Stephen Zhao

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Research Paper: Norwegian American Position on Slavery

Throughout the years, a significant amount of research has been performed regarding Americans and their positions on slavery. However, minimal light has been shed on the Norwegian American involvement and positions on slavery. The objective is to examine Norwegian and Scandinavian history in attempt to further understand how their culture affected their immigration from Norway to the United States during antebellum America. Furthermore, I will demonstrate the general consensus of Norwegian Americans regarding slavery and abolition. In order to understand the Norwegian American position on slavery during their immigration in the antebellum period, an analysis of their history and past culture must be performed. Furthermore, an examination of the Norwegian and Danish participation in the trans-Atlantic slave trade needs be made. Lastly, the opinions of Norwegian Americans will be explained through the analysis of letters, journals, newspapers and scholarly books regarding Norwegian Americans. The first references to slaves in Norway occurred during the Viking Age. These people were referred to as Trell or Trl, which meant an unfree man.1 Although they were at the bottom of the social ladder, these trells played an essential role in Norwegian society. The possession of a trell was a symbol of status for many families. Throughout the 1000s, many laws regarding trells were created and implemented. There were laws regarding the differences between international trells and trells born in Norway. Laws also stated that one could become a trell if certain debts were not paid off. However, during the 1100s and the 1200s, the

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concept of trells began to diminish as the Christian church ordered that trells be freed. These actions resulted in the declining profitability of exploitation of trell labor. By the end of the 1200s, the trells disappeared as a social group and the laws involving them were removed. In 1274, King Magnus Lagabtes declared in the landslova (the lands law), that slavery be illegal.2 Since then, the concept of slavery has been deemed wrong and inhumane in Norwegian society. The Portuguese, British, Spanish, French, and the Dutch were notorious for participating in the trans-Atlantic slave trade. It is estimated that throughout the 16th century to the 19th century close to 10,000,000 Africans were transported and converted into slaves. The kingdom of Denmark-Norway is rarely mentioned when it comes to the topic of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Ever since the ban of slavery in Norway in 1274, the Norwegian involvement in slavery remained inexistent. However, around 1671, Denmark-Norway began its participation in the slave trade. Although the term is commonly referred to as the Danish slave trade, it is important to note that Denmark and Norway were considered one country. Records show that there were approximately 3,000 voyages made between Denmark and the West Indies resulting in the transportation of roughly 85,000 African slaves.3 There are many accounts of what occurred in the West Indies; the situation was far from humane and contradicted the cultural beliefs of Norwegians. In 1974, a wreck was discovered on the southern coast of Norway and identified as the slave ship, Fredensborg. Among the wreckage were diaries, journals, whips, and chains. These remaining artifacts gave historians a detailed account of the Danish-Norwegian participation in the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Among the things found, a captains journal revealed much of

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what happened aboard the ship, especially in regards to the treatment of slaves. He mentions how two slaves received lashes for fighting and how another received lashes for stealing bread from a crew member.4 Norwegian historian Leif Svalesen, who has done extensive research regarding the treatment and conditions of slaves on Fredensborg, suggests that the conditions on [European and American] ships were every bit as bad as those on the Fredensborg.5 The events aboard the ship were terrible; however, things did not become much better once the ship arrived in the Danish West Indies. Once slaves were transported to the Danish West Indies they were immediately sold and put to work on sugar plantations, which conditions are too familiar. Although the slave trade was brutal, it remained relatively out of sight for the general population. However, eventually the public understood what was going on and the resulting consensus was that the trade was inhumane. As a result in 1792, Denmark was the first country to decide to abolish the slave trade. They would implement this law after a period of ten years so that the industry would have time to adjust. However, the decision was countered by a policy which sole purpose was to increase the slave supply to the West Indies. As a result, duties and taxes were reduced and many loads were easily granted.6 The slave traders were also encouraged to increase the importation of female slaves in hopes of increasing the rate of breeding on the island. Thus, the colony would no longer rely on the trade once the law took effect. One must also note that Denmark did not abolish slavery until 1848.7 Although one could argue that the Denmark and Norway was cruel, one must keep in mind that slavery never took place in the countries themselves. The participants in the Danish slave trade were that of a select few. Perhaps if

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more Danish and Norwegians saw the conditions of slavery early on then the abolition of the slave trade would have occurred sooner. Although this chapter of Norwegian history came to an end, it was not the last time Norwegians encountered slavery. This reoccurred during the early 1800s, when the first Norwegians started immigrating to the United States. Most Norwegians ended up in Northern states consisting mostly of Wisconsin, Illinois, and Iowa; however, some Norwegians ended up in Texas and remained there. Prior to moving to the United States most Norwegians had never met a black person before, and thus had yet to form an opinion about them. However, not long after settling in the states, they expressed their opinions regarding the matter through Norwegian-American Newspapers, participating in the civil war, and letters to their friends and family back home. Norwegian Americans voiced their opinions regarding politics, spread their ideas, and communicated with each other through their Norwegian-American newspapers and journals. Many journals, like Emigranten, had complete translations of the constitution so that Norwegian Americans could better understand the country and institution that they were now a part of.8 In the 1850s, Emigranten had asserted itself against slavery even before the increase in support of Republican Party.9 It remains evident that Norwegians voiced their political opinion despite their language barrier. Furthermore, it was not long before they voiced their opinions regarding slavery. After the Kansas Nebraska Act in 1854, Carl F. Solberg, a chair in Emigranten stated that Norwegians should strive to forestall the extension of damnable slavery.10 Various other journals and newspapers wrote similar pleas around the time of the Dred Scott case in 1857. The Fdrelandet and Emigrantens strong protest against the racist

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activists of the Ku Klux Klan demonstrates more involvement of the Norwegian-American newspapers. The Norwegian-American newspapers were a clear sign of how Norwegian Americans felt about politics and slavery. Although the Norwegians were all first generation and had spent few years in America, it did not stop them from participating in the civil war. At the time it was estimated that there were roughly 44,000 Norwegians in the United States; roughly 6,000 fought in the war.11 Almost all Norwegian Americans fought for the Union with the exception of a few in Texas who were split. There are documented accounts that almost 50 Norwegians served in the confederate army. However, because many knew little English, some just walked off from their company and drifted around until the war was over.12 Their reasons for fighting were different from that of most American soldiers. Instead of wanting to fight against slavery or the opposing side, they had all sworn oaths of loyalty to the country and hence because of their honor decided to go. Many Norwegians participating in the war wrote letters to their families back home. One specific Norwegian from Missouri fighting in the war wrote to his cousin: There are two parties here one wants to trade people, the Africans or Negros, just like we trade cattle and they want to spread this as much as they can and they had already gotten quite far. Where this goes on is called the Southern states and where we are is called the Northern States. The southern states have broken the law and it is now our purpose to stop the slave trade and liberate the poor souls so that they may seek the Christian faith13 Through his writing, he attempts to convey the concept of slavery to his cousin. Although this was not long after the Danish Slave trade, most Norwegians would not be well educated enough to know of the history. It is also evident that his Christian faith connects his opinion to

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the injustice of slavery. Other Norwegian soldiers also wrote about the un-Christian treatment of slaves as well as attempt to explain slavery to their families. 14 Norwegian Americans outside of the war wrote many letters to the families back home in Norway regarding their opinion towards slavery and the war. In 1838, Ole Rynning, a welleducated Norwegian, writes that the infamous slave traffic is an ugly contrast to this freedom and equality which justly constitutes the pride of the Americans.15 He predicted that slavery would end in a bloody civil dispute. Interestingly enough, 20 years after his statement, his prediction comes true and civil war breaks out in the United States. Rynning, as well as other Norwegians, saw the flaw in the system and deemed the situation unstable. However, most Norwegians were less educated and arrived to the conclusion that slavery was negative in other approaches. There were also many Norwegians who were completely unaffected by the war. One Norwegian was so unaffected by the war that when writing home, he said that he did not have much interesting to say except that there was a war going on.16 In a general sense, most Norwegian Americans were either against slavery or had little to no opinion of it; however, there are exceptions. In 1840, a Norwegian American living in Texas writes home stating that he was contemplating buying a colored man.17 No one knows whether or not he actually got around to buying the slave. However, if the idea crossed his mind, he must not have been morally against the concept. Of all Norwegian American accounts regarding slavery, one stands out in particular. Elise Amalie Tvede Waerenskjold is perhaps one of the most remarkable Norwegian settlers. She was born in Norway and the daughter of a Lutheran pastor. At the age of 19, she became a teacher. This was highly unusual for women at the time. In 1847, at the age of 32 she left for Texas.18 In

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one of her journals, she mentions her first encounter with a black man. The slave was supposed to lead her to the colony. In her writing, not understanding the meaning of a slave, she referred to her slave guide as black master.19 Because her first encounter with an African American was a positive one, her opinion of them remained positive throughout the rest of her life.20 In much of her writing, she explains how much she likes Texas, but claims that there is one morbid side of Texasslavery. She advocates that the others acknowledge the Christian teachings and begin to abolish slavery. Cleary, she possessed a firm opinion regarding slavery. She does however make an interesting comparison: I cannot deny that the slaves are treated rather well and that numbers of them are better off in many respects that free laborers in Europe.21 It is possible that the region in Texas which she lived was less cruel than other parts of the state. Throughout her life, she worked as the editor for Norway and America and was an active abolitionist. There are also theories that she housed slaves during the civil war as they were trying to escape Texas. However, there is little evidence to back the information. Both she and her husband would not be a person to share such information. Altogether, the accounts of Elise Waerenskjold provide great detail on her life as a Norwegian-American in Texas as well her position on slavery. Since the abolition of slavery in Norway in 1274, the general Norwegian consensus remains that the institution of slavery is unjust and un-Christian. Although the Danish Slave trade did not reflect this, the peoples involvement was only that of select few. This resulted in an early ban on the slave trade in 1803. Regarding the involvement of Norwegian Americans in the institution of slavery, one can assert that they did not support it. Many Norwegians fought for the freedom of slaves in the Civil War, although their overall impact was not immense.

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Through an analysis of various letters, journals and the accounts of Elise Waerenskjold, all supports the general Norwegian consensus. Throughout the Antebellum period, it is evident that the general Norwegian American opinion on slavery remained stable.

1 2

"Trell Slave." Store Norske Leksikon. N.p., 2005. Web. 05 Dec. 2013. Keyser, R., and P. A. Munch. "Norges Gamle Love." UIB.NO. N.p., 2003. Web. 05 Dec. 2013. 3 Herns, Per. "Det Danske Slavehandelsforbud 1792 [The Abolition of the Danish Slave Trade. The Edict of 1792]: Studier Og Kilder Til Forhistorien, Forordningen Og Flgerne." Scandinavian Journal of History 34.1 (2009): 115-17. Print. 4 The Captains Journal for the Fredensborg. 1767-69. TS 88. Archives of the Guinea Company, n.p. 5 Svalesen, Leif. The Slave Ship Fredensborg. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 2000. Print. P.9 6 Hansen, Thorkild, and Kari Dako. Islands of Slaves = Slavernes er. Accra: Sub-Saharan, 2005. Print. P.21 7 Herns, Per. "Det Danske Slavehandelsforbud 1792 [The Abolition of the Danish Slave Trade. The Edict of 1792] 8 Andersen, Arlow W. The Norwegian-Americans. Boston: Twayne, 1975. Print. p.61 9 Andersen, Arlow W. The Norwegian-Americans p.67 10 Andersen, Arlow W. The Norwegian-Americans p.67 11 Andersen, Arlow W. The Norwegian-Americans p.77 12 The Norwegian Texans. San Antonio: University of Texas Institute of Texan Cultures at San Antonio, 1985. Print. p.13 13 Taksdal, Ole Jesperson. Letter to Tobias Trresen Kvia. 2 Mar. 1862. From America to Norway: Norwegian-American Immigrant Letters, 1838-1914. Vol. 1. Northfield: University of Minnesota, 2012. N. pag. Print. 14 Aslesen, Ole, Ingrid Myran, and Elling Ellingsen. Letter to Helge Gundersen Skare. 27 Dec. 1861. From America to Norway: Norwegian-American Immigrant Letters, 1838-1914. Vol. 1. Northfield: University of Minnesota, 2012. N. pag. Print. 15 Andersen, Arlow W. The Norwegian-Americans. p.66 16 Dorsett, Juul Gulliksen. Letter to Torstein Gulliksen Daaset. 5 Sept. 1864. From America to Norway: Norwegian-American Immigrant Letters, 1838-1914. Vol. 1. Northfield: University of Minnesota, 2012. N. pag. Print. 17 Semmingsen, Ingrid. r m g t an ringen i meri a. Oslo: Aschehoug, 1975. Print. p.92 18 The Norwegian Texans. San Antonio: University of Texas Institute of Texan Cultures at San Antonio, 1985. Print. p.6 19 Russell, Charles H. Undaunted: A Norwegian Woman in Frontier Texas. College Station: Texas A & M UP, 2006. Print. p.37 20 Waerenskjold, Elise. Letter to Thomine Dannevig. 16 Oct. 1858. From America to Norway: Norwegian-American Immigrant Letters, 1838-1914. Vol. 1. Northfield: University of Minnesota, 2012. N. pag. Print. 21 Russell, Charles H. Undaunted: A Norwegian Woman in Frontier Texas. p.86

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Andersen, Arlow W. The Norwegian-Americans. Boston: Twayne, 1975. Print. Aslesen, Ole, Ingrid Myran, and Elling Ellingsen. Letter to Helge Gundersen Skare. 27 Dec. 1861. From America to Norway: Norwegian-American Immigrant Letters, 1838-1914. Vol. 1. Northfield: University of Minnesota, 2012. N. pag. Print. The Captains Journal for the Fredensborg. 1767-69. TS 88. Archives of the Guinea Company, n.p. Dorsett, Juul Gulliksen. Letter to Torstein Gulliksen Daaset. 5 Sept. 1864. From America to Norway: Norwegian-American Immigrant Letters, 1838-1914. Vol. 1. Northfield: University of Minnesota, 2012. N. pag. Print. Hansen, Thorkild, and Kari Dako. Islands of Slaves = Slavernes er. Accra: Sub-Saharan, 2005. Print. Herns, Per. "Det Danske Slavehandelsforbud 1792 [The Abolition of the Danish Slave Trade. The Edict of 1792]: Studier Og Kilder Til Forhistorien, Forordningen Og Flgerne." Scandinavian Journal of History 34.1 (2009): 115-17. Print. Hopkins, Daniel P. "The Danish Ban on the Atlantic Slave Trade and Denmark's African Colonial Ambitions, 17871807." Itinerario 25.3-4 (2001): 154. Print. Keyser, R., and P. A. Munch. "Norges Gamle Love." UIB.NO. N.p., 2003. Web. 05 Dec. 2013. The Norwegian Texans. San Antonio: University of Texas Institute of Texan Cultures at San Antonio, 1985. Print.

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Russell, Charles H. Undaunted: A Norwegian Woman in Frontier Texas. College Station: Texas A & M UP, 2006. Print. Semmingsen, Ingrid. r m g t an ringen i meri a. Oslo: Aschehoug, 1975. Print.

Svalesen, Leif. The Slave Ship Fredensborg. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 2000. Print. Taksdal, Ole Jesperson. Letter to Tobias Trresen Kvia. 2 Mar. 1862. From America to Norway: Norwegian-American Immigrant Letters, 1838-1914. Vol. 1. Northfield: University of Minnesota, 2012. N. pag. Print. "Trell Slave." Store Norske Leksikon. N.p., 2005. Web. 05 Dec. 2013. verland, Orm. From America to Norway: Norwegian-American Immigrant Letters, 1838-1914. Northfield, MN: Norwegian-American Historical Association, 2012. Print. Waerenskjold, Elise. Letter to Thomine Dannevig. 16 Oct. 1858. From America to Norway: Norwegian-American Immigrant Letters, 1838-1914. Vol. 1. Northfield: University of Minnesota, 2012. N. pag. Print.