A SPACE FOR PLACE IN SOCIOLOGY. by Thomas F.

Gieryn Key Words place and space, built environment, architecture, material culture, design * Abstract Sociological studies sensitive to the issue of place are rarely labeled thus, and at the same time there are far too many of them to fit in this revie . !t may be a good thing that this research is seldom gathered up as a "sociology of place," for that could ghettoi#e the sub$ect as something of interest only to geographers, architects, or environmental historians. The point of this revie is to indicate that sociologists have a sta%e in place no matter hat they analy#e, or ho & The or%s cited belo emplace ine'uality, difference, po er, politics, interaction, community, social movements, deviance, crime, life course, science, identity, memory, history. After a prologue of definitions and methodological ruminations, ! as%& (o do places come to be the ay they are, and ho do places matter for social practices and historical change) !*T+,-./T!,* This may or may not be a propitious moment to revie the sociological literatures on place. We have been told about the "transcendence of place" 0/oleman 12234, the "placelessness of place" 0+elph 12564, cities " ithout a place" 0Sor%in 12274, and ho place becomes, ith modernity, "phantasmagoric" 0Giddens 12284. Technological revolutions in transportation and communication, it is said, have all but eliminated the drag once imposed by location and distance on human interaction and on the flo of goods, capital, or information. Social life no moves through nodes in one or another net or%, through points of po er or convergence or translation but not anchored at any place necessarily. The places e build appear as clones of places else here& suburban tracts, shopping malls, free ay interchanges, office comple9es, and gussied up old neighborhoods vary less and less. As places lose their distinctiveness, place loses its reality and significance, some believe. The uni'ueness of *e :or%, *e :or%, gets pac%aged for reassembly in ;as <egas, ne9t to pyramids and the =iffel To er. -isneyland is in France. /ould it be that place $ust does not matter anymore) ! thin% it does. !n spite of 0and perhaps because of4 the $et, the >net, and the fast?food outlet, place persists as a constituent element of social life and historical change 0Friedland @ Aoden 122B4. And that significance is measured by an enduring tradition of robust sociological studies of place that remains invisible only because it is rarely framed that ay. Sociologists have given the appearance of not being interested in place??perhaps preferring to leave the matter to specialists from geography, or fearing that environmental determinism ould rob social and cultural variables of their e9planatory oomph, or orrying that the particularities of discrete places might compromise the generali#ing and abstracting ambitions of the discipline 0Agne 12C2, =ntre%in 12214. Dy tas% is to reveal the riches of a place?sensitive sociology and propel it for ard. ! begin ith some definitional necessities and illustrate these ith one sociological study that ta%es place for all that it is orth. *e9t ! consider the sociology of ho places come to be, and, after that, ho place matters for social life. +ather than pursue an e9haustive revie of or% on place from collateral disciplines of geography 0Gregory 122B, So$a 12C24, architecture and planning, environmental psychology, anthropology 0;a rence @ ;o 1228, ;o 12264, environmental history, and philosophy 0/asey 12254, ! have instead been cavalier in choosing boo%s and articles that inform themes and issues already some here on the sociological agenda.

Wherever available, ! cite only the good trailhead to a path of in'uiry??that is, something recently published ith a long bibliography. G+,.*- +.;=S Some definition of place is needed if only to restrict the domain of or% under revie . Aut more& the definition offered here is designed to bring together several literatures no rarely connected. For present purposes, place ill have three necessary and sufficient features& 014 Geographic ;ocation A place is a uni'ue spot in the universe. Elace is the distinction bet een here and there, and it is hat allo s people to appreciate near and far. Elaces have finitude, but they nest logically because the boundaries are 0analytically and phenomenologically4 elastic. A place could be your favorite armchair, a room, building, neighborhood, district, village, city, county, metropolitan area, region 0=ntri%in 12C2, 12214, state, province, nation, continent, planet?or a forest glade, the seaside, a mountaintop. This gradient of place is one reason hy it is difficult to appreciate hat sociologists in particular have ritten about place because the discipline chops up the phenomena into incommunicado bits& urban sociology, rural sociology, suburban sociology, home, the environment, neighborhood, or%places, ecology. To pursue place itself is to as% hat these places of varying scale have in common and ho they differ. 074 Daterial Form Elace has physicality. Whether built or $ust come upon, artificial or natural, streets and doors or roc%s and trees, place is stuff. !t is a compilation of things or ob$ects at some particular spot in the universe. Elaces are or%ed by people& e ma%e places and probably invest as much effort in ma%ing the supposedly pristine places of *ature as e do in cities or buildings 0-uEuis @ <andergeest 1226, Schama 122F4. Sociologists are again alive to the significance of material culture in social life. A thriving literature on technology 0not $ust on its social effects but its physical guts4 has generated concepts and theories for discussing places as assemblages of things 0Ai$%er et al 12C5, ;atour 1226, DacKen#ie 12284. Social processes 0difference, po er, ine'uality, collective action4 happen through the material forms that e design, build, use, and protest 0(abra%en 122C4. 034 !nvestment ith Deaning and <alue Without naming 0on toponyms& Feld @ Aasso 12264, identification, or representation by ordinary people, a place is not a place. Elaces are doubly constructed& most are built or in some ay physically carved out. They are also interpreted, narrated, perceived, felt, understood, and imagined 0So$a 12264. A spot in the universe, ith a gathering of physical stuff there, becomes a place only hen it ensconces history or utopia, danger or security, identity or memory. !n spite of its relatively enduring and imposing materiality, the meaning or value of the same place is labile??fle9ible in the hands of different people or cultures, malleable over time, and inevitably contested. What Elace is *ot To define place this ay e9cludes several phenomena potentially of %een interest to sociologists. First, place is not space?? hich is more properly conceived as abstract geometries 0distance, direction, si#e, shape, volume4 detached from material form and cultural interpretation 0(illier @ (anson 12CB4. Space is hat place becomes hen the uni'ue gathering of things, meanings, and values are suc%ed out 0de /erteau 12CB, (arvey 1226G for contrasting definitions& ;efebvre 12214. Eut positively, place is space filled up by people, practices, ob$ects, and representations. !n particular, place should not be confused ith the use of geographic or cartographic metaphors 0boundaries, territories4 that define conceptual or analytical spaces?as the title of this

piece ma%es plain 0also& Gieryn 12224. *either is place to be found in cyberspace& virtual it is not, at least for purposes of this revie . Websites on the internet are not places in the same ay that the room, building, campus, and city that house and locate a certain server is a place 0S Graham 122C, Eurcell 12254. Still, it is fascinating to atch geography and architecture become the means through hich cyberspace is rec%oned by designers and users 0Aoyer 1226, Hones 122C, King 122C, Ditchell 122F4. Second, place is not $ust a setting, bac%drop, stage, or conte9t for something else that becomes the focus of sociological attention, nor is it a pro9y for demographic, structural, economic, or behavior variables. *othing of interest to sociologists is no here 0/asey 12234& =verything that e study is emplacedG it happens some here and involves material stuff, hich means that every published piece of sociology legitimately belongs in this revie . *o& in much research, pseudo?places are identified only as a means to bound the unit of analysis 0as hen a survey as%s 'uestions of respondents ho happen to live in Kalama#oo or Kan%a%ee, but nothing more is said about those cities4. Elace is e'ually irrelevant to studies that compare Kalama#oo and Kan%a%ee in terms of behavior patterns, structural changes, or attitudes??if nothing more is hypothesi#ed about the effects of the geographic location, material form, or attributed meanings of the t o cities. A sensitivity to place must be more than using t o "places" simply to get a comparative edge. The strong form of the argument is this& place is not merely a setting or bac%drop, but an agentic player in the game??a force ith detectable and independent effects on social life 0Werlen 12234. !n the same ay, place must be more than 0say4 racial proportions of neighborhoods, unemployment rates in cities, birth rates in nation?states. (ere, place becomes a stand? in for clusters of variables located in spaces chosen for their analytic utility but generally denuded of architecture, landscape, and actors> o n narrations. Eerhaps the classic e9ample from sociology is the census tract, used so effectively in research on the persistence of poverty, violence, and residential segregation in urban neighborhoods 0e.g. Aergeson @ (arman 122C, Hargo s%y 1225, South @ /ro der 12224. !f the census tract is simply a bundle of analytic variables used to distinguish one neighborhood from another in terms of its economic or demographic features, then it is not place. Such studies become place?sensitive as they feed in information about relative location of the census tract in a metropolitan area, the patterns of streets or significance of particular buildings li%e churches or mar%ets, and the perceptions and unders tandings of the place by people ho might live there or not. Wor%ing Detatheoretical Eremises A sociology informed by place ill be most effective, ! thin%, if it is neither reductionist nor determinist. That is, the three defining features of place??location, material form, and meaningfulness??should remain bundled. They cannot be ran%ed into greater or lesser significance for social life, nor can one be reduced do n to an e9pression of another. Elace has a plenitude, a completeness, such that the phenomenon is analytically and substantively destroyed if the three become unraveled or one of them forgotten 0=ntri%in 1221, Sac% 1225, Thrift 12264. This anti? reductionism precludes geographical fetishism and environmental determinism, $ust as it precludes an unbridled social constructivism. "!f you build it, they ill come" is good (olly ood 0or !o a4, but bad social theoryG e'ually bad is "!f you perceive it so, it is thus." Elace is, at once, the buildings, streets, monuments, and open spaces assembled at a certain geographic spot and actors> interpretations, representations, and

identifications. Aoth domains 0the material and the interpretive, the physical and the semiotic4 or% autonomously and in a mutually dependent ay 0Aourdieu 12284. Antideterminism applies as ell to the analytical relationship bet een place and the other ontological realms that sociologists routinely study& behavior, belief, institutions, change. Elace saturates social life& it is one medium 0along ith historical time4 through hich social life happens. The analogy is to gender& to code a respondent male or female is not the same as grasping ho social institutions 0and places4 are gendered. The tas% ahead is to see all social phenomena as emplaced, as being constituted in part through location, material form, and their imaginings 0Appadurai 12264. Eut more tractably, place stands in a recursive relation to other social and cultural entities& places are made through human practices and institutions even as they help to ma%e those practices and institutions 0Giddens 12CB4. Elace mediates social lifeG it is something more than $ust another independent variable 0Abu? ;ughod 126C4. =9emplar To bring this flighty prolegomena do n to earth, consider /hilderley. Aell>s 0122B4 ethnographic study of a pseudonymous e9urban =nglish village in (ampshire 0pop. B5F4 epitomi#es a sociology sensitive to place. !ts topics read li%e the table of contents from an intro te9t& values, morality, class, gender, deviance, po er, change, culture, politics??but these are all emplaced, and e learn about them in and through /hilderley. Almost every chapter starts out by situating the reader there& "/hilderley ... is best %no n for the (orse and (ound, a genuine si9teenth?century pub at the end of the village. <isitors come from miles a ay to ta%e a pint of good ale in front of its huge fireplace, ten feet ide and five feet deep, and to soa% in the ambiance of the head?bashingly?lo timbered ceiling and rude board tables and benches" 0Aell 122B&754. !ncidental detail) (ardly. Eubs 0along ith council houses, tied cottages, manor houses??and ho fireplaces or televisions are differently arranged therein4 0(alle 12234 c ontribute to the reproduction of class distinctions in /hilderley& the (orse and (ound is favored by the moneyed, the Fo9 0described as "a bit grotty"4 is favored by ordinary or%ing?class fol%s. =ven the concepts that Aell devises to analy#e class in /hilderley are place?terms& the moneyed are "front?door" people 0formal, distanced, individualistic4, the ordinary fol%s are "bac%?door" 0local, informal, group?oriented, e9periential4. Aut social class is distrusted among residents of /hilderley, and it is rarely chosen by them as a legitimate source of identity and motivation or seen as a guarantee of morality and sincerity??too easily polluted by materialist self?interest, they might say. Aell finds instead that place itself??/hilderley the village and even more the nature found in the surrounding pastoral countryside??becomes the interpretive frame through hich people there measure their lives, evaluate others, ta%e political positions, and $ust ma%e sense. The countryside itself becomes a "moral roc%" 0122B&C4 for /hilderleyans, as they see themselves in and from this "good" place 0 here patient, sincere, and friendly people respect nature on a first?name basis4, distant from the evil metropole. Eeople are ran%ed and trusted by ho authentically "country" they are, though not everyone agrees on its determinants. For ordinary fol%s, the country village that /hilderley as imagined to be has been lost to gentrifying arrivistes from ;ond on ho build huge ne homes and ant to clean the place up. Elace is as vital for securing tradition as for manifesting class difference& "The stories e tell ta%e place in places, and most ordinary /hilderleyans live right in the setting of most of their lifetime>s accumulated stories" 0Aell 122B&1584. Geographic location, material forms, /hilderleyan>s representations of their home??

these are the means through hich readers learn about ine'uality, morality, capitalism, and other s'uarely sociological matters. A space for place in sociology is not to be found in a sociology of place, ith its o n ASA section and specialty $ournal. +ather, it ill come from sociological studies of anything and everything that are informed by a sense of place??as ith /hilderley 0 hich as chosen as e9emplar not because the village evo%es nostalgia or tradition but because it is one of many sites here battles over the authenticity and even e9istence of "the local" are aged4. (o do geographic locations, material forms, and the cultural con$urings of them intersect ith social practices and structures, norms and values, po er and ine'uality, difference and distinction) There are t o ays to ans er this 'uestion& the first is e9plore ho places come into being, the second is to find out hat places accomplish. !n the +eal World, the construction of places and their social achievements or conse'uences are tough to disentangle??so consider it an arbitrary distinction good only for immediate organi#ational ends. E;A/=?DAK!*G The ma%ing of places??identifying, designating, designing, building, using, interpreting, remembering??has been e9amined in three sociological literatures, only sometimes brought together& upstream forces that drive the creation of place ith po er and ealthG professional practices of place?e9pertsG perceptions and attributions by ordinary people ho e9perience places 0and act on those understandings4. Eo ers Aehind Elaces Dost research has been done on ho urban places come to loo% the ay that they do, ith less on the po ers shaping rural areas 0on rusticity& /hing @ /reed 1225, /lo%e @ ;ittle 1225, Summers 12C64, small to ns 0(ummon 12284, individual buildings and lightly built landscapes 0Aant$es 12254. An enduring debate over factors driving the location and built form of cities pits urban ecologists vs. political economists 0Feagin 122C, Flanagan 1223, Frisbie @ Kasarda 12CC, Gottdeiner 122B, Gottdeiner @ Feagin 12CC, (ughes 1223, Walton 12234. .rban ecologists see cities as the result of a survival of the fittest, shaped by competitions for efficient locations among individuals and corporate actors of diverse means and po ers to control the physical terrain in a self?interested ay. "*atural" processes of competition and mobility lead to segregated niches of homogeneous activities or demographic characteristics. The spatial arrangement of these natural areas??central business district, residential, manufacturing, areho uses??have been described as a set of concentric #ones, sectors that slice through the concentric #ones and as a spatially distributed multiplicity of nuclei or centers 0revie ed in Wilson 12CB4. Dore recent ecological perspectives 0(a ley 12C64 have e9plored patterns of ethnic segregation, changing population densities, decentrali#ation and suburbani#ation, and sought to identify empirically socioeconomic and ethnic factors that underlie differences among residential niches 0Aerry @ Kasarda 12554. Eolitical economic models of place?ma%ing find nothing "natural" about the architecture of urbanity& cities assume material forms 0and cultural meanings4 congruent ith economic interests and political alignments in a resolutely capitalist orld 0for socialist alternatives& Alau 12224. The natural physical environment, technology, transportation, and the individual choices of self?interested actors are less conse'uential than the pursuit of profit 0through production of goods and services, or??more immediately??investments in land4 and political complicity ith such enlargements of ealth 0;efebvre 12214. /apitalist industrial strategies are unavoidably territorial strategies, as geographic patterns in production and

consumption create places of gro th and decline 0/lar%e 1227, Storper @ Wal%er 12C24. Simultaneous decay in the urban core and spra ling suburbs 0Aaldassare 12274 is traced bac%, for e9ample, to selective capital investments by ban%s and government 0(arvey 12534 or to economic restructuring and the rise of high tech industries 0/astells 12554 that find it more profitable to locate in 0and spa n4 "edge cities" 0Garreau 12214, or to legal structures that set in motion economic competitions among fractured municipal sovereignties 0Frug 12224. Theme par%s represent a double commodification, as the place itself is consumed by tourists as they also consume schloc%& "Sea World is a li%e a mall ith fish" 0-avis 1225&7G on themed places generally& Gottdeiner 1225, Wright @ (utchison 12254. Globali#ation of economic activity 0/o9 1225, Kno9 12234 has not made place unimportant but rather has given rise to ne %inds of places such as the "global city" 0A- King 1226, Kno9 @ Taylor 122F, Sassen 12214 and dependent cities in the "third orld" 0Smith 12264, or total ma%eovers of e9tant places li%e Times S'uare 0+eichl 12224, or massive changes among e9isting cities such as the tilt to ard the American Sunbelt 0Scott 12CC4. A %ind of structural determinism haunts these ecological and political economic models, leading them both to overloo% the play of agency and contingency in place? malting. Detropolitan areas are not shaped by faceless forces of natural succession? and?competition or capitalist logics of accumulation& people and groups organi#ed into coalitions actively accomplish places, and the process is never the same from here to there 0;ogan @ Dolotch 12C54. "Gro th machines" of place?entrepreneurs?? local rentiers, politicians, media, and utilities??pursue ever more intensive land?use so that greater amounts of e9change?value may be e9tracted from commodified property 0+udel 12C24. They sometimes face resistance from community organi#ers more concerned about the use?value of place, ho oppose gro th because of its detrimental conse'uences for neighborhood 'uality of life or environmental health. The struggle bet een those ho produce places for profit and those ho consume it in their daily rounds is played out against a global struggle among places for the here ithal to gro . /ities compete nationally and globally for investors, $obs, spectacles, state? supported places li%e military bases 0(oo%s 122B4, cultural treasures, shoppers and tourists by differentiating themselves from the rest. Artists dra n to ;o er Danhattan by initially cheap digs in lofts soon found themselves in the midst of intense economic development, hich has remade Soho into a tourist?and?shopping destination ith astronomical rents 0Iu%in 12C74. A century?old residential neighborhood in Arussels is transformed 0not ithout opposition4 into an administrative home for the =uropean /ommunity 0Eapadopolous 12264. ,n?the?ground case studies of Atlanta 0+utheiser 12264, Aei$ing 0Sit 122F4, Aerlin 0;add 1225, Strom 12264, -allas 0Fairban%s 122C4, ;os Angeles 0-avis 1228, 122C, -ear et al 1226, (ayden 122F, Keil 122C, Scott @ So$a 12264, (ouston 0Feagin 12CC4, Diami 0/roucher 1225, Eortes @ Stepic% 12234 Dil au%ee 0,rum 122F4, and Dinneapolis?St. Eaul 0,rfield 12254 put human faces on the inners and losers in these layered struggles over place?ma%ing. Elace?Erofessionals From a different perspective, urban gro th machines become clients for professions hose baili ic% is the design of built?places& architects 0Alau 12CB, Arain 12C2, /uff 1221, Gutman 12CC, Sarfatti ;arson 1223, Ieisel 125F4G urban and regional planners 0Aoyer 12C3, /herry 125B, Forester 12C2, Gans 126C, (all 12CC, Eenn 1255, Sandercoc% 122C, Suttles 12284G landscape architects 0Du%er$i 12254G interior designers 0Fehrenbacher?Ieiser 12264G cartographers 0Auisseret 122C, G King 1226, Eic%les 122F, Thro er 12264G surveyors, historic preservationists 0Aarthel 12264G even public relations specialists ith e9pertise in promoting a place 0Gold @ Ward

122B4. -esign?e9perts mediate the relationship bet een political, economic, or mobili#ed po ers and the built?places that they desire. !nterests and agendas of diverse clients are filtered through a profession, a culture, and a "discipline" of design. The design of a place may involve planners, architects, policyma%ers, financial institutions, patrons, regulatory agenci es, potential users, developers, engineers, and variously interested audiences. !t is, at once, the malting of a place and the negotiation, translation, and alignment of political and economic interests, technical s%ills and imperatives, aesthetic $udgments and societal futures 0Stieber 122C4. The finished places that e see, inhabit, visit, and suffer are as much the conse'uence of decisions made by place?professionals as of the ishes of clients upon hom they depend for their livelihood. The practice of architecture 0for e9ample4 situates place?ma%ing ithin a profession that must defend its $urisdiction or mar%et niche 0Arain 12214, legitimate its cultural authority, sociali#e its members, standardi#e its procedures, and re ard its heroes and 0infre'uently& (ughes 12264 heroines. Auildings ta%e shape as individual draftpersons see% promotion to pro$ect architects and then partners, as design firms hustle clients by speciali#ing in a particular building type or by promoting a signature style, and as the profession patrols its porous boundaries from encroachments by engineers, developers, amateurs, and .?design?it soft are. All of these struggles??melded ith emergent constraints from clients> preferences and budget, local building codes, the terrain of the physical site??get materiali#ed in the built?form of a place. For instance, suburban shopping malls 0/ra ford 1227, Gottdeiner 122F, 1225G Iu%in 1221, 122F4 have a certain sameness to them not only because capitalist logic demands that the same retail chains locate in almost every one of them, but also because developers buy architectural plans from a small number of bureaucratically organi#ed firms ho save considerable time and money by hiring draftpersons to cran% out 0routini#ed by computer?assisted design4 an effective and lo ?ris% one?si#e?fits?all mall. This routini#ation, standardi#ation, and rationali#ation of design practice that ma%es architecture firms efficiently profitable and professionally accountable also raises 'uestions about hat it is e9actly that architects provide. Architects survive because there are innumerable ays to translate "function" 0selling goods4 into built "form" 0a mall4. The profession>s mar%etability depends upon convincing clients that architects alone possess the creative s%ills and artistic $udgments necessary for ma%ing this transit from idea or need to place. Architects sell "style," hich?? hen built?in?? becomes the loo% or feel that people associate ith a place. Dost everybody notices at some level that the big?bo9 suburban mall landing li%e a spaceship in a sea of par%ing is not the same as the postmodern confection li%e Aoston>s Juincy Dar%et or Aaltimore>s (arborplace that is conte9tuali#ed into the surrounding urban fabric and decorated ith appropriate historical referents. The stylistic turn from modernism to pos tmodernism K hich has yielded vastly different places 0+ King 1226, ;ey 12C24L is not $ust about changing tastes 0or changing political economies& (arvey 12284G it is also about architects see%ing to convince clients that they have hit upon a better ay to move function to form amidst the changing political economy of urban areas 0=llin 12264. As the failed urban rene al programs of modernism gave ay to gentrifying city neighborhoods 0;ey 12254, postmodern emporiums became right not only for selling but for other social goals such as gro ing community or attracting capital. A Sense of Elace Elaces are endlessly made, not $ust hen the po erful pursue their ambition through bric% and mortar, not $ust hen design professional give form to function, but also hen ordinary people e9tract from continuous and abstract space a bounded,

identified, meaningful, named, and significant place 0de /erteau 12CB, =tlin 12254. A place is remar%able, and hat ma%es it so is an un indable spiral of material form and interpretative understandings or e9periences. Something in the built?form of a place encourages people to distinguish this building or that patch of ground from its overloo%able bac%drop. .rban environments are designed and built in ays that either enhance or prevent their "imageability" and "legibility" 0;ynch 12684. The perceived contrast bet een a place and its surrounding unidentified spaces may be achieved through continuity 0 hen the architectural homogeneity of buildings in a neighborhood lead people to see it as Aeacon (ill or Seaside4, or through uni'ueness 0 hen a landmar% stands out as utterly unli%e any other thing in to n, li%e *e :or%>s flatiron Auilding or the <ietnam <eterans Demorial in Washington4 0Dilgram et al 12574. +esearch on mental 0or cognitive4 mapping??ho individuals identify and locate a place hen as%ed to map it??suggests that places emerge along paths 0linear streets4 or nodes 0transportation transfer points4, and they are bounded by imposing physical edges 0 aterfront, building facades that all an open space4 0-o ns @ Stea 1253, Eeponis et al 12284. When as%ed to describe their apartment, *e :or%ers presented either a map 0giving the location of ad$acent rooms4 or a tour 0moving the respondent through space4 0;inde @ ;abov 125F4. Aut mental maps dra n by naive geographers also measure hat people bring to the material forms they inhabit 0Tuan 125B, 12554. Foremost, perhaps, is pragmatic utility& people identify as places those spots that they go to for some particular purpose or function. The se'uence of places along one>s daily rounds 0home, shopping, employment, entertainment4 is often the core cartographic feature of sub$ective cityscapes?? ith identified districts and landmar%s then grafted on as a means of orientation 0Ered 12284. The egoistic particularity of mapped?out places 0Hameson 12CB&284 suggests that such representations ill vary among individuals in terms of their biographical characteristics and e9periences& research sho s considerable racial and ethnic differences in ho people choose places to put on their maps 0;e is 12264. Also, people recall more easily places that they associate ith momentous events in their lives 0literatures on cognitive mapping, and environmental psychology generally, are revie ed in Kitchi n 122B, Sundstrom et al 12264. A sense of place is not only the ability to locate things on a cognitive map, but also the attribution of meaning to a built?form or natural spot 0+otenberg @ Dc-onogh 1223, Walter 12CC4. Elaces are made as people ascribe 'ualities to the material and social stuff gathered there& ours or theirsG safe or dangerousG public or privateG unfamiliar or %no nG rich or poorG Alac% or WhiteG beautiful or uglyG ne or oldG accessible or not. +an%ings of city neighborhoods in terms of perceived desirability and 'uality of life are %ey variables in "place stratification" models used to e9plain patterns of residential dispersion of racial and ethnic groups in metropolitan areas 0Alba @ ;ogan 1223, Farley et al 122B, (arris 1222, ;indstrom 1225, South @ /ro der 122C4. Advantaged groups 0and individuals4 see% to put distance bet een themselves and the less advantaged. The very idea of "neighborhood" is not inherent in any arrangement of streets and houses, but is rather an ongoing practical and discursive productionMimagin ing of a people. ";ocality" is as much phenomenological as spatial, achieved against the ground of globali#ation or nationali#ation 0Appadurai 1226, Grain 1225, Koptiuch 1225, ;ippard 12254. Deanings that individuals and groups assign to places are more or less embedded in historically contingent and shared cultural understandings of the terrain??sustained by diverse imageries through hich e see and remember cities 0Aoyer 122B4. /ultural

geography 0or metageography4 studies the 0often implicit4 spatial representations and images through hich people arrange their behavior and interpretations of the social orld 0Anderson @ Gale 1227, Aasso 1226, *orton 12C2, Sopher 12534. To shift ground& the familiar seven?continent spatiali#ation of the earth>s prominent land masses has been described as a "myth" 0;e is @ Wigen 12254 that gets reproduced, transmitted, learned, and assumed as fact?but not among all peoples at all times, and ith heavy ideological freight. !s *orth America a "place," or Africa) /onventional demarcations among continents are not based on any consistently applied decision? rule& =urope and Asia are not completely divided by aterG not all islands are continents?Dadagascar isn>t. Doreover, the homogeneities implied by gathering up social practices, demographic distributions, cultural beliefs, built?environments, and physical topography onto one continent are belied by obvious internal differentiation 0 hat else does subSaharan Africa share ith Dediterranean Africa??or De9ico ith /anada and the .nited States??apart from sitting on the same continental land mass)4 These culturally reproduced images of places are thus arbitrary but real in their conse'uences??for hat people do to the land, as they ma%e 0or destroy4 places. *omadic hunting and gathering lifestyles of *ative Americans in *e =ngland did much less to reduce the diversity of flora and fauna of this place than the agricultural lifestyles of the colonists ho carved up the land into parcels of privately o ned property 0/ronon 12C34. *avaho beliefs that Ari#ona>s Alac% Desa is a sacred place did not prevent the Eeabody /oal /ompany from strip mining it for coal starting in 1258 0Kelley @ Francis 122B4. Whether *ative American understandings of places are consistently in tune ith ecologically sound noninvasive practices is a matter of dispute 0Krech 1222, Stea @ Turan 12234. So much is at sta%e in these diverse images and e9periences of a place, and it becomes a sociological truism to say that such symbolic constructions ill be forever precarious and contested 0Gris old 1227, (iss 1228, ;aclau 12284. The Aa stille, for e9ample, started out as a profane place, and became by turn, a sacred place, a liminal place, and finally a mundane place 0Smith 12224. W(AT E;A/= -,=S !f place matters for social life and historical change??ho ) Scattered literatures suggest that place& stabili#es and gives durability to social structural categories, differences and hierarchiesG arranges patterns of face?to?face interaction that constitute net or%?formation and collective actionG embodies and secures other ise intangible cultural norms, identities, memories??and values li%e the American -ream 0Whita%er 12264. These conse'uences result uni'uely 0but incompletely4 from material forms assembled at a particular spot, in part via the meanings that people invest in a place. =mplacing -ifference and (ierarchy Fundamental social classifications ta%e on an imposing and constraining force as they are built in to everyday material places. The %inship structure of simple societies is secured as it is spatiali#ed in the geographic arrangement of villages and d ellings 0-ur%heim @ Dauss 12634, and the interior allocation of spaces in the Kabyle house corresponds to basic dichotomies in the Aerber cosmogony& maleMfemale, etMdry, highMlo , lightMdar% 0Aourdieu 12284. This structuralist tradition says little about agency and choice in the planning of places 0Eearson @ +ichards 12254. !nstead, see%ing theoretical escape from artificial oppositions of the ob$ective and sub$ective, Aourdieu suggests that the architectural and geographic form of places is generated 0self?reproduced4 by not?fully?conscious?or?strategic practices and symbolic logics

that are 0at the same time4 embodied in and structured by the resulting material arrangements of buildings. Elace sustains difference and hierarchy both by routini#ing daily rounds in ays that e9clude and segregate categories of people, and by embodying in visible and tangible ays the cultural meanings variously ascribed to them. The spatial division of labor bet een home and or% has profound conse'uences for omen>s identities and opportunities 0Ahrent#en 1227, (ayden 12C1, (ayden 12CB, *ippert?=ng 122F, Wright 12C14. What it is to be female is constructed in part through ideali#ed 'ualities 0domestic security, family stability4 ascribed to the home 0Aen$amin 122F, /ieraad 12224?? hich has been traditionally 0and for many is still4 a oman>s place 0Dassey 122B4. Gendered segregations via the geography and architecture of built?places contribute to the subordination and spatiali#ed social control of omen, either by denying access to %no ledge and activities crucial for the reproduction of po er and privilege or by limiting mobility more generally ithin places defined as unsafe, physically threatening, or inap propriate 0Dc-o ell 1222, Spain 1227, Weisman 1227, Wilson 1227G in Africa& Doore 12C6, Erussin 122F4. +acial, ethnic, and class segregations are achieved via restrictive land?use #oning that re'uires homes to be of a certain si#e or value, especially in suburbs 0-eSena 1228, (aar 1226, Kirp et al 122F, Wilson 122C4. /lass differences and hierarchies are reproduced through segregated class?specific localities of residence and consumption, geographic patterns of relocation that differentially affect labor and capital, and place?shaped capacities for or%ing?class mobili#ation or e9pression 0Thrift @ Williams 12C54. Still, at the same time that ethnic enclaves segregate, they also provide conditions of ethnic solidarity, community, and economic advance 0Ihou 12274. Elaces reflect and reinforce hierarchy by e9tending or denying life?chances to groups located in salutary or detrimental spots. Dost of the literature on ethnic enclaves has focussed on segregated urban neighborhoods hose physical, social, and cultural deterioration 0 hether due to the e9odus of middle?class minorities or to racist real estate practices4 has made it difficult for residents to better their conditions 0Dassey @ -enton 1223, ,liver @ Shapiro 122F, Wilson 12264. (o ever, the point may be generali#able& being in the rong place at the rong time imposes costs on ethnic minority populations, as /lar% 0122C4 has sho n for several =uropean minorities in the seventeenth century. The fate of these groups as a contingent matter of place& those located in regions strategically in bet een t o international po ers at ar suffered greater persecution and violence. The situation is not all that different for long?time residents of supposedly declining urban neighborhoods, ho are compelled by gentrificati on to relocate else here hen they are given offers that they cannot refuse 0Iu%in 12C54. Eo er?<essels and Strongholds Elaces have po er sui generis, all apart from po erful people or organi#ations ho occupy them& the capacity to dominate and control people or things comes through the geographic location, built?form, and symbolic meanings of a place. The array of building?types is, on this score, also a catalog of ho places differently become terrains of po ers 0Dar%us 12234. Spatiali#ations of normalMpathological, often accompanied by architectures of enclosure, display, segregation, surveillance, and classification, give an impersonal and autonomous po er over docile sub$ects to hospitals, prisons, asylums, schools??the Eanopticon 0Foucault 12524. Eo erspots vary in form and function& the co?location of e9clusive clubs and corporate head'uarters create local and comfortable places here interloc%ing directorates can

assemble informally and plot moves 0-avis @ Greve 1225, Kono et al 122C4. The "command of heights" has strategic advantage in ground arfare& places of high ground afford a ider vie of adversaries> maneuvers , inhibit their uphill attac%, and facilitate construction of po erful defensive strongholds 0/lause it# 12564. The aesthetici#ation of politics means that Dussolini>s fascist po er is inscribed even on the se er plates of +ome 0Falasca?Iamponi 1225&2 C4. Still, the hold of a place on po er is never permanent or absolute& as mar%ets and capital go global, rusted steel mills and ghostly impoverished to ns stay behind 0Eappas 12C2, Iu%in 12214. -omination over nature is housed in buildings that become??for this reason??places of social po er too. Scientific laboratories are places here ild creatures are tamed, enculturated by insertion into artificial territorial regimes that create purified and or%able ob$ects of in'uiry 0Knorr /etina 12224. From their domination over nature, laboratories dominate society as they become "obligatory passage points" standing bet een desperate people and their panacea. For e9ample, the vaccine for anthra9 as uni'uely emplaced at Easteur>s Earisian laboratory, hich became a "center of calculation" ith the po er to move a healthier France to ard enlarged and enthusiastic patronage of science 0;atour 12CC4. The po er of laboratories as "truth? spots" depends considerably upon se'uestrations achieved architecturally, alls and doors that e9clude or inhibit people, and pollutants that might challenge or compromise the cognitive authority of e9perimental science 0Galison @ Thompson 1222, Gieryn 122C, Gutman 12C2, Shap in 122C4. The e9ercise of political po er is also intimately connected ith place& geography and built environments organi#e political behavior such as voting or activism 0Sellers 122C4, spaces become the focus of government development policies, and control of territory is one measure of effective state sovereignty 0Agne 12C54. Elace enables po er to travel, to e9tend its reach over people and territory. This can result from standardi#ations of the land itself??gridding the countryside, village, and city in a "high modernist" ay, or even $ust mapping it 0Kain @ Aaigent 12274??that facilitate state control over its people 0(olston 12C2, Erice 122F, +abino 12C2, Scott 122C, Sennett 12584. ,r such po er can merely be displayed in a %ind of architectural chest?thumping& ;ouis N!<>s straight?$ac%eted gardens at <ersailles demonstrated for all to see the capacity of the French state for material domination over the land and, thus, its pro ess to control people 0Du%er$i 12254. !mposing monuments or government buildings e rected all over the colonies e9tended imperial po er, in part by asserting ith "superior" engineering or decor that indigenes simply lac%ed the civili#ation to do the same for themselves 0Anderson 12C3, Detcalf 12C2, <ale 1227, Wright 1221, cf. /arter 12CC, +obinson 12C24. Such po er can also be symboli#ed and reproduced through distinctive building?types or styles??the bungalo in !ndia 0King 122F4??that materiali#e coloni#ation. !n all these cases, the absolute 0po er4 becomes local through its emplacement 0-eleu#e @ Guattari 12C64. These architectural and geographic po er?moves sometimes meet resistance& recent construction of modem and globally typical factories for ma%ing sil% in (ang#hou could not deter or%ers> subversive practices grounded in long?standing traditions 0e.g., commandeering open spots on the shop?floor for long brea%s4 0+ofel 1225G cf. Aaldry 12224. Ero9imity, !nteraction, /ommunity Elaces bring people together in bodily co?presence?but then hat 0Aoden @ Dolotch 122B, Sennett 122B4) Eut crudely, the possibilities are t o??engagement or estrangement 0Sennett 12284??and debates over the conditions ma%ing for one or the

other outcome constitute perhaps the most celebrated and enduring contribution of sociologists to the study of place 0revie ed in /holdin 125C, Fischer 125F4. .rban places have been described as the locus of diversity, tolerance, sophistication, sociation, public participation, cosmopolitanism, integration, speciali#ation, personal net or%?formation 0Fischer 1255, 12C74, coping, fre'uent spontaneous interactions, freedom, creativity??i.e., community 0as a coming together in local collective pro$ects re'uiring civil negotiations of differences that are inevitable4 0:oung 12284. Aut urban places have also been described as the locus of anonymity, detachment, loneliness, calculating egoism, privati#ation, formali#ed social controls, segregations, individualism, ithdra al, det achment, parochialism, disconnections, isolation, fear, seclusion, mental illness 0(alpern 122F4??i.e., the last place on earth one ould e9pect to find community. Whether or not community results from the gathering up of people into pro9imate face?to?face interactions depends?sociologists routinely say?on their number, their differentiations along lines of class, race, ethnicity, taste or lifestyle, and the cultural beliefs they share 0Wellman 12524. Aut is there a "place effect" as ell, in hich the tight coupling of geography, built?form, and sub$ective topological understanding mediates the effects of si#e, demographic patterns, and values on the possibility or achievement of community) =nough studies suggest that the design and serial construction of places is at the same time the e9ecution of community 0in one or the other sense of that ord4 0(ummon 1228, Kunstler 1226, Suttles 12574. =ngagement can be built?in. At the scale of individual buildings, Allen 012554 found that the rate of innovation in high?tech +@- organi#ations could be enhanced by designing facilities to ma9imi#e chance interactions 0e.g., by forcing everybody to use the same stair ell, open and inviting enough to encouraging lingering tal%4. !n the same ay, the built?form of cities may help to e9plain outbrea%s of cultural effervescence and creativity 0(anner# 12274. ,rdinary neighborhood residents may be brought together in unplanned interactions hen individual d ellings are compactly??built rather than idely dispersed, or hen front porches and stoops permit seamless moves from home to a pedestrian?friendly street 0Festinger et al 12F8, cf. ;ogan @ Spit#e 122B4. Eresence of perceivedly public places such as par%s, pla#as 0Doore 12264, s'uares, libraries, agora??o ned by no one 0legally or informally4, inviting and accessible to all??fosters mingling of diverse people ho don>t already %no each other and provides a s etting for spectacles and communal celebrations 0/an et al 1227, ;ofland 122C, +o e 1225, Sar%is 12254. !f those public places are designed effectively??providing comfortable places to sit, movable chairs, ater, street food, maybe something erotic 0:oung 12284??more people ill be dra n to them 0Whyte 12C84. ,r perhaps the places most conducive to community are not "designed" at all. 0/lime 12254, but are disordered??and lose much hen they are purified 0Hacobs 1261, Sennett 12584. Elaces li%e neighborhood bars, restaurants 0Ferguson 122C4, corner stores, churches, and clubs provides spots for informal engagements and organi#ational meetings, often among people ho already %no each other 0,ldenburg 12C24. Giving residents a sta%e in the process of place? ma%ing??"*e .rbanist" planners involve residents in "charrettes," here strategic design decisions are made collectively??leads to greater civic interest and participation in subse'uent public policy deliberations 0Arain 1225, Arain 122C, Dac/annell 12224. So, too, can estrangement be built?in. +esidential development that spra ls further and further a ay from city centers creates the need for mobile pods of seclusion if they are connectable only by private car traveling at high speeds 0de Aoer 12C6,

Sor%in 12224. /onversion of once public places into private or semipublic ones?? shopping malls replace Dain Street and the to n s'uare 0consider hat Aen$amin said of =uropean urban arcades from a century ago& "At the e9it ...! breathe more easilyG the street, freedom, the presentO" Auc%?Dorss 12C2&3C4, ne neighborhoods are gated 0Ala%ely @ Snyder 12254, the grid of residential streets is selectively closed off?? restrict the range and diversity of people ith hom one is li%ely to interact on daily rounds 0;ofland 122C4. The borders among ethnic 0or class4 enclaves in the urban mosaic often become impassable 0Dassey 12CF, :oung 1228G but see Sigelman et al 12264. The spatial speciali#ation of function??magnet places li%e stores, or%places, office par%s, or civic centers are distanced from residential neighborhoods, hich are then differentiated by the property values of their homes??further segregates deni#ens along lines of race, class, ethnicity, age, and gender 0;ofland 12534. These patterns are inspired by narrations of place that in effect legitimate the resulting homogeneous enclaves?for e9ample, hen suburbs are envisaged through imageries of romantic pastoralism or uni'ue historical heritages 0Aridger 1226, -orst 12C24, and thus as escapes from the ris%s, pollutions, and undesirables simultaneously planted in The /ity. When "community" does arise inside such enclaves?? ealthy >burb or gentrifying neighborhood??it tends to be defensive, e9clusionary, and protectionist 0Frug 12224, and or%s against a more inclusive public sphere. Elaces Spa n /ollective Action Gould>s rich studies of Earisian insurrections in 1CBC and 1C58??1C51 epitomi#e a place?sensitive perspective on collective behavior 0Gould 122F4. (aussmann>s rebuilding of central Earis bet een these t o uprisings changed the identity?contours along hich protest as organi#ed. !n 1CBC, most or%ers ere residentially clustered by trade or craft in neighborhoods replete ith cabarets and cafes here they mobili#ed and schemed& net or%s forged in the or%place and reinforced in neighborhood centers of sociability organi#ed insurgency along class lines. Ay 1C58, (aussmann>s boulevards had fractured some of these neighborhoods and, more importantly, pushed many or%ers out to peripheral areas $ust anne9ed as part of Earis. !n these outlying areas, or%ers from different trades along ith others from different classes formed a ne collective identity based on the neighborhood itself& they ere dra n to local public meetings, here they organi#ed their neighbors into active resistance against the French state. *e ighborhood ties became the via media of recruitment and mobili#ation for the Earis /ommune. !n the t entieth century, the "red belt" of Earis moved even further out into suburbs such as Aobigny, here the combination of radical politics and neighborhood attachments is sustained 0Stovall 12284. Elace as e'ually conse'uential in the 12C2 Aei$ing student revolt. The fine structure of campus architecture and of surrounding streets shaped patterns of mobili#ation. (ere, the built environment as not a source of collective identity but rather structured the spatial distribution and flo of activists 0Ihao 122C4. /ommunity organi#ation of racial groups in ;os Angeles as affected by the spatial patterns of "tertiary" residential streets 0Grannis 122C4. !n the case of S edish trade unionists bet een 1C28 and 12B8, spatial pro9imity in itself inspired collective activism 0(edstrom 122B4. ,n different occasions, place provided a site here numbers of participants could and ould gather??;eip#ig>s Karl Dar9 Elat# for =ast German protests in 12C2 0,pp @ Gern 12234, Groveland /hurch for political rallies in a /hicago African?American community 0Eattillo?Dc/oy 122C4. Elace can become the ob$ect of collective action, as in *!DA: Knot in my bac%yardL movements 0*orton @ (annon 12254 or protests grounded in charges of

environmental racism 0Aullard 12284. Saving , ens <alley from thirsty ;os Angeles 0Walton 1227G for Ari#ona& =speland 122C4, saving "Alac% /orona" 0a neighborhood in Jueens, *e :or%4 from an intrusive elevated train line 0Gregory 122C4, saving the /edar?+iverside neighborhood in Dinneapolis from urban rene al 0Stoec%er 122B4, and saving Danhattan>s ;o er =ast Side from gentrification 0Abu?;ughod 122B4 became rallying cries for protest movements. ,ther studies call attention to the locations of places, in geographic space, as factors in collective action. !n the seventeenth?century ,ttoman =mpire, villages that ere neither too close to the center of political po er nor too isolated ere more prone to peasant uprisings 0Aar%ey @ <an +ossem 12254. !n eighteenth century =ngland, political autonomy and solidarity??leading eventually to emerging rights of citi#enship?? ere more common in pastoral areas than in arable lands more tightly controlled by ruling elites 0Somers 1223, cf. Arustein @ ;evi 12C54. And, in a 'uite different ay, place affects media coverage of collective action& public events are more li%ely to receive coverage if they occur on the customary beat of reporters 0,liver @ Dyers 12224. !f places spa n collective action, so too can they become its contraceptive. As public spaces in cities are privati#ed, stigmati#ed, avoided or destroyed, the effect is chilling on the possibility of mobili#ation and public protest. Streets and side al%s, s'uares and mar%ets, increasingly give ay to ped ays and s%y ays, malls and arenas that are constructed ith material 0loc%s4, legal 0armed guards and surveillance cameras4, and semiotic 0informal codes that announce appropriate users and uses4 devices that discourage public displays of political activism 0Aoddy 1227, -avis 1228, Winner 12274. !n a very different ay, identities grounded in attachment to local communities or neighborhoods can inhibit an individual>s commitment to collective action??as Aearman 012214 found for deserters from the /onfederate Army ho stopped thin%ing about themselves as generic Southerners. *ormative ;andscapes 0+esistance, Transgression, /ontrol4 Elace is imbricated in moral $udgments and deviant practices as ell. /onduct appropriate bac%stage is often not permissible out front 0Goffman 12F24. Tags of graffiti artists violate legal norms hen sprayed on the sides of sub ay cars or public alls, but they become legitimate art hen moved inside a gallery or museum 0;achmann 12CC4. ,penly gay behavior may be e9pected and approved in /astro <alley, San Francisco 0/astells 12C3G for Stoc%holm, D Graham 122CG for lesbians in *orthhampton, Dassachusetts, Forsyth 12254, but not 0it seems4 in rural Wyoming. Whether a or%ers> stri%e is legal or not, and ho police respond to it, depends much on its geography 0Alomley 122B4. /onstructions of behavior, appearances, or even people as deviant depend upon here they happen??but as these three e9amples illustrate, to engage in "out of place" practices is also a form of resistance 0de /erteau 12CB, Eile @ Keith 12254 against forces imposing a territoriali#ed normative order 0/ress ell 12264. Still, $ust as place is caught up in definitions of deviance, so deviance on occasion defines place& sites of mass murders, terrorist violence, atrocities, or natural tragedies are variously memoriali#ed, erased, sanctified, stigmati#ed, or merely rectified 0Foote 1225, Gregory @ ;e is 12CC4. Elace also plays a role in shaping rates of behavior generally considered deviant or criminal no matter here they occur. =nvironmental criminologists suggest that the geographic location of various social activities and the architectural arrangements of spaces and building can promote or retard crime rates??mainly crime against property 0Arantingham @ Arantingham 12284. /ity bloc%s ith bars or public schools have higher rates of burglaries than else here, and a study in <ancouver found that the

number of streets leading in to a bloc% as directly proportional to the rate of property crime??convenient access and egress seems to enable some forms of street crime 0Felson 122B4. ;i%e ise, property crime rates may be lo ered if places are designed to avoid large unassigned public spaces 0 ith nobody interested enough to atch over them4, to separate schools from shopping malls, to remove alls and shrubbery that ma%e good hiding places 0Heffery 1251G on "defended neighborhoods&" -e Sena 1228, Green et al 122C4. ,n some occasions, places are designed and constructed e9plicitly to clean up vice and other disorderly practices??as as the case ith George Eullman>s model village in /hicago, hich nevertheless failed to avert the destructive stri%e of 1C2B 0Auder 1265, Smith 122F, cf. ;ittmann 122CG on company to ns& /ra ford 122FG on model villages and planned communities& Auder 12284. -ebate rages on over hether environmental factors affect crime rates net of other social, demographic, or economic variables 0Air%bec% @ ;aFree 1223, =%blom 122F, Dc/arthy @ (agan 12274. !nterestingly, ho ever, places perceived by people as dangerous often do not match up ith the geographic distribution of crime& in an ethnically mi9ed urban neighborhood, residents typically defined narro and closed? off streets as more dangerous than open and busy spaces, even though only one 'uarter of the neighborhood>s robberies happened there 0Derry 12C14. Aut even perception of one>s neighborhood as dangerous increases the fre'uency of symptoms o f depression, an9iety, oppositional defiant disorder among adolescents 0Aneshensel @ Sucoff 12264. Social control is also territoriali#ed, in both its formal and informal guises. Eolice s'uad cars in ;os Angeles maintain order in part by patrolling boundaries and restricting access??they use place as a means to decide ho and hat properly belongs here 0(erbert 12254. The same tactics are used by gang members see%ing to establish and control their turf 0<en%atesh 1225, White 12284. Eublic places provide the circumstances for the most degrading forms of informal social control& on?the? street harassment of omen or racial minorities is surely one ay to %eep disadvantaged groups in their place 0-uneier @ Dolotch 1222, Feagin 1221, Gardner 122F4. ,ffices have become open, facilitating surveillance and bureaucratic control 0(atch 12284. What <en%atesh rites of gangs and their territories holds as ell for formal policing, public harassment, and crime generally& ",n the one hand, the formal 'ualities of a built environment e9ert a po erful effect on individuals by shaping the possibilities for their behavior s. ,n the other hand, individuals produce their space by investing their surroundings ith 'ualitative attributes and specified meanings" 01225&284. Elace Attachment& !dentity, Demory, ;oss The formation of emotional, sentimental bonds bet een people and a place brings together 0in yet another ay4 the material formations on a geographic site and the meanings e invest in them 0Altman @ ;o 1227, Gupta @ Ferguson 12254. Elace attachments result from accumulated biographical e9periences& e associate places ith the fulfilling, terrifying, traumatic, triumphant, secret events that happened to us personally there. The longer people have lived in a place, the more rooted they feel, and the greater their attachment to it 0=lder et al 1226, (erring et al 12254. ,ther research sho s that place attachment results from interactive and culturally shared processes of endo ing rooms or buildings or neighborhoods ith an emotional meaning. The good times shared by friends at a university coffee shop 0Dilligan 122C4 or a /hicago cafeteria 0-uneier 12274 formed the basis for tight bonds of group affiliation??then disrupted hen the special place as shut do n. Generally, involvement in local public activities 0shopping, politics4 increases attachment to

one>s neighborhood??i.e., community sentiment 0/uba @ (ummon 1223, (ummon 12274. Aut the attachment to places also depends some on the geography and architecture of the places themselves. +esidents of neighborhoods near prominent landmar%s, or ith easily defined edges, or ith better 'uality housing stoc%, are more li%ely to have stronger emotional bonds to here they live. Aecause of these %inds of attachments, sociologists should perhaps add place to race, class, and gender as a ellspring of identity, dra n upon to decide $ust ho e are in an al ays unsettled ay 0Keith @ Eile 12234. Elace attachment facilitates a sense of security and ell?being, defines group boundaries, and stabili#es memories 0(alb achs 12C84 against the passage of time 0generally& ;ogan @ Dolotch 12C5G among children& /ha la 1227, Darcus 1227G among the elderly& +eed et al 1225, +ubinstein @ Earmelee 12274. Eerhaps for this reason, mnemonic places 0Ierubavel 12254 are specifically designed and constructed to evo%e memories, trigger identities, and embody histories. *ational monuments commemorating ars or centennials or atrocities 0Aarber 1257, Sarfatti ;arson 1225, Spillman 1225, Wagner?Eacifici @ Sch art# 12214 inspire patriotism, at least in theory 0on place and contested national identities& Aorneman 1225, Gupta 1225, Ielins%y 12CC4, $ust as sacred places become the destination of pilgrimages because of their mythic or symbolic connection to the transcendent 0Aarrie 1226, Friedlander @ Seligman 122B, (echt 122B4. !n these cases, built places give material form to the ineffable or invisible, providing a durable l egible architectural aide?memoire 0on national identities& /erulo 122F, +adcliffe @ West ood 12264. They might also be home to ghosts 0Aell 12254 and??as ith cemeteries 0Sloane 12214?? e go to such places to visit those ho are no longer. The loss of place, it follo s, must have devastating implications for individual and collective identity, memory, and history??and for psychological ell?being 0Fulliove 12264. To be ithout a place of one>s o n??persona non locata??is to be almost non? e9istent, as studies of the homeless imply 0-ordic% 1225, +ossi 12C2, Sno @ Anderson 1223, Wolch @ -ear 1223, Wright 12254. Among the problems of those discharged from total institutions 0mental hospitals, prisons4 is the difficulty of reattaching to a place??finding a home, a neighborhood, a community, often amid local opposition to the deinstitutionali#ed 0-ear @ Wolch 12C5, Taylor 12C24. =ffects of displacement vary 0Aro n @ Eer%ins 12274 depending upon hether the dislocation is forced, as in natural disasters 0=ri%son 12654, urban rene al 0Gans 12674 and political e9ile 0Aisharat 1225, Dal%%i 122F, Eortes @ Stepic% 12234G or voluntary, as in $ob relocations and tourism 0Dac/annell 12564??and on hether the displacement is temporary or permanent 0on migra nt or%ers& Ditchell 1226G on immigrant ethnic communities& Kasinit# 12274. The immense literature on diasporas calls attention to ideali#ations of homelands that 0sometimes4 never ere, as part of the affirmation of ethnic or tribal solidarity and continuity 0Appadurai 1226, /ohen 1225, *aficy 1222, Safran 1221, Sorenson 12274. ,ne can be displaced even ithout going any here& victims of residential burglaries report 0for some time thereafter4 a violation of their personal space and a loss of security 0Aro n @ Eer%ins 12274, and the same loss of meaning is reported by those hose sacred places are desecrated 0de /erteau 12CB4, by *ative Americans hose homelands have been made invisible 0Alu 12264 and by people in regions of the .nited States chronically marginali#ed, e9ploited, forgotten, and unforgettable li%e West <irginia coal country 0Ste art 12264. /,*/;.S!,*

+evie articles typically end by loo%ing ahead to 'uestions and problems most in need of research tomorro . This is impossible, mainly because the boo%s and articles revie ed here as e9emplifying a place?sensitive sociology do not add up to a neat propositional inventory of empirical findings about the social causes and effects of place. !t is difficult to spot the most vitally overloo%ed gaps hen the domain of study is as unbounded as the one discussed here??place matters for politics and identity, history and futures, ine'uality and community. !s there anything sociological not touched by place) Erobably not. An alternative conclusion came to mind hile spending a ee% in Daastricht, (olland, here ! had been invited to give a series of lectures. !t is a place not e9actly li%e the place here ! had earlier gathered up and studied the boo%s and articles needed for hat ! have ritten so far. The difficulties in imagining $ust hat a place? sensitive sociology might become ne9t ere obvious as ! struggled to see ho Daastricht differed from Aloomington, !ndiana, or ho they might be ali%e??and hy those differences or similarities might matter for the thin%ing ! as doing. As a sociologist, it as easy for me to start demographically& ho many people lived in each place, and ho are the t o populations differentiated by age, race, gender, occupation, S=S, religion, ethnicity) ! could $ust as easily put into ords historical tidbits about them& the treaty to create a =uropean .nion as signed at Daastricht in 1227, (oagy /armicheal composed "Stardust" at the Aoo% *oo% on Aloomington>s !ndiana Avenue in 1272. And it as no s eat to theori#e Daastricht and Aloomington as instances of global capitalism or urban spra l or liberal democratic regimes or to n?go n relations. Still, neither numbers nor ords nor abstract concepts seemed sufficient to capture the sociologically significant characteristics of Daastricht and Aloomington as places. Daybe a place?sensitive sociology is not a set of empirical findings at all or even a distinctive %ind of e9planatory model, but rather a ay to do sociology in a different %ey??a visual %ey. ! al%ed do n this street in Daastricht a do#en times and forced myself to onder ho ! %ne that ! as not bac% in Aloomington. Surely ! could measure the idth of the lane bet een buildings 0noting that no street in !ndiana is that narro 4, or tell a story about the absence of front la ns, or theori#e medieval vs. t entieth?century architectural styles. Aut so much is lost in this translation of street scene to measurement or narration or abstraction. What ! lac%ed ere tools to analy#e place in its given t o and three dimensions. ! am a victim, perhaps, of trained incompetence in a discipline that cultivates statistics and ords as means to grasp the social. Sociologists could become more adept ith maps, floor plans, photographic images, bric%s and mortar, landscapes and cityscapes, so that interpreting a street or forest becomes as routine and as informative as computing a chi?s'uare. That visuali#ing 0! thin%4 is the ne9t step. A/K*,W;=-GD=*TS For helpful readings of earlier drafts, ! than% /lem Aroo%s, ;aurel /ornell, +oger Friedland, Dar% Gottdeiner, =ric Graig, /hristopher (en%e, Steven K. (erbert, Hason Himerson, Dagali Sarfatti ;arson, Hohn +. ;ogan, (arvey Dolotch, Dartin Durray, Susan (. +osch%e, Sas%ia Sassen, Sheldon Stry%er, !ndermohan <ir% and Sharon Iu%in. ;!T=+AT.+= /!T=Abu?;ughod H. 126C. The city is dead?;ong live the city. !n .rbanism in World Eerspective, ed. SF Fava, pp. 1FB?6F. *e :or%& /ro ell.

Abu?;ughod H, ed. 122B. From .rban <illage to =ast <illage& The Aattle for *e :or%>s ;o er =ast Side. /ambridge, DA& Alac% ell. Agne HA. 12C5. Elace and Eolitics& The Geographical Dediation of State and Society. Aoston& Allen @ .n in Agne HA. 12C2. The devaluation of place in social science. !n The Eo er of Elace& Aringing Together Geographical and Sociological !maginations, ed. HA Agne , HS -uncan, pp. 2?72. Aoston& .n in (yman Agne HA, -uncan HS. 12C2. The Eo er of Elace& Aringing Together Geographical and Sociological !maginations. Aoston& .n in (yman Alba +-, ;ogan H+. 1223. Dinority pro9imity to hites in suburbs& An individual? level analysis of segregation. Am. H. Sociol. 2C&13CC?1B75 Allen T. 1255. Danaging the Flo of Technology. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress Altman !, ;o SD, eds. 1227. Elace Attachment. *e :or%& Elenum Anderson A. 12C3. !magined /ommunities. ;ondon& <erso Anderson K, Gale F, eds. 1227. !nventing Elaces& Studies in /ultural Geography. *e :or%& Wiley Aneshensel /S, Sucoff /A. 1226. The neighborhood conte9t of adolescent mental health. H. (ealth Soc. Aehav. 35&723?318 Appadurai A. 1226. Dodernity at ;arge& /ultural -imensions of Globali#ation. Dinneapolis& .niv. Dinn. Eress Ahrent#en SA. 1227. (ome as a or%place in the lives of omen. See Altman @ ;o 1227, pp. 113?35 Aaldassare D. 1227. Suburban communities. Annu. +ev. Sociol. 1C&B5F?2B Aaldry /. 1222. Space??The final frontier. Sociology 33&F3F?F3 Aant$es +. 1225. Aenthamism in the countryside& the architecture of rural space, 1288?1238. H. (ist. Sociol. 18&7B2?62 Aarber A. 1257. Elace, symbol and the utilitarian function in ar memorials. !n Eeople and Auildings, ed. + Gutman, pp. 375?3B. *e :or%& Aasic Aar%ey K, <an +ossem +. 1225. *et or%s of contention& <illages and regional structure in the seventeenth?century ,ttoman =mpire. Am. H. Sociol. 187&13BF?C7 Aarrie T. 1226. Spiritual Eath, Sacred Elace& Dyth, +itual and Deaning in Architecture. Aoston& Shambhala Aarthel -. 1226. (istoric Ereservation& /ollective Demory and (istorical !dentity. *e Aruns ic%, *H& +utgers .niv. Eress Aasso K(. 1226. Wisdom Sits in Elaces& ;andscape and ;anguage Among the Western Apache. Albu'uer'ue& .niv. *e De9ico Eress Aearman ES. 1221. -esertion as localism& Army unit solidarity and group norms in the ..S. /ivil War. Soc. Forc. 58&371?B7 Aell DD. 122B. /hilderly& *ature and Dorality in a /ountry <illage. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress. Aell DD. 1225. The ghosts of place. Theory Soc. 76&C13?36 Aen$amin -*, ed. 122F. The (ome& Words, !nterpretations, Deanings, and =nvironments. Aldershot& Avebury Aergesen A, (arman D. 122C. !mmigration, race and riot& The 1227 ;os Angeles uprising. Am. Sociol. +ev. 63&32?FB Ai$%er W=, (ughes TE, Einch T, eds. 12C5. The Social /onstruction of Technological Systems. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress Air%bec% /, ;aFree G. 1223. The situational analysis of crime and deviance. Annu. +ev. Sociol. 12&113?35

Aisharat G=. 1225. =9ile to compatriot& transformations in the social identity of Ealestinian refugees in the West Aan%. See Gupta @ Ferguson 1225a, pp. 783?33 Alau =. 1222. The Architecture of +ed <ienna 1212?123B. /ambridge& D!T Eress Alau H+. 12CB. Architects and Firms& A Sociological Eerspective on Architectural Eractice. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress Ala%ely =H, Snyder DG. 1225. Fortress America& Gated /ommunities in the .nited States. Washington, -/& Aroo%ings !nst. Alomley *K. 122B. ;a , Space, and the Geographies of Eo er. *e :or%& Guilford Alu K. 1226. "Where do you stay at)"& (omeplace and community among the ;umbee. !n Senses of Elace, ed. S Feld, K( Aasso, pp. 125?775. Sante Fe& Sch. Am. +es. Eress Aoden -, Dolotch (;. 122B. The compulsion of pro9imity. !n *o Where& Space, Time and Dodernity, ed. + Friedland, - Aoden, 7F5?C6. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress Aoddy T. 1227. .nderground and overhead& Auilding the analogous city. !n <ariations on a Theme Ear%& The *e American Theme Ear% and the =nd of Eublic Space, ed. D Sor%in, 173?F3. *e :or%& (ill @ Wang. Aorneman H. 1225. State, territory and national identity formation in the t o Aerlins, 12BF?122F. See Gupta @ Ferguson 1225, pp. 23?115 Aourdieu E. 1228. The ;ogic of Eractice. Stanford, /A& Stanford .niv. Eress. Aoyer D/. 12C3. -reaming the +ational /ity& The Dyth of American /ity Elanning. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress Aoyer D/. 122B. The /ity of /ollective Demory& !ts (istorical !magery and Architectural =ntertainments. /ambridge& D!T Eress Aoyer D/. 1226. /yber/ities. Erinceton, *H& Erinceton Architectural Eress Arain -. 12C2. -iscipline and style& the =cole des Aeau9?Arts and the social production of an American architecture. Theory Soc. 1C&C85?6C Arain -. 1221. Eractical %no ledge and occupational control& the professionali#ation of architecture in the .nited States. Sociol. Forum 6&732?6C Arain -. 1225. From public housing to private communities& the discipline of design and the materiali#ation of the publicMprivate distinction in the built environment. !n Eublic and Erivate in Thought and Eractice, ed. H Weintraub, K Kumar, pp. 735?65. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress. Arain -. 122C. The >*e .rbanism> as a ay of life& *eotraditional design, technologies of place, and the architecture of community. Eres. Annu. Deet. Am. Sociol. Assoc., 23rd, San Francisco Arantingham EH, Arantingham E;, eds. 1228. =nvironmental /riminology. Erospect (eights, !;& Waveland. Aridger H/. 1226. /ommunity imagery and the built environment. Sociol. J. 3&3F3?5B Aro n AA, Eer%ins --. 1227. -isruptions in place attachment. See Altman @ ;o 1227, pp. 752?38B Arustein W, ;evi D. 12C5. The geography of rebellion& rulers, rebels and regions, 1F88 to 1588. Theory Soc. 16&B65?2F Auc%?Dorss S. 12C2. The -ialectics of Seeing& Walter Aen$amin and the Arcades Ero$ect. /ambridge& D!T Eress Auder S. 1265. Eullman& An =9periment in Social ,rder and /ommunity Elanning, 1CC8?? 1238. *e :or%& ,9ford .niv. Eress Auder S. 1228. <isionaries and Elanners& The Garden /ity Dovement and the Dodern /ommunity. *e :or%& ,9ford .niv. Eress Auisseret -, ed. 122C. =nvisioning the /ity. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress

Aullard +-. 1228. -umping in -i9ie& +ace, /lass and =nvironmental Juality. Aoulder, /,& Westvie . /arr S, Francis D, +ivlin ;G, Stone AD. 1227. Eublic Space. /ambridge& /ambridge .niv. Eress. /arter EA. 12CC. The +oad to Aotany Aay& An =9ploration of ;andscape and (istory. *e :or%& Knopf /asey =S. 1223. Getting Aac% into Elace& To ard a +ene ed .nderstanding of the Elace?World. Aloomington& !ndiana .niv. Eress /asey =S. 1225. The Fate of Elace& A Ehilosophical (istory. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress /astells D. 1255. The .rban Juestion& A Dar9ist Approach. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress /astells D. 12C3. The /ity and the Grassroots. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress /erulo KA. 122F. !dentity -esigns& The Sights and Sounds of a *ation. *e Aruns ic%, *H& +utgers .niv. Eress /ha la ;. 1227. /hildhood place attachments. See Altman @ ;o 1227, pp. 63?C6 /herry G=. 125B. The =volution of Aritish To n Elanning. *e :or%& Wiley /hing A, /reed GW, eds. 1225. Kno ing :our Elace& +ural !dentity and /ultural (ierarchy. *e :or%& +outledge /holdin (D. 125C. .rban density and pathology. Annu. +ev. Sociol. B&21?113 /ieraad !, ed. 1222. At (ome& An Anthropology of -omestic Space. Syracuse, *:& Syracuse .niv. Eress /lar% S. 122C. !nternational competition and the treatment of minorities& seventeenth? century cases and general propositions. Am. H. Sociol. 183&1765?138C /lar%e ;. 1227. Auilding /apitalism& (istorical /hange and the ;abor Erocess in the Eroduction of the Auilt =nvironment. ;ondon& +outledge /lause it# /. 1256. ,n War. Erinceton, *H& Erinceton .niv. Eress /line A. 1225. A (ut of ,ne>s , n& ;ife ,utside the /ircle of Architecture. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress /lo%e E, ;ittle H, eds. 1225. /ontested /ountryside /ultures& ,therness, Darginali#ation, and +urality. ;ondon& +outledge /ohen +. 1225. Global -iasporas& An !ntroduction. Seattle& .niv. Wash. Eress /oleman HS. 1223. The rational reconstruction of society. Am. Sociol. +ev. FC&1?1F /o9 K+, ed. 1225. Spaces of Globali#ation& +easserting the Eo er of the ;ocal. *e :or%& Guilford /rain DD. 1225. The rema%ing of an Andalusian pilgrimage tradition& debates regarding visual 0re4presentation and the meanings of "locality" in a global era. See Gupta @ Ferguson 1225a, pp. 721?311 /ra ford D. 1227. The orld in a shopping mall. !n <ariations on a Theme Ear%& The *e American Theme Ear% and the =nd of Eublic Space, ed. D Sor%in, pp. 3?38. *e :or%& (ill @ Wang /ra ford D. 122F. Auilding the Wor%ingman>s Earadise& The -esign of American /ompany To ns. ;ondon& <erso /ress ell T. 1226. !n ElaceM,ut of Elace& Geography, !deology, and Trangression. Dinneapolis& .niv. Dinnesota Eress. /ronon W. 12C3. /hanges in the ;and& !ndians, /olonists, and the =cology of *e =ngland. *e :or%& (ill @ Wang. /roucher S;. 1225. !magining Diami& =thnic Eolitics in a Eostmodern World. /harlottesville& .niv. Eress of <irginia

/uba ;, (ummon -D. 1223. A place to call home& identification ith d elling, community, and region. Sociol. J. 3B&111?31 /uff -. 1221. Architecture& The Story of Eractice. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress -avis GF, Greve (+. 1225. /orporate elite net or%s and governance changes in the 12C8s. Am. H. Sociol. 183&1?35 -avis SG. 1225. Spectacular *ature& /orporate /ulture and the Sea World =9perience. Aer%eleyM;os Angeles& .niv. /alif. Eress -avis D. 1228. /ity of Juart#. *e :or%& <intage -avis D. 122C. =cology of Fear. *e :or%& <intage -ear DH, Wolch H+, eds. 12C5. ;andscapes of -espair& From -einstitutionali#ation to (omelessness. Erinceton, *H& Erinceton .niv. Eress -ear DH, Schoc%man (=, (ise G, eds. 1226. +ethin%ing ;os Angeles. Thousand ,a%s, /A& Sage de Aoer =, ed. 12C6. Transport Sociology& Social Aspects of Transport Elanning. ,9ford& Eergamon de /erteau D. 12CB. The Eractice of =vveryday ;ife. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress -e Sena H*. 1228. Erotecting ,ne>s Turf& Social Strategies for Daintaining .rban *eighborhoods. ;anham, D-& .niv. Eress Am. -eleu#e G, Guattari F. 12C6. *omadology& The War Dachine. *e :or%& Semiote9t0e4 -ordic% GA. 1225. Something ;eft to ;ose& Eersonal +elations and Survival Among *e :or%>s (omeless. Ehiladelphia, EA& Temple .niv. Eress -orst H-. 12C2. The Written Suburb& An American Site, an =thnographic -ilemma. Ehiladelphia& .niv. Eenn. Eress -o ns +D, Stea -, eds. 1253. !mage and =nvironment. /hicago& Aldine -uneier D. 1227. Slim>s Table& +ace, +espectability and Dasculinity. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress -uneier D, Dolotch (. 1222. Tal%ing city trouble& !nteractional vandalism, social ine'uality, and the >urban interaction problem.> Am. H. Sociol. 18B&1763?2F -upuis =D, <andergeest E, eds. 1226. /reating the /ountryside& The Eolitics of +ural and =nvironmental -iscourse. Ehiladelphia& Temple .niv. Eress -ur%heim =, Dauss D. 1263 K1283L. Erimitive /lassification. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress =%blom E. 122F. ;ess crime, by design. Ann. AAESS F32&11B?72 =lder G(, King <, /onger +-. 1226. Attachment to place and migration prospects& a developmental perspective. H. +es. Adolesc. 6&325?B7F =llin *. 1226. Eostmodern .rbanism. /ambridge, DA& Alac% ell =ntri%in H*. 12C2. Elace, region and modernity. See Agne @ -uncan 12C2, pp. 38? B3 =ntri%in H*. 1221. The Aet eeness of Elace& To ards a Geography of Dodernity. ;ondon& Dacmillan =ri%son K. 1265. =verything in its Eath. *e :or%& Simon @ Schuster =speland W*. 122C. The Struggle for Water& Eolitics, +ationality, and !dentity in the American South est. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress =tlin +A. 1225. Space, stone, and spirit& the meaning of place. !n The =ight Technologies of ,therness, ed. S Golding, pp. 386?12. ;ondon& +outledge Fairban%s +A. 122C. For the /ity as a Whole& Elanning, Eolitics, and the Eublic !nterest in -allas, Te9as, 1288?126S. /olumbus& ,hio State .niv. Eress Falasca?Iainponi S. 1225. The Aesthetics of Eo er in Dussolini>s !taly Aer%eley, /A& .niv. /alif. Eress

Farley +, Steeh /, Krysan D, Hac%son T, +eeves K. 122B. Stereotypes and segregation& *eighborhoods in the -etroit area. Am. H. Sociol. 188&5F8?C8 Feagin H+. 12CC. Free =nterprise /ity& (ouston in Eolitical?=conomic Eerspective. *e Aurns ic%, *H& +utgers .niv. Eress Feagin H+. 1221. The continuing significance of race& antiblac% discrimination in public places. Am. Sociol. +ev. F6&181?16 Feagin H+. 122C. The *e .rban Earadigm& /ritical Eerspectives on the /ity. ;anham, D-& +o man @ ;ittlefield Fehrenbacher?Ieiser S. 1226. !nterior architectural design& /onventions and innovations. /urr. +es. ,ccup. Erofessions 2&711??31 Feld S, Aasso K(, eds. 1226. Senses of Elace. Sante Fe, *D& Sch. Am. +es. Eress Felson D. 122B. /rime and =veryday ;ife. Thousand ,a%s, /A& Eine Forge Eress Ferguson EE. 122C. A cultural field in the ma%ing& gastronomy in 12th?century France. Am. H. Sociol. 18B&F25??6B1 Festinger ;, Schachter S, Aac% K. 12F8. Social Eressures in !nformal Groups. Stanford, /A& Stanford .niv. Eress Fischer /S. 125F. The study of urban community and personality. Annu. +ev. Sociol. 1&65??C2 Fischer /S. 1255. *et or%s and Elaces& Social +elations in the .rban Setting. *e :or%& Free Eress Fischer /. 12C7. To - ell Among Friends. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress Flanagan WG. 1223. /ontemporary .rban Sociology. /ambridge, .K& /ambridge .niv. Eress. Foote K=. 1225. Shado ed Ground& America>s ;andscapes of <iolence and Tragedy. Austin& .niv. Te9as Eress Forester H. 12C2. Elanning in the Face of Eo er. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress Forsyth A. 1225. ",ut" in the valley. !nt. H. .rban +egional +es. 71&3C??67 Foucault D. 1252. -iscipline and Eunish. *e :or%& <intage Friedland +, Aoden -, eds. 122B. *o (ere& Space, Time and Dodernity. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress Friedlander S, Seligman AA. 122B. The !sreali memory of the Shoah& on symbols, rituals, and ideological polari#ation. See Friedland @ Aoden 122B, pp. 3F6??51 Frisbie WE, Kasarda H-. 12CC. Spatial processes. !n (andboo% of Sociology, ed. *H Smelser, pp. 672??66. Aeverly (ills, /A& Sage Frug G=. 1222. /ity Da%ing& Auilding /ommunities Without Auilding Walls. Erinceton, *H& Erinceton .niv. Eress Fullilove DT. 1226. Esychiatric implications of displacement& contributions from the psychology of place. Am. H. Esychiatry 1F3&1F16??73 Galison E, Thompson =, eds. 1222. The Architecture of Science. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress Gans (H. 1267. .rban <illagers. *e :or%& Free Eress Gans (H. 126C. Eeople and Elans& =ssays on .rban Eroblems and Solutions. *e :or%& Aasic Gardner /A. 122F. Eassing Ay& Gender and Eublic (arassment. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress Garreau H. 1221. =dge /ity. *e :or%& -oubleday Giddens A. 12CB. The /onstitution of Society. /ambridge, DA& Eolity Eress Giddens A. 1228. /onse'uences of Dodernity. Stanford, /A& Stanford .niv. Eress Gieryn TF. 122C. Aiotechnology>s private parts 0and some public ones4. !n Erivate Science, ed. A Thac%ray, pp. 712??F3. Ehiladelphia& .niv. Eenn. Eress

Gieryn TF. 1222. /ultural Aoundaries of Science& /redibility ,n the ;ine. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress Goffman =. 12F2. The Eresentation of Self in =veryday ;ife. Garden /ity, *:& -oubleday. Gold H+, Ward S<, eds. 122B. Elace Eromotion& The .se of Eublicity and Dar%eting to Sell To ns and +egions. *e :or%& Wiley Gottdeiner D. 122B. The Social Eroduction of .rban Space. Austin& .niv. Te9as Eress Gottdeiner D. 122F. Eostmodern Semiotics& Daterial /ulture and the Forms of Eostmodern ;ife. ,9ford& Alac% ell Gottdeiner D. 1225. The Theming of America& -reams, <isons, and /ommercial Spaces. Aoulder, /,& Westvie Gottdeiner D, Feagin H. 12CC. The paradigm shift in urban sociology. .rban Affairs J. 7B&163??C5 Gould +<. 122F. !nsurgent !dentities& /lass, /ommunity and Erotest in Earis from 1CBC to the /ommune. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress Graham D. 122C. !dentity, place and erotic community ithin gay leather culture in Stoc%holm. H. (omose9uality F&163?C3 Graham S. 122C. The end of geography or the e9plosion of place)& /onceptuali#ing space, place and information technology. Erogress in (um. Geogr. 77&16F?CF Grannis +. 122C. The importance of trivial streets& residential streets and residential segregation. Am. H. Sociol. 183&1F38?6B Green -E, Strolovitch -I, Wong HS. 122C. -efended neighborhoods, integration and racially motivated crime. Am. H. Sociol. 18B&357?B83 Gregory -. 122B. Geographical !maginations. /ambridge, DA& Alac% ell Gregory S. 122C. Alac% /orona& +ace and the Eolitics of Elace in an .rban /ommunity. Erinceton, *H& Erinceton .niv. Eress Gregory SW, ;e is HD. 12CC. Symbols of collective memory& the social process of memoriali#ing Day B, 1258 at Kent State .niv. Symbolic !nteract. 11&713?33 Gris old W. 1227. The riting on the mud all& *igerian novels and the imaginary village. Am. Sociol. +ev. F5&582?7B Gupta A. 1225. The song of the nonaligned orld& transnational identities and the reinscription of space in late capitalism. See Gupta @ Ferguson 1225a, pp. 152?22 Gupta A, Ferguson H, eds. 1225a. /ulture, Eo er, Elace. -urham, */& -u%e .niv. Eress Gupta A, Ferguson H. 1225b. Aeyond "culture"& Space, identity, and the politics of difference. See Gupta @ Ferguson 1225a, pp. 33?F1 Gutman +. 12CC. Architectural Eractice& A /ritical <ie . Erinceton, *H& Erinceton Architect. Eress Gutman +. 12C2. (uman nature in architectural theory& the e9ample of ;ouis Kahn. !n Architects> Eeople, ed. + =llis, - /uff, pp. 18F?72. *e :or%& ,9ford .niv. Eress (aar /D. 1226. Suburbs under Siege& +ace, Space, and Audacious Hudges. Erinceton, *H& Erinceton .niv. Eress. (abra%en *H. 122C. The Structure of the ,rdinary. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress (alb achs D. 12C8 K12F8L. The /ollective Demory. *e :or%& (arper @ +o (all EG. 12CC. /ities of Tomorro & An !ntellectual (istory of .rban Elanning and -esign in the T entieth /entury. ,9ford& Aasil Alac% ell (alle -. 1223. !nside /ulture& Art and /lass in the American (ome. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress

(alpern -. 122F. Dental (ealth and the Auilt =nvironment. ;ondon& Taylor @ Francis (anner# .. 1227. /ultural /omple9ity& Studies in the Social ,rgani#ation of Deaning. *e :or%& /olumbia .niv. Eress (arris -+. 1222. >Eroperty values drop hen blac%s move in, because ...>& +acial and socioeconomic determinants of neighborhood productivity. Am. Sociol. +ev. 6B&B61? 52 (arvey -. 1253. Social Hustice and the /ity. Aaltimore& Hohns (op%ins .niv. Eress (arvey -. 1228. The /ondition of Eostmodernity. /ambridge, DA& Alac% ell (arvey -. 1226. Hustice, *ature and the Geography of -ifference. /ambridge, DA& Alac% ell (atch DH. 1228. The symbolics of office design& an empirical e9ploration. !n Symbols and Artifacts& <ie s of the /orporate ;andscape, ed. E Gagliardi, pp. 172? B6. *e :or%& Walter de Gruyter (a ley A(. 12C6. (uman =cology. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress (ayden -. 12C1. The Grand -omestic +evolution& A (istory of Feminist -esigns for American (omes, *eighborhoods, and /ities. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress (ayden -. 12CB. +edesigning the American -ream. *e :or%& *orton (ayden -. 122F. The Eo er of Elace. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress. (echt +-. 122B. The construction and management of sacred time and space& Sabta *ur in the /hurch of the (oly Sepulcher. See Friedland @ Aoden 122B, pp. 1C1?73F (edstrom E. 122B. /ontagious collectivities& ,n the spatial diffusion of S edish trade unions, 1C28??12B8.Am. H. Sociol. 22&11F5?52 (erbert S. 1225. Eolicing Space& Territoriality and the ;os Angeles Eolice -epartment. Dinneapolis& .niv. Dinn. Eress (erting H+, Grus%y -A, <an +ompaey S=. 1225. The social geography of interstate mobility and persistance. Am. Sociol. +ev. 67&765?C5 (illier A, (anson H. 12CB. The Social ;ogic of Space. /ambridge& /ambridge .niv. Eress (iss T. 1228. The =9perience of Elace. *e :or%& Knopf (oo%s G. 122B. +egional processes in the hegemonic nation& political, economic, and military influences on the use of geographic space. Am. Sociol. +ev. F2&5B6?57 (olston H. 12C2. The Dodernist /ity& An Anthropological /riti'ue of Arasilia. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress (ughes F, ed. 1226. The Architect& +econstructing (er Eractice. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress (ughes (;. 1223. Detropolitan structure and the suburban hierarchy. Am. Sociol. +ev. FC&B15?33 (ummon -D. 1228. /ommonplaces& /ommunity, !deology and !dentity in American /ulture. Albany& State .niv. *e :or% Eress (ummon -D. 1227. /ommunity attachment& local sentiment and sense of place. !n Elace Attachment, ed. ! Altman, SD ;o , pp. 7F3?5C. *e :or%& Elenum Hacobs 1. 1261. The -eath and ;ife of Great American /ities. *e :or%& +andom (ouse Hameson F. 12CB. Eostmodernism, or the cultural logic of late capitalism. *e ;eft +ev. B6&F3?27 Hargo s%y EA. 1225. Eoverty and Elace& Ghettos, Aarrios and the American /ity. *e :or%& +ussell Sage Heffery /+. 1251. /rime Erevention through =nvironmental -esign. Aeverly (ills, /A& Sage

Hones SG, ed. 122C. /ybersociety 7.8& +evisiting /omputer?Dediated /ommunication and /ommunity. Thousand ,a%s, /A& Sage Kain +HE, Aaigent =. 1227. The /adastral Dap in the Service of the State& A (istory of Eroperty Dapping. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress Kasinit# E. 1227. /aribbean *e :or%& Alac% !mmigrants and the Eolitics of +ace. !thaca, *:& /ornell .niv. Eress Kelley KA, Francis (. 122B. *ava$o Sacred Elaces. Aloomington& !ndiana .niv. Eress Keil +. 122C. ;os Angeles& Globali#ation, .rbani#ation and Social Struggles. *e :or%& Wiley Keith D, Eile S, eds. 1223. Elace and the Eolitics of !dentity. ;ondon& +outledge King A. 122C. Dapping the .nmappable& <isual +epresentations of the !nternet as Social /onstructions. Eresented at Annu. Deet. Am. Sociol. Assoc., 23rd, San Francisco King A-. 122F. The Aungalo & The Eroduction of a Global /ulture. *e :or%& ,9ford .niv. Eress King A-, ed. 1226. +e?Eresenting the /ity& =thnicity, /apital and /ulture in the 71st? /entury Detropolis. *e :or%& *e :or% .niv. Eress King G. 1226. Dapping +ealities& An =9ploration of /ultural /artographies. *e :or%& St Dartin>s King +. 1226. =mancipating Space& Geography, Architecture, and .rban -esign. *e :or%& Guilford Kirp -;, - yer HE, +osenthal ;A. 122F. ,ur To n& +ace, (ousing and the Soul of Suburbia. *e Aruns ic%, *H& +utgers .niv. Eress Kitchin +D. 122B. /ognitive maps& What are they and hy study them) H. =nviron. Esychol. 1B& 1?12 Knorr /etina K. 1222. =pistemic /ultures& (o the Sciences Da%e Kno ledge. /ambridge, DA& (arvard .niv. Eress Kno9 E;, ed. 1223. The +estless .rban ;andscape. =ngle ood /liffs, *H& Erentice? (all Kno9 E;, Taylor EH, eds. 122F. World /ities in a World?System. /ambridge, .K& /ambridge .niv. Eress Kono /, Ealmer -, Friedland +, Iafonte D. 122C. ;ost in space& the geography of corporate interloc%ing directorates. Am. H. Sociol. 183&C63?211 Koptiuch K. 1225. Third? orlding at home. See Gupta @ Ferguson 1225a, pp. 73B?BC Krech S. 1222. The =cological !ndian& Dyth and (istory. *e :or%& *orton Kunstler H(. 1226. (ome from *o here. *e :or%& Simon @ Schuster ;aclau =. 1228. *e +eflections on the +evolution of our Time. ;ondon& <erso ;achmann +. 12CC. Graffiti as career and ideology. Am. H. Sociol. 2B&772?F8 ;add A. 1225. The Ghosts of Aerlin& /onfronting .rban (istory in the .rban ;andscape. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress ;atour A. 12CC. The Easteuri#ation of France. /ambridge, DA& (arvard .niv. Eress ;atour A. 1226. Aramis, or the ;ove of Technology /ambridge, DA& (arvard .niv. Eress ;a rence -;, ;o SD. 1228. The built environment and spatial form. Annu. +ev. Anthropol. 12&BF3?F8F ;efebvre (. 1221. The Eroduction of Space. ,9ford& Alac% ell ;e is =. 1226. /onnecting memory, self, and the po er of place in African American urban history. !n The *e African American (istory, ed. KW Goings, +A Dohl, pp. 116?B1. Thousand ,a%s, /A& Sage

;e is DW, Wigen KF. 1225. The Dyth of /ontinents& A /riti'ue of Detageography. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress ;ey -. 12C2. Dodernism, postmodernism and the struggle for place. See Agne @ -uncan 12C2, pp. BB?6F ;ey -. 1225. The *e Diddle /lass and the +ema%ing of the /entral /ity. *e :or%& ,9ford .niv. Eress ;inde /, ;abov W. 12CF. Spatial net or%s as a site for the study of language and thought. ;anguage F1&27B?32 ;indstrom A. 1225. A sense of place& housing selection on /hicago>s *orth Shore. Sociol. J. 3C&12?32 ;ippard ;+. 1225. The ;ure of the ;ocal& Senses of Elace in a Dulticentered Society. *e :or%& *e Eress ;ittmann W. 122C. -esigning obedience& The architecture and landscape of elfare capitalism, 1CC8?1238. !nt. ;abor Wor%ing?/lass (ist. F3&CC?11B ;ofland ;(. 1253. A World of Strangers. Erospect (eights, !;& Waveland ;ofland ;(. 122C. The Eublic +ealm. *e :or%& Aldine de Gruyter ;ogan H+, Dolotch (;. 12C5. .rban Fortunes& The Eolitical =conomy of Elace. Aer%eley, /A& .niv. /alif. Eress ;ogan H+, Spit#e G-. 122B. Family neighbors. Am. H. Sociol. 188&BF3?56 ;o SD. 1226. The anthropology of cities. Annu. +ev. Anthropol. 7F&3C38 ;ynch K. 1268. The !mage of the /ity. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress. Dac/annell -. 1256. The Tourist& A *e Theory of the ;eisure /lass. *e :or%& Schoc%en Aoo%s Dac/annell -. 1222. "*e .rbanism" and its discontents. !n Giving Ground& The Eolitics of Eropin'uity, ed. H /op$ec, D Sor%in, pp. 186?7C. *e :or%& <erso DacKen#ie -. 1228. !nventing Accuracy& A (istorical Sociology of *uclear Dissile Guidance. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress Dal%%i ;(. 122F. Eurity and =9ile& <iolence, Demory, and *ational /osmology among (utu +efugees in Tan#ania. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress Darcus //. 1227. =nvironmental memories. See Altman @ ;o 1227, pp. C5?117 Dar%us TA. 1223. Auildings and Eo er& Freedom and /ontrol in the ,rigin of Dodern Auilding Types. ;ondon& +outledge Dassey -. 122B. Space, Elace, and Gender. Dinneapolis& .niv. Dinn. Eress Dassey -S. 12CF. =thnic residential segregation& a theoretical synthesis and empirical revie . Sociol. Soc. +es. 62&31F?F8 Dassey -S, -enton *A. 1223. American Apartheid& Segregation and the Da%ing of the .nderclass. /ambridge, DA& (arvard .niv. Eress Dc/arthy A, (agan H. 1227. Dean streets& the theoretical significance of situational delin'uency among homeless youths. Am. H. Sociol. 2C&F25?675 Dc-o ell ;. 1222, Gender, !dentity and Elace. Dinneapolis& .niv. Dinn. Eress Derry S=. 12C1. .rban -anger& ;ife in a *eighborhood of Strangers. Ehiladelphia& Temple .niv. Eress Detcalf T+. 12C2. An !mperial <ision& !ndian Architecture and Aritain >s +a$. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress Dilgram S, Green ald H, Kessler S, DcKenna W, Waters H. 1257. A psychological map of *e :or%. Am. Scientist 68&12B?788 Dulligan DH. 122C. !nteractional past and present& the social construction of place attachment. Symbolic !nteract. 71&1?33 Ditchell -. 1226. The ;ie of the ;and& Digrant Wor%ers and the /alifornia ;andscape. Dinneapolis& .niv. Dinn. Eress

Ditchell WH. 122F. /ity of Aits& Space, Elace, and the !nfobahn. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress Doore (;. 12C6. Space, Te9t and Gender& An Anthropological Study of the Dara% et of Kenya. /ambridge, .K& /ambridge .niv. Eress Doore H-. 1226. The archaeology of pla#as and the pro9emics of ritual& Three Andean traditions. Am. Anthropol. 2C&5C2?C87 Du%er$i /. 1225. Territorial Ambitions and the Gardens of <ersailles. /ambridge, .K& /ambridge .niv. Eress *aficy (, ed. 1222. (ome, =9ile, (omeland. *e :or%& +outledge *ippert?=ng /=. 122F. (ome and Wor%. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress *orton AG, (annon A. 1225. =nvironmental values& a place?based theory. =nviron. =thics 12&775?BF *orton W. 12C2. =9plorations in the .nderstanding of ;andscape& A /ultural Geography. *e :or%& Green ood ,ldenburg +. 12C2. The Great Good Elace. *e :or%& Earagon (ouse ,liver D;, Shapiro TD. 122F. Alac% WealthMWhite Wealth, *e :or%& +outledge ,liver E=, Dyers -H. 1222. (o events enter the public sphere& /onflict, location, and sponsorship in local ne spaper coverage of public events. Am. H. Sociol. 18F&3C? C5 ,pp K?-, Gem /. 1223. -issident groups, net or%s, and spontaneous cooperation& the =ast German revolution of 12C2. Am. Sociol. +ev. FC&6F2?C8 ,rfield D. 1225. Detropolitics& A +egional Agenda for /ommunity and Stability. Washington, -/& Aroo%ings !nst. Eress ,rum AD. 122F. /ity?Auilding in America. Aoulder, /,& Westvie Eapadopoulos AG. 1226. .rban +egimes and Strategies& Auilding =urope>s /entral =9ecutive -istrict in Arussels. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress Eappas G. 12C2. The Dagic /ity& .nemployment in a Wor%ing?/lass /ommunity. !thaca, *:& /ornell .niv. Eress Eattillo?Dc/oy D. 122C. /hurch culture as a strategy of action in the Alac% community. Am. Sociol. +ev. 63&565?CB Eearson DE, +ichards /, eds. 1225. Architecture and ,rder& Approaches to Social Space. ;ondon& +outledge Eeponis H, Iimring /, /hoi :K. 1228. Finding the building in ayfinding. =nviron. Aehav. 77&FFF?28 Eerin /. 1255. =verything in its Elace& Social ,rder and ;and .se in America. Erinceton, *H& Erinceton .niv. Eress Eic%les H, ed. 122F. Ground Truth& The Social !mplications of Geographic !nformation Systems. *e :or%& Guilford Eile S, Keith D, eds. 1225. Geographies of +esistance. *e :or%& +outledge Eortes A, Stepic% A. 1223. /ity on the =dge& The Transformation of Diami. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress Ered A. 1228. Da%ing (istories and /onstructing (uman Geographies. Aoulder, /,& Westvie Erice =T. 122F. -ividing the ;and& =arly American Aeginnings of our Erivate Eroperty Dosaic. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress Erussin ;. 122F. African *omadic Architecture& Space, Elace, and Gender Washington, -/& Smithsonian !nst. Eress Eurcell K. 1225. To ards a communication dialectic& =mbedded technology and the enhancement of place. Sociol. !n'uiry 65&181?17

+abino E. 12C2. French Dodern& *orms and Forms of the Social =nvironment. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress +adcliffe S, West ood S. 1226. +ema%ing the *ation& Elace, !dentity and Eolitics in ;atin America. ;ondon& +outledge +eed H, Eayton <+, Aond S. 1225. The importance of place for older people moving into care homes. Soc. Sci. Ded. B6&CF2?65 +eichl AH. 1222. +econstructing Times S'uare. ;a rence& .niv. Eress of Kansas +elph =. 1256. The Elacelessness of Elace. ;ondon& Eion +obinson -H. 12C2. The language and significance of place in ;atin America. See Agne @ -uncan 12C2, 1F5?1CB +ofel ;. 1225. +ethin%ing modernity& space and factory discipline in /hina. See Gupta @ Ferguson 1225a, pp. 1FF?5C +ossi E. 12C2. -o n and ,ut in America& The ,rigins of (omelessness. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress +otenberg +, Dc-onough G, eds. 1223. The /ultural Deaning of .rban Space. Westport, /T& Aergin @ Garvey +o e EG. 1225. /ivic +ealism. /ambridge, DA& D!T Eress +ubinstein +;, Earmelee EA. 1227. Attachment to place and the representation of the life course by the elderly. See Altman @ ;o 1227, pp. 132?63 +udel TK. 12C2. Situations and Strategies in American ;and?.se Elanning. *e :or%& /ambridge .niv. Eress Sac% +-. 1225. (omo Geographicus. Aaltimore& Hohns (op%ins .niv. Eress Safran W. 1221. -iasporas in modem societies& myths of homeland and return. -iaspora 1&C3?22 Sandercoc% ;, ed. 122C. Da%ing the !nvisible <isible& A Dulticultural Elanning (istory. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress Sarfatti ;arson D. 1223. Aehind the Eostmodern Facade. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress Sarfatti ;arson D. 1225. +eading architecture in the (olocaust Demorial Duseum. !n From Sociology to /ultural Studies, ed. = ;ong, pp. 67?21. ,9ford& Alac% ell Sar%is (. 1225. Space for recognition& on the design of public space in a multicultural society. *e Eolit. Sci. 3C?32&1F3?58 Sassen S. 1221. The Global /ity& *e :or%, ;ondon, To%yo. Erinceton, *H& Erinceton .niv. Eress Schama S. 122F. ;andscape and Demory. *e :or%& <intage Scott AH. 12CC. Detropolis. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress Scott AH, So$a =A, eds. 1226. The /ity& ;os Angeles and .rban Theory at the =nd of the T entieth /entury. Aer%eley, /A& .niv. /alif. Eress Scott H/. 122C. Seeing ;i%e a State. *e (aven, /T& :ale .niv. Eress Sellers HD. 122C. Elace, post?industrial change, and the ne left. =ur. H. Eolit. +es. 33&1C5?715 Sennett +. 1258. The .ses of -isorder& Eersonal !dentity and /ity ;ife. *e :or%& <intage Sennett +. 1228. The /onscience of the =ye& The -esign and Social ;ife of /ities. *e :or%& *orton Sennett +. 122B. Flesh and Stone& The Aody and the /ity in Western /ivili#ation. *e :or%& *orton Shapin S. 122C. Elacing the vie from no here& historical and sociological problems in the location of science. Trans. !nst. Ar. Geogr. *S 73&F?17 Sigelman ;, Aledsoe T, Welch S, /ombs DW. 1226. Da%ing contact) Alac%? hite social interaction in an urban setting. Am. H. Sociol. 181&1386?37

Sit <FS. 122F. Aei$ing& The *ature and Elanning of a /hinese /apital /ity. *e :or%& Wiley Sloane -/. 1221. The ;ast Great *ecessity& /emeteries in American (istory. Aaltimore& Hohns (op%ins .niv. Eress Smith /. 122F. .rban -isorder and the Shape of Aelief& The Great /hicago Fire, the (ay?mar%et Aomb, and the Dodel To n of Eullman. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress Smith -A. 1226. Third World /ities in Global Eerspective& The Eolitical =conomy of .neven .rbani#ation. Aoulder, /,& Westvie Smith E. 1222. The elementary forms of place and their transformations& A -ur%heimian model. Jualit. Sociol. 77&13?36 Sno -, Anderson ;. 1223. -o n on Their ;uc%& A Study of (omeless Street Eeople. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress So$a =W. 12C2. Eostmodern Geographies& The +eassertion of Space in /ritical Social Theory. ;ondon& <erso So$a =W. 1226. Thirdspace& Hourneys to ;os Angeles and ,ther +eal?and?!magined Elaces. /ambridge, DA& Alac% ell Somers D+. 1223. /iti#enship and the place of the public sphere& ;a , community, and political culture in the transition to democracy. Am. Sociol. +ev. FC&FC5?678 Sopher -=. 1253. Elace and location& notes on the spatial patterning of culture. !n The !dea of /ulture in the Social Sciences, ed. ; Schneider, / Aon$ean, pp. 181?15. /ambridge, .K& /ambridge .niv. Eress Sorenson H. 1227. =ssence and contingency in the construction of nationhood& Transformations of identity in =thiopia and its disaporas. -iaspora 7&781?7C Sor%in D. 1222. !ntroduction& Traffic in -emocracy. !n Giving Ground& The Eolitics of Eropin'uity, ed. H /op$ec, D Sor%in, pp. 1?1F. *e :or%& <erso South SH, /ro der K-. 122C. ;eaving the >hood& +esidential mobility bet een blac%, hite and integrated neighborhoods. Am. Sociol. +ev. 63&15?76 South SH, /ro der K-. 1222. *eighborhood effects on family formation& concentrated poverty and beyond. Am. Sociol. +ev. 6B&113?37 Spain -. 1227. Gendered Spaces. /hapel (ill& .niv. *orth /arolina Eress Spillman ;. 1225. *ation and /ommemoration& /reating *ational !dentities in the .nited States and Australia. /ambridge, .K& /ambridge .niv. Eress Stea -, Turan D. 1223. Elacema%ing& Emduction of Auilt =nvironment in T o /ultures. Aldershot, .K& Avebury Ste art K. 1226. A Space on the Side of the +oad& /ultural Eoetics in an ",ther" America. Erinceton, *H& Erinceton .niv. Eress Stieber *. 122C. (ousing -esign and Society in Amsterdam& +econfiguring .rban ,rder and !dentity, 1288?1278. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress Stoec%er +. 122B. -efending /ommunity& The Struggle for Alternative -evelopment in /edar?+iverside. Ehiladelphia& Temple .niv. Eress Storper D, Wal%er +. 12C2. The /apitalist !mperative& Territory, Technology and !ndustrial Gro th. *e :or%& Aasil Alac% ell Stovall T. 1228. The +ise of the Earis +ed Aelt. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress Strom =. 1226. !n search of the gro th coalition& American urban theories and the redevelopment of Aerlin. .rban Affairs +ev. 31&BFF?C1 Summers GF. 12C6. +ural community development. Annu. +ev. Sociol. 17&3B5?51 Sundstrom =, Aell EA, Ausby E;, Asmus /. 1226. =nvironmental psychology, 12C2? 122B. Annu. +ev. Esychol. B5&BCF?F17 Suttles G. 1257. The Social /onstruction of /ommunities. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress

Suttles G. 1228. The Dan?Dade /ity& The ;and?use /onfidence Game in /hicago. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress Taylor SD. 12C2. /ommunity e9clusion of the mentally ill. !n The Eo er of Geography& (o Territory Shapes Social ;ife, ed. H Wolch, D -ear, pp. 316?38. Aoston& .n in (yman Thrift *. 1226. Spatial Formations. ;ondon& Sage Thrift *, Williams E, eds. 12C5. /lass and Space& The Da%ing of .rban Society. ;ondon& +outledge Thro er *HW, ed. 1226. Daps and /ivili#ation. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress Tuan :?F. 125B. Topophilia& A Study of =nvironmental Eerception, Attitudes, and <alues. *e :or%& /olumbia .niv. Eress Tuan :?F. 1255. Space and Elace& The Eerspective of =9perience. Dinneapolis& .niv. Dinn. Eress <ale ;H. 1227. Architecture, Eo er and *ational !dentity. *e (aven, /T& :ale .niv. Eress <en%atesh SA. 1225. The social organi#ation of street gang activity in an urban ghetto. Am. H. Sociol. 183&C7?111 Wagner?Eacifici +, Sch art# A. 1221. The <ietnam <eteran Demorial& /ommemorating a difficult past. Am. H. Sociol. 25&356?B78 Walter =<. 12CC. Elace ays& A Theory of the (uman =nvironment. /hapel (ill& .niv. *orth /arolina Eress Walton H. 1227. Western Times and Water Wars& State, /ulture, and +ebellion in /alif. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress Walton H. 1223. .rban sociology& The contributions and limits of political economy. Annu. +ev. Sociol. 12&381?78 Weisman ;K. 1227. -iscrimination by -esign& A Feminist /riti'ue of the DanDade =nvironment. .rbana& .niv. !llinois Eress Wellman A. 1252. The community 'uestion& the intimate net or%s of =ast :or%ers. Am. H. Sociol. CB&1781?31 Werlen A. 1223. Society Action and Space& An Alternative (uman Geography. ;ondon& +outledge Whita%er /. 1226. Architecture and the American -ream. *e :or%& /lar%son *. Eotter White +. 1228. *o Space of Their , n& :oung Eeople and Social /ontrol in Australia. /ambridge, .K& /ambridge .niv. Eress Whyte W(. 12C8. The Social ;ife of Small .rban Spaces. Washington, -/& /onservation Found. Wilson =. 1227. The Sphin9 in the /ity& .rban ;ife, the /ontrol of -isorder, and Women. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress Wilson F-. 12CB. .rban ecology& urbani#ation and systems of cities. Annu. +ev. Sociol. 18&7C3?385 Wilson W(. 122C. (amilton Ear%& A Elanned Alac% /ommunity in -allas. Aaltimore, D-& Hohns (op%ins .niv. Eress Wilson WH. 1226. When Wor% -isappears& The World of the *e .rban Eoor, *e :or%& Knopf Winner ;. 1227. Silicon <alley mystery house. !n <ariations on a Theme Ear%& The *e American Theme Ear% and the =nd of Eublic Space, ed. D Sor%in, pp. 31?68. *e :or%& (ill @ Wang. Wolch H, -ear D. 1223. Dalign *eglect& (omelessness in an American /ity. San Francisco& Hossey?Aass

Wright G. 12C1. Auilding the -ream& A Social (istory of (ousing in America. *e :or%& Eantheon Wright G. 1221. The Eolitics of -esign in French /olonial .rbanism. /hicago& .niv. /hicago Eress Wright T. 1225. ,ut of Elace& (omeless Dobili#ations, Subcities, and /ontested ;andscapes. Albany& State .niv. *e :or% Eress Wright T, (utchison +. 1225. Socio?spatial reproduction, mar%eting culture, and the built environment. +es. .rban Sociol. B&1C5?71B :oung !D. 1228. Hustice and the Eolitics of -ifference. Erinceton, *H& Erinceton .niv. Eress Ieisel H. 125F. Sociology and Architectural -esign. *e :or%& +ussell Sage Found. Ielins%y W. 12CC. *ation into State& The Shifting Symbolic Foundations of American *ationalism. /hapel (ill, */& .niv. *orth /arolina Eress Ierubavel =. 1225. Social Dindscapes& An !nvitation to /ognitive Sociology. /ambridge, DA& (arvard .niv. Eress Ihao -. 122C. =cologies of social movements& student mobili#ation during the 12C2 prodemocracy movement in Aei$ing. Am. H. Sociol. 183&1B23?F72 Ihou D. 1227. /hinato n& The Socieconomic Eotential of an .rban =nclave. Ehiladelphia& Temple .niv. Eress Iu%in S. 12C7. ;oft ;iving. Aaltimore, D-& Hohns (op%ins .niv. Eress Iu%in S. 12C5. Gentrification& culture and capital in the urban core. Annu. +ev. Sociol. 13&172?B5 Iu%in S. 1221. ;andscapes of Eo er& From -etroit to -isney World. Aer%eley& .niv. /alif. Eress Iu%in S. 122F. The /ulture of /ities. /ambridge, DA& Alac% ell ?1? Juestia, a part of Gale, /engage ;earning. www.questia.com Publication Information: Article Title& A Space for Elace in Sociology. /ontributors& Thomas F. Gieryn ? author. Hournal Title& Annual +evie of Sociology. Eublication :ear& 7888. Eage *umber& B63. /,E:+!G(T 7888 Annual +evie s, !nc.G /,E:+!G(T 7887 Gale Group