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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C.

ARTICULO Cagayan State University

PREFACE
This material offers the study of politics in the context and realities of the Philippine political experience. It provides students of Political Science the opportunity to understand, to scrutinize, to appreciate or to criticize, and to develop new and refreshing insights on how the ideals and abstractions, concepts, theories and principles taught and promoted by their teachers, are actually applied in the real-life setting of their own country. It is designed to cover systematically a wide array of interesting aspects of Philippine politics. This material accomplishes this feat by presenting a well selected set of written works, not by foreigners who observe the Philippine politics from the outside, but by thoughtful Filipino writers who dared to describe the kind of politics which their people have known, and which their people, for better or for worst, have learned to live up with. Set of guide questions, presented as Worksheet at the end of every text, is designed not only to help teachers in testing the mastery of their students on the subject matter, but also to provide the platform from which the class could widen the scope of their discussions. It is hoped, that through this material, students could form a much better perspective on their roles as future citizens of our Republic.

To my wife, Tristy, and to my children Karl Paolo and Karla Lourdes, to my Country, to my beloved University, CSU, and to God almighty I dedicate this humble work.

A.C. ARTICULO

STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

CONTENT
PART 1
FRAMEWORKS IN THE STUDY OF PHILIPPINE POLITICS The Patron-Client Theory and Alternative Frameworks 1

PART 2
THE PHILIPPINE POLITICAL EXPERIENCE Philippine Political Culture
ADDENDUM: THE MAD, MAD WORLD OF PHILIPPINE POLITICS

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Philippine Political Ideologies The Philippine Propaganda Wars Philippine Political Elites, Elections and Political Parties The Mass Media Corporations in Philippine Politics Civil Society in Philippine Politics Women in Philippine Politics The Military in Philippine Politics The Church in Philippine Politics

17 26 32 42 49 53 61 70

PART 3
THE PHILIPPINES IN THE INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ARENA Philippine Foreign Policy Philippines in the U.S. War on Terror 86 91

PART 4
THE FUTURE OF PHILIPPINE POLITICS BIBLIOGRAPHY 97

STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

PART ONE
Introduction: Frameworks in the Study of Philippine Politics
MODELS FOR ANALYZING PHILIPPINE POLITICAL EXPERIENCE1
A. PATRON-CLIENT MODEL It is the most common approach in the study of Philippine Politics, most especially on local politics and its power relations. The Patron-Client relation refers to the informal linkage of: 1. Patron A local leader who is able and capable of providing political goods (i.e. favors and protection) to his followers in exchange of unfaltering political commitment and loyalty. 2. Clients Political followers who expects, demands and receives political goods (i.e. favors and protection) from their patrons in exchange of political support, loyalty or for rendering personal services that are mostly political in purpose or intent. Context of relationship: The relation is forged within the context of rural and peasant-based economies where land ownership constitutes the major source of wealth and patronage in the community. Patron - the landowner, who is traditionally perceived by the tenants as their protector and provider for their material subsistence. Client - the tenants, who in return for the favor/ protection they get from their patron (landowner), provides personal/political loyalty. This explains why Factionalism is an inevitable consequence of patron-client relationship. Features Of Patron Client Framework 1. RECIPROCITY or RECIPROCAL RELATIONSHIP patron-client relationship is a species of reciprocity between persons of unequal socioeconomic status (e.g. between the wealthy landowner and the poverty-stricken tenants). Reciprocity means that favors or gifts (i.e. protection and money) received now should be returned in the future. There is no clear distinction between a gift or a personal favor and what one receives as a right. 2. PATERNO-FILIAL RELATIONSHIP patron-client relationship relies on the concept of a family as its model: the community as a family unit where the Patron is the supreme patriarch and the Clients are the loyal children . As the authority of the father is traditionally followed unquestioned or unchallenged, so is the authority of the Patron over its clients. 3. UNILATERAL RELATIONSHIP - The obligations arising from the patron-client relationship are almost determined by the party who provides the material goods and protection, i.e. the patron, and can thus very easily degenerate into exploitation.

Archimedes Carag Articulo. Chairman, Department of Political Science. Cagayan State University.

STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University
4. RELIANCE ON TRADITIONAL VALUES SUCH AS UTANG NA LOOB AND HIYA Patron-client relationships are governed by the traditional value of "utang ng loob" (literally, "inner debt" in the sense of "debt of self", or better still, a deep and practically unrepayable "debt of gratitude"). This custom is perhaps the strongest agent of vertical integration in society, outside of kinship ties. Whoever fails to honor his "utang ng loob" is considered "walang hiya" ("without shame, honor or credibility", "loss of face in public"), which is the worst opprobrium possible in Philippine society. However, such opprobrium is not the end of story for the disgraced client, it also means the lost of his and his familys protection. Living in a weak State where the legal enforcement of laws protecting the most basic rights of man is disgustingly feeble in the face of powerful local warlords, a client falling from grace means inviting harm, such as loss of livelihood or lim b, or worst, death. Note that all these elements imply proximity, or a personal/ face-to-face relationship. The Client must be within reach of the Patron and vice-versa. B. KUMPADRE SYSTEM/ KINSHIP MODEL As a traditional agrarian society, the extended family is the most important social and economic unit in the Philippines. Kinship is bilateral, that is, traced through both the father's and the mother's ancestral lines. Such a network is further broadened by: 1. "Fictive" - insofar as beyond the ties of blood and marriage and 2. "Ritual" issuing from sponsorships in weddings, baptisms and confirmations, in Spanish, "compadrazgo" kinships (the concept of ninong and inaanak). This notion of "family" or "kamag-anak" is the primary source of social and financial support, the foundation of political organizations and the chief claimant to the loyalty of its members. C. BOSSISM It interprets Philippine politics as a product of the interplay of local or provincial caciques/ bosses who holds tremendous clout based on their ability to deliver votes. They were the first ones who employ what is now known in the political clich as the three Gs: Guns, Goons and Gold. They buy and they kill for power. According to this model, from bossism emerges complex and laborintensive political machines. The lite bosses knew how to mobilize opinion leaders, poll watchers, and enforcers; their power was unquestioned within their own spheres of influence. From the time of the first national elections in 1935, Presidential candidates were beholden to various bosses in the countryside, for without them they could not be elected to office. D. STRONG FAMILY MODEL Another approach in the study of Philippine political history (which is again a modification of the P-C framework) is the study of strong families. Powerful families shaped and continuously shape the political landscape of the weak Philippine State. For instance, political parties in the Philippines usually have acted as coalitions of powerful families. As McCoy (1998) has noted in his book An Anarchy of Families, once we entertain the familial aspect, its centrality to many periods and problems in Philippine history becomes obvious. If banks and other major corporations are often synonymous with the history of a few elite families, so labor unions, Christian denominations, and even a communist party have been dominated by single families. E. HISTORICO-STRUCTURALIST MODEL Starting on the early 60s, changes in the political economy in the local level have resulted to drastic changes in Philippine patronage politics which, in turn, has significantly undermined the Patron-Client Model in explaining the dynamics of Philippine politics. The following has brought about these significant changes:

STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University
1. 2. 3. 4. Population explosion, which led to Rapid migration, (migration of rural people to the urban centers) which led to Rapid urbanization (rapid growth and expansion of municipalities and cities), which led to Loss of face-to-face contact or proximity (which is a crucial factor in the Patron-Client relationship model).

Historico-Structuralist Model aims to address the inadequacy of the traditional Patron-Client Framework. This approach accentuates the need to analyze the structural conditions which lead either to the dissolution or emergence of distinct forms of patronage relations within a particular historical disjunctions. CENTRAL CLAIMS The Emergence of Contractual Relationship The model explains that the traditional relationships which is commonly presumed in the PatronClient Framework had become more contractual rather than reciprocal when capitalist forces has started to penetrate the local sphere during the Post-American colonial regime (late 50s). The Obsolescence Of Land-Based Political Power As the significance of landownership has fallen in the face of the great forces of capitalistic enterprises (Capitalistic forces in the local sphere has opened up better, widely available, and more stable resources of political goods than landownership), the new aspiring local political players (who posses and control these new politico-economic resources) have successfully replaced the traditional elites that failed to cope up in the changing economics of local politics. Local elites who were phased-out rarely have any opportunity for political resurrection. The Working Class as New Political Force Urbanization also led to the emergence of a new strong political force: the educated middle/ working class which further eroded the significance of the Compadre system (the idea of Extended Family ties) and other patronage ties which is a central aspect of the traditional patronclient framework. The once clienteles who support their leaders based on blind loyalty, now support only the local leader/s who could provide them with perceivable and not necessarily personal services and benefits (in terms of better infrastructure and delivery of services for the community). The Emergence of Ultimate Patron The most interesting idea, and the major innovation, of the Historico-Structuralist Model is the claim that the historico-political dynamics of the Philippine politics has resulted to the rise of an ultimate Patron. The President, by controlling the capital resources for local development projects assumes the role of a chief patron (or the patron of the local patrons). State patronage becomes a crucial factor in the rise and fall of local elites therefore, an instrument in breaking the might of long standing political dynasties for instance, the fall of the Crisologos in Ilocos and the rise of Josons in Nueva Ecija during the time of President CONCLUDING REMARKS In a nutshell, the history of Philippine politics may be viewed as the history of powerful elites struggling to remain in power, and of the Filipino masses struggling against the control and influence of powerful elites. Whatever lies in between, are simply the interesting punctuations in the long and miserable march of the Filipinos towards progress and development.

STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

QUESTION SHEET_____

Name: _______________________________ Date: _____________ Grade: _______________________________

1. Based on your own experience in your locality, identify a local Patron (a strong family) and provide a specific case that illustrates the tenets of the patron-client relationship framework. 2. With the intrusion of capitalism in the local level (villages, barangays, etc.), do you agree that patron-client relationship ceases to be significant in explaining political relationships in the local setting? 3. In the introductory article, can you find the role of an intelligent, responsible and free people who supports their leaders based on ability and merit to run their government (either local or national)? Now, reflecting on the different models in the study of Philippine politics, how democratic do you think is Philippine democracy if democracy means the government of the people, by the people and for the people?

STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

PART TWO
Philippine Political Experience
PHILIPPINE POLITICAL CULTURE2 I. Introduction 1.) This is a paper on "Contemporary Philippine Political Culture"; more concretely, on what such culture considers as "public" and "private" as reflected in its treatment of the issue of "political dynasties". Upon the indications of scholars in this field, we have considered three different accounts of "political culture": 1.) Pye & Verba (1965) speak of "the system of empirical beliefs, expressive symbols and values which defines the situation in which political action takes place"; 2.) Almond & Powell (1966) refer to "the pattern of individual attitudes and orientations towards politics among the members of a political system", "the subjective realm which underlies and gives meaning to political actions"; and 3.) theorists from the "Sociology of Knowledge" School as Berger & Luckmann (1966; Canieso-Doronila, 1992) understand the ordered subjective realm of politics characterized by three broad categories of orientations defining the political self, i.e., a) political attachments towards the nation and its symbols, b) specific knowledge, feelings and beliefs about political institutions and c) transient views about specific political policies, issues, programs, personalities and events. We therefore put the focus on attitudes, orientations, views; -and on a more stable plane- on feelings, beliefs, knowledge, symbols, values and other attachments or loyalties, which, insofar as ordered, integrate a "system" or a "realm". Political culture is "subjective" inasmuch as it necessarily has to be shared by several individuals and it is constitutive of the "political self". Finally, political culture is never just a mere object of contemplation, but rather, it is inherently directed towards action (praxis) as its substrate, context or source of meaning. What do we mean by positing a distinctively "Philippine political culture"? First of all, we should forewarn that its integrative elements are not necessarily exclusive
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From Alejo Jos G. Sison, Ph. D., The Public and the Private in Contemporary Philippine Society. A Study on Political Dynasties

STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University to the Filipinos nor shared by all of them. Given the spatial (rural and urban, multiplicity of regional and ethnic groups, etc.) and the temporal (different periods of historical evolution) diversity of Philippine society, it would be sufficient to underscore some relatively important and dominant factors which provide a general explanation and interpretation of political behavior. Among these factors are the co-relative notions of "public" and "private" space. As Roces & Roces (1985, pp. 125-126) acutely observe, "Filipinos do not think of public space as being a shared community asset which must be cared for and respected by all: that concern is passed on as the task of government. (...) [in what pertains to the "private" sphere] Traditional Filipino kinship patterns develop a lax attitude about helping oneself to a family member's goodies. Reluctance to share is considered extremely stingy. (...) there will be members who will help themselves. (...) Sharing is the custom." The criterion as to which vital areas are subject to public or private domain is revealing of a country's political culture. Wrfel (1988) has established the following periodization of Philippine history: the pre-Spanish era, the Spanish era, the revolutionary period, the American period, the Japanese period and the post World War II period. This last period may be further subdivided into: a.) the time covered from Philippine independence from American rule (July 4, 1946) to the declaration of Martial Law by Pres. Ferdinand E. Marcos (September 21, 1972); b.) the Martial Law period to the EDSA People Power Revolution (February 22-23, 1986); c.) post-EDSA Revolution. By "Contemporary Philippine Political Culture" we refer to the scenario after the EDSA Revolution, to the mandate of Pres. Corazn C. Aquino and the incumbency of Pres. Fidel V. Ramos. 2.) Among the major issues brought to fore on the occasion of the May 8, 1995 elections for Senate, Congress and Local Government posts was that which concerned the so-called "political dynasties". Towards the end of December, 1994, former Lt. Col. Proceso Maligalig, spokesman for the rebel soldier group RAM (Rebolusyonaryong Alyansang Makabayan) urged the government to enact a new election code which included, among its provisions, the prohibition of political dynasties (Esplanada, 1994). On January 2, 1995, Pres. Ramos appealed to the Congress to decide on the package of election reforms which contained this prohibition (PDIa). The groundwork was prepared, since the Guingona bill and the Palacol bill both seeking the ban on political dynasties in the Senate and in the House respectively, were already introduced. Yet such enabling legislations which would have lent meaning to constitutional directives were shelved (David, 1995). In the words of Speaker Jos de Venecia, Jr. of the ruling coalition, when asked about the passing of this bill, "It will not be easy. We have the Asistios, Gordons, Osmeas, Shahanis, Duranos, Marcoses, and many others who will be affected by this." (Esplanada, 1994) Perhaps the earliest mention of "political dynasties" in contemporary Philippine society be found in the 1986 Constitution, art. II "Declaration of Principles and State Policies", sec. 26: "The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and

STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law." The proposed omnibus election code, among its rules on candidacy, includes the following ammendment (sec. 115): "Political dynasty defined; Prohibited candidacies. The term "political dynasty" refers to a situation where persons related to each other within the third civil degree of consanguinity or affinity hold elective offices simultaneously or the same office successively in a region, legislative district, province, city, municipality. (or barangay). To prevent the establishment of a political dynasty, persons within the same civil degree of relationship shall not be allowed to run for any elective position in the same political unit in the same election. Neither can a person within the same civil degree of relationship as the incumbent succeed to the position of the latter. This prohibition includes legal or common law partners. Certificates of candidacy filed in violation hereof shall not be given due course." By virtue of the above-given definitions, we may cite -solely on the basis of the publicity that they have received- the following de facto political dynasties: 1.) The Ramos-Shahani clan based in Pangasinan. Simultaneously holding elective offices are Pres. Fidel V. Ramos of the Philippine Republic, Senate President Pro Tempore Leticia Ramos-Shahani (sister of Fidel) and ViceGovernor Ranjit R. Shahani of Pangasinan (son of Leticia). In the May 8, 1995 polls Ranjit R. Shahani is running for congressman for the sixth dictrict of Pangasinan, while Hernani R. Braganza (nephew of both Fidel and Leticia, cousin of Ranjit) is a candidate for the first district of the same province (PDIb; PDIc; Cornel & Fuertes, 1995; Lucas, 1995; PDId; Fernndez et al., 1995). 2.) The Joson clan of Nueva Ecija. Eduardo Joson, Sr. first became the governor of Nueva Ecija in 1959 and stayed in that post until he was relieved by the Aquino government appointed Officer-in-Charge, Noli Santos, in 1986. In the 1988 elections Eduardo Joson, Sr. regained governorship. Eduardo Nonato Joson II (son of Eduardo Sr.) was the representative of the first district of Nueva Ecija and Eduardo Joson III (son of Eduardo Sr. and brother of Eduardo Nonato II) was the vice-mayor of Cabanatuan until his death in an ambush in 1990. Eduardo Joson, Sr. died during his term and Narciso Nario assumed stewardship over the province. Nario's vice-governor was no other than Toms Joson, the eldest son of Eduardo Joson, Sr. and brother to Eduardo Nonato II and Eduardo III. In the polls of 1992 Toms Joson assumed governorship. With the deaths of Eduardo Sr. and Eduardo III, together with the withdrawal of Eduardo Nonato II, the only remaining brother in elective office was Mariano Cristino Joson, as mayor of Quezon, Nueva Ecija. Originally, for the May 8, 1995 votations, Toms and Mariano Cristino were vying for re-election, whereas Eduardo Nonato II wanted to stage a come-back in the first district. After having been implicated in the murder of a rival candidate for governor, Honorato Prez, Sr., the candidacies of Toms for governorship and Mariano Cristino for mayoralty was replaced by those of Eduardo Nonato II and Eduardo IV, respectively. Josephine Manuel-Joson (wife of Toms) substitutes Eduardo Nonato II in the congressional bid. Surprisingly, even Honorato Prez, Sr. shall be replaced in a

STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University manner that violates the anti-dynasty bill: his common-law-wife, Virginia Custodio has picked up the cudgels for him (De Guzmn, 1995; Herrera, 1995; Roque, 1995). 3.) The Crislogo-Singson clan based in Ilocos Sur. Luis Crislogo Singson became governor of Ilocos Sur for the first time in 1967. Ever since, he has either been governor or congressman for the first district of this province. In the May 8, 1995 elections, he is once more running for governor, his brother, Jeremas, for provincial board member and his sister, Mara Livia Singson de Len, for congresswoman of the first district. His cousin, Eric Daro Singson, is running for the congressional seat in the second district. Grace, the wife of Eric, is seeking re-election as the mayor of Candon, Ilocos Sur. Eva Marie Singson Medina, a niece of Luis, is in the mayoralty race of Vigan, while her son, Randy, seeks to become one of the councilors of the provincial capital (Cimatu, 1995a &b). Throughout the length and breadth of the Philippine archipielago, the following political dynasties have, at one time or another, caught the attention of the media: The Acostas of Bukidnon (Aquino, 1995); the Amantes of Agusan del Norte; the Guingonas of Misamis Oriental; the Dimaporos and the Pangandamans of Lanao; the Plazas of Agusan del Sur; the Almendras of Davao del Sur; the Antoninos of South Cotabato; the Chiongbians of Sarangani; the Ramiros of Misamis Occidental (Arguillas, 1995); the Tulawies of Sulu; the Ecleos of Surigao del Norte; the Matalams, the Masturas and the Dutamanongs of Maguindanao (PDIe); the Farias, the Venturas and the Valdez of Ilocos Norte (Pascual, 1995); the Montelibanos of Negros Occidental (Benedicto et al., 1995); the Asistios of Kalookan (Flores, 1995), etc. II. Statement of the Problem and Hypothesis. The constitution of political dynasties in the Philippines may be attributed, in large measure, to the confusion between the realms of the "public" and the "private". More concretely, it refers to familial relations transgressing the limits of the private and dominating public space, that is, elective government office. What distinctive features of contemporary Philippine political culture positively contribute to the formation of political dynasties? [At this point, it may be helpful to distinguish political dynasties from the related phenomenon of nepotism. The latter is a Latin term (from "nepos", "nephew") and concept which refers to the favoritism shown a relative by bestowing upon him appointive public office regardless of his merit and competence. It was originally applied to the Popes who, driven by the need for trustworthy persons, turned to their own nephews naming them very powerful cardinals. The figure of the Cardinale-nepote was abolished and substituted by the Cardinal Secretary of State through the decree Romanum decet Pontificem (22 June 1692). This practice has nonetheless survived in secular politics the world over for similar reasons as those of the Popes' several centuries before. The main difference, therefore, between political

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University dynasties and nepotism lies in that the former relates to elective office, whereas the latter, to appointed posts.] III. Analysis. In keeping with modern social-scientific practice, our analysis attempts to be both explicative and etiological of the formation of political dynasties within the Philippine context. What we shall consciously avoid, at least in the present moment, is the passing of political and much less, moral judgment over the constitution of such dynasties. Our explanation shall pivot on two main points: 1.) very strong family ties and 2.) a faulty understanding of the "political" or "public". 1. Timberman (1991) enumerates the following hallmarks of contemporary Philippine political culture: the primacy of kinship ties, the importance of reciprocity and patron-client relationships, the emphasis on smooth interpersonal relationships and pervasive poverty insofar as it affects values and behavior. With the exception of the last characteristic, all the others may be subsumed under the heading of "very strong family ties". a.) The primacy of kinship ties. As a traditional agrarian society, the extended family is the most important social and economic unit in the Philippines. Kinship is bilateral, that is, traced through both the father's and the mother's ancestral lines. Such a network is further broadened by "fictive" (insofar as beyond the ties of blood and marriage) and "ritual" (issuing from sponsorships in weddings, baptisms and confirmations, in Spanish, "compadrazgo") kinships. This notion of "family" or "kamag-anak" is the primary source of social and financial support, the foundation of political organizations and the chief claimant to the loyalty of its members. b.) The importance of reciprocity and patron-client relationships. Reciprocity means that favors or gifts received now should be returned in the future. There is no clear distinction between a gift or a personal favor and what one receives as a right. The patron-client relationship is a species of reciprocity between persons of unequal socioeconomic status and it is modelled after the paterno-filial relationship. The obligations arising from the patron-client relationship are almost unilaterally determined by the patron and can thus very easily degenerate into exploitation. A most basic instance of patronage is that exercised by the landowner over his tenant farmers. Reciprocity, and in particular, patron-client relationships, are governed by the traditional value of "utang ng loob" (literally, "inner debt" in the sense of "debt of self", or better still, a deep and practically unrepayable "debt of gratitude"). This custom is perhaps the strongest agent of vertical integration in society, outside of kinship ties. Whoever fails to honor his "utang ng loob" is considered "walang hiya" ("without shame, honor or credibility", "loss of face in public"), which is the worst opprobium possible in Philippine society.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

c.) The emphasis on smooth interpersonal relationships (sir). An almost absolute value is placed on "smooth interpersonal relationships" or "pakikisama" (literally, "getting along with the group"). A premium is given to being polite, respectful, accommodating and non-confrontational, through an ingenious use of rhetoric, no matter what the issue at stake may be. This value is perhaps the most powerful horizontal bond in society; in absolute strength, it comes after family bonds and "utang ng loob". Whoever transgresses the law of "pakikisama" makes himself equally worthy of being called "walang hiya". d.) Pervasive poverty insofar as it affects values and behavior. Indigence has made the Filipino concentrate on immediate concerns, on short-term gains and benefits for himself, his family or group, instead of on the long-term interests of his class or nation. 2. A genetic study of the semantics of the term "political" would reveal the following idea-tree: In the first place, it refers to an essential characteristic of any human action, and only derivatively, to the task of government proper. Government, in turn, is subdivided into the executive, the legislative and the judicial functions. The executive branch should be identified more as a professional and efficient administration rather than as a bloated, impersonal and inefficient bureaucracy. All of these areas belong to the "political" or "public" realm. a.) In the contemporary Philippine setting, unfortunately, the "political" or the "public" concern is limited to and exclusive of government. Citizens, as a rule, retreat into their "private" lives and leave governance almost entirely to the hands of politicians. The scope of the "private" or the "personal" -as we had seen from the above, the "familiar"- is correspondingly broadened. Care and maintenance for public property is virtually non-existent; if ever, public property shall be subject to use or abuse as if it were one's own, personal, familiar or private property. b.) The legislative and the judicial functions of government merge under the control of the executive. The separation of powers has never really been operational within the Philippine context, where judges and justices eventually become legislators, and as such, ambition executive posts. What could be said of judges and justices of course also applies to the military. For practical purposes, the Philippine presidency could be likened to a monarchy which, quite facilely, transforms itself into a tyranny. Due to its Western trappings, Philippine politics acquires relative legitimacy through democratic elections (Corpuz, 1969). But rampant election fraud and cheating notwithstanding, votes are cast on the basis of popularity (media and sports personalities) and power or force ("lakas" in the vernacular, the electoral process is seen as a contest of force or "palakasan" before the government or the people) fueled by money and wealth, rather than on knowledge, expertise and authority. In this sense, what we have in the Philippines is a "market-driven" politics.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University c.) The bureaucracy becomes corrupt as soon as the monarch or tyrant realizes his need for support from among the ranks. He gets this support basically from his kin because blood or "ritual" loyalty is readily available, abundant, cheap and dependable. This practice issues in nepotism for the appointive offices and in political dynasties for the elective posts. And insofar as there exists a vicious cycle between power and wealth, corruption in government adopts the form of a plutocracy, then of a kleptocracy. Routine bureaucratic transactions such as voting, applying for a license or a permit, entering a business contract, etc. are "personalized" and "particularized"; i.e., they are made to include personal favors and other unspecified obligations. No distinction is observed between government resources and private funds. When infrastructure projects are inaugurated, for example, citizens feel more indebted to their representative than to the government. Particularism takes place when political decisions are based on preserving or increasing the benefits of a small group (i.e., members of one's family or ethno-lingistic group) to the exclusion of others or the nation as a whole. It undermines the very notion of equality before the law. IV. Conclusion and Recommendations. 1. The prevalence of very strong family ties, practically over-running the sphere of the private, combined with a very limited or reduced construal of the political, identified with the realm of the public, explains the propensity of contemporary Philippine political culture for the constitution of political dynasties. 2. Together with politics, ethics too is an inescapable dimension of all genuinely human actions. We shall now raise a couple of points crucial for the deliberation of the rightness or wrongness of political dynasties. (At this point, it is quite futile to weigh the merits of "pagka-kamaganak", "utang ng loob" and "pakikisama" which, depending on the circumstances, are morally ambivalent cultural traits.) a.) The formula used by the 1986 Philippine Constitution, Article II (Declaration of Principles and State Policies), Section 26 is a conjunction of two different members: "The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law." (Nolledo, 1987) By "opportunity for public service", we are to understand any government post, be it appointive or elective (although for the case of political dynasties, only elective posts are to be considered); and by "equal access" we mean fair elections. As far as "political dynasties" are concerned, there has been an attempt to define them in an ammendment to the Omnibus Election Code, Section 115. Now then, does not the prohibition of political dynasties precisely go against the equal access to opportunities for public service which the Constitution is supposed to guarantee? Is not such a prohibition discriminatory against those who already have relatives, up to the third degree of consanguinity or affinity, occupying government posts? Does not the principle of "equality before the law" include equality, regardless of one's family relations?

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University b.) Secondly, could there not be situations in which political dynasties could be justified? (Not solely on the basis of the number of votes garnered in an electoral process, since the proposed ammendment would disqualify certain individuals from even filing their candidacy.) Could not nature -since that is what consanguinity is all about- endow individuals belonging to the same family with the best qualifications (intelligence, leadership capacities, etc.), relative to other candidates, to perform government tasks? And even if those qualifications were to be acquired not by nature but by nurture, is not upbringing relatively homogeneous in a family? Consider the case of a remote and isolated area in the Philippines, lacking in basic social services such as opportunities for education. It is highly probable that the families which could afford to send their children to urban centers for their schooling produce the citizens best equipped to hold the reins of government. 3. If, due to the present circumstances of Philippine Society, political dynasties should be avoided, inasmuch as they are generally perceived to be fertile ground for graft and corruption in government, together with Doronila (1995) we should, therefore, move for: a.) The professionalization of politics. In a large measure, the results of the May 8, 1995 elections represent a positive step towards this direction. The bulk of the losers come from the ranks of the so-called "traditional politicians" or "trapos" (the Tagalog word for "rags"), whose only credential for public office is the fact that their relatives either have held such posts in the past or are incumbents. Professionalization could, of course, take many forms, as the formation offered in the French Ecoles or in some political parties to the youth who aspire for careers in government. b.) The industrialization and modernization of the socioeconomic system. This is a favorable measure insofar as it emancipates a large parte of the population, specifically, the tenant-farmers, from their landlords, with whom they maintain a relationship akin to bondage. To some degree, this simply means a heightened consciousness in these farmers of their civil and political liberties, as well as of their equality with the landowners before the law. c.) The strengthening of civil society as against the expansionist movements of the state. The common good of a nation should not be the concern of the state or government alone, but of each and every one of its citizens, either individually or in voluntarily-constituted groups. In this regard, the sprouting of several causeoriented non-gubernamental organizations or "NGO's", which could exercise a more effective albeit sectorial tutelage of the common good, should be welcomed and further promoted.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University QUESTION SHEET_____

Name: _______________________________ Date: _____________ Grade: _______________________________ Answer the following questions briefly: 1. What, according to the writer, is the meaning of Political Culture, and what is the meaning of positing a distinctive Philippine Political Culture? 2. The article adopted Wurfels periodization of the Philippine political history, what period could the authors idea of Contemporary Philippine Political Culture be situated? 3. In the words of House Speaker Devenecia, what is the reason why the passing of an election bill prohibiting political dynasties would be very difficult? Reflecting on the remarks of the speaker, what does it mean to you when it is applied in the context of passing significant bills in general (for instance, a comprehensive land reform bill)? 4. What is the meaning of political dynasty in the proposed omnibus election code? What provisions are provided therein to avoid political dynasticism? In the political experience of Region II, are there any political dynasties? Cite them (if any) and explain your specific reasons. 5. What is the essential difference between political dynasticism and nepotism? 6. Timberman enumerates the hallmarks of contemporary Philippine political culture, what are these? 7. According to the writer, what we have in the Philippines is a "market driven" politics, in your own words explain the reason why he claimed that. Do you agree? 8. What are the solutions offered by the writer to address the problems of political dynasticism in Philippine Politics?

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

Addendum
THE MAD, MAD WORLD OF PHILIPPINE POLITICS Marco Garrido The slate of hopefuls for the Philippine presidential election in May would seem illustrious indeed if only half the candidates weren't mad. In filing his candidacy, Rigoberta Madera Jr, 56, listed "Messiah" as his occupation. He signed with his "real name", Nanjnaan Nallalasnkeyjgodn Narmannahaisn, or NNN for short. NNN also claimed to be the six-star general "Ace Diamond Commander-inChief". Presumably, if elected, he would assume this persona to serve out his presidential term. Salve Ruiz-Bush, 47, claimed that George W Bush persuaded her to run for president of the Philippines. Bush, she claimed, is her fiance. German Valladarez, 61, boasted an ingenious plan for abolishing poverty: He would replace the Philippine peso with the US dollar. And just to be sure that everyone was affluent, he would give P1 million each (which, presumably, would be converted into dollars) to the unemployed as gratuity and P1 million to the employed as bonus every year, plus free electricity and water. Valladarez, an irrepressible fount of ideas, also claimed to have found a way to reincorporate the country's communist and Islamic rebels into the mainstream. He would allow each insurgency control of the military and police one day every week. Luisito Bacani wanted to abolish Congress, Philip Morriss Samson claimed to be a prophet with a master's degree from the "School Career College of Mystery", and Ferdinand Emmanuel Marcos Jr proclaimed himself ruler of the "H-World Piunfeo", while Andres Ugboc humbly gave his occupation as "natural-born construction employee". These characters lead the list of the 79 "nuisance candidates" the Commission on Elections (Comelec) has disqualified this year for want of financial means and credibility. But while the five remaining candidates are credible insofar as they possess the means to launch nationwide campaigns - that is, credible as presidential contenders - whether they would likewise be credible in the role of president, as characters of presidential mettle, is becoming increasingly arguable. The Comelec counts five contenders: an economist, incumbent President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (GMA); a movie star, Fernando Poe Jr (FPJ); a lawyer, former Department of Education secretary Raul Roco; an ex-cop, former Philippine National Police chief Panfilo Lacson; and the spiritual leader of the born-again group Jesus is Lord, Brother Eddie Villanueva. Barring any major upheavals in the electoral landscape, however, the race is really a showdown between GMA and FPJ. If at first it seemed a contest between experience and popularity, with GMA marshaling the advantages of incumbency against FPJ's command of the masa's affection, ruthless politicking has muddled the distinction. Both sides have tried to balance out their appeal in their choice of allies. GMA has chosen Noli de Castro as her vice-presidential pick and running mate. One can be sure that her selection had more to do with de Castro's
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An article printed in Asiatimes.com SouthEast Asia Section

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University popularity as a newscaster - being the only candidate able to top movie star FPJ in the polls - than with his record as a senator (two bills in 30 months). Likewise, she has made room for two movie stars and a former basketball star in her senatorial slate, and gone so far as to dub her new coalition "K4" (by yoking four Filipino "K" words), an apparent allusion to the Taiwanese pop quartet F4. FPJ, on the other hand, has surrounded himself with old hands to project an image of competence. The shadow of deposed president Joseph Estrada looms largest, a shadow Poe seems anxious, but unable, to shake. Estrada's son Jinggoy, initially left out of Poe's senatorial slate, was quickly reinstated once Jinggoy got his dad to pout publicly. Poe's coterie includes Ferdinand Marcos stalwarts such as Juan Ponce Enrile, Eduardo Cojuangco, and Gringo Honasan. These men bring not only experience but historical baggage to the campaign. Enrile was the dictator's martial-law administrator and defense chief; Cojuangco, a Marcos crony, was purportedly behind the attempt to impeach the chief justice last November, just as Honasan, a veteran destabilizer, was accused of having encouraged last July's botched coup attempt. Already, Enrile has hailed FPJ as "the new Marcos" - although, he quickly clarified, "the Marcos of 1965" (pre-martial law). Poe has also conscripted Loren Legarda as his running mate. Legarda, like de Castro, began as a newscaster, but because she is widely regarded as issue-oriented and progressive, her choice as vice-presidential bet is staked to add the appearance of competence to FPJ's bid. Legarda's inclusion on the Poe ticket is something of a coup for his camp. Really, she defected. Legarda cut an iconic figure in the run-up to EDSA 2, the people-power movement that deposed Estrada in 2001. She was "the Crying Lady" who burst into tears when the Senate voted not to open the envelope purportedly showing Estrada to be Jose Velarde, his alias enbling him to plunder. Now, in the bosom of Estrada's camp, she cuts an ironic figure. Her defection and the others that have since followed have diluted the spirit behind each party. The GMA and FPJ camps, until perhaps recently, represented opposing sides of the rupture begotten by EDSA 2, the people-power movement. In a way, the May election was supposed to continue the debate on who the rightful president truly was, the one deposed or the one installed. Now, however, with each party's slate encompassing both Estrada supporters and opponents, the debate - if not EDSA 2 itself - seems all but irrelevant. Even the distinction between administration and opposition has been obscured. Spinning her cross-party poaching as efforts at "reconciliation", GMA has embraced Miriam Santiago, John Osmena, and Orlando Mercado, all Estrada stalwarts, as senatorial bets. Only some weeks ago, before ending up on the K4 slate, Santiago had sworn off politics and tried to infiltrate the Poe camp. Filipinos still remember her directing the EDSA 3 (Estrada loyalist) crowd to attack Malacanang Palace. Another K4 senatoriable, Rodolfo Biazon, was last seen cheering on Raul Roco. Senator Aquilino Pimentel, running on FPJ's slate, shares the campaign stage with Enrile, the same guy who had him arrested during martial law and whom he accused of electoral fraud years later. The sheer politics of it all is not only dizzying but demeaning. One commentator has even

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University suggested criminalizing "turncoatism" or general political promiscuity for disorienting the public. Part of the political culture But political opportunism, although especially rabid this year, is quite characteristic of Philippine political culture. Filipino political actors are keenly alert to even the most obscure opportunities attending any exercise of power. Political scientist Alfred McCoy notes, "They are prepared to work with anyone who would work with them." This opportunism translates into fluidity in the political sphere. Rather than allowing themselves to be confined to roles determined by ideological affinities or party allegiances, Filipino politicians readily and regularly cast about for better opportunities, whether they are found in new patrons, new parties, or new positions. Boundaries formulated in the abstract barely decelerate their flight. The Filipino word for this turncoatism is balimbing, which is a star-shaped fruit that appears the same whichever way it is turned. The protean quality of Filipino politicians makes for rather variable politics, with coalitions in continual collapse and reformation depending on the sway of political gales, but it also tends to recycle a certain established cast of characters. Fluidity is a political survival tactic, a way to stay in power. Hence the fact that, in the present race coalitions are coalescing around personalities rather than platforms and blatantly pandering to popularity actually conforms to a tradition. Conrado de Quiros, editorial writer for the Philippine Daily Inquirer, observes correctly: "It is not principle, or morality, or conviction that gives [the politicians] common cause, it is ambition." This tradition is, of course, reinforced by voter preferences. Political scientists Alex Magno and Randy David elaborate the point. Magno argues that Filipino voters select candidates on the basis of "movie images, tribal loyalties, and the endorsement of people they owe allegiance to ... The intelligentsia and the ideologues might moan and groan, complain that the coalitions that are the real contenders offer the voters no choices. That is only partly true. The record tells us that when competent choices were offered, the voters rejected them." David argues likewise, that the poor the decisive constituency in elections - are "gripped by ignorance, mesmerized by the mass media, and paralyzed by poverty ... They do not make a connection between their personal situations and the social structures that constrain their life chances. They seek solutions in patronage and repose their faith in the allencompassing power of charisma." These preferences necessarily limit the practice of politics, allowing for little more than a politics of popularity. Such as it is, de Quiros has quipped: "The most successful political party in the country today is not the administration party Lakas-CMD, it is ABS-CBN Broadcasting Corp." Of course none of this explains away the feelings of degradation that have gripped an electorate dizzied by the spectacle of such crass politicking. In gambles made to bolster their credibility as contenders, the candidates have squandered the faith, perhaps misplaced, that they might represent a new kind of president, one somehow able to rise above such wearisome nuisance politics

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University Nevertheless, such faith seems to persist beside widespread cynicism. Paulino Corpus, a 44-year-old pedicab driver, believes he should be president. "I no longer trust the present leadership because it is no longer capable. The fact that I don't have money means that I am more serious in running. I will focus my efforts on how to develop this country," he said. "But the other candidates who have money, what did they do? They made the lives of the people more difficult." Unfortunately, Corpus also believes he is "general of the world".

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

Philippine Political & Economic Ideologies

PHILIPPINE POLITICAL-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGIES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE4

What is the relationship between social justice and economics? While the answer might seem self-evident at first glance, in this critical period of Philippine history, this question needs more careful consideration, particularly by students and teachers of economics. In fact, the question can be posed in more direct and urgent terms: how can the study and teaching of economics be made more responsive to the demands of social justice in this country today? Reflecting on these questions from the standpoint of a teacher of the subject, and drawing on experiences as a student of economics, I have divided this discussion into three main parts: First: Why it is essential that we recognize from the outset that there are competing ideological perspectives in economics and why there is a need for a comparative political-economic approach in the study and teaching of the subject; second, a schematic presentation of major competing political-economic perspectives and their implications for social justice; and third, some trends in political-economic thinking on social justice in post-February, 1986, Philippines, as an illustration of this comparative ideological framework. The focus will be on the social justice and national economy provisions in the 1986 Constitution and on the general policies of the Philippine government. THE NEED FOR A COMPARATIVE POLITICAL- ECONOMICAL FRAMEWORK Two economists, Leon Silk and Dudley Seers, have said: Economists have rarely been popular with the generality of people. This is strange, because economists have long insisted that their subject matter is the improvement of human welfare. Nevertheless, their critics have often called them a heartless crew, content with the calculus of more and less within the existing order--while so much of humanity suffers and dies, and the gross sins of society go unstudied and uncorrected. (Silk) There is so much for economics graduates to unlearn, that unfortunately, the abler the student is in absorbing the current doctrine, the more difficult the process of adaptation. (Seers) There is a good deal of cynicism in these statements. Certainly these comments seem to belie Paul Samuelson's claim that economics is the "queen of the social sciences". It is not my intention to discourage would-be change agents in the social sciences. But if we are to be serious and successful in inculcating the value of social justice and human rights among students of the social sciences and, particularly, of economics, some
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From Benjamin T. Tolosa Jr., Political-Economic Ideologies And Social Justice. Tolosa is a Political Science Professor of Ateneo de Manila.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University amount of "taking stock" is in order. Both student and teacher need to be jolted into a process of critical reflection. Going back to the two quotations above, it is apparent that the criticisms are directed at a particular dominant tradition of economic theorizing and policymaking. Silk mentions "the calculus of more and less within the existing order". He is referring quite obviously to the marginalist tradition in economics. For many, economics has become a framework for understanding small changes, for making small adjustments within the prevailing socio-political system. But if social justice demands structural changes, e.g., the transformation of property relations, there is a clear inconsistency between the economic framework and the imperatives of social justice. Then perhaps we might agree with Dudley Seers that economics in this sense is best not learned at all. The starting point for making the study and teaching of economics responsive to the demands of social justice is to unearth the underlying assumptions about human beings and society that are rooted in various economic theories--often perceived to be value-free. This first step will hopefully make us recognize that what we have is not a single "economic" perspective on society (and on social justice) which readily can be adopted to understand and respond to socio-economic issues. What we have are competing perspectives, paradigms, philosophies, ideologies. Students ought to be disabused of the notion that economics is above ideological and political struggle. There is a common conception of economics as simply a "box of tools"-a "technical discipline" that is pragmatic and problem-oriented. What needs to be stressed is that behind the technical analyses are ideological presuppositions. Many of the solutions proposed for various problems are shaped by the way the problems themselves are defined COMPETING POLITICAL-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGIES AND THEIR SOCIAL JUSTICE IMPLICATIONS This is not the place to discuss in detail and in depth the various ideological perspectives in political economy, since that would be subject matter for a semester or even two semester course in economics. I shall confine myself to a schematic presentation of these political-economic perspectives and try to draw out their social justice implications. My aim is to show that each perspective has a notion of what is "socially just" and thus of policy measures to achieve this objective. The schema shows the broad spectrum of major political-economic ideologies drawn in a traditional "left" to "right" axis. The schema also tries to illustrate that these ideologies have emerged in history often in reaction to one another. The classical liberal ideology emerged from a traditional conservatism, with its emphasis on absolutist and paternalist rule by a sovereign who controlled both political and economic power. In that sense, liberalism was a "freedom movement" calling for "individual liberty" in both the political and socio-economic spheres. Liberal democracy emphasized political pluralism and parliamentary competition, separation of powers and civil liberties. Liberal capitalism stressed

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University the right to private property and free enterprise, and the primacy of market forces over the state in making economic decisions; it therefore advocated a minimal role for the state in the economy. On the left side of the diagram are perspectives which give greater importance to the "social" than to the "individual". It is argued that liberalism fails precisely in its central objective of "freedom" as long as this "freedom" is confined to the political sphere. For socialists, there is no genuine liberty apart from social equality. As democracy is not fully realized if its basic principles and institutions are not extended to the socio-economic sphere, they see freedom and democracy demanding the social ownership and control of the major means of production. The schema shows also the historical division of the socialist movement into two main tendencies. One, tendency identifies with the legacy of Lenin and the Russian revolution of 1917. It sees the destruction or the "smashing" of the "bourgeois state" as a necessary step in the establishment of socialism. It also views the formation of a "vanguard" party organized along "democratic centralist" lines as a requirement. "Democratic Socialism", by contrast, rejects Leninism as inconsistent with the principles of socialism. It underlines the primacy of democracy in the construction and consolidation of socialism. It argues that the institutions and structures of political democracy are permanent achievements of humankind and therefore must not be destroyed. Socialism is to be characterized by democratic control of both the political and the economic decision-making processes. Democratic socialists believe in political pluralism and workers' socialism as pillars of the alternative society. Towards the center of the diagram is a perspective which crystallized sometime in the 1930s-40s, particularly in the immediate post-war period. This ideology often is associated with the ideas of the British economist John Maynard Keynes but it can be seen also as the product of the historical and intellectual convergence of some aspects of liberalism and socialism--thus the term "social liberalism". It is "liberal" to the extent that it upholds the institutions of private property and free enterprise, but at the same time, it questions as did Keynes, the efficacy of the free market in promoting efficiency, stability and equity in the macro-economy. Such a combination of beliefs has given rise to the so-called welfare ideology and the welfare state. But welfarism also emerged out of the political practice of democratic socialist parties, particularly in Europe--as result of both their achievements and their failures. Their commitment to both democracy and socialism found expression in their participation in parliamentary politics--the so-called "parliamentary road to socialism". But in the majority of cases, "socialist victories" were limited to reforms which improved workers' welfare within the essentially unchanged system of capitalist social relations. Recently, there has been a trend towards strong insistence on free enterprise and the free market. This revival has sometimes been termed "neo-liberalism". But the new liberalism is at the same also a "neo-conservatism" because while extolling the virtues of liberal capitalism, it increasingly rejects the values and institutions associated with liberal democracy. Political liberalism is seen as a hindrance to economic efficiency and growth. This "New Right" therefore

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University combines economic liberalism and political authoritarianism. It argues that often the price of a "free economy" is a "strong state". The free operation of the market requires order. Conversely, the market itself has a way of ensuring order and thus is an institution of power and authority in society--an idea attractive to traditional conservatives. Economic theory and policy therefore cannot be abstracted from these larger ideological debates. For example, neo-classical economics with its conception of the economy as composed of atomistic consumers and producers maximizing their utility or profit needs to be understood in the light of the liberal ideology. Variants of Keynesian economics and Marxist political economy can likewise be located within a certain range in the spectrum of ideologies. Thus, the question of economics and social justice cannot be discussed independently of these ideologies. For example, classical liberal ideology tends to equate individual good with the common good-"individual utility" with "social utility". Social justice is advanced if there is equality of opportunity in the market. What the liberal and neo-liberal models overlook is that there are, to begin with, inequalities in the distribution of wealth and income which foreclose "equal opportunity" and "fair competition". Economic theories and policies in the "social liberal" tradition believe that markets are basically flawed--that they often lead to inefficiency and inequity. Thus the state needs to intervene in the name of "social justice", i.e., to redistribute the fruits of production towards the poorer sectors of society. The third general tradition in economics recognizes that economic inequalities are rooted in unequal production relations. Thus both those who adhere to Democratic Socialism and Marxism-Leninism believe that social justice can be achieved only if there is a fundamental transformation in the social relations of production. Since the Philippines is considered as belonging to the so-called "Third World", it may also be worthwhile to try to locate the main perspectives on development in the political-economic schema used in this essay. Under the liberal, neo-liberal, and, partly, social-liberal categories would fall the models which define the process of development as that of "capitalization" and the building of the necessary social and political infrastructure to facilitate modernization. Of course, under this general perspective there is a strand which looks to the private sector as the main engine of growth. Another strand, which typified early development economics and which reflects Keynesian influence, recognizes the central role of the government in productive activity. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, a perspective emerged in development studies which may be classified under the "social liberal" or even "social democratic" heading. The so-called "growth with equity" model pointed out that the historical record of development in the Third World showed that high rates of growth due to "capitalization" were often associated with deepening poverty and widening inequities. Therefore there was a need for an approach which stressed "distribution" together with "growth" or "capitalization". Finally, there are the development models which correspond to the left side of the schema. These

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University approaches underline the importance of popular or social control of socioeconomic and political decision-making processes in the country. They call for the radical "transformation" of the prevailing socio-political system. Central to their analysis is the unequal relationship that presently exists between the developed "center" and the underdeveloped "periphery". Social justice, therefore, also demands national control of the development process. TRENDS IN POLITICAL-ECONOMIC THINKING ON SOCIAL JUSTICE IN POST-FEBRUARY 1986 PHILIPPINES After outlining the major competing perspectives in political economy and their social justice implications, we can inquire into the current state of the ideological debate on the issue of social justice that has taken place since February, 1986. It is logical to begin this inquiry with the 1986 Constitution, and to focus on the general state policies enumerated in that document and its key articles on social justice and the national economy. What are the ideological underpinnings of the Constitution? It has been repeatedly said that the 1986 Constitution is a product of the February Revolution and thus can be understood only in the light of the socio-political forces and processes which led to the rise of the new government. The "ideology" of the Constitution reflects the "ideology/ies" of the groups behind the Aquino regime. I would note three major ideological tendencies (with varying degrees of strength and coherence) which were represented in the political forces behind the February 1986 events and which permeate the present Constitution. First, a clear anti-authoritarian sentiment was evident in the popular revolt against the Marcos dictatorship. There was therefore something in the Aquino government's rise to power akin to a liberal reaction to absolutism mentioned earlier. There is really no need to belabor the point that many provisions of the Constitution enunciate what is at the core of political liberalism: separation of powers, public accountability, respect for civil liberties and human rights. Second, there are political groups who have continually called attention to the "unfinished character" of the February revolution. They argue that democracy cannot be fully consolidated unless basic social reforms are enacted to redress the problems of poverty and inequity in the country. Such groups remained largely outside or peripheral to the regime, but nonetheless their ideas have influenced the government and particularly the Constitution, in which at least a "social liberal" tendency is evident. The Social Justice Article, for example, is a manifestation of this redistributive ideology. Third, there is a tendency which I consider to be quite problematic. An important component of the anti-Marcos coalition was anti-authoritarian because the dictatorship was seen to be "interventionist" and "crony capitalist". These groups therefore tended to equate political liberalization with economic liberalization--reminiscent of classical liberalism. The Constitution thus contains provisions which give primacy to the "private sector" in the area of the national economy and which mandates that the government protect and enhance "free enterprise". This tendency is quite problematic because as in the case of the neo-liberal model explained earlier, the

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University advocacy of economic liberalism today is often associated with ideas more consistent with political authoritarianism than political liberalism. It is apparent therefore that the Constitution contains tendencies which may run contrary to one another, especially in the long run. Inevitably, a dominant ideological position will emerge. A closer look at the Constitution will show the ideological trends which co-exist uneasily with one another. The politically liberal character of the document is clear enough. The Bill of Rights article is the strongest statement of this commitment. On the question of social liberalism, the Constitution says that "the state shall promote social justice in all phases of national development". But, of course, one has to ask what is the concept of "social justice" implied in this statement. In this section, as will be repeated in the national economy article, the government is called upon to intervene to foster distributive justice. The Constitution also "affirms labor as a primary social economic force" and underlines the duty of the State to "protect the rights of workers and promote the general welfare". In the same article, however, it says also that the "state recognizes the indispensable role of the private sector, encourages private enterprise and provides incentives to needed investments". This section illustrates the liberal economic tendencies of the Constitution, which on closer examination may conflict with the section on workers' rights. The Social Justice Article as a whole, as earlier pointed out, embodies the general "social liberal" tendency of the Constitution, with its focus on labor rights, urban land reform, housing, agrarian reform, etc. There are also some sections in the National Economy Article which tend to reinforce this perspective. For example, a redistributive philosophy is behind such statements as "the use of property bears a social function" and the right to free enterprise as "subject to the duty of the State to promote distributive justice and to intervene when the common good demands." Nowhere in the Constitution do we find a statement on the "social nature of all property", but at least, the emphasis on individual rights is balanced by statements on social rights. Nevertheless, the article says that while the promotion of a "more equitable distribution of opportunities, income and wealth" is one of the goals of the economy, "expanding productivity" remains "the key to raising the quality of life for all, especially the underprivileged". These contradictory ideological tendencies were manifested also in the Aquino government and its policy thrusts. In its desire to preserve the ruling coalition of individuals and political forces, the government tried to maintain an uneasy balance among conflicting perspectives and demands: between a view which emphasizes greater political liberalism and pluralism, and another which calls for political order and stability; between its desire to redress poverty and inequity and its commitment to promote free enterprise. There was some truth to the government's description of itself as "centrist" in the sense that it tried earnestly to balance off these contradictory political strands and claims.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University But clearly the dominant tendency has not been "social democratic" or even "social liberal". The Aquino administration increasingly made political and ideological choices in the direction of the business sector and military interests. While on the surface, such a trend may be reconciled with a commitment to liberal democracy, such a situation, as noted earlier, is at best problematic. In the interest of political consolidation the government gave in to military demands, particularly with respect to the insurgency and the law and order issues. The government pledged an all-out privatization policy as an incentive to would-be investors--local and foreign. Moreover, the administration sought alliances with provincial political clans in an attempt to widen its power bases on the local level. In the process, the government has distanced itself from earlier emphases on human rights, popular consultation and empowerment, and basic social reform. Thus, it would be ultimately misleading for the government to continue to describe itself as "centrist" unless, of course, the range of ideological options is redefined to exclude some perspectives. Indeed, a question that needs continually to be posed is: where is the ideological "center of gravity"? A keen awareness of "ideological room for maneuver" is crucial in this precarious period of democratic transition. CONCLUSION Going back to the question of how social justice can be integrated into the teaching and study of economics, it is clear that a necessary first step is a certain of "ideological consciousness". We witness not only technical debates in economics, but also debates which have serious political and ideological ramifications for social justice. What is needed is a comparative approach to the teaching of economics. Students have to be exposed to the range of available political-economic perspectives and alternatives. The problem is that for years students have not been keenly aware of these competing paradigms. Such an anomalous situation must be corrected if we are to produce agents of change-students who are critical of the status quo and able to propose alternative solutions to the many socio-political problems faced by the country. Secondly, while we must be conscious of the range of perspectives on "social justice", ultimately, we have to make individual and collective choices on which paradigm or ideology to adopt. What is involved is not simply academic discussion and debate. In these critical times when the character of Philippine "democracy" is being shaped, many crucial political battles are being waged on the cultural and ideological plain--battles to mould popular consciousness. Various political forces are seeking to analyze problems and define the terms of debate according to their particular perspectives and interests. We cannot therefore remain indecisive, especially with regard to questions like "social justice" and "democracy". Indeed if we firmly believe in a particular

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University conception of social justice, we must seek to appropriate the term. My own view is that a genuine commitment to "social justice and human rights" as enunciated in the Constitution implies a firm commitment to both political and socioeconomic democratization in the country. Finally, since I have stressed the positive role that ideological thinking plays in providing a general framework for understanding problems and proposing solutions, perhaps I should also warn against the danger of ideological rigidity and dogmatism. Ideology has an important critical function. But in the analysis of concrete socio-political events, there is a need to go beyond ideology. History is convoluted and often ambiguous.15 It requires an openness to the unexpected. It demands humility. Our experience of the February revolution should serve as a constant reminder of the uniqueness of concrete situations and the infinite possibilities of the present moment, both of which require flexibility in our perspectives and approaches. Such an idea is not alien to Marxism. As Dr. Francisco Nemenzo often points out, dogmatism is incompatible with the true practice of dialectical materialism. For Christians, such openness is inextricably linked with the belief that the world is constantly being renewed and recreated--by human action, true, but only as a response of co-creators to the continuing call of the God in history. Action informed by political-economic ideologies ultimately demands an openness to grace.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University QUESTION SHEET_____

Name: _______________________________ Date: _____________ Grade: _______________________________ Answer the following questions briefly: 1. What are the three general types of political/economic ideologies identified by the writer as the basis of his succeeding discussion on post-Martial Law Philippine ideologies? 2. Discuss Keynes idea of Liberal Socialism. 3. What are the three ideological tendencies of Philippine governments after the February revolution? 4. Provide the sections in the 1986 constitution which, according to the writer, illustrates the possibility of an ideological conflict. 5. The ideological conflict in the 1986 constitution is also reflected on the policy thrust of the Aquino government (which remains to be true in the current Arroyo government), provide briefly these policy conflicts as discussed by the writer. 6. In the context of the need to become aware of ideological alternatives, the writer, on his concluding section, tells about the need to mold students as agents of change. How should the Philippine society, in general, and the Philippine schools, in particular, should do this according to the writer?

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

The Philippine Propaganda Wars


COMMUNISM AND THE ANTI-COMMUNIST CAMPAIGN IN THE PHILIPPINES5

There is no comprehensive study of Filipino anti-communism in the past century. There are scattered stories of anti-communist campaigns in the past. But we have yet to read something substantial about the issue. Nevertheless, it is important to piece up a tentative picture of anti-communisms history in our country in the last quarter of the 20th century and of present. But as you will notice, this becomes fragmented as we approach the present. First, we are more or less sure about what happened in the first 15 years or so of the postwar period. The new Republic was a close ally of the United States and did its bit to contribute to the American effort to start and win the Cold War recognition of Taiwan and condemnation of China, sending troops to the Korean War, hosting American military bases and other installations. Anti-communist politics complemented the joint American-Filipino efforts to crush the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas and its army the Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan (or Huks). An anti-communist united front consisting of professional organizations like the provincial chambers of commerce, AFL -CIO supported labor unions, Jesuit-organized free peasant associations filled up the space after the Partys mass organizations were crushed, and, together with the media, sustained the anti-communist public rhetoric long after the Left was defeated. The Catholic Church and the Jesuits were particularly the most zealous; clerical journals ranted about the communist threat and warned convents to send only ugly ( pangit ) nuns to the countryside for their chances of being raped by lurking Reds are lower than the beautiful ones. The presidency of Ramon Magsaysay also helped the anti-communist cause immensely. Magsasays reforms of the military and the CIAs successful portrait of his regime as Americas showcase of democracy in Asia restored some legitimacy on the post-colonial state. It also gave the American government a sort of an alternative democratic model to offer for Southeast Asia where a number of post-colonial regimes tended to be pro-communists or dominated by communists. Filipino suppo rters of Magsaysay played some role in the construction and propping up of the Ngo Dinh Diem regime in South Vietnam. In the legislator, Church-supported senators deployed anti-communism to obstruct the passing of a law requiring college students to take a course on the life and writings of our national hero, Jose Rizal. Opportunistic legislators also launched the Philippine version of McCarthyism, led by an imbecile who eventually became Ferdinand Marcoss chief of the
5

From Patricio N. Abinales, Which Anti-Communisms? Reflections from the Philippines. Patricio N. Abinales is the Director of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University Commission on Elections. While this circus failed to have the same devastating impact as it had here in the United States, thanks in part to the stupidity of its organizers, it did give us a sense of the atmosphere of the times. By the late 1960s, however, all these began to change caused in part by the return of corruption and inefficiency in the state, not to mention the increasing reliance by politicians on the now-infamous guns, goons, gold method of winning elections. In the urban areas, a new generation of Filipinos had reached adulthood, less pro-American than their predecessors, disdainful of the conservatism of their elders, rebellious and admiring of the anti-imperialism of the Vietnam War, the Red Guards and their Cultural Revolution, and the hippie movement. The Philippines, like many countries in Southeast Asia, was swept by that youth rebellion. A small but influential core at the University of the Philippines, began leading protests against the 1950s witchhunts, the Vietnam War, corruption and government puppetry to US imperialism. Drawing inspiration from the marginalized nationalist voices of the 1950s but also finding support from a reviving PKP, these students and intellectuals led by an English major, Jose Ma. Sison organized the Kabtataang Makabayan (Nationalist Youth or KM) in 1964, and vigorously set up study groups and KM chapters in the pursuit of national democracy. The KMs radicalism and its demand for a critical re examination of the Huk defeat did not jive with the conservatism of the PKP leadership and Sison and his charges were expelled in 1967 (or thereabouts). The determined Sison re-established a new communist party under the glorious banner of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse Tung Thought on December 1968. In the private schools in the meantime, the protest bug also infected reformist students children of the 1950s generation of anti-communists leading to pickets to demand full Filipinization of the Jesuit schools, protest the slow implementation of land reform, clean and honest elections. But by the 1970s, a growing number of these moderates were also questioning their reformism. After a major confrontation between students and police between January 1970 and March 1971 (mythologized by many as the First Quarter Storm of 1970), the reformist ranks experienced several splits with the majority moving to the CPP and its national democratic network. Marcos declared martial law on September 21, 1972, alleging that the Republic was threatened by a conspiracy of the Left and the Right (which, looking back now, had some modicum of truth in it although the dictator did exaggerate a bit). The Philippines came under authoritarian rule for the next 15 years. And at this point, an interesting twist happened: the popularity of anti-communism as rhetoric and practice actually began to wane. The explanations here are complex, but I think part of it had something to do with a number of reasons: first, as Marcos became more repressive and showing signs of ruling forever, and with Imeldas ostentatiousness, Filipinos began to doubt the validity of their anti-communist crusade. Second, the CPP took off after it toned down its Maoist oratory, indigenized its strategy, and became the foremost anti-imperialist force and

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University advocate of nationalism. Guerrillas applied the mass line to near-perfection (the New Peoples Army became known in the countryside as Nice People Around) while in the urban areas and town centers the nationalist rhetoric of the communists came to also dominate the evolving anti-fascist political culture. Third, the end of the Vietnam War and the Beijing-Washington rapprochement lessened Cold War tensions while the Khmer Rouge genocides, the Vietnam invasion of Cambodia, the Chinese-Vietnamese border wars, and Deng Xiao Pengs condemnation of the Cultural Revolution, not to mention the end of the Mao cult merely reiterated communisms failings as an alternative social order. The CPP however appeared less affected by this, perhaps because of its successful indigenization of its Maoism. Finally, the moderates, anti-communist politicians and the Jesuits proved unable to match the communists organizing skills, and were split on how best to oppose Marcos: elections or urban terrorism? Efforts to create a Third Way to counter the CPPs growth by connecting with armed Islamic separatists or seeking support from American politicians were also not yielding any fruit. By the 1980s, some of these groups would reach out albeit grudgingly and with a lot of suspicion to the Left. The broad coalitions of 1980 and 1981 opposed to the attempts by Marcos to prop up his legitimacy with demonstration elections were examples of these moderateradical- politico collaborations. In short, in an odd way, what happened in the 1970s and early 1980s was that being communist while still fraught with peril and often leading to torture and death in the hands of the military and/or its brutal civilian vigilantes, was also becoming acceptable to many, especially in the urban areas. To be Left was hip, and respect for the Left grew as the dictatorship began to weaken. Thus even if the CPP made a strategic mistake by not supporting Corazon Aquino in 1986, the Left had become a household name in post -authoritarian politics. It had penetrated the language of the regimes after Marcos and their leaderships bereft of any ideological grounding and political language they could call their own inevitably borrowed, appropriated even plagiarized the argot of the Left. Even the bejeweled anti-Marcos elites, the air-con opposition, would talk the communist talk. Communisms nationalist rhetoric especially had wormed its way into the lingua franca of the state. All the more once the CPP-NPA broke up into factions with some of those who were ousted from afar by the self-exiled Sison forming electoral coalitions with the moderates, politicians, social democrats, and even colonels, captains and lieutenants associated with the notorious military reform movements that tried to overthrow Marcos and Aquino. Those who made it to power began to influence the language of the state littering the speeches, policy rationales, even the spins of presidents and cabinet secretaries with words, phrases, slogans from the Left. (We have something similar going on under Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, Sergio Berloscunis Thai counterpart; ex-Maoists crafting his corporatization of the Thai state; and likewise in Indonesia where old Bandung radicals now form the inner circle of President Megawati Sukarnoputri). Global politics also did its part to support this change. Multilateral

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University aid agencies like USAID, the foundations, international institutions like the United Nations, the World Bank and even the IMF, all began to reach out to the peoples movements. NGOs were being invited into policy discussion sessions and coordinating bodies, and technocats of these institutions suddenly experienced a change of heart and began talking the lingo of the people. MacNamara talk was out, civil society and popular empowerment were in. It was no wonder then that the late Gen. Luis Villa-Real, president of the nowdefunct Philippine Anti-Communist League, a veteran Cold Warrior of the 1950s, complained that no one in the Aquino cabinet took him seriously when he warned, as director of the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency (a post Aquino appointed him in after 1986), that there were leftist in government. He also bemoaned the fact that even young officers of the military seemed to talk like communists. So if post-authoritarian politics found a place for communist rhetoric, what happened to anti-communism? Did it die in 1991 when Villa-Real passed away? I think it did not; but it did assume different meaning and different forms, and has decidedly become more local. The Cold War themes are still there, albeit articulated now by a small cabal of would-be-Filipino neo-conservatives consisting of old hacks from old era joining forces with former self-proclaimed radicals who now embrace Reagan, the market, limited government and even making religion a part of politics. Compelled to support the existing state, these Filipino neo-cons are nevertheless still irritated with the socialistic themes of existing government programs, demanding that these end in favor of the night watchman state. They are the most fanatical in equating radicalism, Islamic separatism and the small peace movement with terrorism. This kind of anticommunism we are all familiar with. But what I would like us to think about is also a different anti-communist strain, a good anti-communism for a lack of a better phrase. This is a strain that has come out of the debates, factional splits and eventual purges inside the CPP in 1992, when the Filipino Ayatollah, Jose Ma. Sison regained control of the Party. I am not referring to those factions that he and his cabal ousted, for many of them continue to affirm their allegiance to a Left, nay a communist agenda. I am referring more the book To Suffer thy Comrades: How the Revolution Decimated its Own, by a friend of mine, Robert Francis Garcia. Bobby his nickname is an ex-communist guerrilla who was arrested and tortured by his own comrades during one of four to five series of purges, tortures and killings that the Party conducted in the 1980s to supposedly weed out military spies inside the organization. About 1,800 to 2,000 cadres and guerrillas of the Party were killed and an undetermined number tortured between 1985 and 1990, all in the span of five years. These individuals were the cogs of the revolution as the statement Bobby and the survivors described themselves in a statement released in the gathering to commemorate the purges just this May 10. They were in the forefront of the struggle against fascism and imperialism, manning barricades, waging battles with the Marcos police and military [and with] some of us even joining the armed struggle in the countryside.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University Theirs was a generation which suffered the most from the madness that engulfed the revolutionary movement in the 1980s. It took Bobby Garcia and four of his comrades 10 years before they could put in writing their respective ordeals. The book is in the bestseller list of fiction and non-fiction writings for 2003 in the Philippines. Published early last year, it is now in its second printing. Allies of the CPP, have attacked this book alleging that it was anti-communist and that it objectively-speaking had aided in the governments attempt to brand the Party a terrorist organization Some academic Maoists at the University of the Philippines even tried to pressure the publisher, Anvil Books, and the president of the state university to stop the publication and convey a warning to Garcia of what can happen to him if he pushes with the publication of the book. But oddly, the Arroyo government has not exploited the books revelations; neither has the military used it in its propaganda war. One possible reason for this non-action may be the presence of ex-communists in the Arroyo government people who may have broken away from the CPP but because of personal ties and their experience with old-style anti-communism, prefer to fight their former comrades via economic and social programs, not through propaganda. Garcia, as he wrote in his preface, and as those of us who know him, wrote the book for his own peace of mind. He harbors only a little smudge of ill will against his torturers and their political officers, but not to the movement that made him a revolutionary. He would, however, like to see three things happen: (a) that the Party reveal where the mass graves are; (b) give a list of those who were killed so that their families be properly informed; and (c) that some justice be meted especially to those who were mainly responsible for the tortures and the executions. Here, I think, is a new strain of anti-communism that co-exists with the old in the Philippines today. It is a strain that, by simply telling a tale of torture and death, without condemnation, recrimination or a regression to conservative and rightwing discourse, has put Filipino communism on the block. It is a strain that in its stories retains the idealism and goodness of its authors lower-level cadres and guerrillas but depicts the Party leadership as no different from any other cabal of politicos in the Philippines autocratic, patronage-driven, displaying Mafia-like ruthlessness in eliminating rivals, not averse to deal-making and extortion, and adamant in holding on to power and keeping their glorified positions. And because its authors Bobby, his fellow victims, their families and friends are still committed to helping the poor and the oppressed, of fighting exploitation, militarization and the dehumanization of people but in ways that do not anymore adhere to the correct political line of an armed struggle under the leadership of a proletarian vanguard, they too have redefined anti-communism into something other than and far different from its old Cold War meaning. They have given the phrase a new face and even new substance. I think if asked what the appropriate term is, Bobby and his fellow victims would probably call it popular democracy.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

QUESTION SHEET_____

Name: _______________________________ Date: _____________ Grade: _______________________________ Answer the following questions briefly: 4. In your own words, discuss the peculiar role of the Catholic Church in the history of Anti-Communist campaign in the Philippines. Provide specific case examples as provided in the Article. 5. How did the administration of Magsaysay help immensely in the AntiCommunist campaign? 6. Identify the main causes of the rise of communism in the 1960s. What are the issues that allows communism to rejuvenate? 7. Why did Marcos crusade against communism fail? 8. What is the implication for the CPP of the adoption of the communist talk in the lingua franca of state? 9. Reflect on the virtue of communism in light of the experiences of Bobby.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

Philippine Political Elites, Elections and Political Parties


MOVING TO HIGHER GROUND: REFORMING POLITICAL PARTIES AND ELECTORAL FINANCE IN THE PHILIPPINES6

Today there seems to be a general sense of hopelessness in reforming the Philippine political system and a high degree of skepticism over our countrys practice of governance and its brand of politics. Political as well as bureaucratic corruption in electoral politics and the different government agencies have become so extensive over the past years. Public office elective and appointive have been seen by the Filipino populace negatively as a means to attain, preserve and increase power and reward family members, supporters and patrons with jobs, contract and other benefits. The uses of public office for these purposes have caused recurring cycles of corruption scandals and poor governance at both the national and local level. Corruption in the public sector is perceived as high. Although the Philippines is rated better than Indonesia and Vietnam in terms of perception of corruption in government, about 49 percent of surveyed Filipinos think that there is a great deal of corruption in the public sector. In the March 2001 Soc ial Weather Station (SWS) survey, respondents showed increased dissatisfaction regarding governments performance in eradicating graft and corruption. (SWS. March 2001) In a 2000 World Bank study, Corruption in the Philippines has been characterized as pervasive and deeply rooted, by government, non-governmental and international sources. As in other developing countries, the types of illegal and illicit behavior range into the hundreds, if not thousands and vary markedly in terms of their sophistication and ultimate burden upon development. (World Bank, 2000:3) It has inflicted a heavy toll on our countrys economic performance. This has gravely affected the general quality of life and the delivery of basic services to the Filipino people. This misallocation of scarce public funds meant less resource to address development demands as it erodes the extent and quality of public services available to the Filipino masses and raises the cost of the public goods.

From the Paper presented at the 11 International Anti-Corruption Conference Workshop on Monitoring Political Party Financing and Curbing Electoral Corruption: The Role of Civil Society

th

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University The Office of the Ombudsman has reported that the Philippine government estimated a loss of US$48 billion over the last 20 years on account of corruption, exceeding the countrys entire foreign debt of US$ 40.6 billion. The Commission on Audit (COA) estimated that corruption costs the government about Ph P2 billion every year. Though most estimates of losses due to corruption are imprecise and not very rigorous, it suggests, that very large amounts of public funds are being lost to both political and bureaucratic corruption. (World Bank, 2000:4) On more specific terms, the magnitude of loss due to bureaucratic and political corruption has deprived the Filipino people of better schools, better hospitals, better infrastructures and even an influence-free judicial system. In short it had deprived our countrymen of better lives, better governance and a better future. The culture of corruption in the Philippines did not only deprive people of better lives but has also demeaned our public institutions. The trust and confidence bestowed by local and international community on them is now at an all time low. Surveys of international public opinion, including those conducted by Transparency International, the World Economic Forum in their Global Competitiveness Report and Economic Intelligence Unit have consistently placed the Philippines in the bottom third in terms of perceived levels of corruption and have rated poorly the Philippines in the extent of corruption, judicial independence, legal corruption and additional and irregular payments. We are identified among countries where irregular, additional payments are common and the arbitrariness in the judiciary as a major source of frustration in doing business in the Philippines. (World Bank, 2000:5) Corruption in the Philippines: Consequence of Bad Politics The long-term consequence of the Philippines brand of governance is obvious. Interest groups, legitimate or otherwise, clean or shady, including gambling lords and drug lords each have their finger in the pie. Governance and public policy is held hostage today not only to vested interests, but also more disturbingly, to criminal networks. While a culture of corruption exist in the Philippine bureaucracy, it must be emphasized that bureaucratic corruption pales in comparison with the grand corruption involved in political corruption and that bureaucratic corruption is often abetted and controlled by politicians through appointments in key government positions and undue influence on career bureaucrats. Mendoza contends that the question of corruption should not be viewed merely as an economic matter. Rather corruption must be seen as a political problem. The requirements of the electoral processes and the financial demands of

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University electoral democracy induce corrupt behavior. Corruption scandals are frequently associated with the financing of political campaigns. Practices include the illegal receipt of campaign funds from private individuals and firms by politicians in exchange for lucrative government contracts or for favorable treatment by the bureaucracy or the raid by incumbents of the public treasury for the same purposes. (Mendoza, 2001:54). Comparative research of industrialized and developing democracies indicates a strong and positive correlation between electoral campaign expenditures and corruption. Political corruption increases with the higher cost of elections. The disproportionate role corruption plays in the Philippines argued by De Dios, must be traced to more ultimate factors in the structure of Philippine politics and economy. These include the system of patronage in politics at both local and national levels; the manipulation of government by powerful outside vested interests; the entrenchment of a stratum of political opportunists and big money politics and a political system used as means of wealth accumulation based on manipulations of the electoral process. (De Dios, 2001:38) Today, patronage is central characteristic of corruption in the Philippine political system. From the leadership of the barangay, village to the presidency, the political system has a well-defined hierarchy of authority and financial exchanges. Patrons have provided valuable services by meeting the needs of those in their areas, but also have abused their positions to amass personal wealth and power. (Arlegue and Coronel, 2002: 6) Political corruption in industrialized democracies or developing countries like the Philippines produces a value system oriented to the fulfillment of individual objectives through interactions based on extrinsic or instrumental benefits at the same time as it discourages ideological types of relations. The use of corrupt practices has reduced the capacity of political parties to mobilize ideological resources and erodes the effective capacity of the parties to integrate, select and mediate citizen demands and interests. (Della Porta, 2000: 15) What Ails Philippine Politics? Money and Democratic Politics The concentration of power, influence, wealth, and money in the hands of a few individuals and families has allowed money and the Filipino elite to dominate Philippine politics and governance at the local and national level. They have traditionally controlled votes of their tenants and workers, committing and ensuring votes for their preferred candidates. They have used their liquidity to finance electoral campaigns of politicians and political parties and buy basic political protection. They obtain the loyalty of career bureaucrats and military/police officials and ensure access and protection through their gifts and bribes. They own, control and manipulate the tri-media and even provide financial contributions to the Catholic Church and other religious groups.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University The above-mentioned is not only a Filipino phenomena but a world-wide one as Pinto-Duchinsky claims, financial inequalities and abuses involving the political uses of money arguably have a number of consequences: those able to pay maybe able to affect the underlying perceptions, sympathies and agendas of ordinary members of the public; candidates with superior resources has an improved chances of success at the polls and once a candidate has been elected, cash may start playing a role in his or her political life and policy initiatives in more ways than one, given the darker channels of lobbying, bribery and corruption of elected officials, administrators and law enforcement officers. (Pinto-Duchinsky, 2001: 8) What further ails Philippine politics is no secret. Many of our political parties exist only on paper. They carry no true ideology, or party program, but merely rely on the popularity and financing of their party leaders and political patrons. They boast no mass membership -- only their electoral candidates and their individual political machine -- and constantly shifting membership and alliances. Our political parties are makeshift coalitions that are useful only for elections. Traditionally, they are formed around landed clans who control votes in the countryside. The evolution of Philippine political parties mirrors the history of class relations in our country. The landed oligarchy and natural resources concessionaire, and later, the industrial elite and Filipino-Chinese businessmen continue to set and control the political and policy agenda, often delaying or mangling legislation designed to facilitate social change. Through the years the primary purpose of political parties has been to control local and national offices and to protect and enhance their political leaders and patrons wealth and power. There are too many turncoats or political butterflies among our politicians who make a pastime of changing parties. Their loyalties go with whatever alliance serves their immediate purpose: electoral victory and access to large campaign funds. Politicians frequently switch their party-alliances. Although political suicide in other countries, in the Philippines, party switching is rewarded with electoral victory, access to resources and prime committee posts in the legislature. Since the President, has extensive control over discretionary funds, it has become common for legislators to switch to the party of the incumbent President. They then have access to funds and can provide rewards and other perks to their constituents. Party switching results from and contributes to the lack of strong ideological party affiliations. Members feel they can leave a party because there are weak ideological ties, and parties are unable to develop a clear mandate and platform because its membership is constantly changing. (Arlegue and Coronel, 2002: 1) As it is, electoral politics in our country is hardly set on a level playing field. Ruling coalitions, that is, politicians allied to the sitting President have access to huge funds from private vested interests and public resources. Consequently, politicians quickly abandon their former parties to join the well-oiled political

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University parties. Strong presidential control over access to government resources is seen as one major cause of political corruption, facilitating the rampant misuse of state funds. Pork barrel politics is an outcome of a culture of patronage and strong executive control of resources like the allocation of several discretionary development funds. (Arlegue and Coronel, 2002: 6) Mass-based programmatic parties who draw their members from workers or peasants or minor parties without large war chests, have little chance of winning under our countrys electoral system. Ideology, party programs or national issues have never influenced electoral campaigns. Instead they have been driven by highly personalize demands like jobs, infrastructure and even cash rewards. In most cases only the extremely popular, given the personality orientation of our electoral politics, like movie stars, basketball players or even media personalities, can win elections without running up political debts. But in recent years, even the famous often ring up such debts to big business and even criminal syndicates. The continued dominance of oligarchic elites and underworld criminal syndicates on our political system threaten the integrity of the formulation of public policies and the autonomy of the state to implement public programs. This vicious cycle of elite democracy, money politics and poor governance prevails today more than ever. It has distorted public policies and weakened public institutions by undermining its decision-making and continuously threatening its integrity and autonomy. Institutionalizing elite control of Philippine democracy and establishing a culture of corruption in Philippine Society.

Vicious Cycle of Elite Democracy, Money Politics and Poor Governance


ELITE & MONEY POLITICS ELECTION FINANCING ECONOMIC POWER
POLICY DISTORTIONS & WEAKENED PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS

INFLUENCE ON POLICY MAKING & APPOINTMENTS

Adapted from a presentation by Prof. Romy Neri at the Seminar-Workshop on Political Finance Reforms in the Philippines.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University What needs to be done? The gains of EDSA II and the challenge of the failed EDSA III opened the eyes of civil society, the academe and reformist members of traditional political parties for the need for drastic reforms in political finance and Philippine democracy. The message to us was clear: we can no longer conduct our politics as usual, but must use politics as an instrument of change. Our politics cannot continue to purvey false hope but must offer genuine promise and action. We cannot afford to wait for better times to install better politics. Rather we should turn politics into a mechanism to change things for the better. Philippine politics need not be a reflection of our worst values of greed, selfishness and corruption; but rather it should be a catalyst to transform society for the better. Politics should evoke from the Filipino people the genuine desire to rise above selfish interests and look to a greater vision that gives us purpose and direction. We must restore faith in the political process. We must restore passion for politics. Ordinary people must believe, once more, that they matter. That what they think, feels and desire matter. That what they say is heard in the corridors and halls of power. That they are not mere pawns in the electoral war games of the elite and the powerful. The imperative was clear. We must reform Philippine democracy by (1) reforming campaign finance; (2) strengthening political parties; (3) transform political parties into instruments of social change and good governance; and (4) democratize political parties to level the playing field. To achieve this reform objective, an urgent legislative initiative was needed. Political parties are inevitable and indispensable as instruments of democratic government, but political competition requires millions and even billions of our countrys currency. Thus the issue of how political parties and its leaders acquire and use money is crucial to the understanding of the relationship of the party system and campaign finance to the wider political system. The main challenge therefore, according to R.B. Jain, appears to be how to find a model of party finance that successfully reconciles the needs of party building, electoral competition and campaigning with the need to inhibit and minimize the corruption of the electoral and policy process (Jain, 2001: 17) With the clamor from civil society led by the Consortium for Electoral Reforms and the Civic Education Network to reform the Philippine electoral system and the political party system and the reformist inclination of the Chairman of the Philippine Senate Committee on Electoral Reforms, Constitutional Amendments and Revision of Laws, Senator Edgardo J. Angara, all existing reform proposals aimed at strengthening political parties and promoting accountability and transparency in campaign finance were consolidated into the proposed Campaign Finance Reform and Party Development Act of 2003. The proposed bill introduces key reforms, which will reduce opportunities for political corruption and lessen the dependence of political parties and candidates on funding by vested interest or criminal elements.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University Since the 1950s, countries around the world have introduced regulations about the funding of political parties and election campaigns, as well as direct financial subventions. The trend has reached the point where, in 2001, 39 industrialized democracies have some direct public funding for their parties and elections. While there can be no doubt about the existence of a global trend, its causes are a matter of surmise. It is clear that scandal has frequently acted as the spur for reform. In some countries, such as Belgium and France, scandal has led directly to political finance reforms. (Pinto-Duchinsky, 2001:10) There are two principal mechanisms through which industrialized democracies intervene in the process of political finance: public financing and restrictions on expenditures and contributions. Public financing aims to eliminate the inherent conflict of interest caused by the inability of challengers to raise comparable funds and help level the political playing field and reduce the influence special interest money in politics, without subsidizing frivolous parties or candidates. Five different types of public financing are offered to political parties and candidates in 15 industrialized countries: subsidy for campaign expenses, an annual grant to political parties to finance on-going party activities, grants party-affiliated organizations, special tax treatment of private political contributions and free media time during election campaigns. (Center for Responsive Politics and Center for New Democracy, 1998:3) This reform initiative may cost the Philippine State some money, as it institutionalizes state funding for political parties, which may be used for campaign activities or party building and development. But as what happened in Europe, it would eventually level the playing field, reduce campaign spending and clean up Philippine politics and wean Filipino politicians and political parties from financing by wealthy individuals or lobby groups. It introduces stricter measures on disclosure of the sourcing and uses of all political party funds from all sources. Moreover, the proposed bill penalizes politicians who commit political turncoatism with disqualification. An overview of the pattern of political funding in both the regions of Asia the South and the East, in recent times leads to certain generalized observations: (1) political fund raising and its disbursement is the least regulated aspect of the functioning of political parties in these countries. There should be provisions in law to limit the expenses incurred by political parties and provide for legitimate means to raise these funds; (2) there is no uniform pattern of any comprehensive legislation on the establishment and functioning of political parties in these countries. Parties should be created or established under a specific law, which should regulate their functioning and operations; and (3) reporting of campaign expenditures, income and contributions must be detailed and comprehensive and will be effective if they are subject to independent audit and the regulatory body must seek out violations. (Jain, 2001: 15) The objectives of the proposed bill is to institutionalize reforms and address legal loopholes in existing election laws -- as I identified by the Asian experience

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University (1) In the financing of electoral campaigns by promoting transparency through public disclosure and publications while providing (a) caps or ceiling on individual and corporate contribution to candidates and their political parties in order to limit the influence of campaign contributors with their own vested interests; (b) fiscal incentives or tax deductions for individual and corporate donations to encourage disclosure; and (c) to ensure transparency, provides for an external audit by the Commission on Audit (COA) and independent auditing firm identified or organized by civil society especially on the funds provided by the State. (2) Transforming political parties into public institutions by promoting outward accountability or stakeholder control of parties recipient of State funds. The proposed bill ensures, that under the party development fund the transformation of political parties into more programmatic organizations, not rooted on personalities but on clear-cut program of governance. They are mandated as state subsidy fund recipients to draft a clear policy agenda and program of governance consistent with their political philosophy and ideals. With the hope that they are transformed into ideological bodies with broadened membership base, thereby reducing patronage and the influence of vested business and criminal interest. To address the argument that political corruption increases in a political party system dominated by parties with low ideological attachments and small grassroots memberships. In fact recent research on political corruption in Southern European democracies indicated its widespread presence exactly where mass-ideological parties were not present. Low levels of militantism in the society, high degree of personalization and pragmatism have been quoted to explain corruption in Spain --- lacking a grass-roots base of supporters, Spanish political parties have to relay upon other sources. Similar conditions have been recalled to explain the development of corruption in the other Southern European countries (Portugal and Greece) that began in the mid-seventies their transition to democracy. (Della Porta, 2000: 3) (3) Moreover, it aims to promote party loyalty and discipline and prevent cases of political turncoatism by providing stringent penalties for violators which include following: (a) prohibition from running from any elective position in the next election; (b) prohibition from being appointed or from holding an appointive position in government; (c) prohibited from assuming any executive or administrative positions in his or her new political party; and (d) refund the former political party of the campaign grant received with a 25% surcharge on the amount. This reform initiative comes with a new vision for Philippine politics. A politics of vision, ideals and ideas were political parties are organized around a clear

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University program of government and political philosophy and not merely on the personalities that lead and finance them. A politics of autonomy and independence were policy-making and governance is free from the influence of vested interests. Philippine politics must be freed from the claws of powerful individuals and vested groups. True, politics anywhere in the world involves contestation among various groups and interests, but such contests must be open, transparent and above board rather than hidden and dubious. There is a need to know who stands for what and for how much. There is a need to institutionalize accountability and transparency in the internal affairs of political parties, and as public institutions becomes the embodiment of public trust. And most of all, a politics of dialogue, consensus and collaboration were political leaders and parties become avenues for cooperation in formulating and executing public policy and the implementation of public programs. In this participative and more democratic vision of Philippine political system, various interest, sectoral and non-governmental groups and organization can provide political leaders and parties with viable inputs that can help shape progressive policy reform initiatives. As well as institutionalize civil society participation in the monitoring of political finance and its impact on policy-making and governance. Moving to Higher Ground: Politics of Vision, Ideals and Convictions Through this reform initiative we hope to break the culture of corruption prevailing in the Philippines and transform Philippine Politics from one dominated by money, elite interest and personalities to one that is committed to issues, ideas and policy. Were the pervasive influence of dirty and tainted money on the political and electoral process and the dominance of elite dominated, nonideological and personality-oriented political parties must be condemned. That in the end we change our countrys political culture from a culture of patronage to a culture of public service and public trust and reduce the number of political opportunists, chameleons and butterflies that have made our politics colorful but also embarrassing and create a politics of vision, ideals and convictions. Can it be done? Collectively, with reformist legislators, party activists, civil society and the private sector, it can be done because we can only find common ground by moving to higher ground. That is the formation of a political system worthy of our peoples trust, confidence and loyalty. The Filipino people deserve nothing less.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University QUESTION SHEET_____

Name: _______________________________ Date: _____________ Grade: _______________________________ Answer the following questions briefly: 1. Provide and discuss the reasons why there seems to be a general sense of hopelessness in reforming the Philippine political system and a high degree of skepticism over our countrys practice of governance and its brand of politics. 2. What, according to the paper, is the root cause(s) of Corruption in the Philippines? 3. What is the reason why political elite controls national and local politics? How could we solve this problem? 4. In reality, what, according to the paper, is the nature of Philippine Political Parties? 5. In your own words, discuss the purpose of party development fund and explain how it could solve the problem of corruption in our politics.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

The Mass Media in Philippine Politics


THE ANATOMY OF PHILIPPINE MASS MEDIA 7 INTRODUCTION Philippine Mass Media today is a hybrid of Libertarian and Authoritarian stock, inheriting incongruous qualities that render it complicated and oftentimes confusing. Philippine Media prides itself as the "freest in Asia"; the constitutionbacked protection of press freedom gives it a characteristic Libertarian flavor. However, contrary to Libertarian principles, this press freedom is regulated to some extent by the government. This is where its Authoritarian personality sets in. It is widely accepted that Libertarian governments have some degree of control over their Mass Media. But such controls, in the form of laws and other such policies, are formulated with the thrusts on responsibility and over-all public welfare, and not in order to cow the so-called "Fourth Estate." This Libertarian definition is twisted by Authoritarian technocrats of the Martial Law period in the person of then Information Minister Francisco S. Tatad, by saying: The liberty of the press never has been absolute. It has always yielded to higher considerations. It has always balanced against other community interests such as the security of the State, the right and duty of the State to provide for the well-being of its citizens, the maintenance of decency and public order, the protection of reputation and the need for fair trial proceedings, among others. ("The Right to Know," The Times Journal, August 26, 1978).

His explication on the inherent need for government regulation of the media in a Parliamentary Democracy (the Philippines assumed a Parliamentary form of government during Martial Law), is one of the many paradoxes in a society wielding the democratic Bill of Rights on one hand and authoritarian State supremacy on the other. In short, the convoluted definition of control (causing it to take on an authoritarian tone) over the media is, in essence, political propaganda. It is to be noted that in Libertarian theory, the power lies ultimately on the people and the state is a mere venue on which "man can develop his potentialities and enjoy a maximum of happiness" (Maslog, 1989). To the Authoritarian theorist, whose contentions run parallel to the martial law
7

From Brian Dexter M. Medija, Dissecting The Philippine Mass Media Today

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University technocrats', "the state is the 'ethical spirit Will Mind the state, being and end in itself, is provided with the maximum of rights over against the individual citizens, whose highest duty is to be members of the state" (George Hegel quoted by Maslog, 1989). This clash of principles between the government and the media fuels their unebbing animosity for each other. The state contends that without restrictions, media have the ability to threaten the truthful dissemination of information and that this irresponsibility, coupled with unrestricted liberty, will inevitably threaten the State's security. The media rebut that when government institutionalizes controls over them, it has the capacity to manipulate these regulations to cow and threaten them; that the government will exploit every creative means it can to muzzle the Fourth Estate. With these overlapping yet contradictory qualities of the Philippine Media, it is inevitable that many will question the nature of these controls. Are these regulations instituted merely as safeguards to the Bill of Rights or are they an attempt at authoritarian regulation which goal is to attain conformity from the otherwise predominantly leftist press? Simply, are these controls formulated ultimately to cow the Fourth Estate? Is this institution of government restriction a precursor to the return of authoritarian control over the media? This paper assesses the complicated and confusing tapestry that is Philippine Mass Media, delving into and dissecting its two personalities-Libertarian and Authoritarian-and how they are manifested within the system. The discussion will be divided into two subtitles: "Political Role" and "Social Role." In the process, this author necessarily examines the political and social landscapes that are the backdrop of the ironies in Philippine Media. Media has a tripartite role in society: Political, Economic and Social. Its political role includes its duty as an information disseminator, its responsibility in creating and reflecting public opinion and its function as watchdog on government. Political Role Philippine Media assumes a libertarian stance in its role of disseminating information. Foreign news, information and entertainment programs have a rather unregulated entry into the mainstream of Philippine Media. Likewise, editorials harsh on the government and other such unflattering and sensitive articles are given the right to publication or airtime. However, this seemingly untrammeled liberty exists with a dark speck. In the words of Supreme Court Justice Enrique Fernando, quoted by Paredes (1986), "the greatest threat to press freedom is national security." This, paired with the afore-quoted words of Francisco Tatad, undeniably glisten with an authoritarian sheen as they give the impression that the State's security precedes individual liberty. To this author, this paints an incongruous image of a society bearing two aeges-authoritarian

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University State supremacy on one hand and libertarian Bill of Rights on the other. The state can choose only one priority and strive to protect it. Fearing possible seditious results, former President Corazon Aquino ordered against the airing of a DZXL interview with coup attempt leader Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan. To justify her order, she contended eloquently that Honasan sees the media as a "weapon of destabilization aimed at the institutions that protect the fundamental rights that give life to media and democracy." This bears a semblance of political propaganda, seeming to give stress on the words "media and democracy" for empathic effect when its meat speaks of the precedence of the state in the spectrum of rights. This undeniably compromises the libertarian principle of allowing all and every shade of information and opinions in a marketplace of ideas, in protection of what it deems is a higher priortity-the State and its security. Philippine media sees itself as the champion at creating public opinion. Although the inherent control against seditious material is still in effect, several accounts on the media's creation of a definite public opinion can be observed. One instant is the public demand for the cancellation of the Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) on the execution of incestuous rapist Leo Echegaray. The media, having fed the public of the verbosity on the Leo Echegaray story to the surfacing of daughter-victim Baby, to the proclamation of death penalty, and to the suspension of the execution via TRO, with all the sensational appendages, have brought the public into an outcry for 'death justice.' This has likewise built enough pressure on the Supreme Court and caused it to give in to the clamors of the "nation." This, however, paints the underlying political setup of the Philippines, particularly of the judiciary, bringing to question the integrity of the highest judicial office which gave in the demands of the people without standing pat on its decision to halt the execution. Another political factor which may hint the successful lifting of the TRO is that the President himself is in favor of the death penalty that Echegaray's death comes as a guarantee to this "supreme will." It is noteworthy that the president's conviction blends seamlessly with the opinion of the "masa." Thus, given this scenario, it becomes more questionable whether this process of mobilizing public opinion (resulting to the successful lifting of the TRO) occurred as a natural Libertarian process or a process facilitated by the highest office in the land. The watchdog function of Philippine Media is the source of problematic accounts from the practitioners. Dean Armando Malay, quoted by Paredes (1986), says that "although the regime has tolerated the publication of sensitive articles, there is always an attempt to muzzle the press." This brings to mind the "cow tactics" of the martial law regime where attempts to thwart libertarian policies are enacted in the guise of upholding the "virtuous" laws of anti-sedition and anti-subversion. This brings one to recall former President Aquino's move to deprive air time to the DZXL interview with the state's "enemy", Honasan.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University The fact that such laws become the major aegis of the state to silence the otherwise "vitriolic" press in order to protect its security brings to image a media system behind the bars of manipulable legislation. Anti-sedition and antisubversion laws have long been in effect yet the threat of another possibly pliable law looms anew: the Anti-Media Bribery Law being pushed by Senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago. This bill, while promising at first sight (it may have arisen to curb the corrupt AC/DC practices of media, discussed in the following paragraph), becomes increasingly porous when examined up close. The fact that one Manila columnist admitted that "it is very easy to indict journalists for receiving gifts" is testament to this author's contention that such gifts, which may come out of wholehearted charity or with birberous intent, can easily be construed by scheming prosecutors as bribes-hence valid grounds for indictment. Media Bribery may not be used against seditious practitioners (although they will more likely be convicted of accepting "bribes" from politicians seeking their support), but the "flexibility" of this law illustrates the manipulability of established legislation. With mounting poverty and other ills ambient in modern-day Philippine society, it is inevitable that these socio-economic factors will be mirrored in the operation of mass-media. This has led to the evolution of a different kind of media tactics-AC/DC-or the "Attack-Collect/Defend-Collect" strategy. Under this practice, a journalist (or any practitioner) comes up with material attacking a person of rank, the person attacked will give money to the journalist expecting a "retraction" of the attack. Correspondingly, the journalist will publish (or broadcast, etc.) a new article in defense of the person of rank, and approaches the latter for "gratification fees." The cycle continues and becomes a tradition, corrupting the image of the Fourth Estate, in the process pulling down the quality of reportage. The degradation of the Media worsens. Social Role The other end of the spectrum is Media's Social Role. This includes the role of establishing Pop Culture, the task of building a nation, and entertainment. Popular Culture is established when media programs become ingrained into local culture. Hence, when the "Ang Dating Doon" program of GMA 7 became phenomenally popular, expressions such as "Alien!" and "Raise the Roof!" (corruptions of "Amen" and "Praise the Lord") found their way into the daily vocabulary of its patrons. Likewise, the Voltes V theme was also popularized, kindling the audiences' interest in the anime (Japanese cartoon program). This may be interpreted as some crafty commercial tactics of GMA. It is to be remembered that during Martial Law, the Voltes V series was banned from television as the analysts of the Marcos regime believed it to have seditious or rebellious qualities that purportedly affect the psychology of its patrons. Hence, fearing rebellion at a time when student activism was already rampant, the state deemed it most logical to remove all violent, rebellious programs from the air. Apparently resulting from the "Ang Dating Doon" fever, the Voltes V mania has resurrected, and, curiously, the move to ban the airing of the series has

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University resurfaced. It is alarming to many that such drive for control, which the country has supposedly already rid itself, still has germinated through the nation's authorities. This speaks of the omnipresence of authoritarian tendencies in the government. The geographical makeup of the Philippines illustrates its factionalized society. Being an archipelago of more than seven thousand islands, the Filipinos are a multi-cultural, multi-linguistic, geographically scattered nation. For this reason, media's role of building a common culture becomes problematic, as cultural unity is hard to establish in a nation broken up by ethno-linguistic and geographical differences. However, Philippine Media has endeavored to bring issues into the grassroots in its efforts to weave a more-or-less common culture via information. The key to oneness is information, and it is this that media strives to relay among the people, uniting them in their opinions on the different issues in the Philippines: the death penalty law, the Echegaray execution, the VFA ratification, etc. One of the major functions of the media is entertainment. This is where the Filipinos are more engrossed. Philippine politics has morphed from a contest of the best and brightest into a stage of personality and fanfare as Philippine society is "more seduced by celebrity and fanfaronnade than the qualities of leadership" (Benigno, 1998). Not only is the element of "entertainment" felt in political reporting but likewise in the news. It is not uncommon to find front page stories touching on showbiz personalities. One example is the Philippine Daliy Inquirer headline, "Kris: I want to redeem myself as a daughter" on the breakup of former presidential daughter-actress Kris Aquino and actor Philip Salvador. A Sunday Inquirer article is titled: "Manila Mayor Alfredo Lim Tough-and Single" with the caption "is the Manila mayor looking for a wife to play first lady, and will he use his gestapo ways to restore peace and order if elected?" tackling on the prospects of getting a future First Lady. (Later he will be linked to former President Corazon Aquino.) These are accounts of sensationalism-the entertainment factor-on Philippine media, seeking to attract the consumer-audiences by causing news reportage to morph into entertainment. CONCLUSION Although the Philippine Press is deemed the "freest in Asia," it still bears the legacies of its authoritarian past. Hence, even if it lives the democratic promise of "freedom of the press," it is still under a semblance of control (and manipulation) by the government. The libertarian mask of the present Media system in the Philippines bears faint trimmings of the Authoritarian flair. This Authoritarian streak stems from the element of control on the media, and the concept of State supremacy so eagerly protected by the government. The licensing of media operations and the existence of guilds to regulate the different media are the other manifestations of authoritarian regulation. To draw more clearly the existence of these principles (Libertarian and Authoritarian), one may assess how each role is carried out.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University Political Role Disseminating information- the Philippines is mainly libertarian in the dissemination of information, although there is a streak of authoritarian regulation when it comes to 'sensitive' information that tend to violate anti-sedition and antisubversion laws. These laws mandate that no information scathing to national security shall find its way to the media. Creating and Reflecting Opinion- the Media is libertarian on the large part, successfully mobilizing public opinion generated out of its reportage. However, the question arises whether or not this mobility factor stems from the natural libertarian process (i.e., without the interference of the state). Editorials and other rebellious material are allowed publication/broadcast so long as they do not infringe on the anti-sedition and anti-subversion laws. Being a Watchdog on Government-there remain flaws on this function of the Philippine media as the manipulation of anti-sedition and anti-subversion laws are within easy reach for crafty politicians. This is the press' Authoritarian personality. Likewise, the AC/DC practice mars the ability of the press to accurately criticize and/or commend the government, its officials, and its programs. Social Role Establishing Pop Culture- the media cause the establishment of Popular Culture when the programs become entwined with the lives of the audiences. The problem stems from authoritarian controls resurfacing for the move to ban programs hurtful to the State's thrusts (public welfare, national security, etc.) Otherwise, there is enough liberty to run programs so long as they do not infringe on the policies protecting decency, reputation, and over-all public welfare. Building a Nation- the media have succeeded in relaying information to the different sectors of society, as well as to far-flung areas in a country broken up geographically and ethno-linguistically. However, more problems still need to be addressed, especially those that touch on national culture. Entertaining the Nation- the media have reflected people's preoccupation with media exposure (which has spilled over to the political field). Media becomes an aid to the "balkanization" (breaking into factions) as it becomes the tool of these factions in forwarding their views. The media becomes engrossed with entertainment, causing news and information to morph into entertainment (sensationalism).

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University QUESTION SHEET_____

Name: _______________________________ Date: _____________ Grade: _______________________________ Answer the following questions briefly: 1. In your own words discuss the two general functions of the mass media. 2. Do you personally agree that the mass media/ press in the Philippines should be free as the writer has argued? 3. If the Press is the peoples watchdog, who or what, do you think should watch the watchdog? 4. Do you agree that the Press/ Mass Media is a neutral force which could either be used for both good and evil? Explain your answer and provide specific illustrations. 5. Noli De Castro (Magandang Gabi Bayan!), Loren Legarda, Bong Revilla (Idol Ko si Kap!), Lito Lapid, Mar Roxas (via Korina Sanchez), Pia Cayetano (via Kumpanyero Rene Cayetano), Kiko Pangilinan (viva Ate Shawi), Ralph Recto (via Ate Vi, and Ate Vi via Mano Po), Mon Ilagan (via Magandang Umaga Bayan) and disgustingly so forth and so on are media (and entertainment) personalities who became politicians thru the power of the mass media discuss the role of the mass media in corrupting Philippine politics through its promotion of politics of personality (and not politics of conviction/ principle).

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

Civil Society in Philippine Politics

CIVIL SOCIETY-GOVERNMENT RELATIONS8

Civil society-government relations are becoming critical as civil society continues to shape not only the national affairs but also the world affairs. This is true in the Philippines where People Power II, led by civil society, recently toppled a corrupt presidency and paved the way for a new government. To mediate its relations with the new government and the market, civil society is advancing the concept of social threefolding. To appreciate this approach, we need to understand the modern understanding of civil societyan understanding that is also operative in the Philippines. Civil Society as Third Global Force in a Tri-Polar World Modern civil society has issued two declarations of independenceone from the State and the other from the Market. Civil society consciously sees itself as a countervailing force against totalitarian tendencies in State and Market, which can produce unacceptable environmental, economic, political, cultural, social, human, and spiritual problems in society. Civil Society is the third global force along with the State and Market. The WTO defeat of the combined powers of the State and Market by civil society in the Battle of Seattle emphasizes this. We live in a tri-polar world, constituted by the forces of the Market, the State, and Civil Society. But what is Civil Society? The Cultural Nature of Civil Society All societies have three realms that are autonomous, but organically related with each other. These are the economic, political, and cultural realms. The Market is situated in the economy. The State is active in the political realm. The natural habitat of Civil Society is in culture. Markets have economic power, States use political power, and Civil Society mobilizes cultural power. People move to action on the basis of their beliefs and values. Culture constructs and reproduces our deep-seated beliefs and convictions about justice, transparency, rights, gender, equity, empowerment, freedom, peace, democracy, environment and other
8

From Nicanor Perlas, Social Threefolding Chanelling the Tensions Between Civil Society and State to Constructive Users. CADI, 1999-2003

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University elements of worldviews and values. Culture shapes our identity, giving meaning, direction and coherence to our actions and goals. Civil society mobilizes cultural power against the State by either giving or withholding legitimacy. When it criticizes a government as corrupt, it deconstructs the cognitive and moral pretensions of a corrupt State. Civil society can also mobilize cultural power against the Market by influencing, among others, the demand for specific products through boycotts. The Other Task of Civil Society As a cultural force, civil society also has the task of visioning a new world and mobilizing its forces to realize this vision in action. To criticize a social condition is one thing. To create a new social situation is something else. Civil society needs to advocate for concrete societal reform by institutionalizing its cultural advocacy in the domain of economics and politics. To do this, Civil Society has to interface with State and Market. The interface between these three forces of society can therefore be viewed as a terrain of opportunity or a terrain of cooptation. I will focus only on civil society-government relations. But the dynamics will be similar in civil society-business relations. Opportunities Unless necessary, civil society does not want to always be in a state of permanent mobilization against the state. It seeks to institutionalize its agenda and values in the political terrain. This can take the form of legislation, executive issuances, and concrete programs. In the Philippines, the opportunity to do this is unusually large. For one, civil society basically installed the new government into power. As a result, the new government of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo has begun the process of institutionalizing participatory mechanisms sensitive to the needs of civil society. She has also appointed prominent leaders of civil society to be members of her Cabinet. In addition, she has strongly expressed her desire to incorporate civil society agenda into her platform for governance. Even Philippine legislative leaders have a high regard for civil society ideas and perspectives. Threats There are two important threats. First the engagement process can de-mobilize civil society. All its energies may be focused on the process of engaging government, thereby forgetting its other tasks both with civil society itself and with the economyfiscalizing the market. Second, the engagement process can over-politicize civil society. This would turn civil society into a political organization, depleting the vitality of civil society. Both are dangerous to civil society and even to government itself. One of civil societys tasks is to defend culture and society. If civil society is de-mobilized or over-politicized, it loses its identity as an autonomous center of power in society. Without an active civil

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University society, government begins its slow drift towards totalitarianism. Power is the steering mechanism of the state. Without civil society, there is no check to this power. Social ThreefoldingAppropriate Interaction of Civil Society, State and Market Philippine civil society has advanced a social innovation that can respond both to the opportunities and threats of civil society-government relations. We call this approach social threefolding. Social threefolding involves the coming together, either in dialogue or in partnership, of business, government, and civil society towards the pursuit of a common agenda. In social threefolding, a cultural institution, like a civil society organization, does not have to transform itself into a political institution to attain results in the political sphere. It can develop agreements with political institutions and rely on government capacity to carry out agreements. Making Social Threefolding Operational The following elements are necessary to make civil society-government relationships work: 1) Mutual respect of differences; 2) Parity in negotiations; 3) Clear mechanisms of mutual support and accountability; 4) Enabling communications protocols, face-to-face and electronic; 5) Principles of unity and common agenda; and 6) Covenant laying process of critical engagement. The globalization process is too complex to be managed by government alone. Social threefolding advances good governance by involving the different sectors of civil society, government and business and harnessing the energy of the potential tension towards the creation of a free, just, prosperous, and sustainable world.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University QUESTION SHEET_____

Name: _______________________________ Date: _____________ Grade: _______________________________ Answer the following questions briefly: 1. According to Perlas, all societies have three realms that are autonomous, but organically related with each other, where, among the three realms, do we situate the civil society? Do you agree with Perlas dichotomy of realms? Why? 2. What, according to Perlas, are the other functions of Civil Society aside from mobilizing cultural power against state and market corruption? 3. Perlas identified two threats against civil society what are these? Explain why they are considered threats. 4. Discuss the idea of Threefolding and explain how it could be made operational.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

Women in Philippine Politics


The Rise of Women Leaders in the Philippines9 "Women belong in the bedroom." Ferdinand E. Marcos

Two women have risen to the presidency in the Philippines in the last fifteen years. Corazon Aquino, the first female to ascend to the presidency in the countrys history, was elected after the ouster of Ferdinand Marcos amidst charges of criminal wrongdoing. Fifteen years later, Vice President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo succeeded Joseph Estrada, who had been accused of corruption and plundering the Philippine economy. Not only is it rare for a woman to be elected president, but it is also least expected in countries like the Philippines that have a long history of patriarchy, oligarchy, and subordination of women. Even though the Philippines has an elected bicameral legislature and elected officials in lower levels of government, there are few female elected officials. In 1939, women were given suffrage and the right to stand for elections. Since then, only 9.8% of the 224 lower-house seats have been held by women (Whos Who of Women in World Politics 1991). In spite of the Philippines patriarchal institutions, narrow elite class, and repression of women, other social variables such as family ties, the Catholic Church, a context of corruption and gender symbolism allow women to enter into the male-dominated political arena. The Rise of Women Leaders To understand how women are elected in the Philippines, this paper is structured as a comparative study that explores Corazon Aquinos and Gloria Macapagal Arroyos successions and their interaction with these four variables: family ties, the Catholic Church, the context of corruption and gender symbolism. Previous studies of Southeast Asian women leaders have found that family ties are necessary for women candidates to win elections (Richter 1990). Family ties, specifically those to politically active men, explain why Aquino and Arroyo received immediate recognition. The dramatic death of a prominent political husband was most significant in Aquinos rise to power, while Arroyos father daughter relationship with the former president of the Philippines, Diosdado Macapagal, increased her campaign recognition. Family ties might explain how both women attracted voters attention in their campaigns but does not explain
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From Jaylyn Silvestre, The Rise of Women Leaders in the Philippines: A Study of Corazon Aquino and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University how they successfully managed to work against the assumption that men should be at the forefront of leadership and decision-making. In addition to family ties, scholars believe that without the Catholic Churchs support, a woman would not have succeeded (UST Social Research 1986). Even though the Philippines political structure is modeled after the American system, the Philippines political culture has its roots in the oligarchic system established during Spanish colonialism. Since the Catholic Church is a male-dominated institution, it is reasonable to question why the church mobilized voters to support a female candidate. Jaime Cardinal Sin, the Archbishop of Manila, requested corrupt leaders to step down from power. He led the mass non-violent movement against corrupt leadership at Epiphania de los Santos Avenue (EDSA), the focal point for Aquinos and Arroyos rise to power. While the Catholic Churchs involvement explains the development of candidate support, it fails to explain why that candidate was a woman. The Catholic Churchs concept of a woman being morally superior to a man perhaps explains the Churchs support of women candidates in movements against corruption. Both Aquino and Arroyo ascended to the presidency after the removal of a corrupt leader. There are two approaches to looking at corruption and how it affects the fate of political leaders. Jon Moran (1999) asserts that corruption is pervasive and affects politics, economics and social relations in general. Social movements arise because corruption affects an individuals economic well-being, and these social movements push for fundamental change. Another view of corruption is that it involves only top political leaders who come to symbolize corruption. In this interpretation, social movements seek to defeat top political leaders (Wurfel 1988). Like Moran, Wurfel argues that social movements arise because corruption affects an individual citizens economic well-being and that individuals join together to push for fundamental change, but in this case change means calling for a shift among those who rule. The context of corruption explains the demand for new leadership but does not explain the candidate choice made by elites and voters. Culture also plays a role in determining how elites and voters choose their candidate (Iwai 1993). One element of Filipino culture that may explain why people elect a female candidate is the symbolic role of women in Philippine society. Since the colonial era, women have been taught to conform to the behaviors of their ideal mother, the Virgin Mary, upon whom is built a "cult of feminine spiritual superiority, which teaches that women are semi-divine, morally superior to and spiritually stronger than men" (Stevens 1973, 91). Women leaders who embrace the Catholic faith represent a positive image in society and are distinguished by purity (Iwai 1993, 108). Both Aquino and Arroyo invoked this cultural belief in women's morally superior role in order to legitimize their entrance into public office at a time of political upheaval. While family ties and the Catholic Church play a role in determining the outcomes of these presidential elections, the cultural construction of women as "Madonnas" allowed first the election of Aquino and then the succession of Arroyo to the presidency at times when political leaders had been charged with corruption. Philippine culture encourages voters to view women as less prone to corruption than men. This

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University means that in times of political corruption, women who seek higher office have an advantage over male politicians. From Dictator to Housewife Aquino would not have gained immediate recognition nor have been selected to run for office without her relationship to a prominent male politician. Corazon Aquino was the wife of Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino, the candidate who opposed Ferdinand Marcos and exposed his corruption. Marcos had demonstrated his abuse of power by manipulating his men to assassinate Ninoy Aquino. As the widow, Corazon Aquino was urged to run in the election against Marcos. The political party of her husband was sure that Aquino was the best candidate to defeat Marcos in the 1986 election. Not only was she seen as the victim of Marcos corruption but "almost as a Madonna, a saint in contrast to the wily, corrupt Marcos" (Richter 1990). The turning point of Corazon Aquinos rise to power was the involvement of the Roman Catholic Church in the fight against corruption. Marcos dealings with the church remained cordial until the late 1960s, but following the imposition of martial rule in September 1972, churchstate relations began to deteriorate with the loss of civil liberties, increased abuses of human rights by the military, and the rise of graft, corruption, and economic mismanagement. (Youngblood 1990, xi) The Churchs inability to lift the poor from their economic struggle gave Cardinal Sin, the Archbishop of Manila, the necessity and urgency to mobilize a nation-wide movement for the poor and fight for socio-economic change. During the election, Cardinal Sin served as Aquinos personal campaign manager and asked the people to "vote for persons who embody the Gospel values of justice, humility, truth" and thus elect a candidate "immune" from corruption (UST Research Center 1986, 38). Aside from the Churchs support in invoking the Madonna image, a woman candidate benefits from her close association with the head of the Catholic Church. Since the Philippines religious population is made up of Roman Catholics (83%), a devout Catholic woman closely affiliated with the Archbishop of Manila is likely to succeed in elections. According to the Social Weather Stations (SWS) 1991 national election report, 67% of voters would favor a candidate that his or her church supports. This study reported that 49% of female voters found a church endorsement important, against only 29% of male voters (Mangalindan 1991). A relationship with the Church is thus an important asset for women voters. Ferdinand Marcos corrupt leadership heightened the support for Aquinos candidacy. Aquino was an unusual candidate: a politically inexperienced woman who took the risk to compete against a corrupt leader who had murdered her husband. Ferdinand Marcos twenty-year rule of corruption pushed people to demand a new form of leadership. The first familys accumulation of wealth, Marcos manipulation of the army, and the increased economic disparity between rich and poor exposed Marcos manipulative power and "immoral governance." At the same time, women were growing more involved in the political process after a large number of women had been

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University recruited to work outside of their home by manufacturing and textile concerns. Women were paid below minimum wage and worked under hazardous conditions. In response to the increasing abuse of women, radical groups of women organized against Marcos dictatorship. As guardians of morality, these women fought for peace, justice and democracy. Perhaps this explains Aquinos sense of duty to run against Marcos as well as the rise of a feminist movement that supported her candidacy. According to the 1991 national election report, the reputation of a politician matters in his or her success. Relatives and close associates of former president Marcos were found to be least likely to succeed: only a fourth of potential voters would have favored the relatives of Marcos as opposed to 68% of those who would not have (Mangalindan 1991). This study shows that perceptions of corruption affect Filipino voters candidate preferences. Even though Aquino was accused of being inexperienced and a housewife by her opponent, it was this image that gave her mass support and worked against her opponent. Aquinos campaign rhetoric stressed her difference from her male opponent: "I admit that I have no experience in cheating, stealing, lying or assassinating political opponents" (Gwilym 1989). The media portrayed her as a housewife, a widow of a political leader and a religious woman, suggesting that Aquino was not just "pure" but "immune" to corruption. Another Victory against Corruption Aquino's succession opened a new door for women to run for national positions. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was the second woman to rise to power after the ouster of a corrupt leader. She was in the right position to become the Philippines second female president when she succeeded Joseph Estrada. Legislative elections in the Philippines are based on proportional representation, and the President and the Vice President are elected separately. This can result in a President and Vice President from opposing political parties, such as Arroyo and Estrada. Estrada was unlike the autocratic Marcos. He was a former movie actor who enjoyed widespread popularity and won the presidential election with the support of the poor. Arroyo ran in 1998 as the Vice Presidential candidate of the coalition that opposed Estrada. This election was described in the media as a race between a babae [woman] and a babaero [womanizer] (Delgado-Yulo 2000). The media therefore identified Arroyo with her gender in such a way as to connote inferiority and undermine her candidacy. Arroyos political experience prevailed over attempts to weaken her candidacy. Unlike Aquino, Arroyo was a woman accustomed to power. The public recognized Arroyo as a former senator and the daughter of a former president. In 1998 she was elected Vice President of the Philippines with almost 13 million votes, the largest mandate in the history of presidential or vice presidential elections (Mangahas 1998). Estradas impeachment and resignation meant that Arroyo succeeded to the presidency without having to run for that office. The question is, what made it possible for Arroyo to succeed Estrada legitimately? What gave her the confidence to take the risk of confronting a sitting president who was popular with the poor? In the

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University 1991 national election study, a slim majority of voters agreed with the statement that a woman is capable of governing the country. Table 1 shows men and women to be surprisingly close in their responses. The most interesting result is the large net difference in Metro Manila (GMA) in favor of a woman, which suggests that female candidates in general find most of their support in Metro Manila. Table 1 shows the Balance of Public Favor for Female Candidates, by Socio-Economic Class, Gender, Age Group and Locale, SWS July 1991 National Survey. Question: In the coming national election of 1992, would you be in favor or not in favor of a candidate for the presidency, vice-presidency or senator who is a woman?
Favor RP/Majority 52 Not in Favor Net Difference 45 +7

Socio-Econ. Class ABC (elite and middle class) D (poor) E (destitute) 50 52 50 49 44 44 +1 +8 +6

Gender Male Female 51 52 45 44 +6 +8

Age Group 18-24 25-34 35-44 45 & above 54 50 51 53 44 47 45 43 +10 +3 +6 +10

Locale Urban Rural GMA (Metro Manila) 55 49 58 41 47 38 +14 +2 +20

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University The grounds for Arroyo's confidence in confronting Estrada and for her succession to the presidency include the direct support of the Church and its effort to mobilize a second mass movement, EDSA II. Jaime Cardinal Sin, who led the revolution against Marcos, condemned Estrada at mass in Manila and supported Arroyo as "one who epitomizes the Christian, feminine ideal" (Delgado-Yulo 2000). Women leaders could not have gained the tremendous support they enjoyed without the support of Cardinal Sin and religious women who joined the movement to oust the sitting president. Having a close affiliation with the head of the Catholic Church turned Arroyos gender identity into an advantage over male leaders accused of corruption, as had been true for Aquino. Arroyo symbolized opposition to a corrupt leader. Her rise to the presidency began on October 12, 2000, with the disgrace of Joseph Estrada. Corruption charges against Estrada emerged after a close friend, Governor Luis "Chavit" Singson, exposed him for pocketing millions of dollars in illegal gambling payoffs and tobacco tax kickbacks (Filipino Express 2001). Impeachment by the House of Representatives followed. In response to the corruption charges, Arroyo and other members of the Senate resigned from office. Arroyo built the People Power Coalition to call for a peaceful mass demonstration to request Estradas resignation from office. Aside from the charges of economic plunder, Estradas past as a womanizer, gambler and an alcohol abuser were made public (Tanglao-Aguas 2001). It is possible that women supported their own kind in response to a male opponent who represented the "machismo" character who degrades women; Marcos had stated in public that "women belong in the bedroom," and Estrada had been accused of abusing women. Arroyo represented the democratic choice and a positive image for women in society. Her devout Catholicism helped distinguish her as a female politicians who was "serious," "clean" and "pure" (Iwai 1993, 108). Corruption thus increased support for Arroyos succeeding Estrada. A Philippine polling organization, Social Weather Stations, has collected data analyzing the links voters make between corruption and female candidacy. In a 1991 survey, voters who were dissatisfied with the governments effort to fight graft and corruption were likely to be in favor of a woman candidate (see graph below). Sixty percent of voters who favored women candidates for president were dissatisfied with the governments performance in combating corruption, while 55% of voters who did not favor women candidates were dissatisfied with the governments performance in fighting corruption. A one-tailed t-test (p < .05) shows that although the difference is substantively rather small, it is statistically significant. The smallness of the difference is probably due to voters disappointment with Aquinos performance in office. The effects of corruption on voters attitudes are also evident in the 2001 senatorial race. Voters were asked if they believed that Estrada committed economic plunder46% believed that he had and 53% believed he had not (Laylo 2001). Among those who believed that Estrada had committed plunder 45% responded that they had much trust in President Arroyo while 22% showed little trust in Arroyo. Aversion to corruption thus did influence voter preference. On January 20, 2001, the Supreme Court unanimously declared the position of

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University President vacant, and Arroyo was sworn in as the 14th President of the Philippines (Filipino Express 2001). Estrada argued that Arroyos succession was "unconstitutional," an illegal seizure of power. However, like Aquino, Arroyo used statements promoting herself as the "best" candidate to take the place of Estrada. Arroyo supporters such as the KGMAers (Kaibigan ni [Friends of] Gloria Macpagal-Arroyo) called for "a leader with compassion, humility, resourcefulness, perseverance, and identity with all sectors of the Filipino community," traits that Arroyo presented herself as possessing. She increased her mass support during her inaugural speech by stating that Filipinos "must improve moral standards in government and society in order to provide a strong foundation for good governance" (Arroyo 2001). Arroyos moral tone differentiated her from male politicians and defused allegations that she was illegally seizing power. Conclusion While family ties and the Catholic Church gave Aquino and Arroyo the recognition and support to run for office, cultural symbols and the context of corruption legitimized and made it possible for these women to rise to power. Aquino and Arroyo would not have succeeded to the presidency without gendertyping and corruption. Both strategically embraced gendered moral and religious identities in order to differentiate themselves from their male opponents. In addition, these women rose to power with the aid of prominent political leaders and their alliance with the Catholic Church, which offered them immediate public recognition. Although this study discusses the factors that contributed to Aquinos and Arroyos presidential successions, the research is still incomplete. Scholars need to further explore how powerful actors like the Catholic Church and political parties manipulate or appeal to gendered identities to bolster support for women candidacies. Further investigation will also need to focus on how gender is constructed in political competitions and how voters differentiate candidates by their gender identities. It is important to keep in mind that women may have been elected to top political positions, but this has not necessarily changed societys patriarchal system.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

QUESTION SHEET_____

Name: _______________________________ Date: _____________ Grade: _______________________________ Answer the following questions briefly: 1. What is the cultural belief which was invoked by both Aquino and Arroyo to justify their presence in the forefront of politics (which, according to the paper, is male-dominated)? 2. Discuss the role of the Church in the rise of Aquino and Arroyo in Philippine Politics. 3. Which part of the paper clearly shows the breach which is committed by the Church in the Constitutional ideals of the separation of the Church and the State? 4. Aquino and Arroyo are both women who rose into power because of Churchs support. However, they differ in a lot of ways. Discuss these differences. 5. Aside from family ties and the support of the Church, what are the other factors that made possible the rise of Aquino and Arroyo in Philippine Politics?

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University

The Military and the Philippine Politics


THE POLITICIZATION OF THE PHILIPPINE MILITARY10 ABSTRACT The Philippines became the first independent democratic country in Asia, adopting a political system modelled on that of the United States. With strong leadership and a weak central state as the hallmarks of Philippine politics, the author questions whether democracy will continue to flourish in the post-Cold War era. The author outlines the origins of democracy in the Philippines, stating that the American-style democracy exported to the Philippines was bound to encounter problems. When Magaysay became president in 1953, he decided to use the military in government. Marcos, who instituted martial law in 1972, perpetuated this abrogation of democracy. It was only by the end of her term of office in 1992 that Aquino was able to claim that she had restored democracy to the Philippines. On 4 July 1946 the US granted independence to the Philippines, in keeping with its promise of self-determination for the islands after a period of Commonwealth administration. The Philippines thus became the first independent democratic country in Asia. During its colonial administration the US had encouraged the development of political parties, though the two major parties which developed differed little in ideology the main differences concerning their attitudes to US administration of the islands. At independence the Philippines political system was modelled on that of the United States, where the constitution required the armed forces to uphold civilian supremacy. As in the US, elections were held every four years in the Philippines, and presidents were limited to two terms in office. This constitutional requirement was initially upheld and the military played a minor role in politics, except to guard polling stations against fraud during elections. Threats by the communist-inspired Hukbalahap movement soon after independence to seize political power and disrupt national elections required the military to play a more active role in monitoring elections. As a result of its success in curbing the insurgents threat to the country, the military was co -opted into playing a larger role in the administration of former defence secretary, Ramon Magsaysay. When he was elected president of the republic in 1965, Ferdinand Marcos believed that in a developing country where the military was not occupied with external threats, it should assist in developing the country. He used the military in
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Vilberto Selochan, THE MILITARY AND THE FRAGILE DEMOCRACY OF THE PHILIPPINES

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University civic action programs and to enhance his chances of being re-elected. Marcos was the first Philippines president to be elected to a second term in office. Constitutionally deprived of seeking a third term, Marcos declared martial law in 1972 and facilitated the militarys playing a larger role in government. When he was forced to leave office in 1986, elements in the military found difficulty in adjusting to the requirements of the democratic system restored by Corazon Aquino. To assist in this process, military personnel were subjected to instruction in democratic principles and the role of the military in a democracy. Yet Aquino had to endure seven attempts by the military to seize political power. The survival of her government was due to some extent to the belief among elements of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) that the military must remain subservient to civilians in a democracy. The militarys adherence to democracy was again tested during the national elections in May 1992. There were fears that it would attempt to seize power if the elections were seen to be fraudulent, but with free and fair elections the military adhered to the restored democracy. Strong leadership and a weak central state have been the hallmarks of Philippine politics. Whether democracy will continue to flourish in the post-Cold-War era, when authoritarian rule is generally in retreat, remains to be seen. The President, the Military and Democracy Soon after independence, Philippine democracy was threatened by the communist-inspired Hukbalahap movement. The insurgents who had fought against the occupying Japanese forces resumed their fight against the newlyinstalled administration; they had little confidence in the Philippine democratic process which they saw as favoring the ruling elite. Appointed Defense secretary, Ramon Magsaysay was, however, determined to restore faith in democracy, and especially the electoral system. Historically, elections in the Philippines were characterised by vote-buying, vote-rigging and the use of private armies to intimidate voters. Magsaysay used the AFP extensively to ensure that the 1951 elections were conducted fairly, and indeed they were alleged to have been the fairest in Philippine electoral history. Although he did not completely restore the Huks faith in democracy, Magsaysay reformed the military with assistance from the US and defeated the Huks. Having worked closely with the military, Magsaysay realised that the skills of the officers could be harnessed to develop the country. When he became presi-dent in 1953 Magsaysay decided to use the military in government. He appointed active duty officers to perform a range of functions in his administration. By 1954 Congressman Bengson claimed that over 122 active duty officers were performing duties formally the prerogative of civilians (Selochan 1990:118). Justifying this action, the president said that he was weary of the civilian bureaucracy as a whole. Furthermore,

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University I have needed men of my absolute confidence to undertake delicate missions of investigation and cleaning up In other cases, specialised skills and technical know-how were required for quick and official results In still other instances, the new administration came upon officers so deeply entrenched in dishonesty and corruption that only the most ruthless, uncompromising kind of military discipline could redeem them from the mire and restore them to gainful usefulness to our people (Magsaysay, quoted in Abueva 1971:315). Magsaysay, who probably would have been re-elected in the presidential elections of 1957, died in a plane crash that year. Knowing Magsaysays attitude to the vice-president, Carlos Garcia, many officers who had been closely associated with Magsaysay were reluctant to allow Garcia to assume the presidency. Abortive plans to seize power before the inauguration were hastily and poorly designed (Selochan 1990:122-23), and Garcia assumed the presidency, aware of the militarys attitude to him and to the democratic process. For these and other political reasons, Garcia was determined to rid the administration of officers appointed to government by his predecessor. By this stage AFP officers were pervasive in the government. They were in the cabinet positions normally occupied by civilians. After acrimonious debate, Garcia was able to persuade some officers to return to the AFP; others retired their commissions and ran unsuccessfully for office in the 1961 congressional elections. Many of the officers who had been in Magsaysays administration believed that they were more capable of governing than civilians. Some officers also believed that these civilians had achieved their positions as a result of political patronage rather than merit. That civilian politicians were corrupt was evident from their activities during elections and from the manner in which they used their positions to acquire favours from businessmen and the AFP. Democracy in the Philippines, according to many of these officers, benefitted the elite who controlled the political process. The majority of Filipinos, they argued, did not understand the concept of democracy; for them it meant being paid to vote for a candidate at elections. Many officers believed that Philippine-style democracy could not contribute to the economic development of the country but was being abused for the benefit of the elite. Authoritarian rule provided the means of addressing the situation. But the military was neither united in this view nor capable of seizing political power. Abrogating Democracy A civilian politician, Ferdinand Marcos, was elected president in 1965. Marcos, who claimed a distinguished career as a guerilla fighter during World War II (later disproved), courted the AFP while he was a congressman, but was generally believed to be suspicious of the AFP, which was rumoured to be planning to seize power in 1965. These rumours were taken seriously by many including the

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University Garcia administration, as there was a series of successful coups in Asia during this period. Concerned about the militarys political ambition and believing that a closer relationship with senior officers would serve his long-term interests, Marcos retained the Defense portfolio for the first thirteen months of his administration. During this period he reshuffled the officer corps, promoting officers favourable to his political agenda and retiring others less amenable. The military was subsequently enlisted to assist in his re-election campaign. Marcos became the first Philippine president to be re-elected in what became one of the most violent and fraudulent elections in the countrys history. Increasingly during his second term he became dependent on the AFP to remain in office. To serve the interests of the president, the military harassed the opposition and violently quelled demonstrations against the government. Constitutionally prevented from remaining in office for a third term, Marcos declared martial law in 1972, with the consent of the military, under the pretext of saving the country from Communist and Muslim insurgencies. Martial law allowed the AFP to play a larger role in government. Because democracy was so easily abrogated it has been argued that it had not in fact taken root in the Philippines. But then, A democratic constitution does not make a democracy; only democratic, constitutional behaviour that follows a long period of experience and education can truly constitute democracy (Gastil 1985:161). Although the 1935 constitution had enshrined democratic principles and structures of government, political practice differed considerably from the theory (Reyes 1988:268). Marcos argued that the democratic system would not allow him to develop the New Society he envisaged for the Philippines. For him, the practice of democracy was energy-consuming and time-wasting; authoritarian rule allowed him to make the changes he wanted without having to endure democratic procedures (Hernandez 1985:243). Under his self-styled constitutionalauthoritarianism the institutions of democracy were dismantled: Congress was disbanded, political parties were declared illegal, and civil and political rights were sus-pended. Freedom, a fundamental tenet of democracy, was taken away from Filipinos. As commander-in-chief, Marcos directed the AFP to carry out martial law functions. The military was, according to the principles of democracy, to remain subservient to the civilian head of state. But the head of state had abrogated the constitution under which he was elected and which officers were sworn to uphold. Third World armed forces have typically justified seizing political power in terms of preserving the constitution and the nation. In the Philippines, however, the military was incapable of governing. Having played a large part in the Magsaysay administration, where it developed its abhorrance of civilian politicians, the AFP was willing to resume a role in government decision-making. Martial law gave the military the opportunity to get rid of civilian politicians who they believed were self-serving and had little respect for the majority of the people. Junior officers found themselves performing duties for which they were not adequately trained. Reservist officers were considered more capable of

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University performing civilian functions as they had acquired a more liberal education. To better prepare PMA officers to perform martial law duties, Marcos shortened the cadetship and modified the academys curriculum in the early 1970s. Courses on democratic principles had still not been introduced to the Academy, but cadets were taught the concept of civilian supremacy over the military. Other significant changes to the curriculum included placing more emphasis on courses in the humanities as opposed to engineering. This, according to some officers, was designed to better equip cadets to work with civilians and in many cases to replace them. In fact, as martial law became entrenched in the Philippines, AFP officers replaced civilians in many government departments, and also in private corporations which Marcos sequestered from his opponents. Martial law lasted from 1972 to 1981. These nine years had a profound effect on the society and the AFP. The AFP was no longer the protector of the nation. Instead, like a private army, it served Marcos and his cronies. Officers became deeply involved in politics as they rigged elections and suppressed the opposition. Self-interest led officers to pursue activities which lost them the respect of the people. And in turn the military lost its raison dtre. More concerned with government than military duties, the AFP was incapable of defeating the growing Communist and Muslim insurgencies; by 1985 the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) was claiming control over most of the barangays (villages) in the country. The AFP was even incapable of performing the functions of a conventional armed force in conjunction with American forces. By and large the AFP remained loyal to an authoritarian civilian leader who satisfied its corporate interests and had no intention of restoring democracy. But some officers came to the conclusion that the prolonged period of martial law was working against the president. Widespread dissatisfaction among intellectuals and the middle-class finally surfaced after the 1983 assassination of popular opposition leader Benigno Aquino. Concurrently, factionalism developed in the military as the gap between those benefitting from the system and those fighting the insurgency in the war-torn areas of the countryside increased. The result was that soldiers lost interest in fighting the insurgents, who they believed were justified in their claims, though the military resented their ideology. A consensus therefore developed among the senior military leadership that if the country was to survive as a political system, especially with th e CPP/New Peoples Army rapidly gaining ground against the regime, Marcos had to be replaced (Lapitan 1989:237). These views were shared by secretary of defense, Juan Ponce Enrile, and AFP vice chief of staff, General Fidel Ramos. Plans to replace Marcos by a military coup were hastily abandoned when he suddenly announced on television that elections were to be held in February 1986. Surprisingly, the opposition was able to unite against Marcos, backing the widow of Benigno Aquino.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University The battle to stop Marcos from cheating Aquino of victory and the defection of elements of the AFP, including General Ramos, culminated in what became popularly known as the EDSA revolution of February 1986. Yet this was not the outcome envisaged by the senior military leaders who had conspired to replace Marcos. Defense Secretary Enrile had nurtured a group of reform-minded officers who shared some of his frustrations with the Marcos regime. These officers formed the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM). With Enrile, they planned to seize political power and install an interim military-civilian council. Aquino was considered a likely member of the council. But when the coup was discovered by Marcos, Enrile joined General Ramos at the armed forces headquarters in Manila and they declared their support for Corazon Aquino. People power resulted from this rebellion which saw the military conceding its desires for political office to Aquino. The accession of Aquino to the presidency, however, did not stop elements in the military from conspiring to seize political power. Enriles actions while in the Aquino government, and his subsequent links to a number of the coup attempts, clearly demonstrated his and the RAM factions desire to have a continuing role in government. RAM believed that its claims to a place in government decision-making were justified because it was responsible for assisting Aquino to achieve office (Selochan 1989:8). Enrile also believed that his role in the rebellion against Marcos justified his having a greater role in decision-making. Vice-President Salvador Laurel shared a similar belief, having conceded his presidential ambitions in the interest of Aquino in 1985. Having united in their opposition to Marcos, divisions now appeared in the groups that were contending for power a pattern common in countries that have experienced transition from authoritarian to democratic systems (Huntington 1991). Reconstituting Democracy Much was expected of the Aquino administration. It was anticipated that the government would revive the institutions of democracy abrogated by Marcos in 1972; however, Filipinos also expected the government to take steps to eradicate economic and social inequities. The government promised to reinstate democracy but there were no specific social and economic programs that were identified to accomplish the goal of democratisation (Lapitan 1989:238). Aquino assumed office with a provisional government under a provisional constitution. This meant that both legislative and executive power was vested in the president until a new constitution was enacted. With the promulgation of a new constitution on 11 February 1987, a new era dawned for democracy in the Philippines. The constitution, which has many similarities with the 1935 American-inspired constitution, has a number of important provisions for the armed forces. Most important of all is the stipulation that active duty officers cannot participate in government.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University As promised, elections for all government offices were held throughout the islands under the new constitution by mid 1987. But similarities to the pre-Marcos era were clearly evident as many candidates elected to office were former elected officials, relatives of powerful political families and/or members of the powerful economic elite (Hawes 1989:72). Nevertheless, the elections were competitive and all citizens had the franchise. Educating the military (which had voted overwhelmingly to reject the constitution) to democratic principles, became one of the issues to be addressed by the new AFP chief of staff, General Ramos. A Training Command was established on 10 December 1986 to coordinate a range of programs to reform the armed forces (Selochan 1990:193). The principal objective of these programs was to restore the tarnished image of the AFP, improve morale and, under a value-formation course, teach the military to respect human rights. Little interest was taken in teaching the military about the need to adhere to democracy. This did not change even when Marcos supporters and disaffected military elements joined with RAM on July 1986 to stage the first attempted coup against Aquino. It was not until three attempts had been made to seize power, largely by RAM and its supporters, between July 1986 and August 1987, and after PMA cadets had shown a willingness to join in the putsch, that any attempt was made to conduct courses for the AFP on the militarys role in a democracy (Selochan 1991a:109). Soon after the first coup attempt notices began appearing at all military establishments and courses were taught at the PMA on democracy. Debates about the militarys role in a democracy were conducted in the media as retired officers became columnists, arguing for and against the necessity for the AFP to uphold democracy under Aquino. Politicians were invited to talk to soldiers, and seminars on democracy were conducted for AFP personnel. Suddenly, democracy was an issue in the AFP. Rhetoric, however, differed from reality as elements in the armed forces, backed by politicians and business groups which had profitted under the authoritarian regime and were now unable to acquire the same privileges, were implicated in four further attempts to seize political power. The alliance of politicians and business reflected a common economic interest (Wurfel 1989:681). The factions they supported in the military, however, were incapable of convincing the majority of the AFP that they would benefit from a return to authoritarian rule. When her term in office ended on 30 June 1992, Aquino proudly claimed that she had achieved her objective of restoring democracy to the Philippines. Elections were scheduled for 11 May 1992. With seven candidates running for the presidency, there were expectations that the military might again attempt to seize power. In fact, however, the elections were peaceful and former AFP chief of staff, General Ramos, was elected to the presidency. Aquino had been confident that democracy was now firmly in place. In her valedictory state of the nation address in June 1992 she said: This is the glory of democracy that its most solemn moment should be the peaceful transfer of power.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University Conclusion Elected president in May 1992 by a quarter of the voters, General Ramos is again faced with protecting a fragile democracy. Given his limited mandate, threats from the RAM and the Communist movement, and a host of economic and social problems, Ramos is likely to ensure that democratic principles are upheld in his administration. Otherwise, challenges will quickly eventuate from those who appear still to prefer authoritarian rule. More unified than in recent years, the AFP leadership appears ready to accept democracy as the only system that will contribute to the economic and social development of the Philippines. For them, it is time that the Philippines shared in the economic dynamism of the Asia-Pacific region and that the military be seen not as a supporter of authoritarianism but as a supporter of democracy in a country that was once put forward as Asias showcase of democracy.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University QUESTION SHEET_____

Name: _______________________________ Date: _____________ Grade: _______________________________ Answer the following questions briefly: 1. Who was the first Philippine President who used the military in the purposes of civilian government? What are the reasons why he used the military? 2. Discuss briefly the reasons why, and how Ferdinand Marcos used the military in his government (before and during the Martial law years). 3. What, according to the article, became of the AFP during the time of Marcos? 4. What political actions did the military perform during the deteriorating years of the Marcos authoritarian rule (focus on the actions of the senior military officers, Defense Secretary Enrile and Vice-Chief of Staff Ramos), which lead to the 1986 uprising? 5. What is the real intention of the military (Enrile wing) in fighting Marcos before it supported Corazon Aquino? 6. What are the specific step/s which Aquino undertook to democratize the military? What according to the article is the political reason behind the coup attempts against Aquino? 7. After reading the article, do you think the military should participate actively in politics? 8. Is the military still active in Philippine politics today? Provide a specific and more recent example(s).

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Philippine Politics and The Church

There are many comments with regards to the active participation of the Catholic church in Philippine politics today. The objective of this section is to provide students the official document that could explain clearly the reason wh y the Church is participating in politics.

CBCP CATECHISM ON THE CHURCH AND POLITICS

PREFACE This is a catechism on the Church and Politics. As a catechism, it does not aim to give a comprehensive explanation of Church doctrine on politics. It simply aims to provide in an easy question-and-answer format some of the more important church teachings relevant to our political situation today. It may be used by catechists, diocesan/parish political educators, or other pastoral workers in forming the Christian political consciousness of people, especially at the grassroots level. If necessary, elaboration of Church teachings on Politics may be obtained from the usual Catholic resources, such as Church documents, especially the Vatican II document, The Church in the Modern World, the social encyclicals of Pope John Paul II, especially Sollicitudo Rei Socialis and Centesimus Annus, moral theology textbooks, the Apostolic Exhortation on the Role of the Laity (Christifideles laici), the recent Catechism of the Catholic Church, and a companion volume, the Catechism for Filipino Catholics. The other main documentary sources for this Catechism are the Acts and Decrees of the Second Plenary Council of the Philippines and the 1997 CBCP Pastoral Exhortation on Philippine Politics. May the Holy Spirit guide the users of this brief catechism so that they may truly be of service in renewing our political culture. The Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines Manila, February 1998

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CATECHISM ON THE CHURCH AND POLITICS PART I: GENERAL CONCEPTS What is politics? a) Politics in the widest sense is the dynamic organization of society for the common good. As such it calls for the responsible active participation of all citizens (cf. Congregation for Religious and Secular Institutes, Religious Life and Human Promotion, 1980, no. 12). b) Politics may be described as the art of government and public service. Vatican II describes politics as a "difficult and noble art" (GS, 75). Its aim is to realize the purpose of the State. c) Politics is also used for partisan politics, the competition to win or retain positions of governmental power. In this last sense clerics and religious are forbidden by church law to be involved in (partisan) politics. What is the purpose of the State? The purpose of the State is the protection and promotion of the common good. In general this purpose is accomplished through three tasks: (1) legislation and administration of justice, (2) promotion of the socio-economic welfare and health, and (3) care for cultural and moral concerns or the fostering of good morals (see Karl H. Peschke, S.V.D., Christian Ethics: Moral Theology in the light of Vatican II, vol. II, Special Moral Theology, 1987, pp. 267-71). What is the common good? The common good is "the sum total of social conditions which allow people, either as groups or as individuals, to reach their fulfillment more fully and easily" (GS, 26). It consists of three essential elements: (a) it presupposes respect for the fundamental rights of the human person and the natural freedoms necessary for the development of the human vocation; (b) it requires the social well being and development of the group itself, i.e., whatever is needed to lead a truly human life such as food, clothing, health, work, education, and culture should be accessible to each one; (c) it requires peace, i.e., the stability and security of a just order (cf. CCC, 1907-09). These social conditions are obtained through social justice. What is social justice? Social justice is sometimes called the justice of the common good. It demands proportionate share in the fruits of economic cooperation and equitable distribution of the wealth of a nation among different social classes. It also imposes obligations of mutual relation on different social groups, e.g., the better to assist the poor so that they can live in a manner worthy of human beings.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University Social justice condemns such situations as "excessive economic and social disparity between individuals and peoples" (GS, 29), the concentration of wealth in the hands of the few, and excessive profits. What principles are the basis for the development of the social order? The social order and its development "must be founded in truth, built on justice, and enlivened by love: it should grow in freedom towards a more humane equilibrium" (GS, loc. cit.). This means that individuals and groups should practice not just private morality but also social morality which governs the relationships between individuals and society. Some examples of the exercise of social morality would be the just payment of taxes, integrity and accountability in public office, rejection of graft and corruption, the care of the environment. What is the political community? The political community consists of persons, social groups and organizations, their institutions and structures that are necessary for directing or ordering society towards the common good. The common good is the full justification, meaning, and source of the political community's specific and basic right to exist (GS, 74). Within the political community is public or political authority which "must be exercised within the limits of the moral order and directed toward the common good." What moral and religious principles guide politics? The Bishops of the Philippines enumerated the following truths to guide politics (see PEPP, pp. 34-38): (a) human dignity and solidarity as the first principle of politics; (b) the common good as the goal of political activity; (c) authority and power as a divine trust for service; (d) autonomy and mutual collaboration between the Church and the political community. PART II: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CHURCH, STATE, AND POLITICS What is the basis for the Church's mission in politics? The main reasons why the Church has a mission in politics are the following: First, because politics has a moral dimension. Politics is a human activity. It may hurt or benefit people. It can lead to grace or to sin. Second, because the Gospel and the Kingdom of God call the Church to political involvement. To proclaim the gospel to all creation necessarily includes evangelizing the political world. Moreover, at the center of Jesus' mission is the proclaiming of the Kingdom of God. But the Kingdom of God calls us to repentance and renewal (Mk. 1:15). This call to renewal is addressed likewise to the political field. Third, because the mission of the Church of integral salvation involves the political sphere. Integral

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University salvation is the salvation of the total person, soul and body, spiritual and temporal. This is why Jesus not only forgave sins but also healed people from sickness. The Church must likewise bring the healing grace of salvation to the temporal, including political, sphere. Are there other reasons why the Church must be involved in politics? Yes, there are. Another reason is because salvation of the human person is from personal and social sin. We know that in the political field, social sins unfortunately abound, such as graft and corruption, "dirty politics" of "guns, goons, and gold", deceit and unprincipled compromises, "politics of greed". In the mind of the Church, systems where such social sins have been imbedded through constant practice are "structures of sin or structures of injustice." Still another reason is because the Church has an Option for the Poor. In the Philippines, politics is heavily tilted against the poor. The poor often become in a real sense voiceless and powerless. Laws are often passed that merely support vested interests rather than promote the common good of all. Finally, because John Paul II said that the concrete human being living in history is "the way for the Church" (RH, 14; CA, 53-54). The temporal and spiritual development of the total human person is the way by which the Church accomplishes the mission to proclaim the Gospel. We know very well that politics can dehumanize the human person and entrap the person in sinful behavior or structures. In short, politics cannot claim to be above or outside the natural law and the moral law. Politics has moral and religious dimensions. Therefore, the Church has to be involved in the political world. Is not the Church's involvement in politics "political interference"? "Political interference" takes place when the Church involves itself in politics in a way that is not justified by her mission or when such involvement is against the Constitution. But the mission of the Church requires her, for instance, to denounce political attitudes, behavior and structures that run counter to the Gospel and to the Reign of God or that militate against the common good and the integral salvation of the human person, especially of the poor. Also in accord with her mission is for the Church to issue moral guidelines regarding the qualifications of political candidates. It would be "political interference" if the Church were to be involved in way that is not in keeping with her mission to evangelize, or if the Church were to violate the Constitutional mandate of "separation of Church and State." What does "separation of Church and State" mean? Separation of Church and State is strictly defined in the 1987 Philippine Constitution to refer to two points: (1) that no religion may be established as the official religion of the State; and (2) that the State may not favor one religion over

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University others. At the same time, the State shall forever allow the free exercise and enjoyment of religion and shall not require any religious test for the exercise of civil or political rights (see 1987 Philippine Constitution). The first point above is called the "non-establishment" clause. To be noted is the fact that nowhere does the Constitution prohibit Clergy and Religious from partisan politics. What prohibits them from active involvement in partisan politics is the Church's own laws and traditional wisdom. But should not Church and State collaborate with each other? Yes, because Church and State both work for the common good and for the good of every person. They have to respect each other's legitimate independence or autonomy and each other's way of achieving the common good and the total development of every human person. Precisely because of this unity of mission, Church and State have to collaborate with each other. What is the mission of the Church regarding the political order? The Church has the duty of proclaiming the Gospel "to all creation" (Mk. 16:15) and "to restore all things under Christ" (Eph. 1:10). This means that the Gospel must "influence every phase of life, every stratum of society" (PEPP, p. 26), including the political sphere. In fact it is the duty of every Christian to transform politics by the Gospel. The relationship of the Church to the State has been described by the Philippine Bishops as one of "critical collaboration" or "critical solidarity". What is the meaning of "critical collaboration" or "critical solidarity"? Critical collaboration or critical solidarity means that the Church is one with the State in promoting the common good. Cooperation, solidarity positive support has to be given by the Church to whatever the State may be doing for the common good in accordance with the Gospel. But the church must have a critical sense in providing such collaboration. It should denounce whatever is not in accord with the Gospel. What vision of human dignity and solidarity does the Church contribute? The Church contributes to the political order her vision "of the dignity of the person revealed in all its fullness in the mystery of the Incarnate Word" (CA, 47). This vision includes the truth: that the human person has been created unto the image of God and has an eternal destiny of unending happiness with God; that, having fallen into sin, the human person has been redeemed by God and absolutely needs God's grace for salvation; that Jesus Christ is God-made-man who shows by his human life how the human person must live and serve; that the equal dignity of all human beings brings them into solidarity in mutual love, justice, and service.

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What does "solidarity" mean? Solidarity is a moral and social virtue. It is not a mere spirit of camaraderie or team spirit or some vague feeling of compassion or good will. Rather, it is "firm and persevering determination to commit oneself to the common good, i.e., to the good of all and of each individual because we are really responsible for all" (SRS, 38). It includes a love of preference for the poor, hence, solidarity with the poor. It is a commitment to achieve social justice, development and peace - and to achieve these by peaceful means and by respecting fundamental human rights. Solidarity extends to the level of relations between nations. Must citizens obey political authority? Every human community needs authority to govern it. It is necessary for the common good and the unity of the State. It is required by the moral order and comes from God. When legitimately constituted authority is exercised within the limits of its competence and in accord with the moral law, it must be respected and obeyed (PEPP, p. 37). This is why the Scriptures enjoin obedience to political authority. "Let every person be subject to the governing authorities. For there is no authority except from God, and those that exist have been instituted by God. Therefore he who resists the authorities resists what God has appointed, and those who resist will incur judgment" (Rom. 13:1-2; cf. Pt. 2: 13-17). Can citizens disobey political authority? While citizens are bound in conscience to obey political authority, they are not obliged to obey commands that are morally wrong. Political authority must not be used contrary to the moral law. This is why Vatican II says: "It is legitimate for them (citizens) to defend their own rights and those of their fellow citizens against abuses of this authority within the limits of the natural law and the law of the Gospel." This is especially true "when citizens are under the oppression of a public authority which oversteps its competence" (GS, 74). St. Peter himself disobeyed the order of authorities and said "We must obey God rather than men" (Acts 4:19). This is the principle that impelled the Filipino people to resist the Marcos dictatorship and achieve liberation through the peaceful 1986 EDSA Revolution. Is it true that the Church can work with any form of political regime? The measure of the Church's collaboration with a political regime is the higher law of the Gospel and the Kingdom of God. The citizens of the State have the power of choosing the kind of political regime (e.g., democratic or authoritarian, presidential or parliamentary) they wish for themselves to attain the common good (GS, 74). In the light of the Gospel and the Kingdom of God, the Church

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University can work with any political regime as long as her basic freedom to accomplish her divine mission and to avail of resources for this purpose are not suppressed. But the Church "cannot encourage the formation of narrow ruling groups which usurp the power of the State for individual interests or for ideological ends" (CA, 46). What does the church expect of politics in view of integral development? For the integral development of the human person and of all persons, the Church expects politics to create structures of "participation and shared responsibility" (CA, 46), where the basic freedoms and aspirations of individuals are given full scope to develop and grow. For example, the Church would expect the political community to remove or at least reduce excessive socio-economic inequalities among its citizens. The Church would also expect that electoral processes be truly democratic and fair. Politics must, therefore, not be a tool for the advancement of only a privileged few. PART III: THE ROLE OF CLERGY, RELIGIOUS AND LAITY IN POLITICS What are the roles of Clergy, Religious and laity with regard to "partisan politics"? Traditional wisdom and general common sense, with support from Canon Law (or the Law of the Church), assign specific roles for different members of the Church. PCP-II pointed out these roles. "The Church's competence in passing moral judgments even in matters political has been traditionally interpreted as pertaining to the clergy. Negatively put, the clergy can teach moral doctrines covering politics but cannot actively involve themselves in partisan politics. In practice, religious men and women are also included in this prohibition" (PCP-II, 340). But certainly lay people "have competence in active and direct partisan politics" (PCP-II, 341). This general rule is certainly not rigid, because lay people themselves have a teaching role regarding politics, especially in their witnessing to gospel values in the world of politics. Concretely, priests, religious men and women, and lay people, i.e., the Church "must be involved in the area of politics when Gospel values are at stake" (PCP-II, 344). Why should priests, religious men and women refrain from involvement in partisan politics? As we have seen, the prohibition is not because of any Philippine constitutional provision. But the Church prohibits Clergy and Religious from involvement in partisan politics because they are considered the symbols of unity in the Church community. For them to take an active part in partisan politics, with its wheeling and dealing, compromises, confrontational and adversarial positions, would be to weaken their teaching authority and destroy the unity they represent and protect. Still, it must be admitted that sometimes even the teaching of moral principles is actually interpreted by some as partisan politics, because of actual

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University circumstances (PCP-II, 343-344). An example was the Bishops' post-election statement in 1986 when they taught that a government that has assumed power by fraud had no moral right to govern. This teaching was considered partisan for the opposition presidential candidate and against the winner proclaimed by a subservient parliament. What is the specific mission of the laity in politics? The mission of the laity is the same as that of the entire Church, which is to renew the political order according to Gospel principles and values. But such renewal by the laity is through active and partisan political involvement, a role generally not allowed to priests and religious men and women. This is the reason that PCP-II urges the lay faithful not to be passive regarding political involvement but to take a leading role. In fact, PCP-II states: "In the Philippines today, given the general perception that politics has become an obstacle to integral development, the urgent necessity is for the lay faithful to participate more actively, with singular competence and integrity, in political affairs" (PCP-II, 348). Moreover, the laity must "help form the civic conscience of the voting population and work to explicitly promote the election of leaders of true integrity to public office" (PCP-II, Art. 8, #1). What truths should guide the laity's political involvement? PCP-II underlined the following principles to guide political participation of Catholics: a. that the basic standard for participation be the pursuit of the common good; b. That participation be characterized by a defence and promotion of justice; c.That participation be inspired and guided by the spirit of service; d. That it be imbued with a love of preference for the poor; and e. That empowering people be carried out both as a process and as a goal of political activity. (PCP-II, 351). But more than just political involvement is the primary importance of the lay faithful being witnesses to the Gospel. John Paul II said: "The lay faithful must bear witness to those human and Gospel values that are intimately connected with political activity itself, such as liberty and justice, solidarity, faithful and unselfish dedication for the good of all, a simple lifestyle, and a preferential love for the poor and the least" (CL, 42). Are there so called "Catholic candidates" or is there a "Catholic vote"? The Gospel does not prescribe only one way of being political or only one way of political governing (such as monarchical, presidential, parliamentary, etc.), much less only one political party or even one slate of candidates. No one political option can fully carry out the Gospel mandate of renewing the political order or of serving the common good. No one political party or platform or set of candidates can exclusively claim the name Catholic. Hence to Catholics there are many political options that the Gospel does not prohibit. Therefore, there is generally

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University no such thing as a "Catholic vote" or "the Bishops' candidates". This is simply a myth. The Bishops do not endorse any particular candidate or party but leave to the laity to vote according to their enlightened and formed consciences in accordance with the Gospel. Is there any case when the Bishops can authoritatively order the lay faithful to vote for one particular and concrete option? Yes, there is, and the case would certainly be extraordinary. This happens when a political option is clearly the only one demanded by the Gospel. An example is when a presidential candidate is clearly bent to destroy the Church and its mission of salvation and has all the resources to win, while hiding his malevolent intentions behind political promises. In this case the Church may authoritatively demand the faithful, even under pain of sin, to vote against this particular candidate. But such situations are understandably very rare. How does the Church fulfill its mission on renewing or evangelizing politics? a. By catechesis or Christian education in politics in order to evangelize our political culture which is characterized by a separation between faith and politics; b. by issuing guidelines on properly choosing political officials, so that the people may have a properly formed conscience in their electoral choices; c. by helping keep elections honest, clean, peaceful, and orderly through various church organizations, cooperating with non-government organizations; d. by pushing for structural changes as a goal of pastoral action in the political field, such as urging for reforms in the electoral processes in order to avoid delays and ensure integrity throughout the entire electoral process from voting, to counting, to reporting, and finally to proclaiming the winners; e. by political advocacy such as lobbying for legislation that promote the common good and against bills that promote the vested interests of the few; f. by getting involved in a movement of civil society (civic organizations, peoples' organizations, non-government organizations, associations of lay people and religious, school associations, etc.) to change politics for the better; g. by organizing her own network of parishes and organizations, pastoral and social centers, etc., such as NASSA VOTE-CARE and PPC-RV, to help keep elections clean, honest, peaceful and orderly. h. by the living witness of all the Catholic faithful to Christ and to the values of the Gospel. This is the most important contribution of the Church to the evangelization of politics.

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PART IV: PHILIPPINE POLITICS SITUATION AND RENEWAL

Why has the Church been so actively involved in politics in the Philippines? The main reason, the Bishops themselves said, is the following fact: "Philippine politics the way it is practised has been the most hurtful of us as a people. It is possibly the biggest bane in our life as a nation and the most pernicious obstacle to our achieving full development" (PEPP, 7). PCP-II summed up our kind of politics in this way: "Perhaps an even more fundamental aspect of our kahirapan is that poverty and inequality joined to the absence of reliable social services seem to be part of a self-perpetuating social system and political culture" (PCP-II Appendix 1, pp. 278-79)

What are some of the negative features our political culture? Negatively, Philippine politics is often described as basically "patronage politics", "a politics of personalities" and a "politics of pay-off." PCP-II summarily described our politics in the following way: "Power and control are also elitist, lopsidedly concentrated on established families that tend to perpetuate themselves in political dynasties" (PCP-II, 24).

What is meant by "patronage politics"? Deriving from the feudal system of master and servant, the politics of patronage considers the relationship between public official and ordinary citizen as that of patron (master) and client (servant). Rewards or benefits are distributed according to the loyalty of clients to their patrons. Clients or voters depend on their patrons or public officials for every development project or assistance, and solutions to community problems. Rewards or development projects are distributed, then, on the basis not of justice due to people but on the basis of the government official's "kindness" and the loyalty of the people to the public official. Thus political leaders and followers who show support are rewarded with projects, money or jobs. Dependence and subservience, passivity and inaction on the part of citizens is characteristic of such a system. This accounts for the lack of viable political organizations among the poor on the one hand and the concentration of power in the hands of the few on the other. In addition because political positions are treated like feudal properties, public funds are used by some officials as their own, for personal or family interests. In fact a political office is often treated as some sort of a feudal title to be passed on from one generation to another. This is at the basis of so called "family dynasties."

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University What is meant by the "politics of personalities"? This is a system where the popularity of political candidates rather than issues count more than knowledge and competence. The popularity of personalities and the "connection" of personalities to the powers that be are more often than not the main criteria for judging who should be elected. Thus, candidates for political office who are popular in movies, sports, or are connected to powerful political families have a significant headstart in elections. Coupled with Filipino values of family-centeredness, family connections have resulted in family political dynasties. Moreover, the politics of personalities has made it possible for frequent changes in political party affiliation or political "turn-coatism". Parties do not have political ideologies that present voters with clear cut alternatives on key social issues such as environmental protection, globalization, trade liberalization, etc. PCP-II observed that people themselves "seem to care more for the projects and gifts and less for the substantive issues on which their elected political representatives should take a stand" (PCP-II, pp. 279-80).

What is meant by a "politics of pay-off"? It is a system of politics where political advantage is the reason that a politician takes one position over another with regard to issues. The political debate depends on answers to such questions as "What will you do for me if I support you on this issue"? Pay-off can be in terms of financial "commissions", political appointments, or of better political leverage. This is sadly the belief of what goes on in the halls of Congress. It is not rare that decisions are based not on principles but on "horse trading", vested interests and on so called "party loyalty." Many people, therefore, believe that decisions on the government yearly budget depend very much on questions of the "pork barrel" fund. The more generous the "pork barrel" the easier other items of the budget are approved. "Politics of payoff" also includes vote-buying.

Is the mentality of many politicians part of this political culture? Yes. Undoubtedly there are many politicians who truly strive for the common good. They consider themselves public servants in the real sense and truly act as such. Unfortunately, there are also many who give politics a dirty name because of their mentality. They look at politics as a means of enrichment and a source of influence and power for self and family-interests. Thus, politics becomes a cause of greed. Principles are sacrificed. One can very well ask why so many would want to spend so much money and even cheat in order to be elected to political positions that pay relatively little.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University Do the terms "traditional politics" and "traditional politicians" refer to the negative features mentioned? Yes. In themselves the terms are not derogatory. But in recent years, to highlight the need of a new kind of politics and of a new breed of politicians, the terms "traditional politics" and "traditional politicians" have increasingly been understood to describe the negative features of the world of politics. This is the background of the word trapo.

Is this why the Bishops say that our political culture is negative? Yes, the bishops, said that the political "system is shot through and through with opportunities for corruption, influence-peddling, and the indiscriminate use of public funds for partisan or personal purposes" (PEPP, p. 29). They also said: "If we are what we are today - a country with a very great number of poor and powerless people one reason is the way we have allowed politics to be debased and prostituted to the low level it is now" (PEPP, p. 10). In fact after analyzing the very negative features of the election process, the Bishops lamented that: "The prime values of our faith charity, justice, honesty, truth these are of little or no consequence at all when it comes to our practice of politics in or out of election time." (PEPP, p. 21).

Why? What is wrong about our election process? The Bishops mention the following evils that are happening before elections: switching party affiliations for the sake of political ambition; getting media exposure by any means, including bribing willing journalists; using public funds for political advertisements; using government bureaucracy for campaigning; being "wined, dined, and womened" at convention time in order to win votes; spending enormous amounts of funds, accountable and unaccountable, before and during the campaign period; making campaigns more of an entertainment circus for people and of black propaganda rather than discussion of issues; people in turn ask for countless donations from candidates; people registering more than once in different precincts.

What are the evil activities done on election day itself? Using "flying voters"; intimidating voters; using violence and even murdering political rivals or their supporters; scaring voters away by threats of violence; deliberately making voting paraphernalia unavailable, and precincts inaccessible; bribing election officials, including teachers who count the votes; tampering with ballots; deliberately miscounting votes; changing election results; delaying

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University or slowing down the tabulation of final results in order to create opportunities for changing the results.

After the elections, what questionable or even reprehensible observe?

actions do we

Protesting the final results as tabulated; slowness of deciding on election protests such that election winners hardly have any time left to serve their tenure; using political office in order to pay election debts, recoup election expenses, make fat profits, and perpetuate the officeholder in power; nepotism in political appointments; kickbacks in approving and awarding projects.

Are the people themselves responsible for this sad situation? Certainly, at least in part, because people have become fatalistic and cynical regarding politics and have often consented to its evil features. They say that is the nature of politics and cannot be changed. People have become so accustomed to seeing the above evils in the world of politics that many seem to have surrendered to this reality. In fact many become participants by asking donations from candidates, by willingly selling their votes, by expecting to be entertained during the campaign period, by being agents in buying votes and tampering with election results, etc. This is why by participating in or tolerating the evils of the electoral process, we reap the corresponding evil of having bad people to govern us.

Is it alright to accept money as long as one votes according to one's conscience? No, it is not alright. If the source of the money is clean, accepting it without voting for the candidate who gave it makes you a liar. And if you vote for the candidate, you have actually sold your vote. If the source of the money is not clean, then you become a cooperator in evil because you accept it. By accepting any money from candidates, no matter from what source and with what intention, you are perpetuating a form of dirty politics which encourages graft and corruption, for today's vote buyers are tomorrow's grafters.

Are there no signs of hope that politics can change for the better? There are many signs of change. We had the brightest example of how people acted as one to protest against the widespread fraud in the 1986 Snap Election. We saw the courage of men and women walking out of their jobs as computer

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University personnel so that they would not be accomplices in the manipulation of election results. We saw many lay volunteers, priests, and religious men and women who guarded the polls at the risk of their lives in the 1984 and 1986 elections. And, of course, there was the 1986 People Power revolution at EDSA that successfully expelled a dictatorship and restored democratic freedoms. Since then, nongovernment organizations and peoples' organizations have sprouted in great numbers to express the peoples' desire for participation and solidarity in the socio-economic and political fields.

What qualifications should we look for in political candidates? In many previous statements, the Bishops have insisted on certain qualifications that candidates must have. Among these are the following: Those seeking public office must be pro-God (maka-Diyos) rather than materialistic and secularistic; pro-people (maka-tao) rather than pro-self; pro-nation (maka-bayan); procommon good rather than pro-special groups; and pro-environment (makakalikasan) rather than ecologically insensitive. Other qualifications are those that have been enumerated by PCP-II, namely: they must be persons who truly pursue the common good, defend and promote justice, have a spirit of service, love of preference for the poor, and are eager to empower people (see PCP-II, 351). All these have to be verified from their past histories and records. In their pastoral exhortation on the 1998 elections, the bishops underlined the following qualifications: competence and integrity. They said that competence is the ability to do the expected work well and not necessarily to be able to speak well nor to be popular. They said that integrity means respect for the human rights of others, honesty in public office and fidelity to marital commitment (to wife or husband), and to family commitments (the loving care of the family). This means that a good moral character is fundamentally necessary in aspiring for public office. To be trusted in politics and entrusted by people with the common good, one has to be trustworthy in the moral and religious fields. These are intimately and inseparably interwined.

Since politics is seen as "dirty", should not Catholic leaders stay away from politics? No, on the contrary they should involve themselves directly in partisan politics so that they can renew it and make it work for the common good. PCP-II itself has encouraged such participation (see PCP-II, 348-50). It urged the following: "Catholics in politics have to work in favor of legislation that is imbued with these [Christian] principles. Knowing that the wrong behavior and values are often rewarded or left unpunished, Catholic politicians have to put teeth to good legislation by making certain that the correct system of rewards and punishment be strictly enforced in public life" (PCP-II, 352). Examples of criminal actions

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University often remaining unpunished are those that are committed by powerful people, including politicians themselves.

In general, how should Catholics participate effectively in elections? By volunteering to work in a non-partisan way with non-government organizations such as NAMFREL, or Church movements such as PPC-RV and NASSA VOTE-CARE in helping raise the awareness of people regarding responsible voting, and in keeping elections honest, clean, peaceful, and orderly. By working for and joining a political party in order to get elected into public office or to support truly qualified candidates and to help ensure that the political party itself abide by the values of integrity, honesty, and issue-oriented electoral campaign. By working for the passage and implementation of electoral laws that will help make elections honest and peaceful. Above all, a Catholic voter must vote wisely and honestly, in accordance with a properly formed conscience and not because of monetary considerations, family connections or utang na loob.

For the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines: +OSCAR V. CRUZ, D.D. Archbishop of Lingayen-Dagupan President, CBCP

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University QUESTION SHEET_____

Name: _______________________________ Date: _____________ Grade: _______________________________ Answer the following questions briefly: 1. Write your own personal reflection on the position of the Catholic church with regards to politics. Do you agree? Do you think that the Church should actively participate and interfere in the affairs of the State? Why?

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PART THREE
Philippine Politics in the International Arena
What is the best source of information about the foreign policy thrust of a particular government? Better than the speculations of an academic or an analyst is the recorded words of the person whos in charge: no other person but the Head of the State himself. What follows is the most recent SONA and one of the foreign policy speeches of Pres. Arroyo after the Sept. 11 world Trade Bombing in America. Her Excellency President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo State of the Nation Address
Monday, July 26, 2004 House of Representatives

Thank you mr. De venecia, vice-president noli de castro, president fidel ramos, senate president drilon, chief justice davide and the justices of the supreme court, honorable members of the senate and the house of representatives, his excellency archbishop franco and the excellencies of the diplomatic corps, members of the cabinet, commanders of the armed forces, officers and members of the philippine national police, fellow workers in government, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. Angelo de la cruz is home we did it! Congratulations to the filipino people. Samakatwid, ipabatid sa lahat, mula sa pook at panahong ito sa bawat pilipino, saanman naroroon...You have a government -- indeed, you have a country -- that cares. Your life is held more dearly than international acclaim. And you have a president who is your friend. Why was angelo de la cruz saved? Because i stuck to my oath. Since i first became president in 2001, my declared foreign policy focus has been to protect the vital interests of the nation, including our eight million overseas filipinos. And i cannot apologize for being a protector of my people. The difference of a few weeeks, for a pullout already decided on, could not justify sacrifice of a human life. Sacrificing angelo de la cruz would have been a pointless provocation; it would have put the lives of a million and a half filipinos in the middle east at risk, by making them part of the war. Wars are for 89

STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University combatants. As i speak soldiers are being held hostage by communist insurgents but they don't expect to be released except by the compassion of their captors or a military operation. We have been fighting the longest running communist insurgency in history. We have been coming to grips with fundamentalist terrorism long before 9/11. As the leader of the nation, i say in behalf of the filipino people to the world: we are strong and principled believers in democracy. Four generations of fighting filipinos have ceaselessly struggled against totalitarians and terrorists, for our freedom, for the freedom of our people and the people of the world. We have fought the enemy, and taken as good as we gave- not from a safe distance but in close quarters. Bataan and corregidor, korea and vietnam, east timor, kosovo, liberia, to name a few. When i opted to save angelo de la cruz, i was reflecting whether one life should be sacrificed for no pressing reason or saved by accelerating an ongoing pullout. I did not sacrifice policy to save a human life. I applied policy for that purpose. The philippines has no policy that demands sacrifice of human lives. Ask yourselves this: if angelo dela cruz had been sacrificed, what would change-for the better in iraq today? Having saved one filipino from a painful and pointless death, we must seize the unity we attained to improve our government and save our economy. Pinapangako ko ang isang bagong direksyon: mamamayan muna. Ang taong bayan ang pinakamalaki nating yaman. Ngunit madalas, kaunti lang ang atensyon na binibigay sa kanilang pag-unlad. Di tuloy matawid ang agwat ng mayaman at mahirap. Di tuloy mapa-abot sa lahat ang biyaya ng demokrasya. I want to create economic opportunity at home and abroad. I don't want just one or the other. I want both. But it can only be done with-focus, with energy, and with a common purpose to do that which still lies within our power: put our economic house back in working order before it finds itself beyond hope of repair and doomed to share the fate of failed nations. We made a headstart in the last three years; we must take bolder steps forward in the next six. Inflation is under control. The ordinary housewife has been buying her rice and fish at stable prices. New investments, foreign and better yet domestic, were made. Three million more of our people found jobs in the last three years compared to half a million in the three years before that. Malaki ang pag-unlad sa pangunahing pangangailangan-- malinis na tubig, health insurance, tirahan, paaralan, aklat. We beat down crime, we are breaking up the drug and kidnapping syndicates, we are mopping up the stragglers. The people are safer in the streets, in their homes, and in their places of work. Every government in the world is at war with its own corruption; we have made lifestyle checks a lethal weapon, and adopted procurement reforms to take the fight forward. Thanks to many of you, i emerged from the last election with more votes than any previous president. As a further sign of the people's overwhelming support, they gave me a huge majority in congress, and among the local governments. This is a new day, with a new direction, and a renewed confidence in what we can achieve together. I am determined to prove that this tremendous show of faith and confidence is well deserved. The season of bitter partisanship is over; the season of service is upon

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University us all, majority, minority; opposition, administration. In my inaugural address, i laid down a 10-point agenda for the next six years -- not utopia but something practical we can achieve and accomplish on time. What i did promise was that my term would be the irreversible turning point. Ipinangangako ko iiwanan na natin ang ligalig at alinlangan. At the end of my term, the question will not longer be whether we can compete but where else in the world shall we take an indisputable competitive advantage. The next six years we hope is when we finally get things right. Is there something about that goal we cannot all agree on? Is there a reason we cannot all work together? All that's needed is to clear away a couple of obstacles, as i intend to do with five key reform packages: (1) job creation through economic growth, (2) anti-corruption through good government, (3) social justice and basic needs, (4) education and youth opportunity and (5) energy independence and savings. Tough decisions will have to be made. It's going to be tough love from here on. It must be tougher on those who've had it easy than on those who've had it tough already. Humarap din sa problema ang mga karatig bansa. Ang kanilang sekreto'y pagkakaisa ng mamamayan, suporta sa liderato, at sakripisyo ng bawat isa. We must bear the pain and share the pain to enjoy the gain together. Those with more must sacrifice more; those with less are already living lives of self-sacrifice. Maraming magsasabi: matagal na silang nagsa- sakripisyo. Ngunit hinihingi ko sa inyo: konti pang sakripisyo. We must wait with patience for the reforms to work. In the meantime, we must work more productively because world competition is keen and we want the jobs not only to come, but to stay. Our most urgent problem is the budget deficit. Sometimes it's unavoidable; but chronic deficits are always bad. Sometimes stamping out deficits too vigorously can slow down growth. But ignoring them can kill the economy. It sends the wrong signal that we don't understand our fiscal predicament and will not help ourselves. This will drive away investments, exacerbate the deficit and hurt job growth. Chronic deficits drastically reduce government's ability to make those infrastructure investments that business needs to grow and create jobs. Chronic deficits mean undertaking less social services that private charity will never provide but without which social war is inevitable. This is a sure fire formula for national failure. So! We must raise revenues, expand government services, yet cut costs -- all at the same time. It boils down to right priorities. The beauty of the fiscal problem is that all the solutions are known, though applying the right ones is tricky. All the solutions require: toughness on the part of government, cooperation on the part of business, patience on the part of our people, and active support on the part of congress. All the solutions require profound, even personal changes. Politicians will need to focus on the job at hand rather than on their prospect of re-election. The worst offender yet the hardest to pin down is corporate corruption. Businessmen must adopt an attitude of tax acceptance not tax avoidance. They must stop trying to outrun the tax collector. They must recognize that only a fiscally stronger government can

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University create a more congenial business environment: greater security, better infrastructure, cheaper credit, more business. My administration will undertake reforms to raise or save p100 billion. I ask congress to pass eight revenue measures that will collect p80 billion more. Alam kong maaasahan ko ang mga mambabatas. Upang burahin ang deficit. Upang ituloy ang magandang trabaho. At upang itaguyod ang saligan ng matapat na gobyerno at malakas na ekonomiya. Investments in infrastructure and energy provide the greatest multiplier effect for growth and job creation. Pag maganda ang imprastraktura gaya ng kalsada, tulay, pantalan, telepono, koryente, maraming mamumuhunan. Maraming magkakaroon ng trabaho. We must achieve sufficient, efficient, cheap energy in the near term. We must be sure to have the capacity to meet the demands of a growing economy, so as not to choke off growth when it comes, and thereby lose the opportunities that may not come again. To this end, napocor power generating plants and transmission lines must be privatized but not in a fire sale. Delivering electricity to virtually an entire country as big as ours cannot possibly be worth nothing but the trouble of running it. Napocor's transmission systems will be sold on terms that recognize the lucrative monopoly of its transmission grid. I ask congress to pass the transco bill that already passed the house in the 12th congress. Our investments in social justice and basic needs are as vital to our future as fiscal and macroeconomic reforms. A nation deeply divided will not stand. And it certainly will not move forward. Our nation is divided by social and economic faultlines. The tectonic plates may shift with unthinkable consequences. Some say that is it cheaper to die than to get well from an illness, that it is impossible to find clean water in this rainfall country, that in this modern day and age, part of the country still sits in darkness. This is a terrible waste and a terrible shame. Kaya ang aking agenda para sa maralita ay hanapbuhay; reporma sa lupa; tubig, gamot at koryente; pagtatanggol at kapangyarihan para sa mahina. In fact, we will now be able to bring clean water to the entire country because during my previous term, you, congress finally passed the clean water act; because in my first days as president in 2001 i signed the solid waste act; ---thank you also for giving me that opportunity --- and because we are reforesting our watersheds. The place to start now is livelihood, for 10 million filipinos. The growing industrial, service, and micro- enterprise sectors will take care of some, a thriving agri-business sector will keep more in the countryside rather than burdening a metro manila that is already cracking under the weight of overpopulation. Land reform covers agrarian land, urban land, and ancestral domain land. I ask congress to qualify farmland as bank collateral and reform the system of urban land title ang kapangyarihan ng taong bayan ay puso ng demokrasya. Dapat kasama sila sa paghugis ng kanilang kapalaran. Dadalhin ko ang aking mga reporma sa taong bayan. Ako'y magpapaliwanag, ako'y makikinig. I have shown that government does care even for a single filipino life. Now we must show that we care for the rest of the filipino people, especially the weakest among us. To adapt the words of adam smith to the information age, "the greatest improvement in the productive powers of labor seems to have been the effects of a modern education." economies have

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University exhausted the possibilities of the division of labor; the way further forward now is a better- educated, more adaptable workforce. We need to start early. And we need to maintain the highest educational standards. I ask congress to legislate an extra year of studies not by adding a fifth year of high school but by standardizing what is taught in barangay day care centers. To expand youth opportunity, we need to focus on technical and vocational education; on strengthening english, science and technology -- and love of country. As i said in my inaugural: it is not free markets but patriotism that makes countries strong. There is a sense in which as a society we have failed the youth in their formative years, in growing up normally and productively, in getting a good education, in learning the habits of honesty and citizenship and civic discipline. I ask the educational system, the parents, the church and pillars of the community to help shape a new culture of honesty, patriotism, respect, discipline and service for young filipinos. The roof cannot collapse when the value pillars of government and society are sound and strong. I fervently support the judicial reforms being carried out by our supreme court. I ask congress for a law making the ombudsman's function as effective as hong kong's independent commission against corruption. Bureaucratic corruption with its numerous leakages is bad. So is government incompetence. Unlike in the private sector, where the free market punishes mistakes, government incompetence punishes only the public. We have to tear away layers of inefficiency piled on by decades of political accommodation: redundancy in the national service, waste in local governments, and pointless procedures for getting done what isn't needed anyway to secure the public welfare. Just how does paying off the health inspector banish bacteria from a dirty kitchen? By definition, public services are what the private sector will not do except for a price the public cannot pay. Where the private sector can do it better and cheaper, government may have to step aside. But the watchwords are better and cheaper. Where privatization only spells public pillage, government will continue to do the work. But that's no reason to spare public services from the test of competitive performance. We will simplify procedures to eliminate fixers. We will downsize the government, motivate excess employees to become entrepreneurs, and increase the pay of a lean and mean bureaucracy. I have abolished eighty offices under the office of the president. I will abolish thirty more. I ask congress to pass a law on government re-engineering, with silver parachutes for redundant offices. Once we have proved to our people that we have done what we can within the present structure of government, we can move on to changing the system to one that enhances our freedom and flexibility to do more. I expect that next year, congress will start considering the resolutions for charter change. No one has a monopoly on right ideas. I am reaching out to all segments of society and all parties, be they with me or against me, to join me in those things that should be everyone's concern because they rise above politics to the level of patriotism. I do not want a honeymoon period after which we can

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University forget the country and go after each other again. I want a marriage not of convenience but of conviction, across the spectrum of parties and groups, encompassing the range of intelligent political, religious and economic views. I want a marriage for at least the life of this congress. I do not ask for unprincipled support because it will not hold. I do ask for an end to unprincipled obstructionism because that always succeeds in defeating our best efforts. Tunay nga na kahirapan at kawalan ng katarungan ang sagabal sa ating pagunlad. Ngunit ang mga nagsusulsol sa mahihirap na manggulo ang sumisira sa ating kinabukasan. So this must stop. We must put a stop to that. Every year, every president tells congress that it is the last chance for meaningful change. This time i will say it again, adding only that past presidents were right. And that each time change doesn't happen, makes change harder and less likely to happen the next time around. The time for change is well past due. This time, let me say, let's just do it! Mabuhay ang pilipino! Maraming salamat sa inyong lahat.

PGMA'S SPEECH DURING THE LUNCHEON MEETING OF THE JOINT FOREIGN CHAMBERS OF THE PHILIPPINES Friday, November 15, 2002 Shangri-La, Makati I WANT to thank you very warmly for this opportunity to highlight again some of the main features of our government policies relating to the interests of the foreign business community in the Philippines. I have always been consistent about my vision for uplifting our economy. I outlined that vision from the very first day of my administration. While at EDSA, I said, that our challenge must be that within this decade, we must win the fight against poverty. I reinforced that vision in my first State of the Nation Address where I highlighted four elements as priority in the fight against poverty. First, an economic philosophy of free enterprise appropriate to the 21st century. Second, a modernized agricultural sector founded on social equity. Third, a social bias towards the disadvantage to balance our economic development plan, and; Fourth, to raise the standard of morality in government and society. In my last State of the Nation Address, I acknowledged that the fast and economic development of social reforms which are needed to win the battle against poverty are the result of good policies and empowered institutions that are the features of a strong Republic. A strong Republic should have the capacity, represented through strong institutions and a strong democracy, to execute good policies and deliver essential services.

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In that last State of the Nation Address, I focused on the need to execute the good policy of fighting corruption and to deliver the essential service of peace and order. Fighting corruption is an essential part of the broader policy that we know as good governance. I believe that the primordial requirement in building a strong Republic is good governance and fighting corruption starting with setting the example at the top. Thus, even my husband is not above the law. Though I consider intrigues against him as simply an occupational hazard, I've encouraged him to face Senate investigation to demonstrate that there are no sacred cows in my administration. And by letting the investigations go wherever any evidence might take them, I thank God that the evidence has invariably shown that the accusations against him are false and politically motivated. But because my husband has humbled himself by submitting to Senate investigations, I have enhanced my moral authority to investigate any serious allegation and uphold anyone accountable if corruption is found to take place. Let me assure you that I am working diligently to ensure that you get the professional and clean government you deserve. For instance, our new e-procurement program is saving billions and many.... anomalies. My presidential anti-graft commission is investigating a number of high government officials including cabinet members, bureau directors, government board chairmen, state prosecutors, board members of corporations. And for many of them where the case is very high profile or the evidence is very strong, the perception is very strong, I have asked many of them to go on leave pending the results of the investigations. As for corruption within the court where there is separation of powers in our constitution, because of your feedback, specifically feedback of the American Chamber, we are pro-active in prosecuting graft among state prosecutors. And with the cooperation of the Supreme Court for prosecuting erring judges as well, some of these State Prosecutors and Bureau Directors will very shortly, get their walking papers because the due process is winding up. And that is without prejudice to the criminal cases filed against them. Last year, I declared the Bureau of Customs and the Bureau of Internal Revenue showcases in the fight against graft and corruption. This is a continuing effort. It is an effort where I have enlisted the support of the business community. And I ask you to join the Filipino businessmen who are helping institutionally in this effort. This brings me to one of your concerns about how we can improve the interphase between business and government. One of the things that the government has an obligation to ensure is that its dealings with business are efficient, clear and transparent. And this is particularly true in the key areas of taxation, customs, immigration and labor relations. Much, a lot, of interface between you and the government are in these areas; and it's here that the foreign business community is entitled to

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My government, therefore, is enhancing its focus on improving the structures and governance practices of these agencies. In terms of improving your interface, while we have a one- stop shop for new investors, we don't have one existing right now for existing investors. And we'll create one shortly that will include these four agencies and we will place the quick response team of the Department of Trade and Industry under this office. I understand that another concern of yours is the sanctity of contract. We are all accountable. You are accountable. You are stockholders. I'm accountable to my 80 million shareholders. So I consider it my duty to look after their interest. We respect the sanctity of contract even as we are aggressive in correcting what we see is illegal or grossly onerous. This is not simply a case of contractors versus the government. In many cases, they may even favor the investors. And I'd like to say that I have heard from the investors, those who have had to go through the review of the ICT contract say that they are satisfied with the transparency and the professionalism with which these contracts have been reviewed and renegotiated. But the best defense, of course, is to prevent a situation from arising where we have to renegotiate in the future. Because we don't want a day to come when the contracts will further have to be reviewed and subject to adjudication. Many of the contracts that we have had to review now are contracts that are not the making of my administration. And if they are all so legal and no onerous provisions were there, yes, go and they go. But there are a few where, indeed, even the shareholders admit, that shortcuts were being taken. I don't want to spend the rest of my retirement facing the Ombudsman for that. It is important that we have the sanctity of contract. But it is important that those contracts be in line with the law from the very beginning. While each contract is unique, there are many common elements and precedents all over the world. And in the process, all these renegotiations specifically in the Department of Energy, as I said, the feedback so far has been very good, we're compiling best practices of such contracts to give us a resource to draw on in the writing of contracts and serve as benchmarks should there be a legal challenge in the future. The challenge to deliver the essential service of peace and order.... in the fight against terrorism. This is a global fight, and not the challenge of a single nation or region. The tragedy in Bali once again shows that terrorism knows no bounds. One of the many challenges that have come up out of the tragic events of September 11, the Bali bombings and the bombing in the other parts of Asia is the impact it has had on the economy of the world. Of course, the human toll is immensely saddening. And immensely worse that the economic toll is widespread. It comes at a time when there are fears that the global economy may be in for a double dip. My greatest concern is, how the terrorist have shifted the agenda of politic and cooperation from one of economic development to an overwhelming concern about security. Witness the unfortunate decision of some of your governments to issue travel advisory or institute selective procedures for granting.... visas applicable to 25 countries including the Philippines.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University I knew the moment last year when I committed the Philippines to a leadership position in Asia in the global war on terrorism, that I would be subjecting our nation to heightened degree of attention on this issue. But I also knew that we had to share with the international community, in the interest of transparency our experience including our challenges and our successes in dealing with terrorism if this effort was to be a true coalition with you. But I don't think that we should be penalized by those who are well aware of the tough decisions and actions we have taken to not only deal with terrorists in our own shores, but also to ensure countries in our region and around the world cooperate by sharing intelligence and by assisting and apprehending terrorists who are not restricted by national borders. As important, a knowledgeable citizen of the country where you come from, especially those from Europe, you have an important role in ensuring that the close relations between our country and our people should not be a victim of terrorism. You know that because of our aggressive drive against terrorism, despite the desperate resort to hit and run bombings, the domestic terrorists particularly the Abu Sayyaf are on the run. We have captured the Zamboanga and Quezon City bombers including their mastermind, the head of the explosive unit of the Abu Sayyaf who was presented yesterday. There is much that you can do to help us. You are important stakeholders in my country. And I hope that you can help bring to your country and your officials a true picture of the Filipino traveller. I believe that the strongest argument we have against such penalty is the reputation of the Filipino workers and seamen in Europe. I take great exception with the premise of gloom and doom and drift that my critics have engendered. I inherited an economy heading for bankruptcy and a political environment nearing on chaos but I have instilled political order and fiscal discipline. Just a few months ago, there was a survey that came out that 19 percent of the people want to leave the country. Well, prior to that, there were more people who wanted to leave the country. In other words, those statistics showed a figure on the decline, but that was not how my critics were able to present it, and as for the deficit issue, while we recognize that we must address it, I believe it has been overblown because of the preoccupation to the absolute target rather than the more meaningful debt to GDP ratio which is used as the rating standard. To despite the slippage. The deficit to GDP ratio maybe only point five to one percent higher than programmed, placing the 2002 deficit broadly in line with the 2001 deficit. This ratio compares favorably with the rest of Asia. And speaking of the rest of Asia, our economic growth, our export growth, our tourism growth, they compare very favorably with the rest of Asia. Inflation and interest rates are at the lowest point in more than a decade. Our investments, the needed infrastructure, are underway. And most importantly, I have managed to pass through Congress significantly four measures that have been.... for

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University administration after administration, including the power sector reform law, the anti-money laundering law, among others. But my effort to maintain support for the reforms we have undertaken is made even more difficult that many countries do not play by the rules. Some developed countries preach free trade and yet, practice protectionism against the developing countries. Because of the protectionism, they continue to be practiced by many developing countries. And because of the still uncertain global environment, the focus of my attention for the six months is really mostly on building up domestic demand, thus, may I share with you briefly the points of the eight things that I want to do over the next six months. The first program item is to promote the growth of the small and medium enterprise which are the most effective, efficient leaders of capital. The second is to jumpstart housing that has the biggest multiplier. The other night I had dinner with Senator Manny Villar who, before he entered congress, was a housing magnate. He's building again, and others like him, are building again. They are not just planning to build. They are building. That's why the National Statistics Office figure show a 20 to 25 percent increase in construction. The third program item is to reduce transport cost from Mindanao to Luzon through a P30 billion roll on, roll off port and ferry system from Mindanao through the Visayan Islands to Luzon to be funded by the Development Bank of the Philippines lending to credit worthy investors as I hope some of you will be in this very important logistics program. The fourth is infrastructure to decongest Metro Manila, focusing on starting the north rail between Metro Manila north to Clark, and the continuation of the south toll road all the way to Batangas Port. Also, the start of the MRT final linkage with LRT so that we can have a loop around the Metropolis. And the review of Metro Manila's infrastructure program to ensure that it makes sense and produce visible results swiftly. The fifth is to mobilize the contribution of the PCGG to the fiscal resources of the government, particularly the $600 million Marcos deposit with the PNB and the coco levy remaining 27 percent share of San Miguel. The sixth is to make Makati a specific urban tourist destination with its compact easy to secure location, worldclass mall entertainment facilities and internationally considered cheap shopping, perhaps with a side trip to Boracay or a similar resort as part of the package. The seventh is to stimulate private investment in agriculture by pursuing legislation to enable banks to accept agricultural land as collateral. And the eighth is to begin the complete staff work to make the reclamation area in Roxas Boulevard a tourism complex to be called the Bagong Nayong Pilipino Tourism Estate. The program I have just outlined represents a significant part of my Medium-Term Philippine Development Plan and my continuing agenda of reform and change. We have been an active reformist government. I would be the last person to pretend that we're always 100 percent right. But we have a strong record to look to, and we offer it at a time of intense international uncertainty and concern. We offer a capacity as well, a record of stability, of predictability and of

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University knowing what we believe in and what we stand for. The end result that we are moving towards not.... today and tomorrow is there, but something we're moving towards is that we have a stronger, more respected, more resilient Philippine nation. However, in moving towards a strong Republic, when you are starting from what many have considered for a long time as a soft state. You often have to wait a while before you get the dividend of economic reform. And you can get this if you are willing to undertake the major reforms and face down some of the short term political challenges. We have done things nobody was able to do for many years. Repair the damage done to the presidency. Worked hard to deliver a stable economy. And as many of you have seen when you followed APEC, lifted our country's reputation around the world. And I am glad that you have said, Mr. Daly, that your expectations continue to remain high. Because let me remind you, I have been in... office 21 months. It takes three years to construct your factory from the time you conceptualized it. When I say I am moving towards a strong Republic, don't expect that it should be there the next day. And before you get there, you go through all of these economic and political difficulties. I am going, I am willing to go through them. But I ask you, the members of the international business community, as you're already here, let us share this vision together, stay with me, we will yet make a strong Philippine Republic together. Thank you.

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PART FOUR
The Future Of Philippine Politics
THE FUTURE AS LATIN AMERICA Calixto V. Chikiamco

For clues as to where the Philippines is headed for, one has to look thousands of kilometers away to Latin America. The Philippines is similar to Latin America in many respectsthe predominantly Catholic faith and the experience with Spanish colonialism and American neo-colonialism. The Philippine economic performance has also been more Latin than Asianwith persistently high levels of poverty and income maldistribution, cycles of boom and bust, and disappointing GDP per capita growth rates. Even the countrys politics look Latin. While its Asian neighbors experience with authoritarianismIndonesia under Suharto, China under Deng, Taiwan under Chang, Singapore under Lee Kwan Yew, South Korea under military regimes, and Malaysia under Mahathir has been positive for high economic growth, the Philippines experience under Marcos had been a failed one, similar to those of Latin nations. If the future of the Philippines is Latin America, then whats happening there doesnt give us grounds for optimism and hope. These developments include: growing political discontent with the democratic political system, growth of populism and the politics of rage, and resentment of free trade and free markets. In last weeks issue of Newsweek, in an article entitled, Latin America Lags Behind, the author might as well be speaking of the Philippines. The author, Scott Johnson, speaks of the regions grim future, despite a 4-percent growth this year, citing the regions persistent poverty, maldistribution of income, and irresponsible elite. Indeed, what the author writes about Latin America may resonate here as well: It is now widely agreed that given a degree of macroeconomic stability, the key to economic growth is the creation of a vibrant private sector, and its here that Latin America has fallen off the rails . . . Yet its now clear that the appearance o f rapid change was largely an illusion: trade barriers fell and government-run enterprises were sold, but rather than dispersing the power and capital of the state, the bulk of it was simply transferred, en masse to a dysfunctional private elite still working in cahoots with a meddling state.

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STUDENTS HANDBOOK IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 2004-2005 A. C. ARTICULO Cagayan State University The author says of Latin America, and he might as well be speaking of the Philippines, Governments in Latin America were generally less willing than those in Asia to allow real competition in privatized industries. . . . Government protections like price controls and trade restrictions continued to shield unreconstructed business practices . . . Most Latin American nations now harbor only a parody of the private sector as a widely regulated space in which business can flourish and compete. With tariff increases for favored sectors, the restrictions to foreign competition imposed by constitutional limits, regulatory capture of regulatory agencies like the Civil Aeronautics Board, Bureau of Food and Drug Administration, Philippine Ports Authority, National Telecommunications Commission, etc. by regulated industries, and the lack of antimonopoly laws, the same parody of free markets and private enterprise in Latin America is happening in the Philippines. What the au thor doesnt mention is how Latin American nations failed to build strong states, one that couldnt easily be manipulated by the irresponsible elite for its own interests. Instead, elections and democracy became covers under which the rent-seeking and the private buccaneering took place. Thus, in Argentina, a democratically elected government privatized the state power utilities with sweetheart deals, contributing to that nations fiscal crisis. President Arroyo has little time and little options to avert the Philippines from fully avoiding the Latin American fate. The near victory by a high school dropout actor inexperienced in politics in the last election shows that poor voters are tired and disappointed with their traditional leaders. Its fortunate for the elite that Fernando Poe Jr. didnt anchor his campaign on a theme of class war. Otherwise, it would be the elite, and not FPJ, who would have been on the defensive. But the disquiet and anger may just be simmering under the surface, and its possible that not he, but somebody else, or mobs, could light the flame of class war. In Latin America, the poor are already on the march, from Bolivia to Ecuador, from Venezuela to Brazil. Newsweek quotes Mexican political economist Lorenzo Meyer, You cant sustain democracy if it doesnt provide results. No security, no growth. I see it in my own life. I have work but my son doesnt. Im angry, sad. Democracy hasnt brought anything better. Its just democracy by default. What were losing is our optimism. The magazine concludes: Analysts expect more violence, with calls for the return of strongmen who can deliver prosperitymen like Augusto Pinochet of Chile. That would take Latin America back to the 1970s, when it started to lose its way. Is that progress?

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REFERENCES/ BIBLIOGRAPHY
Philippine Political Culture Almond, Gabriel & Powell, G. Bingham 1966: Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach. Boston: Little Brown. Aquino, Belinda A. 1995 (May 5): "The Acosta dynasty ", Philippine Daily Inquirer. Arguillas, Carolyn O. 1995 (May 8): "Letter from Mindanao. Sons and daughters, wives and husbands", Philippine Daily Inquirer Benedicto, Edna et. al. 1995 (May 10): "Visayan political clans face defeat", Philippine Daily Inquirer Berger, Peter & Luckmann, Thomas 1966: The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge. New York: Anchor Books. Canieso-Doronila, M Luisa 1992: National Identity and Social Change. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press & University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies. Cimatu, Frank 1995a (April 23): "Ilocos Sur politics: Sinister image", Philippine Daily Inquirer. 1995b (April 25): "Money flows in Ilocos Sur every election season", Philippine Daily Inquirer. Cornel, Manny Vent & Fuertes, Yolanda 1995 (March 31): "New political dynasties rise in Pangasinan", Philippine Daily Inquirer. Corpuz, Onofre D. 1969: "The Cultural Foundations of Filipino Politics" inAbueva, Jos D. & De Guzmn, Ral, Foundations and Dynamics of Filipino Government and Politics, Manila: Bookmark. David, Randolf S. 1995 (April 24): "Political Dynasties: Major Poll Issue", Philippine Daily Inquirer. De Guzmn, Roy 1995 (April 26): "Prez' death may just be the key to toppling the firmly entrenched Joson dynasty in Ecija", Today. Doronila, Amando 1995: "A New Paradigm for Understanding Philippine Politics" in State & Civil Society: Dynamics of Democratization in the Philippines. Roundtable of Eminent Persons. Manila: The Asian Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions (Center for Research and Communication & Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs). Esplanada, Jerry 1994 (December 26): "Challenge to Ramos. Ban Political Dynasties RAM", Philippine Daily Inquirer. Fernndez, Rolando et. al. 1995 (May 11): "Luzon. Pangasinan elections: FVR family affair", Philippine Daily Inquirer. Herrera, Christine 1995 (May 5): "Nueva Ecija Politics. Josons replace Josons in polls", Philippine Daily Inquirer. Lucas, Danilo 1995 (April 18): "Pangasinan: Political Monopoly at its best", The Manila Times. Nolledo, Jos N. 1987: The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines Explained. Manila: National Bookstore. Pascual, Juliet 1995 (May 8): "Ilocos Norte polls: A contest of big families", Philippine Daily Inquirer. PDIa (January 3, 1995): "Ramos asks solons: Pass Palace Bills", Philippine Daily Inquirer.

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PDIb (February 7, 1995): "Baby A. slams Ramos clan on dynasty ", Philippine Daily Inquirer. PDIc (February 8, 1995): "Ranjit lashes back at Baby A.", Philippine Daily Inquirer. PDId (May 5, 1995): "Local bosses. Free for all in Pangasinan", Philippine Daily Inquirer. PDIe (May 8, 1995): "Old and new dynasties dominate Mindanao polls", Philippine Daily Inquirer. Pye, Lucian & Verba, Sidney 1965: Political Culture and Political Development. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Roces, Alejandro & Roces, Grace 1985: Culture Shock Philippines. Singapore: Times Books International. Roque, Anselmo 1995 (May 5): "Nueva Ecija governorship. It's still a Joson versus Prez fight", Philippine Daily Inquirer. The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, 1986. The Omnibus Election Code, 1985. Timbermann, David 1995: A Changeless Land. Continuity and Change inPhilippine Politics. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Wrfel, David 1988 (1991, 2nd ed.): Filipino Politics. Development and Decay. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. Philippine Political Elites, Elections and Political Parties Amado Mendoza Jr., The Industrial Anatomy of Corruption: Government Procurement, Bidding and Awards of Contract, in Public Policy Vol. V No. 1. Quezon City: UP CIDS Andreas Schedler, Larry Diamond and Marc Plattner, editors (1999), The SelfRestraning State: Power and Accountability in New Democracies. London: Lynne Riener Publishers. Celito Arlegue and John Joseph S. Coronel (2001), Political Party reform Strategies in the Philippines, in Political Party Strategies to Combat Corruption. Edited by Peter Manikas and Laura Thornton. Washington D.C.: National Democratic Institute for International Affairs. Center for a New Democracy and Center for Responsive Politics (1998), The World of Campaign Finance: a Readers Guide to the Funding of International Elections. USA Center for Responsive Politics (1996), Money in Politics Reform: Principles, Problems and Proposals. USA Donatella Della Porta (2000), Political Parties and Corruption: 17 Hyphotheses on the Interactions between Parties and Corruption. Working Paper RSC No.2000/60, European University Institute. Emmanuel de Dios, Corruption in the Philippine: Framework and Context, in Public Policy Vol. V No. 1. Quezon City: UP CIDS International IDEA (2001), Handbook on Funding of Parties and Election Campaigns. International IDEA Political Finance Project. Michael Pinto-Duchinsky (2001), Political Finance and Democracy: Major Challenges for Reformers and Scholars. Paper presented at a Conference on Political Finance and Democracy in East Asia sponsored by The Sejong Institute (Korea) and National Endowment for Democracy (USA). Paul Hutchcroft (1998), Booty Capitalism: The Politics of Banking in the Philippines. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. R.B. Jain (2001), Money and Democratic Politics: Emerging Critical Issues in Select Asian Countries. Paper presented at a Workshop on Money and Democratic Politics sponsored by International Institute for Electoral Assistance (IDEA).

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World Bank (2000), Combatting Corruption in the Philippines. Philippine Country Management Unit. World Bank (2001), Combatting Corruption in the Philippines: An Update. Philippine Country Management Unit. Women in Philippine Politics Delgado-Yulo, Karla. 2000. "Woman on the Verge." Philippine Daily Inquirer. 5 November. <http:www.Inquirer.net/mags/nov2000wk1/mag1>. Gwilyn, Lowri. 1989. Women in Politics: A Six Part Series. British Broadcasting Company. Video/C 3375. KGMAers. 2001. Kaibigan ni Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. 7 September. <http:http://www.kgma.org/>. Laylo, Junie. 2001. "Nation Divided by Erap Plunder Charge" Day of Election Survey ABS-CBN/SWS. 14 May. <http:www.sws.org.ph/index>. Macapagal-Arroyo, Gloria. 2001. Inaugural Speech. www.inquirer.net/issues/jan2001/jan21/frontpage/speech. Mangahas, Mahar. 1998. SWS Surveys on the 1998 National Elections. Philippines: Social Weather Stations. Mangalindan, Rumelia CE. 1991. Social Weather Stations Quarter IV, 1991. Quezon City, Philippines: Social Weather Stations Inc., http://www.sws.org.ph/;. Mangalindan, Rumelia CE. 1998. Social Weather Stations Quarter IV, 1998. Quezon City, Philippines: Social Weather Stations Inc., http://www.sws.org.ph/. Moran, Jon. 1999. "Patterns of Corruption and Development in East Asia." Third World Quarterly 20 (3): 569-589. Richter, Linda K. 1991. "Exploring Theories of Female Leadership in South and Southeast Asia." Pacific Affairs 63 (4): 524-540. Stevens, E.P. 1973. "Marianismo:The other face of machismo in Latin America." In Female and male in Latin America, ed. A. Pescatello. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. 89-101. Tanglao-Aguas, Francis. 2001. "Letter from a Filipino American at EDSA II: A Historic Moment (Part 2)." Special Womens Issue Filipinas (March): 36-40. The Rise and Fall of Joseph Estrada. 2001. The Filipino Express Online. 7 September. <http://www.filipinoexpress.com/ peoplepower>. Iwai, Tomoaki. 1993. " The Madonna Boom: Women in the Japanese Diet." Journal of Japanese Studies 19 (Winter): 103-120. UST Research Center. 1986. The Philippines Revolution and the Involvement of the Church. Philippines: UST Press. Whos Who of Women in World Politics. 1991. London: Bowker Saur. Wurfel, David. 1988. Filipino Politics: Development and Decay. Quezon City, Philippines: Ateneo de Manila University Press. Youngblood, Robert L. 1990. Marcos Against the Church: Economic Development and Political Repression in the Philippines. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

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