MPF1313 EDUCATION AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT

ASSIGNMENT II

CHINESE POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS AND EDUCATION DEVELOPMENT IN MALAYSIA

NAME MATRIC NO.

: SAMUEL ANAK HARUS : MP121190

INTRODUCTION

Early Chinese education only fulfils the need to equip their future generation for rudimentary purposes in their daily life and teachings of morality, the Confucian teachings. These Chinese educationists who were originally from China mainland brought along their prototype China education which is based on Confucian to Malaya whilst simultaneously safeguarding and promoting their cultural identity.1 Much of the lessons would only inculcate the sense of belonging among the Chinese, respect for the elders and mixture of their ancestral beliefs. This strong inculcated sense of Chinese-ness especially through Confucian teachings firmly bound the Chinese community into some instances of whom they devoted themselves into certain clan, guild, club and association. Therefore, no apparent education political implication was seen, if any might be within the minimal level in their own community

However, their initial political emotion was strongly influenced by their stricken attachment to the political uncertainties in China mainland and eventually had adversely affected the Chinese in Malaya. There were also manifestation of frustration among the Chinese in Malaya including riots and demonstrations. Only then, the political awareness among the Chinese in Malaya changed, of what perceived as transient settler (sojourner) in Malaya prior to China-oriented politics to Malaya-oriented as these Chinese were assumed temporarily dwelled in Malaya had could not return to China as a result of political change in their mainland China (the transition of power from Koumintang Party to Communist Chinese Party). Concurrently, even during this period of time, there were already Chinese who wanted to work towards a Malayan-centred political future for the community in Malaya. 2

The later episode of political consciousness among the Chinese were the implication of British colonialist intervention into their education which seen as an attempts to close down their schools. Agitating by this encroachment, the Chinese pulled all their strengths in Malaya and allied to form associations to ascertain their inherited education remained exist.
1

Heng Pek Koon, Chinese responses to the Malay Hegemony in Peninsular Malaysia, 1957-96, Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 34, No. 3, December 1996, p. 501
2

Hing, L. K and Beng, T. C., The Chinese in Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur : Fajar Bakti Sdn. Bhd, 2000, p. 196

Significantly, as a result of their relentless and persistence efforts Chinese education manage to install itself legitimately within the national educational system until today. It co-existed both within the national system, the primary and secondary national type schools and outside the national system (ISCC) for secondary schools.

Through analysis it can be concluded that the Chinese educationist with Chinese educational background were the strongest force that played pivotal role in insisting the colonial British government and Malaysia government even after the independence towards the acceptance Chinese education in national education system. It is through Malaysia Chinese Association (MCA) all their efforts became realized.

DURING EARLY YEARS

Initial Chinese education only emphasize on literacy and for daily necessities as well as issues of morality. Therefore, colonial indifferent policies towards Chinese education laid foundation for them to expand themselves and no political implication towards Malaya and colonialist, hitherto.

The early account of these Chinese schools can be traced during first English occupation, as Captain Francis Lights reported in 1794 stated that Chinese in Penang have everywhere people to teach their children, and sometimes they send males to China to complete their education.3 Through William Milnes report, a missionary who found the three Chinese schools in Malacca in 1815.4 A local researcher has claimed that the earliest

Francis Light , Notice of Pinang, Journal in the Indian Archipelago, 5 (1850): 9, as cited by Tan Liok Ee in Lee Ting Hui @ Lee Ah Chai, Policies and Politics in Chinese Schools in the Straits Settlements and the Federated Malay States, 17861941, MA thesis, University of Malaya, 1957, p.1.
4

William Milne, Protestant Mission to China, Malacca, 1820, p. 151, as cited by Tan Liok Ee in Lee Ting Hui, Policies and Politics Chinese Schools, p.1

Chinese school in Penang was the Wufu Shuyuan (Academy of Five Blessings) established in 1819.5 In Singapore, three small dialect schools were reported to be functioning in 1829.6

Nevertheless, these early schools had no historical records that can be studied to determine when and by whom they were founded. Thereafter, Tan Yeok Seong a well known of early history of Chinese schools suggested that 1849 marked the beginning of the recorded history of Chinese schools. Chinese schools such as Chong Ge (Chamber of Exalted Learning) founded in 1849 and Cuiying Shuyuan (Congregation of Talent Academy) which established in Singapore in 1854. Nanhua Yixue (Southern Chinese Charitable School) founded in 1888 in Penang.7 By 1884, there were 54 Chinese schools in Penang, 51 in Singapore and 12 in Malacca.8 One common purpose that motivated these early schools to be established was for the pupils to get education in which for them to learn to follow the moral path and uphold the righteous path of the ancient sages.9 These school were the replicas of the pattern of schooling common in China during the Qing Dynasty(1644-1911). These informal and flexible arrangement schools, sishu (private schools) or yixue (charitable or free schools) only catered through the family or neighbourhood schools by teacher himself or wealthy family that only organized at the local community level. Sishu could also set up by clan, lineage, village committee or group of people who wanted to share in arrangement and terms in this education. Their only intention was to provide at least one son through a year or two of schoolings so as to have one functionally literate person within the family which is extremely useful for everydays purposes.

As cited by Tan Liok Ee, Kuang Guoxiang, Liushi nian lai Bincheng Huaxioa shihua,shizhong Xuexioa sishi zhounian jinian tekan, Hong Kong, 1954, p. 71
6

As cited in Tan Liok Ee, Politics of Chinese Education, See text of the plaque in the Tan Yeok Seong, Yeyinguan Wencun, Vol. 2, pp. 307-9. 7 From 1884 Annual Report of the Straits Settlements, As cited by Tan Liok Ee in Lee Ting Hui, Policies and Politics in Chinese Schools, p. 1.
8

As cited by Tan Liok Ee in Yeyinguan Wencun, Vol. 2, pp.223, 224-6, and 307-8.

Cited in Tan Liok Ee, Politics of Chinese Education, drawn from Chen Dongyuan, Zhonggou jiaoyu shi, first published in 1936.

The prevailing intention of Chinese education was only for rudimentary purposes at that earlier particular time hence posed no any apparent political inclination and whatsoever to British Malayas administrator. However, their course had changed later as consequences of political and social changes in their mainland China. Chinese schools teachers were of those who fled China were still very much attached to their mainland and had always anticipated to go back to China, but later had became the main impetus for educational changes in Chinese education thereafter. The Chinese sojourners ambiguous loyalty towards Malaya has been in question thus their inclination towards change of politics and in mainland China, whenever two contending parties, Koumintang (KMT) and Communist Party of China (CPC) vigorously expanded their influences in China exerted grave concern among the British officials in Malaya. The indifference policy that colonialist British adopted throughout that period with their presumption that Chinese were transients and will return to their homeland proved futile but adversely impacted the inevitable change of unprecedented policy. From thereafter, the British became vigilance and started to keep their all time eye on the Chinese schools operations and their teachers activities.

On the other hand, China under the reign of its prominent Commander, Yuan Shih Kai, the Koumintang (KMT) party leader, tremendous education alteration and reformation has been gradually revolutionized in China as well as Chinese living abroad. The new type of schools were introduced by modernizing officials in the last two decades of the Qing Dynastys rule after the Chinas defeat to British in the Opium War (1839 -1842) and Japanese (1895). Their defeat has spurred the need for modernization in education especially from Zhang Zhidong and Kang Youwei.10 These schools advocated the new education system with proper buildings, trained teachers, regular timetables, replaced the old teaching texts and Confucians classics. Curriculum changed included subjects such as history, geography, arithmetic, physics, art, physical education, Chinese language and foreign language (English).

In Malaya, the new concept of Chung Hwa schools replaced the small sishu and later followed by other schools to be built in large concentrations of Chinese communities such as Confucian School in Kuala Lumpur in 1906, the Yuk Choy School in Ipoh in 1907, the Pay
10

Hing, L. K and Beng, T. C., The Chinese in Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur : Fajar Bakti Sdn. Bhd, 2000, pp. 196-197.

Fong School in Malacca and Foon Yew School in Johore Bahru in 1913. There were girlss schools such as Kuen Cheng Girls School in 1908 in Kuala Lumpur and Perak Girls School in 1914 in Ipoh and Fukien Girls School in Penang in 1920. Chinese schools further increased in numbers to accommodate the arising number of enrolment as a result of escalating of birth rate in Malaya. Chinese in Malaya excluding Singapore, has doubled from 419, 355 in 1901 to 855, 863 in 1921.11 This expansion only happened in towns but also sprouted to outlying rural areas which mainly supported by local leaders and affluent merchants especially in bigger towns. No colonial intervention involved in these schools except the state government of Selangor, under Kapitan China Yap Ah Loy in 1884 in two schools in Selangor and later by Kapitan Yap Kwan Seng which provide free education to Chinese at that time.12 Missionaries also played their roles in the establishment of Chinese schools.

DURING COLONIAL ERA/PRE-INDEPENDENCE 1951-1957

Colonial government intervention started with the controlling of schools with active participation of teachers and students in China-orientated political activities. Within this period, China underwent tremendous social and political upheaval. They were highly attached to their mainland China and deliberately concerned with the tumultuous political events in China that sparked the new China-oriented political consciousness among the Chinese in Malaya.

This occurred as a result of Chinas defeat at the hand of inva ding Western power and Japan that spurred the development of modern nationalistic movements. This later became an impetus for the overthrown of Qing Dynasty with the 1911 Revolution through the warlord years to civil war between Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China.

11

12

Tan Liok Ee, Politics of Chinese Education, p. 13. Hing, L. K and Beng, T. C., The Chinese in Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur : Fajar Bakti Sdn. Bhd, 2000, p. 195

In this sense, the Chinese living in Malaya, like huaqiao or overseas Chinese were swept by patriotic feelings into supporting Chinas cause. For this instance, visiting leaders from China reminded the Chinese in Malaya of their duty to China and detailed reports of happenings in local newspaper kept the Chinese-educated constantly in touch with the world of Chinas politics. These teachers and students in Chinese schools were the most susceptible to the appeal of huaqiao nationalism.13

Secondly, modernization in education started with the abolishment of official examination, setting up of modern secondary schools, teachers training colleges and universities, and large numbers of students sent to study in Western countries allowed the new intelligentsia to emerge in 1906. These young teachers recruited in China also taught in Malaya that seen as vanguard to change and hope. Imbued with idealism and nationalism they inspire the students and became enthusiastic participants in political activities.

The May Incident 1919, May Fourth Movement marked the birth of the new intelligentsia, the students and workers in China staged demonstration to protest the terms of the Treaty of Versailles which allowed Japan to retain control over the Shandong Peninsula and their insistence towards the Chinese language to be taught in schools and used in modern literature.14

In Malaya, Chinese schools teachers and students were participants in violent antiJapanese demonstrations in Singapore, Penang and Kuala Lumpur in June 1919 in support of the May Fourth demonstration in China. Martial law was declared in Singapore and Penang. After June 1919, teachers and students continued to play their role in the demonstrations, protests and fund-raising campaigns that were organized as part of huaqiao support of China right up to the eve of the Japanese conquest of Malaya in 1941.

13 14

Hing, L. K and Beng, T. C., The Chinese in Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur : Fajar Bakti Sdn. Bhd, 2000, p. 196 Tan Liok Ee, The Politics of Chinese Education in Malaya, 1945-1961, Kuala Lumpur : Oxford University Press, 1997, p.16.

Thirdly, the textbook used in Malaya were imported from China through which Chinaorientated political consciousness was filtered to students. This book contained an overtly political content with the intention to inculcate a patriotic and nationalistic fervour that include revolutionary heroes or lessons about Chinas humiliation to Western powers, taught of political loyalty towards China and anti imperialism towards Western powers which British officials considered subversive.

Fourthly, the Chinese schools became the site of contest between opposing political factions in China. When Kang Youwei and Sun Yat Sen visited Malaya, they called on their supporters to establish schools to educate the young. Those schools affiliated to Kangs group were the new style schools, Chung Hua Schools in Penang and Confucian Schools in Kuala Lumpur.15

The revolutionary groups influence was seen mainly in the night schools for adult and schools set up by reading clubs (centre for dissemination of new political ideas which provided the members with Chinese newspapers and other forms of political literature to keep its members up to date on political events in China) which served as centre for talks and other political activities. Schools founded by this clubs such as Yit Chee Schools(1902) in Perak, the Tat Chai School in Tanjung Rambutan (1910), the Sin Hwa School in Parit Buntar (1913), Chong Teik School (1911) and Chung San School (1917) in Penang.

Clear exertion made by the republic government in China when they recognized Chinese living abroad as national under the principle of jus sanguinis, and Chinese schools outside China as integral part of its education system. Kuomintang also decreed that Sun Yat Sens political principles, the San Min Chu I, to be taught in schools and headmasters and teachers from overseas were persuaded to adhere to KMT policies. However, these efforts had little effect on Chinese education in Malaya due to financial constraints, no legal basis from China and British jurisdiction in Malaya.

15

Hing, L. K and Beng, T. C., The Chinese in Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur : Fajar Bakti Sdn. Bhd, 2000, p. 196

The first confrontation between the Chinese society and British colonial came about when British proposed Bill in May 1920 requiring all schools and teachers to register with the Education Department. The leaders of Chinese society saw this Bill as Britishs attempt to close down the existing Chinese schools and impeded their education. This followed by passing legislation and the Registration of School Ordinance in 1921 and introduction of grants-in-aid for the Chinese schools in 1923.16 British interest laid upon mainly in the political control over these schools in order to prevent the teaching of undesirable political doctrines. Among steps taken to put Chinese schools under their full purview including closing down schools, deportation of teachers and withheld of financial aid from these Chinese schools. Whilst at the same time, the Governor of Straits Settlement and High Commissioner of Malay States (1924-1934), Sir Cecil Clementi had ordered Koumintang (KMT) to be banned including textbooks containing its propaganda and on the other hand to increase the number of Inspectors of Chinese Schools in Malaya.

Nevertheless, the Chinese schools continued to expand substantially in 1930s due to increasing number of birth rate. By 1938, the Chinese schools were the largest components of the education system of Malaya. In this stage, Chinese schools were hugely contributed by wealthy Chinese and countless people of ordinary means with their sole desire to educate their children in their own language and culture, at least a cultural link with the land of their origin. However, there was no move as yet to produce textbooks in Malaya with a Malayan perspective. Until 1945, British major concern was to expunge Chinese school textbooks of political propaganda. Chinese Education Technical Advisory Committee then had a responsible to vet textbooks used in the Chinese schools. The need for textbooks specially written for the Chinese schools in Malaya was one of the reasons for appointing the Fenn-Wu Committee in 1950. Local supply of teachers also very limited and recruited from China . Social and political upheaval in China led many educated men and women to flee China and seek job in Malaya. The government had done little to assist in training teachers for the Chinese schools. In 1948, according to H.R Cheeseman, 50% of Chinese school teachers still

16

Tan Liok Ee, The Politics of Chinese Education in Malaya, 1945-1961, Kuala Lumpur : Oxford University Press, 1997, p.31.

came from China. To minimize the strong affiliation of these teachers with China, the government should considered teacher training college for them. 17

DURING JAPANESE OCCUPATION

Chinese school were stopped and prohibited as Japanese Nipponize the local population. The operated schools were used as Japanese schools. The Chinese were treated severely by the Japanese and many wealthy Chinese merchants fled abroad including Tan Cheng Lock to India. Tan Cheng Lock and a member of other Straits-born Chinese formed the Overseas Chinese Association in anticipation of the liberation of Malaya.18 Some who remained in the Malaya had became the collaborators to the Japanese, whilst other businessmen that initially in towns move out to the fringes and readily assisted the Malayan Peoples Anti Japanese Army (MPAJA), the military wing of Malayan Communist Party (MCP) to resist the Japanese occupation.

POST JAPANESE OCCUPATION

After the post Japanese occupation, the need for education increased steadily till 1950, marked the most notable feature in Chinese education with the growing numbers of Chinese secondary schools as sending their children to China no longer possible after the Communist victory in 1949. Nevertheless, this expansion later laid the way to the need of higher education. Though later it was plighted by the issues of examinations and qualifications that characterized the epicenter of discontent among the Chinese in 1950s. The Chinese leader, Tan Lark Sye later, proposed the establishment of Nanyang University in Singapore in 1953

17

Tan Liok Ee, The Politics of Chinese Education in Malaya, 1945-1961, Kuala Lumpur : Oxford University Press, 1997, p.16. Hing, L. K and Beng, T. C., The Chinese in Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur : Fajar Bakti Sdn. Bhd, 2000, p. 198

18

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since accessible to universities became impossible.19 Henceforward, it was possible to have an education in the Chinese language from the primary to the university level. However it was vehemently opposed by the UMNO and eventually withheld.

CHINESE EDUCATION MOVEMENT 1945-1955

The political struggle and enticing consciousness among the Chinese to protect their inherited education which is view as their obligation for cultural identity was much of the effort of Chinese educationist and Chinese educational background through UCSTA (United Chinese School Teachers Association).20 The promulgation of Barnes Report 1951 and immediate reaction among the Chinese towards the Fenn-Wu report had tremendous effect on the Chinese sentiment that precipitated all the Chinese to congregate and ally in defending their jeopardized education.

Hence, all the Chinese school teachers in Malaya, United School Teachers Committees Association UCSCA) and Chinese-educated pro-KMTM (Kuomintang Malaya) merchant-entrepreneur representing the leaders of Chinese associations, Chinese to

educationist, and English educated professionals (Straits Chinese British Association) for Chinese education in national education system.21

which later joined by MCA (Malayan Chinese Association) to demand for the legitimate place

19

Tan Liok Ee, The Politics of Chinese Education in Malaya, 1945-1961, Kuala Lumpur : Oxford University Press, 1997, p.291.
20

Heng Pek Koon, Chinese responses to the Malay Hegemony in Peninsular Malaysia, 1957-96, Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 34, No. 3, December 1996, p. 502.
21

Tan L. E., (1988). Tan Cheng Lock and the Chinese Education Issues, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 19, No. 1, March 1988, pp. 48-61.

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The MCA worked closely with UCSTA and UCSCA (Dongjiaozung) which fostered common term to reject the 1952 Education Act. Negotiation and inter ethnic bargain in Malacca 1955 with UMNO (United Malay Nation Organization), in which the Alliance promised to amend the provisions in the Education Ordinance and the 1951 White Paper. Among the pivotal points of consensus achieved were the agreement to provide an extra $2 million in aid for Chinese schools if they came into power and Lim Lian Geok (the Dongjiaozung leader) promised temporarilynot to raise the issue of official language until after the Federal election 1955.22 These schools also victoriously won their place by accepting the promised government aid, supply of qualified teachers paid by the government, textbooks, materials and better infrastructure as well as free education to accommodate the overwhelming number of Chinese students.

Another historic Chinese political success was the MCACECC (Malayan Chinese Association Chinese Education Central Committee) allegiance to UMNO that made Chinese primary schools accepted within the national education system (Standard-type schools). This historic consensual later formed the basis for Razak Report that emphasized on the common curriculum as a key to integrating the Malay, Chinese, Tamil, and English primary schools within the national system of education. At the same time, the contentious issue of single language of instruction was side-stepped by focusing on the more urgent objective of making primary school education available for every child in Malaya.

Nevertheless, the uncompromising issue on examination in official language once again seen as an attempt to sideline the Chinese language thus later put MCA and UMNO in critical negotiation and fierce battle. The MCACECC leaders eventually retreated from MCA to UCSTA and the conflict between MCA-UMNO finally settled. This marked the great loss for the Chinese education movement onwards, though later any attempt to reinvigorate the movement often less vigorous. As a matter of fact, it could not be denied that the significant implication of their struggle and their contribution to the footing of Chinese primary school in national education system through its recognition in Education Act 1961. The Chinese
22

Tan L. E., (1988). Tan Cheng Lock and the Chinese Education Issues , Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 19, No. 1, March 1988, pp. 48-61.

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education further consolidated by the provision that not any clause empowering the Minister to convert the national type-schools into national schools teaching in Malay thereafter.

POST-INDEPENDENCE

The persistence efforts among the Chinese within their private went on with the setting up of committee to design its common curriculum and production of new textbooks in Chinese for the ICSS. This effort was so important as to prepare Chinese student with continuation of education from primary school to higher education which is seen a complete education. Two major examinations, parallel to public examinations were also conducted although not recognized by Malaysian government but acceptable as a basis for entrance to tertiary education institution in Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan, United States and Australia as well as private colleges in Malaysia.

The Chinese undying political struggle continued after settlement the issue official language and public examination towards the establishment Chinese university, Merdeka University. There was overwhelming support from Chinese from all walks of life to this motion, hitherto. The UCSCA leaderships responded swiftly to this need and called for campaigns all over Malaysia to save the private Chinese Secondary School. As in 1961, 54 of 70 Chinese schools were converted into teaching English in order receive full government aid (National Secondary School-type), whereas 16 schools opted to independent Chinese secondary schools. As of mid-1970s, total numbers of private Chinese secondary schools drawn by UCSCA were 37 schools in peninsular and 23 schools in Sabah and Sarawak and later organized into system of Duli Zhongxue or Independent Chinese Secondary Schools (ICSS).

However, their proposal had been turned down by the Alliance and Merdeka University once again became the centre of political controversy among the Chinese and the locals (Bumiputera) UMNO.
23

The Chinese views this motion as paramount important for them as

an attempt to offset the cost they had bore as a result of preferential policies by Malaysian Government through the implementation of National Economic Plan(NEP) in 1971, the
23

Sua, T. Y., Politik Dongjiaozong Dalam Pendidikan Vernakular Cina di Semenanjung Malaysia (1960-1982), Kuala Lumpur : Universiti Sains Malaysia, 2005, p. 168-181

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aftermath of racial riot in 13 May 1969.24 Other rationales to support their motion were the requirement to use Malay as a medium of instruction for former converted Chinese schools which had joined the national system in 1961and all universities in Malaysia in 1983.

Apparently, the Chinese political struggle had diverted their focus on an alternative education, out of national education system and through self reliance and community based institutions whilst the government of Malaysia could not agree with it. UCSTA and UCSCA jointly called Dongjiaozong had always the Chinese education defender, later joined NGOs in Malaysia which their political struggles beyond educational and language issues. The latter course of Dongjiaozong was very much Malaysian political orientation when they associated themselves and joined either the oppositionist or alliance parties.25

CONCLUSION

The implication of early Chinese education were based upon their China mainland both socially and politically as later affected the British colonial in Malaya, but still very much attached to their mainland. Later, their political pursuance changed into the need of positioning the Chinese education into national education system with through negotiations and political confrontational. Uniquely, Malaysia has officially been announced recently in the press as the only country outside China to recognize the Chinese education. It enriched the National Education system in Malaysia as Mandarin commercialized its status for economics value.

24

Raman, S. R., & Sua, T. Y., Ethnic segregation in Malaysias education system: enrolment choices, preferential policies and desegregation, Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education, 46:1-2, 2010, pp. 117-131.
25

Sua, T. Y., Politik Dongjiaozong Dalam Pendidikan Vernakular Cina di Semenanjung Malaysia (1960-1982), Kuala Lumpur : Universiti Sains Malaysia, 2005, p. 256-268

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REFERENCES

Heng P. K., (1996). Chinese responses to the Malay Hegemony in Peninsular Malaysia, 1957-96, Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 34, No. 3, December 1996, pp. 501- 523

Hing, L. K and Beng, T. C., (2000) The Chinese in Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur : Fajar Bakti Sdn. Bhd.

Raman, S. R., & Sua, T. Y., (2010). Ethnic segregation in Malaysias education system: enrolment choices, preferential policies and desegregation, Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education, 46:1-2, 117-131 Retrieved from : http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00309230903528496

Sua, T. Y.,( 2005). Politik Dongjiaozong Dalam Pendidikan Vernakular Cina di Semenanjung Malaysia (1960-1982), Kuala Lumpur : Universiti Sains Malaysia.

Tan L. E., (1988). Tan Cheng Lock and the Chinese Education Issues, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 19, No. 1, March 1988, pp. 48-61.

Tan L. E., (1997). The Politics of Chinese Education in Malaya, 1945-1961, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press.

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