Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1
recalcitrant Irish people could not be slaughtered with impunity, they could be portrayed as
inferior and even sub-human.
2
landowners keep the land ‘which was taken by violence from the people’s fathers’ (Winks,
1969:47-8).
‘Ulster’ versus ‘Ireland’: which was the more ‘imperial’?
For Ulster protestants, however, writing in local and provincial newspapers from the third
Home Rule crisis onward, Ulster was ‘the imperial province’ in contradistinction to ‘rebel
Ireland’, and Ulster Protestants were especially endowed with imperial qualities1 . This
ideological construct, part of the unionist propaganda campaign to remain within the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, still plays a part in folk memory and ritual. A new
branch of the Democratic Unionist Party was named the ‘Armagh / North Down Imperial
Democratic Unionist Association’ (Portadown News 10.1.75). The place of this anachronistic
survival of ‘the imperialist message’ in Ulster Unionism and loyalist ideology has been
described thus:
The Protestant imagined community is not a nation. It remains what it has always been - a
beleaguered garrison loyal to the Crown and Empire, defending an Imperial interest in a hostile and
rebellious land (Bell, 1986, p. 12; see also Archer, 1980).
Pride in ‘the generous splashes of red which indicate upon a map of the world the greatest
empire ever known’ (editorial, Ballymena Observer 29.10.15) was not confined to the north
of Ireland; what is of interest here is the attempt made by Northern Protestants to deny a
constructive role in the empire to Irish Catholics, by usurping that role for themselves. It
should be noted that many Irish Catholics have bolstered this notion by neglecting or
rejecting their own historic part in the empire.
The ‘Empire card’ was played to the full for British consumption. During the Home Rule
crises religion was fused with imperialism in the claim that Ireland separated from Great
Britain would be ruled by the Pope (McEvoy, 1983), an argument which appealed to
Unionists such as Balfour and Milner who claimed that ‘loyalty to the empire’ rode above
elected governments (Porter, 1975). Ulster Protestants, however, having claimed in the first
Home Rule crisis that Ireland’s co-partnership in the empire was threatened (Anderson,
1988), came to claim that they played a special and eventually an exclusive role in it. Not
only have ‘the Empire’s best friends’ (editorial, Londonderry Sentinel 13.8.12, 20.10.17)
gone out to colonise distant lands (editorials, Belfast Telegraph 4.1.12, Portadown News
8.6.12), but they are also responsible for ‘the great turning-point in the history of the British
Empire ... the Battle of the Boyne. Without its Protestantism what would the spirit of England
be?’ (editorial, Belfast Telegraph 24.1.12). Orangeism is ‘the bulwark of Protestantism ... its
ramifications are to be found performing their useful functions of welding more firmly the
bonds that knit the Empire together in every part of the globe’ (editorial, County Down
Reporter 17.7.20).
Similar claims for Ulster, as some called Northern Ireland, are found in the 1939-49 period.
‘This western outpost of Empire’ (editorial, Portadown News 19.4.47) is a bulwark of
imperialism against ‘the foes of the Empire, especially in Ireland’ (editorial, Londonderry
Sentinel 13.7.39). The terms ‘the imperial Province’, Ulster’s ‘Imperial birthright and
traditions’ and the ‘Imperial race’ which inhabits it abound2 and the large numbers of Free
1
Among numerous references, see editorials in the Belfast Telegraph 4.1.12, 19.9.14, 7.7.16; the
Londonderry Sentinel 13.7.12, 13.8.12, 17.5.13, 11.6.14, 6.7.16, 20.10.17, 24.1.18, 5.2.21, 7.6.21,
23.6.21; the Impartial Reporter 24.10.12, 14.8.13, 13.7.16, 21.12.16; the News Letter 26.4.16, 7.7.16;
the Ballymena Observer 20.9.12, 9.3.17; the County Down Spectator 20.9.12, 24.8.17, 2.8.19, 17.7.20;
the Portadown News 8.6.12, 30.4.21.
2
See editorials: Londonderry Sentinel 11.2.39, 13.2.39, 13.7.39, 12.8.39, 16.12.39, 23.5.40, 26.11.40,
13.2.43, 15.7.43, 1.3.49; Impartial Reporter 3.9.42; Portadown News 30.6.45, 20.7.46, 11.1.47,
19.4.47, 26.6.48, 29.1.49
3
Staters who volunteered for service are rarely mentioned. Instead Eire’s ‘sullen neutrality’
(editorial, Londonderry Sentinel 20.6.40) is frequently contrasted with the Ulster loyalists
who are ‘proud to stand by Britain and the rest of the Empire’ (editorial, Londonderry
Sentinel 12.10.39). Even the German air-raids are a ‘savage revenge upon Ulster for her
loyalty to Britain and the Empire’ (editorial, Londonderry Sentinel 8.5.41).
What was the reality behind the rhetoric? Was participation in empire by Ulster Protestants
that of ‘imperial servitors’, that is, the imperialism of second-class citizens, along with Scots
and Irish Catholics (Hechter, 1975) or did they play such a pre-eminent role in ‘empire-
building’ that it justified their claim that Ulster was ‘the imperial province’? Did the Catholic
Irish, on the other hand, stand aside from the imperial project?
4
background to bear in seeing in educated Bengalis ‘“a great deal of Celtic perverseness,
vivacity and cunning”’ (Harrison, 1983, p. 586).
Above all there were Irish soldiers. The East India Company had no ban on Catholics and
many served in its army; by the time of the Indian ‘mutiny’ over half of the Company’s white
soldiers may have been Irish (Cadell, 1950; see also Murphy, 1970 and Melvin, 1986). The
ratios of recruits for India per 10,000 of population were England and Wales 6, Scotland 10.5
and Ireland 13.4 (Cadell, 1950). Nevertheless, the colonial relationship in Ireland was
reproduced in India, in that most of the Company’s Irish officers were Protestants (ibid.).
Two of the British army regiments were entirely raised in Ulster and took part both in the
seizure of large parts of India (Cannon, 1842) and in the bloody reprisals following the Indian
uprising (Corbally, 1959). These were later grouped into the North Irish Brigade, resulting in
‘a close integration based on our common stock, our common blood and our common
derivation’ (ibid., 1950, p. 52). Though the proportion of (mainly Catholic) Irish soldiers fell
dramatically, that of the mainly Protestant Irish officers fell very little, and their numbers
were such that Roberts in 1914 could warn the government of grave consequences in India if
they persisted with Home Rule for Ireland (Kiernan, 1982).
A list of all awards of the Victoria Cross to Irish-born men, from its inauguration in 1857
(when a quarter of all awardees were Irish born) until 1920, is instructive. In all but two cases
the place of birth is given. From 1857-1913 Ulster gained 34 and the rest of Ireland 85 VCs;
from 1914-18, 11 went to Ulster and 19 to the other three provinces. The total tally for the
1857-1920 period was 48 to Ulster-born men and 116 to men from the rest of Ireland (Clark,
1986). Judging by names and rank, many of the awardees from outside Ulster were Anglo-
Irish Protestants.
There were Irish Catholics fighting for enemy forces too, for example, for the French in India
(Cadell, 1950); and by a curious paradox, the Boer Irish Brigade, formed of Irishmen and
Irish-Americans living in South Africa (McGrath, 1961), fought on the side of the Boer
settlers, whose descendants in the Hulpdiens South African Defence Force at
Voortrekkerhoogte proposed to erect a monument to their memory (Irish Sword 1964(6)).
5
fell in the south, Nationalists refused to countenance conscription, and as the Sinn Féin
‘menace’ grew it was reported to have fallen in Ulster too:
recruiting (...) no doubt practically ceased in our Province ... because our people naturally resented
depleting the Province of any more of their manhood while the inhabitants of the South and West
remained at home in a bellicose mood hostile to what Ulster considers her peculiar interests
(editorial, County Down Spectator 13.4.18).
Undoubtedly, of the 170,000 recruits and reservists supplied in total, Ulster provided about
half (Bardon, 1992), proportionately more the other three provinces combined (although it
received fewer than half the Victoria Crosses awarded to men from Ireland). To prioritise this
figure, however, is to discount the thousands of Irish people from the other three provinces
who went to work in British munitions factories, and the further thousands of British-based
Irish and descendants of Irish immigrants who joined the services (Boyce, 1990).
Furthermore, there was a dreadful attrition of lives of men of all creeds and parts of Ireland
throughout the war, and at least half of those Irishmen killed were Catholics (Bardon, 1992,
p. 461).
After the establishment of the Irish Free State, it was apparently Northern Ireland which
alone carried Ireland’s imperial burden. Between 1918 and 1939 regiments raised in Northern
Ireland served in Egypt, India, Palestine, Germany, Mesopotamia, Persia and Upper Silesia
(Corbally, 1950) and they were well represented in post-1945 wars too, such as in Cyprus
(Lawlor, 1956; Corbally, 1951). However, in the 1939-45 war, when conscription was not
applied to Northern Ireland, volunteering, which began at a rate of 2500 per month, soon fell
to under 1000, and despite recruitment drives and an upsurge after Dunkirk, recruitment rates
continued to fall. Apathy was observed ‘“amongst both religious groups”’ and among civil
servants and politicians as well as the general populace (Barton, 1989, pp. 49-50, 54).
Industrial productivity too was poor and hostile relations between labour and management led
to many strikes and failures to achieve output targets, particularly at Short and Harland;
absenteeism at the Harland and Wolff shipyard was two times higher than at the worst yards
in Great Britain.
The Craigavon government and the Andrews government which succeeded it came under
increasing criticism within Northern Ireland for ineptitude, which included a refusal by some
ministers, including Dawson Bates, Minister of Home Affairs, to cooperate with the military
authorities. Far from the outbreak of war arousing an instant response to the need to save the
empire, it was widely felt that the war was far away and Northern Ireland would not be
attacked. Even after the air raids, which shattered the prevailing complacency, recruitment
remained low (for Northern Ireland during the 1939-45 war, see Barton 1989; Bardon 1992;
the County Down Spectator during the war years is also a good source for complaints about
Northern Ireland’s role in the war).
Although many Ulster Protestants did volunteer, uncomplainingly accepted rationing and
worked for the war effort, recruiting was so poor that conscription was considered but
decided against: there seemed little doubt that Catholics would reject it, and there was
evidence that many Protestants were at best half-hearted about it. It was the flow of recruits
from the neutral Irish state which went far towards making up the shortfall caused by the
absence of conscription. The total number of volunteers over the whole course of the war
were officially stated at Westminster in 1946 as 43,000 from ‘Eire’ and 38,000 from
Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland’s main usefulness during the 1939-45 war seems to have
been its strategic geographical position, for if its war effort was unimpressive, its role in the
Allied victory was vital as a naval base and as a launching pad for US forces, particularly
given the neutrality of the Irish state (Barton, 1989, pp 286-7). It was this that inspired the
famous letter of appreciation from Churchill (Bardon, 1992, p. 588).
6
Conclusion
Ulster Protestants used the rhetoric of imperialism to enable them to claim that, far from
fighting for their own interests, they were struggling to maintain a noble ideal, that of
‘imperial unity’. In contrast, ‘the Irish rebels’ who, as Carson told the Prime Minister, were
part of a Bolshevik conspiracy to destroy ‘the British Empire ... the greatest element of
solidity in the civilised world ... the greatest conservative force for the stability of society’
(editorial, Impartial Reporter 5.8.20). In reality, it was not only Protestant Ireland (that is,
Protestants in all four provinces) that made a significant contribution to building and
defending the British empire, but Catholic Ireland too.
Ireland was not unique in helping to maintain the empire which held it. Large numbers of
Indians and Africans also fought in British armies or moved to settle other parts of the
empire, if no more willingly than those Irish forced through famine to emigrate. At the same
time nationalists in more distant parts of the empire noted with interest that Britain could not,
in the end, even maintain its hold on her ‘Other Island’ (Porter 1975, p. 255). Just as Ireland
had formed a cornerstone of the British empire, it was in the end to herald its dissolution.
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