Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Restoration
Italy, Venice S. Servolo Island
16-21 June 2008
ABSTRACT
Mexico City developed in a hydrological basin where was formed a natural lake
system. This situation made the city vulnerable to floods caused by its overflowing
lakes. Thus, Mexico City and its relation to its lacustrine environment have been
conflictive ever since the Spaniards conquered the city in the Sixteen Century, and
through our present day and age. Successive generations over four centuries built
hydraulic works that aimed to empty the basin’s lakes through different tunnels. The
war against water has characterized this city over the centuries. Once the Valley of
Mexico dried up in the Twentieth Century, the city’s growing population polluted its
rivers and the best solution consisted of confining the waters to pipes and
transforming their beds into vehicular roadways.
In this present day and age, all recovery or rehabilitation of a urban Mexico City
river demands taking its hydraulic history into account; that history structured the
huge drainage system that collects and expels lake water from the basin, as well as
the rivers confined in pipes, and the city’s rain and wastewater. The rescue of an
urban Mexico City river is faced with the challenge of overcoming the prevailing
cultural and technological inertia.
We entered the Twenty-first Century with the idea of shifting paradigms and
recovering an urban river on the southwestern side of Mexico City. This project
intends to amend the historically conflictive relationship that has existed between
water and the capital city's residents, and thus start to support sustainability in one of
the world’s largest cities.
Keywords: Mexico City, hydraulic history; draining lakes, rivers confinement; river
rehabilitation.
Mexico City: from water avenues to asphalt rivers
Century, flooding the downtown area of the modern capital city for weeks at
a time. The revolutionary government built a third artificial drainage system
close to 200 meters from the previous system in 1947 and the fourth
drainage system, the largest one to date, was finally initiated in 1975, which
consists of a 200-meter deep tunnel that flowed into the El Salto River; and
thanks to these four artificial drainage systems, the Mexico City Valley is no
longer a closed basin, as it started to discharge its overland waters from 1607
to date, into the neighboring Tula River basins, which carries the water to the
Gulf of Mexico.
After draining the five lakes of the Mexico Basin for three-and-one-half
centuries, the landscape has been drastically modified and the superficial
waters started to become scarce and be in short supply. The subterranean
aquifers of the valley itself solved urban development early on in the
Twentieth Century, but this alternative reached its limit when it started to
sink the subsoil in downtown Mexico City. The excessive extraction of
underground water caused the clay in the subsoil to compact and start to
cave in. It was then that engineers in the revolutionary state designed and
built the first infrastructure to bring water from a neighboring basin: the
Lerma System that initially collected the springs from the Almoloya River
and later on extracted water from the subsoil of the Toluca and Ixtlahuaca
valleys. However, the city’s explosive demographic growth in three decades
caused the imported water from the neighboring basin to be insufficient.
Thus, a second system was inaugurated in 1982 with the same objective:
“import” superficial waters collected in dams at the Cutzamala River Basin,
over 100 kilometers away from the capital city, overcoming a 1,000 meter
difference in elevation.
tunnel was built between 1937 and 1940. The Tacubaya dam was built
between 1936 and 1938, and the Tacubaya-Tecamachalco tunnel was built
between 1935 and 1937. The San Joaquín dam was built between 1935 and
1936, and the San Joaquín-Tornillo dam was constructed was built between
1936 and 1938. In summary, during the thirties, the transformation of the
social representation of the rivers was consolidated, which changed from
viewing them as a local source of water and peripheral irrigation, to viewing
them as responsible for floods and sources of infection.
Despite all the protective hydraulic works, Mexico City continued to
suffer from severe flooding during the 1940s. A second wave of confining
the rivers was then undertaken, beginning with the Viga Canal that was
enclosed in 1941. A portion (10.4 kilometers) of the Consulado River was
then piped between 1944 and 1960, as the river was not very bountiful and
was seasonal and its borders has been settled by human settlements that
constantly felt threatened by its overflowing and by the fact that it
transported large amounts of wastewaters from the capital city’s thriving
industry. People held negative perceptions of the Consulado River, and most
others by stating that, “These channels, which frequently overflow in times of
heavy rainfalls cause dangerous floods in large areas; they are also
unhealthy centers because they do not have a continuous current flows, they
are dry most of the year and encouraged the accumulation of trash and all
kinds of filth. The greatest damage was caused by the Consulado Rivers,
which flowed through populated colonies [neighborhoods] such as
Cuauhtémoc, San Rafael, Santa Julia, and Santa Maria, Nonoalco,
Peralvillo, Vallejo and numerous other neighborhoods to the East.” (DDF,
1942:113). Communication between the Santa Maria, San Jacinto and
Tacuba colonies improved once the river was confined to pipes (DDF,
1975), and a new layer of asphalt was laid over its bed by creating a
paradigmatic solution to the new river urbanization strategy.
A portion –11.3 kilometers of the Piedad River was piped between 1945
and 1960, in parallel with the construction of the network of collectors and
Mexico City: from water avenues to asphalt rivers
Between 1960 and 1970, a good part of the north and northeast of Mexico
City was industrialized, leading to explosive population growth, which grew
to nine million citizens in 1960, and 14 million residents by the eighties,
which caused a rapid growth in metropolitanization. The needs and services
had to correspond to the modern dimensions of the large city and its
population in such a manner that the authorities decided to create a Deep
Drainage system. The sewer system was modernized during its construction,
and the river problem was finally resolved and controlled to improve the
city’s “roadway, sanitary and aesthetic aspects". This system confined: 620
meters of the San Juan de Dios River, 1.7 kilometers of the Miramontes
Canal, 200 meters of the San Buena Ventura River, 1 kilometer of the
Tacubaya River, 1.3 kilometers of the Hondo River, 1.6 kilometers of the
San Angel River and 300 meters of the Barranca del Muerto River and also
dredged part of the endless Churubusco River, piping it up to Zaragoza
(DDF, 1975:231).
Mexico City: from water avenues to asphalt rivers
Finally, with the drying up of the lakes and the piping of the central rivers
of the city, the Magdalena River does not have a natural outflow to a larger
body of water. First of all, the water goes partially through the Western
Interceptor and the water that continues its natural course flows into the
Churubusco River, which is fully piped and carries only wastewater.
The outlook reflects several issues, one of which we would like to discuss
at this time: does the Magdalena River have the characteristics that are
needed for restoration purposes or can it only be rehabilitated? The plan’s
progress allows us to rely on the elements that are needed to respond to the
previous questions. There are probably no city rivers that have the
characteristics that are needed to ensure their restoration, when we consider
the concept of restoration as the return of a system to its natural and original
conditions (Society for Ecological Restoration: 1994). The advanced
polluted conditions and the hydraulic intervention of the rivers in the Mexico
Basin do not allow for its restoration, at least not in a primary phase. On the
other hand, the Plan can pursue the objective of recovering certain basic
biophysical elements of the ecosystem, especially in the urban area as well
as the forest gallery and from the soil on the river banks, which are suit the
classic notion of rehabilitating an urban river (Findlay & Taylor: 2006).
If this plan were to succeed in a short-term harmonization of the results
derived from an integral vision for the long-term, we will be able to reflect
on the relationship we have kept with our rivers. Instead of considering them
as a threat and a weakness in our surroundings, we will be able to convert
transform them into spaces that offer multiple environmental, social, cultural
and economic opportunities.
5. CONCLUSIONS
Mexico City can be considered as a metropolis that overpoweringly
transformed its urban rivers into vehicular roadways, driven by a vision for
progress and modernization. In 40 years, the city erased close to 83
kilometers of rivers, which is three times the size of the largest avenue in the
world (Insurgentes located in Mexico City).
Mexico City’s present day challenge consists of redirecting the
relationship between our society and the environment. Hydric sustainability
implies changes in the manner in which we formulate the problem itself: it is
no longer a matter of trying to dominate nature to our own benefit; that is to
say, this no longer has to do with bringing water from far regions or mixing
rain water with wastewater and expelling it to even more remote sites;
neither is it a matter of confining the rivers that still flow under the open
skies, to pipe flows. From hereon after, the problem’s formulation is not
based exclusively on the construction of dikes, dams, aqueducts and
channels; that is to say, this is not a matter that is exclusive to civil and
hydraulic engineering. The Twenty-First Century is now faced with the
Mexico City: from water avenues to asphalt rivers
challenge of taking action on our own selves; on the need for society to
regulate itself to its own benefit, as the protection and efficient management
of hydric resources –and environmental resources, in general– will guarantee
its future viability.
This is a huge challenge and we are now driven by a new vision to beat it.
We expect to change the manner in which we have related to our rivers
through the city’s sustainability and the future of the 51 rivers that still
remain in the basin and refuse to disappear.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Thanks to Professor Miguel Segundo.
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