Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Ecology
The system’s learned a lot over the years about claiming to control the
environment and human beings. I think maybe that’s the analysis that needs to
be made – what is the nature of imperialism in contemporary politics? It’s
denied but it still exists by way of debit and credit, by way of economic
exploitation, environmental exploitation and human exploitation – Larry Green
(February 12, 2006)
The notion of urban sustainability is now widely known, if not widely understood. As
others have demonstrated (Gibbs 2000, 2002; Desfor and Keil 2004), urban
37
America, this idea has recently been promoted under the banner of “smart growth” or
urban form around expanded public transit networks, has been repackaged in a way that
emphasizes the compatibility of such changes with “sustainable” economic growth and
advocates the gradual integration of these planning principles into structures of urban
governance and policy-making. In this way, the discourse of smart growth tends to
and distances itself from more radical critiques of urban development that emphasize
My case study of Hamilton has illustrated the gradual and partial emergence of an
context, showing how the legacy of the city’s industrial past has shaped the material
This has given rise to a “neo-Fordist ecological modernization,” exemplified by the Red
Hill Valley Project, in which an urban regime of business interests, politicians and
38
restoration and downtown revitalization. Secondly, I show how and why a counter-
hegemonic narrative of urban sustainability has emerged through resistance to the Red
and democratic citizenship. In the effort to identify ways of creating more inclusive and
involved in the expressway conflict and the subsequent protests against colonial
dispossession and exurban sprawl in Caledonia, Ontario. Finally, I offer some thoughts
on how this case might contribute to future research in urban political ecology.
In May 2005, the Red Hill Creek Expressway was renamed the Red Hill Valley
integrated with the surrounding landscape and drawing motorists closer to nature. In the
years leading up to the completion of the expressway, it had become increasingly clear
that many land owners and developers stood to benefit financially from the completion
of the project. Just prior to the opening of the highway in November 2007, a short
article in the Hamilton Spectator (November 15, 2007) pointed to the many areas where
growth was expected to accelerate as a result of the highway. These areas included
major roads near the northern end of the valley, where interest in the re-use of existing
39
commercial and industrial space was allegedly beginning to increase; the junction of the
Lincoln Alexander and Red Hill parkways, where further housing developments and big
box stores were appearing; various business parks on the escarpment; and Glanbrook
and Elfrida, two small communities at the edge of the southern urban boundary
developments.1 These developments have grown quickly in the year since the Parkway
opened, creating a patchwork of housing tracts and strip malls across the rural lands
Upon its completion in November 2007, the Parkway was celebrated in the pages of
the Hamilton Spectator (November 27, 2007) as “a key extension of our transportation
consideration of its impact on the nature through which it passes” (Figure 7.1). Experts
in restoration ecology had earlier been quoted in the newspaper describing the successes
of tree replanting, ecosystem rehabilitation efforts and realignment of the Red Hill
Creek, now “the longest continuous stretch of rebuilt urban waterway” in North
America (ibid, August 22, 2006). The City proudly announced that just over 13,000
trees were cut rather than the 44,000 originally estimated, and that 1 million seedlings
1
Housing developer and major land holder Aldo DeSantis was particularly vocal in his
enthusiasm for the completion of the road, telling the Spectator in 2004 that the expressway was
essential of for the success of his “Summit Park” housing development and the surrounding
escarpment lands slated for more residential and commercial development. DeSantis, implicitly
referring to greenfield development, claimed that “this were the growth in the city is going to be
for the next 10 to 15 years… Once the Red Hill (Expressway) is finished ... I would say this
whole area will take a life of its own because ... almost everywhere else in Hamilton is pretty
well out of land. If not for this project, Hamilton would have only two or three years of land
left” (quoted in Hamilton Spectator, April 21, 2004).
40
would be planted in the valley by 2011, thereby allegedly restoring “more habitat than
was disturbed by the roadway” (ibid, October 30, 2006). Chris Murray, project manager
for the Red Hill Valley Project, also highlighted details such as the elevated viaduct
beneath the road to allow the migration of animals, including specially designed
telephone poles intended to facilitate the movement of the endangered flying squirrel,
and future plans for a “cultural interpretive centre” and linkages to other parks on the
Figure 7.1: The Red Hill Valley Parkway (Hamilton Spectator, November 30, 2007)
Reflecting on the last five decades of debate over the road, the Hamilton Spectator
continued to frame the issue as a contest between economic growth and environmental
41
contributed to a project that would serve the “greater good” by stimulating growth and
environmental impacts on the valley (Hamilton Spectator, November 16, 2007). Indeed,
the project has attracted a great deal of attention and has garnered the City awards for its
innovative design and restoration work.2 The Red Hill Valley Project is now represented
that proponents of the road had long advocated (John Dolbec, November 18, 2005).
However, in the process, the issues of urban sprawl, democracy, environmental justice,
and colonialism that became increasingly prominent during the expressway debate
Through the Red Hill Valley Project, expressway proponents had successfully
from conventional development practices and the minimization of the social and
ecological costs. In this way, proponents were able to sustain and revitalize the political
narrative of growth and progress that had been used to promote the expressway over
many decades. The urban growth frame at the core of the “growth and progress”
remained linked to societal progress and the absence of private sector growth was
2
The City received an Environmental Achievement Award from the Transportation Association
of Canada in 2004 and an Award of Merit for Environmental Infrastructure from the Consulting
Engineers of Ontario in 2007.
42
presented as the cause of poverty and societal degeneration. In the words of Chamber of
Commerce CEO, John Dolbec (November 18, 2005), “We need developers who can
invest money in developing the city – otherwise you don’t grow. And rightly or
wrongly, for better or worse, you’ve got to accept that not to grow means to decline.
Frankly, Hamilton has had enough of decline. We’ve been declining for 30 years.”
unqualified good, with universal benefit for all. The association of urbanization with
population expansion and economic growth remains deeply rooted and largely
unquestioned, even within recent plans that attempt to manage that growth such as the
Sandberg,Wekerle and Gilbert (2006: 10-11) write, “growth, in other words, is taken as
a given, and planning processes are seen as a rational practice not only precluding slow-
growth or no-growth options, but also supporting urban and regional competitiveness
including those that may actually increase socio-economic disparity or benefit some
urban populations and areas more than others. Growth, to borrow the 1990s rhetoric of
economic globalization, is represented as a “rising tide that lifts all boats.” While many
development strategies and policies and away from those that contribute to socio-
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proponents advocated a more “moderate” approach (John Best, December 20, 2005) in
defined as private investment “that ultimately pays the bills to afford the health care
system, social services and environmental mitigations that you need” (John Dolbec,
growth as the solution to social and environmental problems. Social, ecological and
economic issues are understood as three separate spheres (or “legs of the stool” in the
language of the Vision 2020 plan) that needed to be properly balanced. Economic
the interaction between economic, social and ecological conditions, and particularly the
suburban expansion on the edge of the city. Expressway proponents argued that the
economic leg of sustainability would be strengthened by the project but paid little
attention to how investment in this project would divert funds from other development
initiatives and municipal services, encourage greater use of the private automobile, and
“lock in” future development patterns based around commercial, industrial and
noted in the use of economic development strategies that will likely contribute to poor
health, under-funded social services or environmental damage to pay for health care,
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qualitative shift in urbanization and transportation but as a strategy of “harm reduction”
that can minimize the negative impacts of development (John Best, December 20,
2005).
public of “municipal taxpayers” who share the costs and benefits of development
equally. Attention is also directed to the scale of the individual household, through
and to the scale of the global economy, source of the allegedly inexorable forces that
require cities to remain “globally competitive” at all costs. This narrative also assumes a
urban nature, which supports the compartmentalization of urban regions and functions.
between three separate spheres of economic, social and ecological sustainability, the
the valley but paid much less attention to the road’s ecological impacts on water quality
in the Hamilton Harbour and air quality in the neighbourhoods surrounding the valley.
Similarly, proponents of the project frequently stated that roadway expansion and the
city as separate from and in competition with the rest of the Greater Toronto Area,
45
united by civic pride in Hamilton’s past achievements, a “tough” and resilient local
character represented by the city’s industrial and labour history, and the common goal of
reclaiming the title of “the Ambitious City” through large-scale development initiatives
and economic revitalization (Ed Fothergill in Hamilton Spectator, October 26, 2003).
These arguments drew upon a persistent industrial imaginary that celebrated the
historical transformation of a wild and threatening first nature into a domesticated and
productive second nature through industrial development and infrastructure. Over the
and garbage dump but were gradually forced to concede the aesthetic, recreational,
The highway was then presented as a means of renewing or restoring this degraded
place, allegedly making it more attractive and accessible and improving the ecological
conditions by cleaning up the area and rerouting the creek to its original course. The
valley was re-presented as a place of ecological and cultural value but one that could
only be properly restored and utilized by the hand of development. In this way, business
and government were repositioned as the primary actors in the move towards urban
the creation of better project through their “input” but it was the City that could now
take credit for having restored and revitalized the valley, thereby reasserting their
ownership and control over this space and the transformation of urban nature more
broadly.
46
According to this vision of urban sustainability, change should be driven by market
demand and facilitated by government. While almost all of the developers, politicians
and planners I spoke with acknowledged that more substantial, long-term changes to
patterns would be required in future, they maintained that these transformations would
have to be driven primarily by “the market” rather than governmental regulation. The
role of government was described as primarily one of assisting economic growth and
the market was described as a clear reflection of consumer choice. While some
under the rubric of “integrated growth management” or “smart growth”), how growth
takes place was largely seen as a matter of consumer choices that are then reflected by
market demand. In the words of Hamilton City councillor Chad Collins (December 15,
2005),
When you look at an old city like Hamilton it’s very difficult to deal with the market.
We can’t control where people want to live but I can at least encourage builders and
developers to try to provide some housing stock in a certain area. But I think until we
culturally change, until the majority of people realize that reliance on the automobile
is hurting us and that 50 by 120 foot lots may not be helping us environmentally or
financially, it’s hard to convince people that that’s the case. Locally we’re competing
with Oakville and Mississauga and Brampton and Brantford and they’re providing
that housing stock of new subdivisions with giant lots, single-family homes, paved
driveways and a two-car garage. So if Hamilton all of a sudden says we’re not doing
any of that - we’re holding our urban boundaries firm and we’re only looking at
residential applications for the inner city we’re going to continue to have young
urban people move to Toronto because we’re not offering them what they want.
road infrastructure and suburban development was explained as a response to both the
47
demands of consumers and a method of survival within a political and economic climate
“taxpayers” and “consumers”. Accordingly, the impetus for substantial cultural change
is seen to lie primarily with the needs and choices of consumers, with governments and
the private sector simply responding to these desires as they are expressed through the
electoral system and the market. There is little or no acknowledgement that both
government and business pursue their own interests, spending a great deal of money and
The struggle against the Red Hill Creek Expressway was one of a number of conflicts
over urban development in the Greater Toronto Area that began to escalate during the
late 1990s. The most widely publicized such struggle was the debate over the fate of the
Oak Ridges Moraine, a large geological formation north of Toronto that contains many
significant and continuous ecological areas and is the source of aquifers and headwaters
streams flowing down into Lake Ontario. In 1989, citizens began organizing to protect
the area from the encroachment of residential and commercial development. The
acceleration of residential housing developments in this area during the 1990s generated
moratorium and create the Oak Ridges Moraine Conservation Act, which imposed
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development restrictions on the area while “compensating” real-estate developers with
In many ways, this signalled a significant shift for the Conservative provincial
government and the politics of urban planning in Ontario more broadly (Keil 2002). In
the mid 1990s, the Harris Conservatives had swept to power on a wave of enthusiasm
spending” and the valorization of the “free market.” But in the wake of escalating public
the water contamination crisis in Walkerton, Ontario, and the negative impacts of urban
sprawl, exemplified by the struggles over the Oak Ridges Moraine and the Red Hill
discourse under the banner of “smart growth.” With various controversies and scandals
weighing on the Conservatives, the provincial Liberal party came to power in late 2003
urban centres, preserving farmland and conservation lands on the urban periphery, and
(Pond 2006).
By 2005, the province had legislated the creation of a greenbelt around the periphery
An accompanying plan for future land-use and urban development within the greenbelt
put forward intensification targets and designated growth areas where development
should be concentrated. This was framed as a shift to urban planning and governance on
49
a regional scale, a shift supported by advocates of a “new regionalism” based on
integrated planning between and across municipal boundaries as a means of tackling the
problems of urban sprawl, growing socio-economic polarization, and/or the kind of cut-
Within Hamilton, the language of smart growth was also been expressed through the
determine where the future growth of the City will take place, over the next 30+ years,”
integrating “land use, transportation, water, waste water and stormwater planning into
one project” (City of Hamilton 2008). Like the provincial “Places to Grow” legislation,
GRIDS made frequent reference to “growth management” and the need to determine
where future development would be encouraged and where it would be restricted, based
implications of growth and development decisions” (ibid). This plan was linked to the
“renewal” of Hamilton’s Vision 2020 sustainable development plan and the promise of
better integrating the principles of Vision 2020 into the planning practices of City
reassess Vision 2020 and establish new directions for implementation that would then
provide guidance for the GRIDS plan. According to project coordinator Linda Harvey
(October 15, 2003), the aim was to restructure and institutionalize Vision 2020 as “a
value set, a way of making decisions” rather than existing only as “a series of tasks and
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Citizens were invited to help formulate “development guidelines” that would then be
used to judge and integrate the components of the larger GRIDS strategy. A summary
implementation was presented to the public and endorsed by City Council in September
2003. The GRIDS plan was developed over the following three years, based on a
number of City reports and public consultations. A number of “growth options” were
then formulated and evaluated by City staff using a “triple bottom-line” method
these different plans for the future development of the city. A “nodes and corridors”
option was ultimately selected that focuses “mixed use” development in particular
regions of the city and aims to develop better transportation linkages between them,
While GRIDS was presented as a democratic planning exercise that was shaped by
public input, the final outcome of the process raises serious doubts about this claim. In
many ways, the outcomes seem to have been predetermined in advance. Just as the
consultations during the late 1970s regarding the north-south roadway generated
“options” that all included a road through the Red Hill Valley, all six of the growth
options presented to the public through the GRIDS process included two significant
development surrounding the Hamilton International Airport and a second to allow for
consultants’ reports had demonstrated that the aerotropolis development would meet
51
only one of the nine development guidelines generated through public consultation,
politicians and staff in support of the airport expansion insisted that this was
necessitated by a severe lack of “employment lands” (Citizens at City Hall, May 19,
2006). In effect, the aerotropolis and other features of the City’s Economic
Development Strategy (created prior to the GRIDS process and without public
This exclusion precipitated a renewed debate over the city’s future. Many activists
involved in the Red Hill conflict rallied together to voice objections to the aerotropolis,
joining local farmers and other residents living near the Hamilton International Airport.
and soon became involved in an Ontario Municipal Board challenge against the urban
boundary expansion for the aerotropolis. HPD, Environment Hamilton and other critical
groups argued that the City had failed to consider the rising costs of air transportation
and the growing predictions of an imminent decline in worldwide oil supplies. They
pointed to the ecological impacts of increased air transit on regional air quality and
watersheds,3 as well as the socio-economic impacts of creating new jobs outside of the
impoverished downtown core and replacing viable farmland with industrial and
artefacts and sites in the area and the lands fall within the scope of the Nanfan Treaty
used to assert hunting and fishing rights in the Red Hill Valley. Finally, critics have
3
A large portion of the proposed airport development area includes the headwaters of Chippewa
Creek, which flows into the Welland River further east.
52
noted the economic costs of extending infrastructure outside the existing boundaries of
the city to service this development (Citizens at City Hall, February 23, 2008).
The Province of Ontario also challenged the City’s urban boundary expansion
through the Ontario Municipal Board, insisting that the City must complete the GRIDS
process and demonstrate that the boundary expansion had been subject to a
assessment and land budget analysis. Both OMB challenges have since been settled,
with the City committing to complete these studies and hold more public consultations
before further attempts are made to expand the urban boundary. A Community Liaison
Committee was created in late 2007 and has quickly become a site of intense political
debate over the proposed development. The debate surrounds the lack of clarity over the
versus greenfield development; and an ongoing dispute between the City and the
available land for employment in the Hamilton area.4 The provincial government
disagrees with the calculations used by city staff and consultants to estimate the need
for greenfield industrial land around the airport, and says the city has overestimated the
4
Further controversy surrounds the impacts that the decline of world oil supplies will have on
the aerotropolis and the City’s largest growth strategy. In June 2005, City council responded to
concern about this issue by commissioning a study of “peak oil” and its implications for
Hamilton. This report was delivered to City staff in October of that year but staff repeatedly
delayed its release, taking the unusual step of demanding changes in the report from the
consultant. When the study was finally released in April 2006, council agreed to ask for the
creation of terms of reference for a more detailed study on the local impacts of peak oil. Three
requests have been made for these terms of reference but after two and half years, they have yet
to be produced by city staff (Citizens at City Hall, October 20, 2008).
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amount of land required. Nevertheless, the majority of councillors and their senior staff
are rejecting the provincial warning and proceeding with plans to urbanize nearly 3000
For many proponents of the Red Hill Creek Expressway, one of the most important
aspects of the road was its facilitation of the larger vision of Hamilton’s future as a
“multi-modal transportation hub,” linking together road networks, the airport and, to a
lesser extent, the port and railway lines (John Dolbec, November 18, 2005). In the
Global trade is having a huge impact and technology is having a huge impact on the
way that goods are produced and shipped. I think we’re going to see North America
lose a lot of manufacturing jobs but if we position ourselves properly we could be the
assembly centre. For example, with computers, components are going to be
manufactured all over the place but with just-in-time inventories and people ordering
goods over the internet you see that things are becoming more and more customized.
That’s not going to happen at the factory where they’re manufacturing the parts, it’s
going to happen at the distribution centres where they put the parts together and on to
a truck or a plane. So that’s the kind of logistics that Hamilton can really capture.
Right now, Toronto has that market but we can offer a much less expensive
alternative to those types of companies… I guess I see us as the future downtown
core of the megalopolis that is going to eventually stretch from Ottawa all the way
down to Niagara Falls. I see that as eventually being all filled in, one continuous city.
And we will be the downtown core, in the middle of it all.
This vision, which requires the further expansion of roadways and greenfield
development on the edge of the city, is now being challenged by public resistance, the
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ecological and economic conditions on a global scale. This plan has also been disrupted
by a significant shift in the city’s governing urban regime. In the 2006 municipal
election, Fred Eisenberger, former chair of the Hamilton Port Authority, narrowly
defeated Mayor Larry DiIanni, a long-time proponent of the Red Hill Creek Expressway
end to “sprawl-like development,” and ethical integrity at city hall. To demonstrate his
from corporate or union donors, running a shoe-string campaign that sharply contrasted
with $200,000 war chest accumulated by Larry DiIanni. Eisenberger’s strategy drew
in the 2003 election. Shortly after that election, community activists began examining
the records of the Mayor’s campaign financing and soon uncovered a long list of
apparent violations under the Municipal Elections Act, including different companies
listed under the same address and numerous contributions over the $750 limit. When
City council voted against an investigation, Joanna Chapman, a local business owner,
community activist and former politician, launched a legal challenge that resulted in
DiIanni being charged with 41 violations of the Election Act. Eventually facing six
charges in court, DiIanni pled guilty and was order to pay a small fine and write an
essay on campaign financing that was then published in Municipal World magazine
(DiIanni 2003).6 A number of companies were also eventually charged and fined for
6
This list includes A.DeSantis Real Estate Ltd and three associated companies (A.DeSantis
Developments Ltd., A.DeSantis Holdings Ltd., HGH Developments ); Dival Developments;
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over-contributing to DiIanni’s campaign. The majority were from the development
industry, including many that benefited directly or indirectly from the completion of the
Red Hill Creek Expressway. This scandal raised public awareness about the influence of
contribution to the outcome of the 2006 election. The issue was covered by many on-
line and print media publications and contributed to discussions about the influence of
corporate and union donations within other communities during the election.
political scientist Robert MacDermid demonstrated that Hamilton was not the only city
MacDermid (2006: 21) concluded that, within the ten cities he studied,
the development industry is by the far the largest segment of corporate and of all
contributions in all communities. This is not surprising given the political economy
of the development industry and the vital role that municipal politics plays in the
creation of profit… developers and those who organize development interests have a
very good idea about who is a supporter of their goals. It seems unlikely that
development interests would continue to support an incumbent who had not been
supportive of development.
Doral Property Management (and associated company Trival Investments Ltd); Dufferin
Construction (and associates St. Lawrence Cement and TGC Asphalt and Construction Ltd);
Effort Trust; Fifty Road Joint Venture Inc; Fortran Traffic Systems (and associate Guild Electric
Ltd); Homelife Effect Realty Inc; J.Voortman and Associates Ltd (and associate Oakrun Farm
Bakery); LIUNA Station and LIUNA Gardens Ltd; Losani Homes; Sahar’s Hospitality Inc;
Silvestri Investments; Starward Homes Management Ltd; Tender Choice Foods and Venetor
Equipment Rental Inc.
56
Seeds of Change: Urban Ecology and Activism After Red Hill
The whirlwind of activism surrounding the events in the Red Hill Valley during 2003
and 2004 sparked new networks of communication and collaboration between different
groups and inspired new political strategies and campaigns, within and beyond the
boundaries of Hamilton. Growing out of the narrative of public ecology articulated over
the last decade of resistance to the expressway, these new initiatives have emphasized
outside of the boundaries of the state. There is space here only to highlight some of the
activists deeply involved in the Red Hill struggle, has become one of the most
based on this citizen-led research. More recently, Environmental Hamilton has launched
a climate change campaign focusing on changes in urban policy and the everyday habits
of citizen. It has also developed the Eat Local project, which aims to support and
organic food production, uniting rural and urban producers and consumers in the
Hamilton area. This later initiative has great potential to cut across spatial, socio-
57
and collaboration between urban and rural residents, and amongst citizens involved in
different aspects of urban agriculture and food production within the city, from
University Ontario Public Interest Research Group, was formed in 2000 to create a “Car
Free Day” event and has since become a strong advocate for “sustainable
transportation” in Hamilton. The group has lobbied the municipal government for
proposed improvements to public transit and cycling infrastructure, has led protests
against bus fare increases, and organized numerous public events that have included
public lectures, marches, and “parking meter parties” which use sod, lawn chairs, music
and food to transform parking spaces and even whole streets into public (party) spaces
(Figure 7.2). TLC now hosts a Car Free Week that combines these events and members
of the group have also been instrumental in organizing Hamilton’s monthly “Critical
Mass” rides, in which cyclists briefly “take back” the road by occupying multiple lanes.
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In late 2003, members of Transportation for Livable Communities and Environment
Hamilton established the Transit Users Group (TUG). TUG’s mandate was to build “a
strong, broad-based membership across the city of Hamilton” to advocate for better
public transit as a “crucial municipal service, central to the health of this community”
(Transit Users Group 2008). By March 2004, the group had produced a “Transit
Blueprint for Hamilton” that documented the decline in public transit funding and
usage, and put forward a series of policy recommendations.7 The “Blueprint” linked
together the decline in funding for transit, the decline of employment in the inner city,
7
TUG noted that municipal funding for transit had declined since the early 1990s and that
ridership on the buses on of the Hamilton Street Railway had declined by 33% since a peak
period in the late 1980s, despite a 25% growth in population over this same period. According
to TUG, “between 1986 and 2001, the share of total trips made by transit in the City of
Hamilton declined from 12% to 7%, while the total trips made by automobile increased from
72% to 76%” (Transit Users Group 2004: 8These statistics were further supported by a study
conducted for the City in early 2004 that compared ten major Canadian cities and reported that
Hamilton had the second highest amount of roadways per capita, the second highest level of
fuel consumption per capita, the third highest level of automobile ownership, and the fourth
lowest level of transit use (Friends of Red Hill Valley newsletter, March 2004).
59
rising levels of air pollution from automobile and truck traffic, and the growth of
suburban development and roadways on the southern edges of the city and beyond. In
order to reverse these trends, TUG advocated service improvements, various proposals
for keeping transit fares low and policy recommendations for the development of a
activists produced and distributed flyers in seven different languages and lobbied local
politicians. Through their efforts, the 2004 budget for public transit was increased for
the first time in twenty years and proposed fare increases were rejected by a majority of
City councillors. More recently, members of TUG have played a major role in
generating public and governmental support for the development of a light rail public
Citizens at City Hall (CATCH) is another important initiative that emerged during
the final days of the Red Hill conflict. Another working group affiliated with
Environment Hamilton, CATCH began recording and transcribing City Hall meetings in
early 2004, focusing largely but not exclusively on matters related to the expressway.
The group soon expanded its focus, monitoring almost every committee meeting,
creating short “news” reports on important issues and debates, and providing verbatim
transcriptions have become infrequent in recent years because of the amount of work
involved and the lack of volunteers willing to do this). This material is made available
to the public via an email list and website, providing citizens with a one-stop source on
the latest decisions and debates at city hall and placing particular emphasis on issues of
60
urban planning, land use, transportation, urban environmental policy, poverty and social
justice, and democratic participation in municipal decision making. Over time, CATCH
has provided a valuable source of information for local activists while forging links with
Canada.
In the months and years following the mobilizations of 2003 and 2004, Hamilton
Media Centre (IMC) was particularly influential and prominent during the events in the
valley. The group had formed during a campaign against the Hamilton International Air
Show, becoming one of the first Canadian members of the International Independent
Media network that grew exponentially after the mobilization against the World Trade
Organization in Seattle 1999. During the mobilization in the Red Hill Valley, members
of the Hamilton IMC documented the events with sound and video recordings, creating
short news pieces and reports accessible via their website and broadcast by a number of
programs on 93.3 CFMU, the McMaster University campus radio station. During the
summer and fall of 2003, news was updated on a daily and often hourly basis. These
reports were produced by activists directly involved in the conflict and they often
provided a very different emphasis and perspective than the coverage in the Hamilton
Spectator. Slowly dissolving in the years following the Red Hill conflict, the Hamilton
IMC nevertheless played a vital role during this period of the conflict and influenced the
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Raise the Hammer (2000) is a primarily web-based forum for promoting and
discussing a new vision for the revitalization of Hamilton based on principles of “the
healthy city,” including the recognition of the city “as a dense urban ecosystem” that
planning that encourage environmental efficiency and vibrant public spaces; the
promotion of public transit and decreased reliance on the private automobile. Raise the
Hammer has been particularly influential in advocating for increased investment in the
revitalization of the inner city through public transit investments, the removal of the
city’s one-way street system, and the recovery and reuse of Hamilton’s many brownfield
sites. This publication has provided a strong critical voice against the City’s focus on
urban expansion around the Hamilton International Airport and the larger
newspaper that celebrates Hamilton’s unique history and geography, with a particular
emphasis on the built environment and arts and culture. Political commitments are often
implied rather than explicitly stated but this publication has also proven influential in
generating public support for revitalization of the inner city and shaping a new urban
also advocates downtown revitalization and provides criticism of the prevailing urban
expansion model of urban development represented by the expressway and the proposed
aerotropolis, but places greater emphasis on issues of social justice and imperialism.
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This publication demonstrates an ideological commitment to more radical politics,
particularly forms of anarchism closely associated with the global justice movement.
From this perspective, local issues are often framed in the light of more global and
from other publications. However, in practice, this means that local issues are often
given less attention or interpreted in terms of a larger political analysis that misses the
particularities and subtleties of the issue at hand. I discuss this problem further below.
community centre located in downtown Hamilton (Figure 7.3). The Centre first opened
on a smaller scale in 1996, renting space for various martial arts, meditation and dance
classes while providing free meeting space for various community groups, including the
Showstoppers and others involved in the fight against the expressway. Centre director
Kevin MacKay was personally involved in this struggle and many others, organizing
numerous rallies, marches and festivals in support of various environmental, peace and
cooperative in Spain. The following year, after extensive fundraising, the co-op
construction materials. The larger vision for the Centre (which now includes an organic
café, numerous dance and marital arts classes, and daily events ranging from political
discussion groups to film nights and dance parties) is to serve as a community catalyst,
sparking new projects around the city that are based on the same principles of “direct
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democracy, egalitarianism, and ecological sustainability” (MacKay 2004). According to
Establishing the Centre will introduce a living example of sustainable living into
downtown Hamilton, yet it is only the first stage of a much broader plan. Through
the project, a team of community activists will become knowledgeable in the
development process and can then explore other socially and environmentally
conscious community development projects. Ideas being considered include
developing large-scale green affordable housing co-ops, starting an organic farm, and
purchasing land to develop a retreat centre / eco-community. The Centre will also
facilitate these initiatives by providing resources, with all surplus revenue generated
by Sky Dragon entering into a project development fund. With this fund, a network
of innovative cooperative and non-profit ventures can be established. The goal is to
create more sustainable buildings, work-places and lifestyles within our city and in
other cities Canada-wide.
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The Sky Dragon Centre is an example of a new orientation in activism that has been
inspired by ideas developed and challenges identified during the struggle against the
Red Hill Creek Expressway. Kevin MacKay explicitly links the Centre to the lessons
learned during that struggle, including the need to understand how political and
economic power is exercised and maintained by the private sector, governments and
social movements; how to identify and minimize the tensions and misunderstandings
that prevent effective communication and collaboration between social groups; and how
to more effectively transform existing economic and social relations in order to foster
(October 1, 2007),
I wanted to create a space to work on some of the foundational issues, so that the
next time we have a fight like that we’ve got so much more we can bring… If people
get smarter at knowing the system better, knowing what they’re going to throw at us
and what we’re going to run into. And also knowing ourselves a little better too and
working to communicate better. The more people that are oriented that way, the more
glue you’ve got to keep those different groups together.
The Centre aims not only to educate and better connect concerned citizens but also to
alternatives, cooperatively providing products and services that can then generate
Progressives must create institutions that supply basic human needs: food, shelter,
recreation. They must also provide institutions that educate, disseminate progressive
ideas, and create social spaces in which democratic skills can be nourished. A way to
move forward in this task is through the vehicle of non-profit corporations and
worker cooperatives. These have the benefit of being able to work legally within the
65
current capitalist system while possessing characteristics that are fundamentally
subversive to it (Kevin MacKay 2004).
The Sky Dragon Centre is a non-profit institution that is designed not to replace
responsibility to private institutions, but rather to function “in and against the market,”
2003; Albert 2003). Such initiatives aim “to reclaim the economic terrain as a medium
for communitarian and ecological values and practices” (MacKay 2004) by remaining
rooted in and guided by the needs, aspirations, knowledge and active engagement of
environmental knowledge that can then be utilized for different projects, including the
government.
This form of activism does not simply place demands for action upon government
but aims to simultaneously build community capacity for generating knowledge and
taking action independently of the institutions of the state. Arjun Appadurai (2001)
refers to this focus upon the utilization of public knowledge, the strengthening of self-
management capacities, and the socialization of state and market as “deep democracy”
or “governmentality from below,” noting the ways in which some contemporary urban
66
conducting their own studies and surveys, building their own pilot projects, and creating
public events that foreground the need for dialogue and democratic debate. These
initiatives are not calling for a return to the strong state of the Keynesian era or the
ceding of power to the private sector advocated by neoliberalism, but rather for the
the capacity for citizens to understand and shape systems of governance (Fotopoulos
1997; Fung and Wright 2003). This “new” politics is an attempt to reclaim and redefine
have been captured by the proponents of deregulation, privatization and “free markets”
(Wainwright 2003).8
John Gaventa (2001) provides a useful distinction between “social participation” and
informed political engagement, while democratizing and expanding the mechanisms for
8
Wainwright recognizes that such initiatives are building on previous strategies and narratives
of left politics, and are “new” only insofar as they are experimenting with innovative ways of
addressing the local and extra-local impacts of the global mobility of capital and the changing
role of the nation state, and working to redefine popular conceptions of “democracy”,
“participation” and “accountability” in the process.
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participation in policy creation. This view is also captured by Fung and Wright’s
by community and advocacy groups, that can guard against the domination or
influence or wealth.
Hamilton, the years following the culmination of the Red Hill Creek Expressway
struggle have brought a turn towards increased emphasis on social participation. At the
same time, activists have continued to pressure and influence government, often
drawing upon these public education and capacity building efforts to inform the policy
recommendations and tactics that they employ. One example is the Hamilton
Community Action Network (CAN), which was created in early 2005 to begin
cannot be improperly influenced,” and improvement of the “quality of life for all
2006). CAN’s documents make frequent reference to the Vision 2020 plan and clearly
draw upon the political frames of municipal democratization and urban ecology
68
developed during the Red Hill struggle. While failing to identify suitable candidates in
all sections of the city, the group did have a significant influence during the election and
The struggle against the Red Hill Creek Expressway has also clearly had an impact on
as such, the ongoing Aboriginal occupation and land dispute in the town of Caledonia,
Ontario, is not only an issue of land ownership and political sovereignty but also a
conflict over the socio-ecological impacts of urban development. The land occupation at
the Douglas Creek housing development was sparked by concern over the social and
the Six Nations territory (Figure 7.4). Following the announcement of Ontario’s “Places
to Grow” plan and greenbelt legislation, Caledonia found itself located just a few miles
beyond the greenbelt and soon became a very attractive area for developers
“leapfrogging” out beyond this limit. The town soon witnessed a frenzy of proposals for
Figure 7.4: Six Nations, in relation to Caledonia, Hamilton and the Red Hill Valley
69
While concern was growing over the ecological impacts of urban development and
particularly the pollution of the Grand River watershed, the municipal government of
Caledonia was readily accommodating these proposals and passed a by-law in 2006 that
allowed for the construction of 5,000 additional homes in the area. Like the City of
Hamilton, the local government was also supporting the construction of the mid-
peninsula highway, which would further accelerate the conversion of the surrounding
agricultural land into residential and commercial development. On February 28, 2006,
Caledonia, asserting their claim to this land as part of the territory granted to them by
the Haldimand Proclamation of 1784 (Figure 7.5). Thus, the actions at Douglas Creek
Estates were motivated by the proliferation of new housing developments and proposals
for new urban boundary expansions, as well as the unresolved claims to Aboriginal
ownership of the land. The Places to Grow Act has been interpreted by many First
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Nations as a direct threat to their sovereignty, as it allows the provincial government to
designate any land as a “growth plan area” and decide on its development, including
March 8, 2006)
Over the past three years, the Caledonia conflict has garnered national and
international attention due to the longevity of the land occupation, numerous solidarity
actions and blockades across the country, and the ongoing tensions between police,
Native uprising in Canada since Kanesatake’s Mohawk revolt at Oka, Quebec, in 1990,
and it has drawn much needed attention to the plight of First Nations in Canada. The
ongoing negotiations to resolve the conflict may yet bring significant changes in the
relationship between Aboriginal peoples and the Canadian state. The mobilization at
Caledonia has also healed some of the political divisions at Six Nations that were
71
exacerbated during the Red Hill Valley conflict. Both the Haudenosaunee Confederacy
and Six Nations elected band council have supported the land occupation, calling for a
peaceful resolution through meaningful negotiation with the federal and provincial
government.
However, unlike the Red Hill Valley conflict, there has been relatively little
collaboration with non-Aboriginal environmentalist groups. Over the past four years,
Hamilton, forged during the struggle against the expressway, have been sustained in part
through cultural events like concerts and fundraisers. More recently, a number of events
have gathered money to assist the land occupation in Caledonia. Groups such as
Hamilton Action for Social Change and the newly formed Hamilton Solidarity with Six
Nations have helped to raise awareness about the history of relations between Six
Nations and Canada and the federal government’s primary responsibility to resolve the
poverty and homelessness. The Red Hill struggle provided new opportunities for
As I discussed in the previous chapter, the interaction between Aboriginal and non-
Aboriginal activists during the events of 2003 and 2004 was significant both because of
the level of collaboration between these various groups and because of the extent to
which Aboriginal perspectives on the conflict challenged the political narratives that had
72
long dominated the popular debate over the fate of the valley. These alternative views
justice and democratization expressed through the narrative of “public ecology” and
that disrupts the familiar framing of urban environmental politics within the conceptual
environmental politics in a larger spatial and temporal context, drawing attention to the
fact that urbanization in Canada is rooted in the colonial dispossession and displacement
of indigenous peoples. Indeed, as demonstrated by the struggles at Red Hill Valley and
Caledonia, urbanization in Canada still largely depends upon these processes, frequently
claiming lands for development with little or no regard for treaty rights obligations or
unresolved land claims. This perspective shatters the still-dominant myth of the urban
frontier as terra nullius, a blank slate for development and modernization. It also
questions the untenable conceptual division between modern urban life and indigeneity,
encouraging recognition of indigenous peoples within Canadian cities and the extent to
which urban development impacts indigenous communities beyond the city limits
(Jacobs 1996; Peters 1996; Newhouse and Peters 2003). Thinking beyond this division
that further blurs the boundaries of the North American city, recognizing that changing
73
As I discussed in the previous chapter, Aboriginal perspectives further decentre the
state and the citizen within environmental politics by putting both concepts into
question. According to many of the Aboriginal activists that I interviewed, the Canadian
state should be viewed first and foremost as a mechanism for maintaining colonial rule,
designed from the beginning to support elite interests and control and constrain the
behaviour and life chances of others, particularly native people (Al Loft, October 19,
2005; Buddy Martin, December 27, 2005; Larry Green, February 12, 2006). The
principles and practice of liberal democracy celebrated by many activists in the Red Hill
struggle were viewed with a more sceptical eye by Aboriginal participants. In the words
from a white, wealthy, male elite to other social groups, and the agenda of many
“progressive” social movements has become the further extension, deepening and
“radicalization” of the democratic ideal. This is clearly evident in the words and actions
of many of the groups involved in the struggle against the Red Hill Creek Expressway,
groups have developed an understanding of urban politics and activism that aims to
work “in and against” the state and the market, pushing for greater democratic control
74
over urban development and governmental institutions (political participation) while
working to create social and economic networks that provide citizens with the
many of the Aboriginal activists I spoke with placed greater emphasis on the notion of
democracy, which were viewed as systems of imperial rule that continue to privilege the
This perspective suggests a more nuanced view of participation and democracy that
forms of oppression that include racism, sexism, and socio-economic disparities (Cooke
and Kothari 2001; Hickey and Mohan 2004). Rather than assuming an undifferentiated
notion of “the public” or the citizen in the struggle for democratization, this perspective
insists that emphasis must be placed on recognizing, understanding and assisting those
who are excluded from these concepts and categories: indigenous peoples, people living
in poverty, people without homes, people without citizenship, and others lacking the
socio-economic means and/or social status enjoyed by others. Such groups may have
little engagement with the institutions of the Canadian state and may have little
inspiration or incentive to become engaged in this kind of political participation, yet are
often deeply engaged in politics – indeed, often a politics of daily survival. The
75
that remains narrowly focused on the machinations of urban governance, planning and
environmental policy.
democracy can reveal the limitations of liberal conceptions of these ideals, conceptions
that are often implicit even within more radical expressions of environmental politics in
Canada. By defining citizenship as primarily a set of individual political and civil rights
to “life, liberty and property,” liberalism promotes the formal legal and political equality
particularly those that question the private ownership model of property (Blomley 2004;
Turner 2006). Further, a liberal framing of justice and democracy can obscure
oppression and discrimination (Agyeman 2005; Sandler and Pezzullo 2007). While a
number of the groups that I have discussed in this dissertation have begun to expand and
groups and activists from low-income neighbourhoods within the city of Hamilton,
there remains much work to be done in expanding connections to other social groups
and communities, particularly Six Nations and other communities of colour, through an
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As Tom Keefer (2007) argues in his analysis of the response of the non-Aboriginal
left to the land occupation in Caledonia, white activists who have provided support for
indigenous movements often fail to directly address racism within their own
instead to “take leadership” from Aboriginal people. As the Red Hill case demonstrates,
each particular situation may involve various claims to “leadership” and internal
Aboriginal activists may be wary of allowing further non-Aboriginal influence upon the
internal dynamics of their communities, given the historical legacy of such interference.
In Keefer’s words, “building radical organizations and combating white racism within
discourse about experiences which are spatially, temporally, and culturally located”
(1998: 312). This requires the articulation of values, goals and political identities that
resonate with the diverse social, economic and cultural roles or positions that people
embody. In this case, connections can be strengthened through engagement with the
ongoing land occupation at Caledonia, which can be seen as an extension of the struggle
77
to protect the Red Hill Valley. Once again, pressure for development is pitted against
economic significance. These efforts parallel the efforts to limit or prevent the
beyond the limits of the city and working to support the people of Six Nations. As Joyce
Facing up to the past means owning all of our history, rather than perpetuating the
myth of white settlers creating civilization in uncharted wilderness. Taking
responsibility means understanding that the national wealth has been accrued at the
expense of Aboriginal peoples, in ways that were legislatively mandated by
governments acting on non-Aboriginal Canada's behalf. Decolonization in the
Canadian context means engaging in the perpetual work of maintaining relationship,
not so that it can be circumscribed and terminated, but so that it can carry us all into
the future. This new relationship will provide a framework for the elaboration of a
non-colonial form of government, and for the creation of a society in which the
history and well-being of some is not secured by obliterating the history and well-
being of others
Over the course of this dissertation, I’ve sought to explain the decades-long conflict
over the fate of the Red Hill Valley in terms of competing political narratives that
democratic governance and nature. I’ve attempted to account for the hegemony of a
78
narratives in terms of their dialogical relationship to each other, the influence of
changing political economic conditions, and the ways in which they both responded to
and shaped prevailing normative visions of the relationship between nature and the city.
I have shown how resistance to the Red Hill Creek Expressway involved ongoing shifts
from a narrative of urban conservation, defending the ecological and recreational value
of the valley, to one that emphasizes environmental justice and greater democratic
control over urban development. In the process, even as they failed to prevent the
between urbanization, nature and democratic governance. This has taken the conflict far
beyond the confines of the Red Hill Valley and led to an ongoing debate over the future
I have described this shift in terms of changing political frames that brought about a
emphasized urban ecology as the basis of urban development rather than simply
injustice rather than a less specific focus on the relationship between health and urban
nature; and ecological citizenship within and outside of the bounds of the state rather
79
respects, these changes represent an evolution of political analysis and action, based on
the lessons taught by the successes and failures of this long-running struggle.
The events of 2003 and 2004 highlighted both the extent to which activists had
activist communities, and the extent to which they had failed to mobilize sufficient
numbers of people to support their efforts at direct action. These experiences provided
important lessons, not the least of which is that future successes required more
production was regarded as particularly important given the dominance of the Hamilton
Spectator as a primary news source within the city and the perceived need to revitalize
and maintain the momentum of mobilization and critical debate within activist circles
that had been generated during the actions in the valley. As discussed above, many of
the new initiatives that emerged out of those actions emphasized the importance of
directly involving citizens in community events, public discussions, and the collective
generation of knowledge in the effort to provide conditions under which people can feel
personally connected to the issues, connected to others who share their concerns and
During and after the Red Hill struggle, activists have also concentrated on
structures and the political networks that sustain particular regimes of urban
governance. Significantly, the efforts of groups like Citizens at City Hall has further
highlighted the important role that city staff and planners play in shaping political
80
discourse and policy formation, and demonstrated the multi-scalar networks of
communication and influence between city planners, politicians and corporations that
providing support through money, labour and ideological discourse. As implied above,
the advancement of a new vision of urban development will require continued efforts at
involving citizens in both the social participation of public education, dialogue and
capacity building, and the political participation of understanding and engaging with the
In Hamilton, and in most other cities around the world, the greatest challenge facing
those who support “a just and ecologically sensitive urbanization process” (Harvey
1996: 438) is the persistent persuasiveness of the language of growth and progress, the
equation of economic growth with societal progress and prosperity for all, and the
economic development and urbanization rather than integral to the very possibility of
human survival. This is readily apparent in conflicts over urban transportation such as
the Red Hill case, where support for the expansion of roadways and associated urban
and economic renewal. Such identifications take on additional resonance within the
historical context of an industrial city, where progress has traditionally been equated
with the taming and transformation of biophysical processes through technology and
human labour, and where visible signs of this legacy persist, from the billowing
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smokestacks to the clouds of smog and derelict brownfield sites. In such places,
perhaps, it is easier to view the weeds and wildflowers now reclaiming these abandoned
spaces as signs of failure and “decline” and to imagine renewal in terms of new
industrial-scale development projects that can again successfully transform the “wasted
As I have sought to demonstrate throughout this thesis, the persistence of these ideas
and desires, mediated and experienced through specific regional landscapes and
discourses, is shaped to a large extent by political economic conditions and not simply
by the contest and interplay of political narratives. The story of the Red Hill Creek
Expressway demonstrates the ease with each urban development can become locked
into paths of infrastructural dependence by previous planning decisions (or lack thereof)
and prevailing economic conditions, at multiple scales. In this case, politicians and
political pressure from residents and business interests, including the Ontario Land
Corporation, and were consequently persuaded to promote the valley as the most
The ability to pursue more innovative (and politically contentious) solutions to traffic
congestion was diminished during the 1980s and 1990s by the gradual decline of the
long geared towards support of the manufacturing sector, and now faced with serious
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industrial contamination of air, water and soil, Hamilton faced significant material
obstacles to pursue the kind of alternative urban future suggested by the Vision 2020
plan, combined with the resistance from various local actors who continued to benefit
from adhering to established Fordist development patterns and practices. While the
recent turn towards regional “smart growth” under a new Liberal provincial government
has provided political and financial support for urban intensification, the expansion of
public transit, and other efforts to limit suburban expansion and “greenfield”
development, there remains little financial support from all levels of government for the
rehabilitation and reuse of brownfield sites in Canada – support that is absolutely crucial
unique physical geography and political history, provides an important case study of the
ecological modernization of urban development. The city faces unique challenges due
9
It must be noted that the City of Hamilton’s Environmental Remediation and Site
Enhancement (ERASE) program has had some recent successes in encouraging the
redevelopment of brownfield sites. ERASE provides grants and property tax concessions for
redevelopment projects and preliminary studies.
83
The “greening” of the Red Hill Creek Expressway serves as an example of this vision.
At the same time, activist networks galvanized by the struggle against the Red Hill
Creek Expressway and rooted in a rich local history of labour and environmental
approaches to urban development and highlighted the close ties between municipal
politicians and the development industry. They have succeeded in drawing critical
attention to the wider model of urban development represented by the Red Hill Creek
Expressway and fostering debate over the future course of urbanization for the
Hamilton region. In the political space opened up by the defeat of Mayor Larry DiIanni
and the disruption of the “pro-growth” governing regime that had promoted the
development of the expressway and the aerotropolis, many activists have been re-
out of the Vision 2020 plan. This is a vision of Hamilton as a city that more fully
of the ailing inner city, a modal shift away from the car to public transit and cycling, the
reduction of energy and land consumption, and the redirection of investment towards
service industries, information technology, arts, culture and tourism (Ryan McGreal in
This alternative urban imaginary presents natural processes and spaces as vital
components of urban life, highlighting the integration of urban form with nature rather
84
than the transformation and domestication of nature through urban development. The
lake, the valley, the escarpment, and surrounding conservation areas and parklands, are
highlighted and celebrated as unique features of the region that contribute to Hamilton’s
“quality of life” as places of ecological and cultural significance. The modernist vision
interconnected and overlapping social and biophysical processes that can only be
partially understood and anticipated. This casts doubt on the idea that the city can be
“master planned” and perfectly managed, and points instead to a more holistic and
In contrast to the more radical elements of the public ecology narrative articulated
during the final years of resistance against the road, this emergent vision of the green
city places less emphasis on issues of democratization and environmental justice, and
fleshing out details that remained vague during the previous decades of resistance.
Those supporting this alternative imaginary now have a political opportunity to affect
more substantial changes in urban development and transportation policy but must also
be wary of abandoning the more radical analyses and ideas for change suggested by the
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Over the course of many years and successive waves of activism, the expressway
poverty groups, peace and global justice advocates, animal rights activists and many
others, cutting across and combining different political ideologies. My analysis suggests
that local activists must continue working to understand and challenge the language,
ideas and desires that grant particular approaches to urban development and
economic conditions that “lock in” these accumulation strategies by limiting the ability
politics that does not focus exclusively on the local scale or reduce all local problems to
manifestations of global forces but rather illuminates how urban conflicts are shaped by
networks of people, ideas, money and biophysical processes that stretch across
geographical scales, and how those scales are continually redefined through political
the analysis of scale should examine how the relationships among scales are
continually socially produced, dismantled, and re-produced through political
struggle. The analysis should always see scales and scalar relationships as the
outcome of particular political projects. It should therefore address which political
interests pursue which scalar arrangements. Furthermore, it should analyze the
agenda of those political interests.
Such considerations can inform the development of policy alternatives, particularly with
respect to economic development. In Hamilton and elsewhere, activists face the difficult
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challenge of understanding and utilizing political economic opportunities to promote
economic, social and ecological sustainability into separate conceptual and policy
spheres. Further, these alternative approaches must tap into prevailing urban
environmental imaginaries, drawing upon popular symbols, concepts and spaces that
and democratic renewal. Finally, I have argued that alternative visions of urban
democratization that extends beyond the familiar conceptual boundaries of the city, the
This case study highlights three major areas for future research in urban political
ecology and environmental politics. The first concerns the need for more detailed
research into the historical formation of discourses of urbanization and nature, and
depoliticized visions of urban sustainability and ecological modernization. This can help
flesh out the “political programme” of political ecology in practice, “identifying the
strategies through which a more equitable distribution of social power and a more
inclusive mode of the production of nature can be achieved” (Swyngedouw 2006: 13). I
have argued that this requires more detailed analysis of the material and discursive
ideological and framing analysis from recent work in sociology and political science.
While I have only scraped the surface in this case study, I think there is much to be
87
gained from making use of these tools to be better understand how counter-hegemonic
movements are challenging unjust socio-ecological relationships and how they might do
Further, I’ve suggested that we must critically interrogate the principles of “justice”
and by researchers in political ecology. As Tim Forsyth (2003: 158) has persuasively
argued, many studies in political ecology have tended to “overrate the role of social
movements draw upon existing social relations and oppressive discourses, often
reinforcing those relations and replicating those discourses rather than promoting their
considers how the interaction between structure and agency “leads to different
constructions of environmental reality” (ibid: 167). I’ve tried to provide this kind of
dialogical analysis through my study of the various social movements involved in the
I have drawn attention to the need for more research on the political ecology of
transportation and development over others. In my case study, I’ve directed particular
transportation, urban form and the use of urban nature in this (post)industrial city,
showing the ongoing conflict over transportation and development has been shaped by
88
differing visions and ideologies of nature, urbanization and sustainability. Based on this
pursue this line of inquiry in the near future. As I suggested in Chapter 1, I believe that
these “shrinking cities” are very important sites for future research in urban political
features and because of the very serious problems and challenges that they face.
Finally, I’ve tried to demonstrate the need for more research on the political ecology
such struggles within North America. I found even fewer that considered the interaction
between white and Aboriginal environmentalists, and the ways in which First Nations
dissertation makes some small contribution in this respect and it is my intention to focus
research on urban political ecology, governance and ethics might more effectively
engage with, learn from and actively contribute to indigenous struggles for
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scene, the gradual rehabilitation and redevelopment of brownfield sites, and new
innovative industries specializing in health care, education, arts and culture are all
encouraging signs of a new city being born. These hopes are now represented by a
proposed rapid light rail transit system that, with substantial funding for the Province of
Ontario, may soon transform how people view this city and how they move within it.
Proponents rightly suggested that this could be a milestone for Hamilton, representing a
shift away from land-intensive and polluting forms of auto-centric urban development
and transportation, and towards a more compact and accessible community. Yet, these
hopes for a healthier urban future must be tempered by the plans for further extending
environmentally harmful industries and infrastructure in the city’s polluted east end; the
ongoing struggle against colonial dispossession that has now shifted from the Red Hill
Valley to the exurban housing developments of Caledonia. In the wake of the decades-
long conflict over the Red Hill Creek Expressway, Hamiltonians are now presented with
new opportunities for building a healthier, more equitable, and democratic city. But
these possibilities will only be actualized by building upon and expanding the grassroots
traditions of civic engagement, environmental responsibility and social justice that have
grown here over many decades, like weeds through cracks in the concrete.
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