less than 20%o.In Latin America, on average less than 30%o of adult women are employed in nonagricultural jobs -less than 15%1o in some countries. In the African and Middle Eastern Islamic countries, less than 10%o of adult women hold nonagricultural jobs (United Nations, 1986: Tables 26 and 28). The proportion of the nonagricultural labor force that is made up of women follows a similar pattern across countries (International Labor Office, 1985: Tables 2A and 2B). Among employed workers in all countries, women are highly underrepresented in positions of power, authority, and prestige, and their average earnings are considerably below those of men (Youssef and Hartley, 1979; Epstein and Coser, 1981; Treiman and Roos, 1983). Women's labor force participation therefore represents only a first step toward improvement of the status of women, since women workers are not equally represented in high-level jobs. In the United States, the most dramatic improvements in the status of women have occurred in the last 20 years. Women are earning a higher percentage of educational degrees and are more highly represented at the entry level of high-status occupations than in the past, although they still earn far less than half of the highest degrees awarded and their overall representation in high-status occupations is low. Between 1970 and 1984, the percentage of bachelor's degrees earned by women increased from 41.5 to 49.1,

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the percentage of master's degrees from 39.7 to 49.5, and the percentage of doctor's degrees from 13.4 to 33.3 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1986). Although women earned 28% of the medical degrees and 37%o of the law degrees awarded in 1984, only about 17Wo of all physicians and of all lawyers in the United States in 1985 were women (U.S. Bureau 18%o of the Census, 1986). Similar patterns of change are occurring in other highstatus "male"occupations, although the percentages of women currently in these occupations are still relatively low. To a large extent, women are employed in traditionally female occupations (Beller, 1984). The median annual earnings of women working full-time and year-round approach only 65-70% of those of men (Marini, 1989). Women are running for and winning elective offices and being appointed to administrativeposts and major boards of directors in greater number than ever before (Cocks, 1982; Steinem, 1983), but they are still only a small minority of those in positions of power.

Abilities and Traits Gender role differentiation is associated with gender differences in behavior, attitudes, and dispositional traits. This differentiation also leads to gender stereotyping, or the formation of consensual beliefs about differences between the sexes. In keeping with similarities in the pattern of gender role differentiation across societies, there is similarity in gender stereotypes (Williams and Best, 1982). Instrumental traits tend to be associated with males and expressive traits with females. A high level of agreement also exists between males and females about traits that differentiate the sexes, and these consensual beliefs are independent of race, age, religion, education, and marital status (Broverman et al., 1972; Williams and Bennett, 1975; Hershey, 1978). Gender stereotypes have also been relatively stable in recent history (see, for example, Sherriffs and jarrett, 1953; Spence and Helmreich, 1978). Nevertheless, people commonly believe sex differences to be far greater than they actually are (Brovermanet al., 1982; Williams and Bennett, 1975). Research on actual sex differences indicates that there is little basis for many gender stereotypes(Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974; Block, 1976; Fausto-Sterling, 1985; Hyde and Linn, 1986). There is no consistent evidence, for example, that the sexes differ in cognitive style, creativity, independence, susceptibility to influence, general self-esteem, emotionality, empathy, nurturance, sociability, or loquaciousness. Some evidence indicates the existence of sex differences favoring males in quantitative and spatial abilities, and sex differences favoring females in verbal abilities, but these differences do not appear in all studies, and when they do appear, they are small. In studies reviewed by Maccoby and Jacklin (1974), sex accounted for only 1%o of the

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and 4%o of the variance in quantitavariance in verbal ability, between 1%o tive ability, and 4Woof the variance in visual-spatial ability (Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974; Hyde, 1981; Plomin and Foch, 1981). The magnitude of these differences has declined over time, with females making significant gains relative to males (Rosenthal and Rubin, 1982). Evidence pertaining to sex differences in dispositional traits is weaker. Among the most well-documented differences is the tendency for males to be more aggressive. Even this sex difference, however, may account for only of the variance in aggression (Hyde, 1984) and may emerge in only about 5%o some situations (Frodi et al., 1977). Interpretations of the evidence on sex differences in other traits differ (see Block, 1976). Research on achievement motivation indicates a tendency for females to score higher in orientation toward work, and for males to score higher in orientation toward mastery and competition. Among males and females working for achievement in the same field, however, gender differences in orientation toward work and mastery decline, but men continue to score higher on competitiveness (Spence and Helmreich, 1978, 1983). Gender differences have also been found in nonverbal behaviors, such as touching, gaze, posture, and personal space (Deaux, 1985), and there is evidence of female superiorityin both encoding and decoding nonverbal cues (Hall, 1979). Again, however, the amount of variance explained in the latter is small. Although relativelyfew sex differences in abilities and dispositional traits have been documented, recent and controversial work by Gilligan (1982) suggests that women and men may have different images of themselves and how the world works that are reflected in the way they resolve moral conflicts and arrive at moral standards. According to Gilligan, male solutions to moral dilemmas reflect concern with abstract standards of justice, fairness, and the balancing of individual rights, whereas female solutions reflect concern with caring for others, human attachments, and the balancing of conflicting responsibilities. Because women and men have different modes of thinking about relationships, they seem to have different moral premises and different approaches to choice and the resolution of conflict. Research on sex differences in physical strength and ability indicates that, on average, men are somewhat taller and stronger than women (FaustoSterling, 1985). Differences favor males in both upper and lower body strength (Hudson, 1978). Males are more vulnerable to illness and disease, however, and display higher mortality rates than females of comparable age. Females show somewhat greater tolerance for heat than males and tend to have more body fat, which gives them an advantage in some activities requiring endurance (Wood, 1980; Fausto-Sterling, 1985). Sex differences in dexterity depend on the task observed. Females have been found to have somewhat better finger dexterity but do not have better overall manual dexterity (Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974).

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WHY DO WOMEN AND MEN DIFFER? Biological Influences A primary objective of the study of sex and gender is to determine why differences in social roles and behavior exist. Because there are biological differences between the sexes, there has been a tendency to assume that most differences between women and men are biologically determined. It has fallen to social scientists to determine the degree to which such differences are cultural rather than biological in origin. This is a difficult task, not only because there is widespread agreement that both biology and culture play a role in the development of sex differences, but because that role is increasingly believed to be interactive. Research shedding light on the degree to which observed differences between the sexes are biologically or socially determined involves the study of naturally occurring situations in which either biology or culture is held relatively constant while the other varies. One type of research has been the study of nonhuman primates, who are biologically similar to humans but not exposed to the same social influences. It has been argued that sex differences in behavior observed among nonhuman primates are indicative of biologically based sex differences in humans. Although there are problems in drawing analogies between human and animal behavior (Sherif, 1979; Tavris and Wade, 1984), research on nonhuman primates has yielded some interesting findings. One is that dominance hierarchiesare not universal among nonhuman primates and not all such hierarchies are male dominated (Rowell, 1974). Female status in the primate world is often high, ranging from assertive to clearly dominant (Rowell, 1974; Weisstein, 1982). For example, among prosimians, females are dominant (Hrdy, 1981). Female dominance has also been observed in more advanced species, such as squirrel monkeys (Weisstein, 1982). In addition, male dominance does not appear inherited within primate species. Lineages have been observed to rise and fall within a generation, suggesting that what is inherited is the specific social structureof rank, not dominance per se (Rowell, 1974). Another finding is that sexual selection for dominance does not always occur (Rowell, 1974; Kolata, 1976; Fedigan, 1982). Among chimpanzees, for example, females prefer more sociable, less disruptive males. Variation in male dominance also exists among closely related species, suggesting that similar genes can produce different behavior in different environments (Weisstein, 1982). Together, these findings point to the conclusion that male dominance in humans is not genetically inherited. Another type of research undertaken to assess the influence of biological factors is research on the genetic inheritance of traits. Because sex-linked traits are almost always carriedon the X chromosome, and boys, who have an X and a Y chromosome, get their X chromosome from their mothers, it is

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possible to identify sex-linked traits as those transmitted from mother to son rather than father to son. Research on the genetic inheritance of traits, however, has not yet found a direct connection between specific genes and specific sex differences (Tavris and Wade, 1984). Other research carried out to investigate the biological basis of differences has involved the study of genetic anomalies. The study of children exposed to abnormal levels of hormones in utero permits evaluation of the effect of parental hormones on sex differences in behavior. Such children are hermaphrodites with external genitals that are either ambiguous in appearance or in conflict with the sex of their internal gonads (ovaries or testes). Because the external genitals are used to assign the sex according to which a child is reared, socializing inputs received by the child are at variance with the influence exerted by sex hormones. By comparing hermaphrodites with individuals whose hormonal and environmental influences have been consistent, it is possible to examine the role of parental sex hormones in the development of sex differences and to investigate whether they or the sex of rearing ultimately determines an individual's sexual identity. Studies of hermaphrodites suggest some hormonal influences on sex differences in behavior, but the extent of those influences cannot be identified clearly because of research problems (Money and Ehrhardt, 1972; Ehrhardt and Meyer-Bahlburg, 1981; Fausto-Sterling, 1985). Research on hermaphrodites is also inconsistent with respect to whether sex hormones or the sex of rearingis more important in establishing gender identity (Money and Ehrhardt, 1972; Fausto-Sterling, 1985). What has been established is that gender identity is not automatically determined by fetal hormones and that the sex of rearing can override sex hormones (Money and Ehrhardt, 1972). Researchon infants and young childrenhas also been of interestto those attempting to sort out biological and cultural influences on sex differences. It has been argued that sex differences that appear in infancy and early childhood are more likely to have a biological basis because infants and young children have had relatively little exposure to cultural influences. Sex differences that appear later in life, in contrast, have been argued to be more likely to result from socialization. Research on sex differences in abilities and dispositional traits has found evidence of few sex differences before late childhood and adolescence. The slight difference in verbal ability that favors females does not emerge until after age 10 or 11 (Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974), and the differences in quantitative and visual-spatial ability that favor males are not evident until either late childhood or early adolescence (Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974; Benbow and Stanley, 1980, 1983; Deaux, 1985). Of the most consistently documented sex differences, only the difference in aggression appears to emerge at preschool ages (Maccoby and Jacklin, 1980; Tieger, 1980).

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The age at which a sex difference emerges, however, does not provide a clear indication of its source. There is increasing evidence that socializing influences on males and females differ from the moment of birth. Parents treat infant boys and girls differently (e.g., Moss, 1974; Seavey et al., 1975; Condry and Condry, 1976), and grade-school teachers respond differently to male and female students (e.g., Leinhardt et al., 1979). Thus, even sex differences observed in infancy and early childhood can result from socialization. Sex differences that emerge later can also have a biological basis because physical maturation is associated with hormonal changes that can produce sex differences. It can therefore be argued that sex differences appearing at any age can be a result of socialization, and sex differences that appear only in late childhood and adolescence are not necessarily free of biological influence. Research on gender differentiation in different societies, or cultures, has been another important source of information on the biological and cultural basis of sex differences. Anthropological research indicates wide crosscultural variation in the behavior of females and males. With the exception of a few tasks that are performed by males in nearly all societies and a few that are performed mainly by females, there is considerablevariabilityin what constitutes female and male labor and dispositional traits across societies (Sanday, 1981; Ashmore et al., 1986). Other evidence that social learning is important comes from research demonstrating relationships between environmental influences and the traits on which males and females differ. The development of visual-spatial abilities, for example, has been demonstrated to be associated with practice. In one study where first-grade boys had somewhat higher scores than girls on tests of visual-spatial ability, girls improved with practice whereas boys improved little (Connor et al., 1978). This finding suggests that the boys had already developed their skills to a point where additional practice did not improve performance, but that with practice the girls were able to perform as well as the boys. Studies of older children also show that visual-spatial skills are related to courses taken (Fennema and Sherman, 1977; Johnson et al., 1979) and to the range of an individual's environmental experiences (Berry, 1971; Nerlove et al., 1971). Even when it comes to physical sex differences, such as height, there is evidence that behavior, such as activity levels, affects development (Fausto-Sterling, 1985).

Macrolevel Social Influences Intersociety Comparisons As noted, all known societies have been characterized by a division of labor by sex, and there are a few universal principles of task differentiation,

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which although not absolute, form probabilistic constraints on the division of labor. Contemporary thinking suggests that biological factors have constrained the division of labor and that economies of effort, or efficiency, operate within those constraints (Friedl, 1975; Burton et al., 1977). The major biological factor constraining the division of labor is women's role in reproduction-specifically, childbearing and nursing (Brown, 1970; Ember, 1983). Since there are economies in having the same individuals perform adjacent tasks in production sequences and in assigning tasks in clusters based on physical location and temporal sequence, and since there are diseconomies in the exposure of females, the source of reproduction, to danger, women have tended to perform tasks involving less travel and danger that are consistent with childbearing and nursing (Brown, 1970; Friedl, 1975; Burton et al., 1977). There is good evidence that a demand for female labor can alter patterns of childbearing and childrearing (Friedl, 1975). For example, in contemporary foraging groups, where women contribute a large percentage of the food supply through gathering, the length of birth intervals is extended through prolonged lactation, and fertility can be quite low (see Blumberg, 1984). Similarly, when changes in the U.S. economy produced a demand for female labor during the 20th century, an increase in labor force participationoccurredamong women of all ages (Oppenheimer, 1970), which, despite some fluctuations in birth rates, helped perpetuate the long-term fertility decline evident in urban industrial societies (Notestein, 1945; Caldwell, 1976; Rindfuss and Sweet, 1977; Ryder, 1980). However, although nonbiological factors can condition or override the constraint imposed by women's childbearing and nursing, throughout most of human history restriction due to pregnancy and nursing has been evident (Chafetz, 1984:22). Another biological factor believed to have a constraining effect on the sexual division of labor is men's greater physical strength (Murdock, 1949; Murdock and Provost, 1973), although its effect is highly probabilistic. There is great variation in the development of physical strength, which produces wide cross-cultural variation in the extent to which males are stronger than females. Also, many tasks performed by males requirelittle physical strength. Thus, there has been a trend away from explanations emphasizing physical strength and other male characteristics to those emphasizing the compatibility of tasks with women's childbearing and nursing. Men's greater physical strength is not irrelevant to the sexual division of labor, but its effect is believed to be less important than women's childbearing and nursing. The division of labor by sex is affected not only by biological constraints but by societal characteristics.Among the most important of these is the technological base of the society. For example, in foraging societies women tend to provide more than half of the food needed for subsistence and in most horticultural societies the labor force is predominantly female (Blumberg, 1984). In agrarian societies, however, women play only a minor role in production, and although women's productive role is greater in industrial

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societies, it is still highly subordinate to the male role. In developing theories of gender stratification, Chafetz (1984) and Blumberg(1984) have sought to identify the factors responsible for differences in women's productive role in different types of societies. The division of labor is related to the degree of gender inequality in a society. In analyzing preindustrialsocieties, Sanday (1973) found that where women did not contribute to production, their status was invariably low. Even in societies where women did most of the production, however, their status could also be low. Participation in production was a necessary but not a sufficient condition for relatively high gender equality. Development of a general understandingof why societies differ in degree of gender inequality has become an important area of both theoretical and empirical analysis, based heavily on analysis of preindustrial societies (e.g., Sanday, 1981; Rosaldo, 1974; Friedl, 1975; Chafetz, 1984). One reason for this focus is that preindustrial societies encompass most of the known variation in the degree of gender stratification, from roughly egalitarian to highly male dominated. The foraging and horticultural societies in which women tended to be the primary producers and where gender equality was relatively of our three- to four-million year histohigh were in existence for over 99Wo ry (Blumberg, 1984). Agrarian and pastoral societies and the industrial societies of the present day have all been highly male dominated. The theories of gender stratification developed by Blumberg (1984) and Chafetz (1984) converge on major points. Blumbergis more explicit about the connection between power and privilege, but both see economic power as the key determinant of women's access to the scarce, valued resources of a society (e.g., possessions, perquisites, prerogatives, freedoms, honor, deference, prestige). Blumberg argues that the power of property is more important than the power of force, the power of political position, or the power of ideology, although she acknowledges that the major sources of power are interrelated. For example, when women's economic power is high, the use of force against them tends to be restrained. According to Blumberg and Chafetz, there is evidence to indicate that women's relative control of the means of production and the allocation of surplus or surplus value is an important determinant of the status of women in a society. In societies with subsistence economies, Friedl (1975) argued that the degree to which women control the distribution of the product of their labor (usually food) strongly influences their relative status since it creates nonkin networks of mutual obligations that establish a basis for power and prestige. Schlegel (1977) and Blumberg (1984), however, attach primary importance to control of production rather than distribution, since control of the means of production tends to be associated with control of the allocation of surplus. Both Blumberg and Chafetz argue that, in societies that

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produce a surplus, those who profit will be the product owners or controllers, who choose the manner in which the surplus is distributed. Blumberg and Chafetz both discuss factors that enhance what Blumberg calls the "strategic indispensability" of women's work. They also see characteristics of the family structure, such as lineality and locality, as affecting women's relative economic power and, therefore, the degree of gender inequality. In addition, Chafetz views gender stereotypes and the degree to which dominant religions or secular ideologies explicitly support gender stereotyping and inequality as factors that buttress the system of gender stratification. Because women and men perform different social roles, they exhibit different behavior repertoires. Gender differentiation in social roles therefore produces gender differences in behaviors, abilities, and dispositional traits. These learned differences have little or no biological basis. Consensual beliefs about differences between the sexes also accompany gender role differentiation. These stereotypes exaggerate actual differences and ascribe them to biological factors. Although it is logically possible for the two sexes to be "separate [different] but equal," the degree of gender role differentiation in a society is strongly related to the degree of gender inequality (Sanday, 1974). "Different" usually means unequal, since the roles filled by the two sexes do not bring the same power and privilege.

Historical Change Within Societies Supplementing the picture of social influences on gender differentiation and gender inequality that emerges from research on foraging, horticultural, and agrarian societies are historical analyses of more recent changes in gender role differentiation. In the agrarian societies existing prior to industrialization, work and family structures were integrated (Oakley, 1974; Tilly and Scott, 1978; Hareven, 1982). The unit of production was the unit of kin relationships, and the location of work was not separate from family life. Because a large family was an economic asset, both the mother's reproductive role and her productive work were valued. Even in preindustrial societies, however, societal complexity affected the sexual division of labor. With urbanization and increased population density, female participation in many activities declined. For example, female participation in crafts declined when occupational specialization caused craft activity to move from the home to the workshop. The intensification of agriculture, associated with high population density, a short growing season, use of the plow, and high dependence on domesticated animals, also produced a decrease in female participation in farming and an increase in

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female participation in less economically visible activities in the home (Boserup, 1970; Ember, 1983; Burton and White, 1984). With industrialization,the relationshipbetween the family and the economy changed dramatically due to the establishment of institutions separate from the family to perform economic activities (Boserup, 1970; Tilly and Scott,~1978; Hareven, 1982; Ryan, 1983). Work increasingly became an activity performed away from the home for monetary return. Although there was initially some tendency for whole families to be employed outside the home, technological change and protective labor legislation imposed restrictions on the employment of children, making them dependent on adults and creating a need to provide for their care. Children therefore became an economic liability rather than an asset. The need to care for children and the continuing constraints imposed by women's reproductive role, coupled with the absence of a demand for women's labor outside the home, led to a heightened differentiation of roles within the family. The specialization of men in work in the labor market and women in work in the home had important consequences. It isolated housework and child care from other work, made women and children economically dependent on men, and separated men from the daily routine of the household. It also affected the value attached to the work of women in the home (Oakley, 1974; Hareven, 1982; Ryan, 1983). As products formerly produced at home became available on the market, the value of women's work inevitably declined. Products came to be viewed primarilyin terms of their exchange value rather than their use value, and the value of products produced privately for direct use declined relative to the value of those produced under market conditions. The production of use value was generally regarded as nonproductive because it was not financially remunerated. The removal of economic activity from the home and the resulting evolution of the housewife role also had implications for family life. Since industrialization made housework less burdensome, the nature of the work performed by women changed (Oakley, 1974; Tilly and Scott, 1978; Ryan, 1983). Children came to occupy a more central place in the family, and standards and ideals of child care rose. Similarly, new standards of cleanliness emerged. Thus, although housework was less difficult, it became no less timeconsuming (Vanek, 1974; Robinson, 1980). Women also became society's primary consumers as the change to a market economy occurred. During the 20th century, advanced industrial societies experienced economic and social changes that are again altering the sexual division of labor. Structural changes in the economy increased the need for large numbers of white-collar workers and thereby created a demand for female labor (Oppenheimer, 1970; Oakley, 1974). Meanwhile, the development, acceptance, and use of effective methods of contraception made it possible for women

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to exert a large measure of control over their fertility and helped free them from the constraintsof their reproductiverole. Labor-savingdevices and other products for the home also became widely available, reducing the amount of work required for the physical maintenance of a household. In addition, improvements in medical care brought a significant increase in life expectancy, thereby reducing furtherthe proportion of a woman's life during which there were young children in the home. Together, these changes produced a marked increase in the employment of women outside the home. For example, 20% of U.S. women aged 18-64 were in the labor force in 1900 (Wertheimer, 1977:210), but this figure had risen to almost 60% by 1980 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1986). Prior to 1970, women's increased entry into the labor force occurred primarilyin clerical and service jobs into which women had become segregated. Increases in women's educational attainment during the 1950s and 1960s and a lack of opportunity for entry into high-level "male"occupations were among the factors that gave impetus to the resurgence of the women's movement in the late 1960s and early 1970s. In the wake of this resurgence, women have increasingly been preparing for and moving into higher prestige occupations. Although the employment of married women outside the home began to increase after World War II,little change occurred in the division of household labor in the United States prior to the 1970s. Studies of the amount of time spent on housework between the 1920s and the 1960s showed no significant changes, although new technology resultedin the substitution of some routine, repetitive work for more managerial types of activity (Vanek, 1974; Robinson, 1980). Since the 1970s there have been some indications of change. Between 1965 and 1975, there was a decrease in the amount of time spent on family work by women, coupled with a small increase in the amount of time spent on family work by men (Pleck, 1985; Robinson, 1980, 1988). The decrease observed for women was associated with changes in women's labor force participation and marital and fertility behavior over the decade (Robinson, 1980). The small increase observed for men, evident among both wifeemployed husbands and sole-breadwinninghusbands, resultedprimarilyfrom men's spending more time on traditional male tasks such as household repairs and lawn care (Pleck, 1985; Robinson, 1988). This pattern of change suggests a general value shift toward somewhat greater family involvement by husbands rather than a response to the wife's employment in two-earner households. As a result of these changes, the averageproportion of time spent on family work by husbands increased. Detailed U.S. surveys of work performed by husbands and wives in the home in 1976 and 1977 indicate that wives continued to do most household work and child care (Berk and Berk, 1979; Robinson, 1980; Sanik, 1981;

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Pleck, 1985). Employed wives spent only about half as much time on housework as nonemployed wives (Vanek, 1974), but even employed wives spent, on the average, almost three times as much time on household work as their husbands (Walker, and Woods, 1976; Robinson, 1977; Sanik, 1981; Pleck, 1985). Husbands of employed wives did not increase their family work in the narrow sense (e.g., child care) but showed some increase in broader forms of family participation (e.g., child contact) (Pleck, 1985). When a broad range of child care and housework responsibilities was considered, the employed wife spent a greater total number of hours working either in or outside the home than her husband or her nonemployed counterpart (Walker and Woods, 1976; Geerken and Gove, 1983; Pleck, 1985). In contrast, the husbands of employed wives actually spent less time working than the husbands of nonemployed wives because their wives' earnings enabled them to reduce their hours of market work, and they spent little additional time on housework (Walker and Woods, 1976; Geerken and Gove, 1983). Recent evidence suggests that there has been further change in the division of household labor between 1975 and 1985, with men spending more time on traditional female tasks such as cooking, cleaning, and laundry. Whereas women did 920/0 of female tasks in 1965 and 890/0 in 1975, they did only 80Wo of such tasks in 1985 (Robinson, 1988). Overall, men did only about 150/oof housework in 1965, but this had increased to about 330/oby 1985 (Juster, 1985; Gershunyand Robinson, 1988; Robinson, 1988). As would be expected, evidence of change is greater among the young. Several studies of fathers of young children reveal increased family work by fathers (Sanik, 1981; Daniels and Weingarten, 1981). Moreover, most high school seniors now report a preference for sharing child care and housework in their own prospective marriages, and this trend toward sharing increased slightly between 1976 and 1979 (Herzog et al., 1983). Studies document a trend toward increased acceptance of women's participation in nonfamily roles since at least the 1930s when polling began (e.g., Erskine, 1971; Mason et al., 1976; Thornton and Freedman, 1979). These changes appear to have occurred in response to increase in women's labor force participation and, in turn, have brought about further participation. Overall, the record of historical change since the coming of industrialization provides strong evidence of the malleability of gender roles and associated attitudes in response to social influences. Industrialization brought about major changes in the roles of women and men. As subsequent changes in technology increased the demand for female labor, changes in gender roles began to occur again. Women have enteredthe labor market in ever-increasing numbers, initiating a reduction in gender role differentiation. Barring unforeseen circumstances, this trend is likely to continue. Unlike women's ini-

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tial entry into the labor market, the recent entry of women into high-level male occupations has not been responsive to labor demand but has occurred in competition with men. This change and its effect on the allocation of work in the household are unlikely to be altered by a reduction in the demand for labor in traditionally female jobs. What remains unknown is how far and how fast the current trend toward gender equality will go.

Microlevel Social Processes Socialization Within a society at a particularpoint in time, individuals come to adopt gender-specific behavior, attitudes, and dispositional traits through life-long processes of socialization and allocation that perpetuate gender role differentiation. Social and developmental psychologists have developed a number of theories of gender role socialization, which differ primarilyin the mechanism by which sex-typed behavior is hypothesized to be learned. There are four major types of theories: social learning theories, cognitive developmental theories, information processing theories, and identification theories (Huston, 1983). Although the process by which individuals learn behavior appropriate for their sex may occur in a variety of ways, the content of what is learned depends on the association of sex with particular types of behavior in the society in which an individual lives. Much attention has been devoted by both psychologists and sociologists to the content of messages communicated to the two sexes by various socialization agents (Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974; Block, 1976; Marini, 1978; Huston, 1983; Marini and Brinton, 1984). Research has indicated that parents treat boys and girls differently and serve as models for gender-specific roles and behavior. Gender role socialization also occurs within schools via curricularmaterials, role models, differential treatment by teachers and counselors, and interaction with peers. The mass media, including films, television, books, newspapers, and magazines, constitute other important sources of gender role learning. Gender role socialization continues in adulthood via experiences in the workplace, interaction with family and friends, and the ongoing influence of the media. Through the process of socialization, individuals not only learn socially prescribed behaviors but also internalize gender stereotypes that buttress existing gender differentiation and stratification (Hamilton, 1981; Deaux, 1985; Ashmore et al., 1986). Beliefs that the sexes are different have implications for the overall evaluation of each sex, since the characteristicsascribed to each sex are not equally valued. Evidence suggests that both sexes view

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the characteristics ascribed to males as more desirable than the characteristics ascribed to females and, therefore, that the overall evaluation of males is higher than that of females (McKee and Sherriffs, 1957; Broverman et al., 1972; however, see Ashmore et al., 1986, for a discussion of the limitations of this evidence). Because the characteristics ascribed to males are also those important for gaining access to positions of power and privilege, gender stereotypes create expectations for performance that negatively affect evaluations of women's past and expected future performance in high-level jobs.

Allocation Another process by which individuals come to adopt gender-specific behavior, attitudes, and traits is through the allocation of individuals to institutional positions on the basis of sex, often to sex-typed positions. Whereas socialization shapes the choices of individuals by conditioning their desires and expectations, allocation involves action by others that channels individuals into positions on the basis of sex, irrespective of their desires and expectations. Allocation is pervasive in the workplace. Recent analysis of sex segregation in the U.S. labor force indicates that more than half of the workers of one sex would have to change detailed census occupational categories to make the occupational distributionsof the two sexes equal (Beller, 1984; Blau, 1988; Jacobs, 1989). Within occupations, workers are also segregated within and between firms. It has been estimated that 960/0 of the workers of one sex would have to change job titles to equalize the distributions of the two sexes across jobs (Bielby and Baron, 1984). This high level of sex segregation arises in part from the allocation of workers to jobs by employers. Exactly what motivates these allocation decisions is unclear. Economists have suggested that they are affected by a process of "statistical discrimination," whereby employers attempt to maximize efficiency based on perceptions that the marginal productivity of women and men differs on average for different lines of work (Phelps, 1972; Arrow, 1973). However, perceptions about the suitabilityof women and men for different types of work are based largely on gender stereotypes that are inaccurate (Kiesler, 1975). Moreover, given that women and men sometimes perform the same work under different job titles in different parts of the same organization (Bielby and Baron, 1986), even perceived aggregate differences between women and men in marginal productivity in a given type of work cannot explain all instances of job segregation within firms. It could be that both perceptions of gender differences and perceptions of employee preferencesfor working with same-sex peers-in particular, male preferences for working with males (Haefner, 1977; Hagen and Kahn, 1975)- cause employers to discriminate or the basis of sex.

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Studies of selection situations and performanceoutputs provide evidence that women and men are evaluated differently. Males are more likely to be selected or ranked highly for managerial, scientific, and semiskilled positions than equally qualified females. When identical professional articles and paintings are attributedto a male or a female, there is some evidence that the work believed to be done by a man is rated more highly than the work believed to be done by a woman. Studies have also shown that males prefer to work and interact with competent males rather than competent females (see Nieva and Gutek, 1981, and Wallston and O'Leary, 1981, for discussions of this evidence). Gender bias in evaluation is not consistent across all situations. There is greater bias in the evaluation of qualifications than in the evaluation of past performance since the level of inference required is lower when assessment is confined to a specific behavior or product exhibited. When the criteria on which an individual is judged are ambiguous or there is little information available about the individual's performance, gender stereotypes play a more important role in evaluation (Nieva and Gutek, 1981; Wallston and O'Leary, 1981). Evidence that gender bias in evaluation is attributable at least in part to the effects of gender stereotyping on performance expectations can be found in the fact that gender bias is evident in assessments of the suitability of both male and female applicants for sex-typed jobs (Nieva and Gutek, 1981). There is also evidence that personal characteristicsthat enhance gender stereotyping increase the degree of bias in evaluation. Studies of the evaluation of qualifications and the attribution of causes of performance in highlevel male-typed jobs indicate that physically attractive women tend to be disadvantaged by their appearance, whereas physically attractive men are advantaged (Heilman and Saruwatari, 1979; Heilman and Stopeck, 1985). This difference arises because physically attractivewomen are perceivedto be more feminine and therefore less likely to possess the masculine traits required for success in male-typed jobs (Gillen, 1981; Heilman, 1983). However, display of certain "male"traits such as assertiveness and competitiveness can cause women to be disliked and ostracized (Lao et al., 1975; Hagen and Kahn, 1975), since this behavior violates gender role expectations and is not perceived as legitimate for women (Holter, 1971; Meeker and Weitzel-O'Neill, 1977). The range of acceptable behavior for women in male-typed occupations is therefore relatively narrow. For a woman to be accepted, Meeker and Weitzel-O'Neill (1977) suggest that there must be evidence either that she is cooperatively motivated or that it is legitimate for her to enhance her own status because she has been assigned a higher status than others - e.g., has been appointed leader by an outside authority (see also Ridgeway, 1978, 1982). By comparison, competitive status enhancement is legitimate for men since it is consistent with gender role expectations.

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In recent years simple demonstrations of differential evaluation have been replaced by more sophisticated analyses of the structureand process of gender stereotyping (Hamilton, 1981; Deaux, 1985; Ashmore et al., 1986). This new research is influenced by recent work on social cognition and views stereotypes as operating in the same way as other cognitive categoro-q Investigators are beginning to study the structureof gender stereotypes, reflected in the components of gender belief systems, and the processes by which information is encoded, stored, and retrieved. These systematic efforts to place the stereotype concept within a broader framework are likely to provide a basis for understandingdiscrepanciesin the findings of earlier studies of performance evaluation. They are also likely to provide a clearer picture of the ways in which gender stereotypes are formed and influence perception and action.

Emergent Interaction Gender differences are maintained in part through the effects of gender stereotypes and related performance expectations on emergent interaction. As noted above, there is little evidence of sex differences in mental ability and many other stable traits that have been studied. Nevertheless, in situations involving male-female interaction, sex differences in behavior emerge. For example, males interruptfemales more than females interruptmales, and more interruptions have been observed in cross-sex interaction than in samesex interaction (Zimmermanand West, 1975; Kollock et al., 1985). In a study in which leaders of three-person groups were given information that followers did not have, male leaders were asked for information more often than female leaders (Eskilson and Wiley, 1976). Males also have been observed to talk more than females in task-oriented situations (Strodtbeck and Mann, 1956; Curtis et al., 1975; Lockheed and Hall, 1976), and females tend to express less confidence than males in their future performance, even on tasks where they are known to do as well or betterthan males (see researchreviewed by Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974). Interestingly, there is evidence that females talk more and solve problems better as the subject they are dealing with becomes more appropriateto their sex (Milton, 1959; Lockheed and Hall, 1976). These sex-related differences emerging in interaction resemble differences in behavior associated with other status characteristics. Berger and his colleagues (1980) have suggested that the effects of gender stereotypes are a manifestation of a more general status-organizing process. Expectationstates theory postulates that status characteristics constitute a basis for the formation of performance expectations, which affect group interaction even

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when a status characteristicbears no relation to the goal or task of the group. Thus, group members will assume that men are generally more capable than women and therefore that men are probably more capable at the task the group is performing, even when sex is not known to be relevant to the task. This status-generalizingprocess is used to explain research findings that males are given and take more opportunities to perform, are evaluated more highly for the same qualifications or performance, are more often rewarded for their performance, and have more influence than females (Bergeret al., 1980). Meeker and Weitzel-O'Neill (1977) have also argued that because men have higher status than women, competitive or dominating behavior is viewed as legitimate for men but not for women. Since a status characteristic will be applied to new tasks and new situations in the course of normal interaction, expectation-states theory suggests that the "burden of proof" is on demonstrating that sex is irrelevant to task performance. In the absence of intervention, females are more likely to defer to the judgment of males, and males will refuse to be influenced by females. In one experimental study, male groups refused to be influenced by an obviously competent female even though without her they failed at their task and lost money (Wahrman and Pugh, 1974). One study by Pugh and Wahrman (1983) found that the effect of gender could be eliminated as a factor influencing judgment when women were shown to be more competent than their male partners at a task related to but distinct from the group's task. Another study (Wagner et al., 1986) showed that unambiguous demonstrations of ability at a task that disconfirmed gender stereotypes could invert gender-related performance expectations for the task. However, gender biases continued to hinder women and help men even after intervention. Telling a man that he was not capable did not reduce his expectations and performance to the level that telling a woman she was not capable reduced hers. These studies demonstrate that the effects of gender inequality can be reduced when men and women work collectively on formal and well-defined tasks, when standards of performance are clear and measurable, and when unambiguous demonstration of ability is possible. In the experiments, however, actors had no prior experience with the task. In nonlaboratory situations where gender stereotypes link sex to task performance, the impact of disconfirmation of the type used by Wagner and his colleagues may be greatly reduced. Although there is evidence that expectation-states theory explains the emergence of leadership structures in initially unstructured groups oriented to achieve collective success at a particular task, the relevance of the theory to the explanation of other aspects of interpersonal interaction remains unknown. Because gender differences in power use are known to exist, Molm

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(1986) examined the interaction between gender and power use in an experiment in which access to power was systematically varied. The results of her study suggest that gender differences in power use arise largely from differential access to power in particularsituations ratherthan from a stable proclivity toward compliance and giving by females.

CONCLUSION Both biological and social influences play a role in producing gender differentiation and stratification. Historically, biological factors-particularly women's role in reproduction and, to a lesser degree, men's greater physical strength-have constrained the division of labor. These constraints and economies of effort, or efficiency, operating within them produced a few universal principles of task differentiation that, although not absolute, formed probabilisticconstraintson the division of labor. Although there is wide crosscultural variation in what constitutes male and female labor around these constraints, the division of labor by sex has never permitted the emergence of a female-dominated society. Because the division of labor puts men in a better position to acquire and control the valuable resources of their societies, the division of labor gives rise to gender stratification. Understanding social influences on gender roles and attitudes requires that social scientists distinguish between processes operating at the macroand microlevels. Analysis of historical or cross-cultural variation in macrolevel units enables us to understand how gender differentiation and stratification arise, and why they take the forms they do. For example, there is evidence that macrolevel characteristics such as the technological base of a society and the labor demands it generates interact with biological sex differences in producing gender differentiation and stratification. In contrast, analysis of variation at the microlevel enables us to understand how gender differentiation and stratification condition the life experiences of women and men within a society. Individuals born into a society at a particular time come to fill gender-specific roles via processes of socialization and allocation that operate throughout life. They also internalize attitudes and beliefs, including gender stereotypes, that buttress existing gender differentiation and stratification. Because institutionalized practices and the beliefs that justify and reinforce their existence perpetuate the status quo, identifying the practices and beliefs that perpetuate gender inequality makes it possible for us to intervene to bring about change.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This paper was written while the author was supported by Grants K04-AG00296 and RO1-AG05715from the National Institute on Aging. The assistance of William Chan, Laurie J. Alioto, and Erica Finley is gratefully acknowledged.

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