Professional Documents
Culture Documents
The present paper will provide a critical stance on the main claims set forth by
both seminal studies (McRobbie 1982/1991) and recent investigations (Talbot 1992,
1995, Hayashi 1997, Hermes 1995, Duffy and Gotcher 1996, McLoughlin 2000)
regarding the genre description of magazines targeted at a young female readership, most
of which are of Marxist extraction. The discussion will focus on the relation intended to
be established between writer/text producer and reader, as well as in terms of the major
characteristics the above-mentioned researchers assign to such magazines: normativity,
prescriptiveness, and the centrality and compulsiveness of heterosexuality. I will
endeavour to emphasise that such parameters are but a facade and that the belief that
readers may be easily manipulated into taking advice columns for ultimate truths, to
blindly accept and implement allegedly normative pattern of behaviour is an insult to the
readers’ intelligence. I would rather consider most readers discriminating, able to discern
a good tip from a tongue-in-cheek piece of advice while engaging in the pretense of
omniscience and authoritativeness espoused by the text producers. I will also point out
that without neglecting the usefulness of certain guidelines provided by experts, most
readers read, browse or simply flick through such magazines in order to their personal
short-term purposes – among which entertainment ranks first.
The impact women’s magazines are likely to have upon the behaviours, world
views, and self image of their readers has been described as alarming to the point of
being threatening by Marxist researchers such as Angela McRobbie, who regards
magazines such as ‘Jackie’ – the best-sellers among teen-targeted magazines in the 70s
and 80s - as powerful brain-washers, devised so as to create a ‘false totality’ and
vehemently claims that
Both the repertoire of practical knowledge and the repertoire of connected knowing
may help readers to gain (an imaginary and temporary) sense of identity and
confidence, of being in control or feeling at peace with life, which lasts while they
are reading and dissipates quickly when the magazine is put aside (Hermes 1995:
48). i
I tend to agree with Hermes’ viewing the process of reading women’s magazines
as “a quest for understanding” (Hermes 1995: 44), likely to enable readers to gain better
control over their lives, to feel confident about doing ‘the right thing’, to feel less
insecure and frightened about unexpected events that might shatter the complacent
routine of their everyday lives. This view is also endorsed by Bucholtz who argues that
women are not participants ‘in their own oppression’ and they "do not unthinkably
consume cultural forms but construct their own meanings and identities in relation to
such forms" for confronting conflicting representations with a selective mind (Bucholtz
1999: 349-350).
Boys and men are, then, not sex objects, but romantic objects. The code of romance
neatly displays that of sexuality which hovers somewhere in the background
appearing fleetingly in the guise of passion, or the ‘clinch’. Romance is about the
public and social effects of and implications of ‘love’ relationships (McRobbie
1991: 276).
Duffy and Gotcher reinforce Ferguson’s claim (1983) that such texts provide a
paradoxical construction of femininity: the reader is prompted to be self-confident and
self-reliant while being constantly reminded of “the primacy and constancy of Man as
goal” (Ferguson 1983: 44). The overarching imperative of finding a man leads to the
promotion of an aggressive type of heterosexual identity, since glossy magazines such as
Cosmo are designed to ‘tutor women in aggressive strategies for voracious sexual
appetites’, though still abiding by acknowledged male criteria for female desirability
(Durham 1998: 26). Ballaster et al (1991: 9) insist on the tension between acknowledging
men as important and desirable and viewing them as the source of anxiety and
disparagement (from their being lazy or untidy to their being physically aggressive and
misogynist).
Importantly, longitudinal studies on the content of teen magazines and their
consequences for the socialization of teenage girls, demonstrate that traditional messages
(centred on appearance, household and romantic relationships) tend to decrease in favour
of feminist messages (i.e. messages advocating independence and self-confidence
inspired by the proven ability to take care of oneself without relying on a man for
fulfillment) whenever feminist political events polarise public attention. (e.g. in the 70s
and 90s). (Pierce 1990, Schlenker et al 1998).iii
If permanent exposure to stereotypes reinforces compliance with traditional
patterns of gendered behaviour, counterstereotypical gender representations and
undermine underlying assumptions about gender-specific traits and traditional gender
societal roles: “Counterstereotypical media content can also be used to increase women’s
self-confidence and independent judgment” (Peirce 1993: 66). Pierce believes, rightly in
my view, that providing counterstereotypes can enable readers to renounce their
traditional pursuits and discard stereotyped occupations.
3. The parodic stance of the reader: ‘playing along’ as a game of pretense
Magazine readers engaging in the pretense of ‘playing along’ with the voice of the
writer needs to be envisaged in terms of Stich and Nichols’ (2000) theory about the
cognitive processes underlying pretense, based on two basic assumptions about the mind.
The first assumption is “the basic architecture assumption”, which claims that the normal
human mind contains two kinds of representational states: beliefs and desires. These two
states function differently, because they are caused in different ways and have different
patterns of interaction with other components of the mind. Some beliefs are caused
directly by perception; others are derived from pre-existing by processes of deductive and
non-deductive inference. Some desires are caused by systems that monitor various bodily
states (e.g. the desire to get something to drink). Others, called “instrumental desires” or
“sub-goals” are generated by a process of practical reasoning that has access to beliefs.
To have a belief or a desire with a particular content is to have a representation token with
that content stored in the functionally appropriate way in the mind. Magazine readers
simulate commonality of beliefs and desires with the allegedly knowledgeable persona of
the writer in order to store the content of the directions, advice, recommendations
provided by the latter, only to subsequently sift the credible and the desirable out of the
respective discourses in compliance with one’s short- or long-term creeds and cravings.
Temporarily espousing beliefs or desires generates the phenomenon called ‘cognitive
quarantine’ with the comprehender, which entails that once the pretense episode is over,
the pretender resumes his non-pretend activities. Consequently, “the events that occurred
in the context of pretense have only a quite limited effect on the post-pretense state of the
pretender” (Stich and Nichols, 2000).
In the light of Stich and Nichols’ pretense theory, most readers of British
publications targeted at young women from 12 to thirtysomething and older, such as
Sugar, Bliss, 19 or Zest, deliberately engage in ‘cognitive quarantine’ when it comes to
sharing the writer’s beliefs and desires. Most such readers hardly expect to integrate into
the ‘bogus community’ of ‘surrogate sisterhood’ (Talbot 1995: 147). It is likely that
female readers might be so gullible as to regard the writer as the epitome of debonair
omniscience, being rather prepared to take her advice with a large grain of salt. Like any
reasonable readers, implied readers of women’s magazines are likely to engage in the
short-term convention defined by McLoughlin as follows: “the text producer speaks with
the voice of experience, she has the knowledge for which the reader is thought to be in
need” (McLoughlin 2000: 229).
When coming across articles such as (and I quote at random):
How to get the perfect pout (the real secret of super snoggable lips is all in your
choice of lipstick)(Bliss, June 2000)
Festival faux-pas (to pee or not to pee; tee-thing problems) (19, August 2000)
Valentine dates made in hell (Bliss March 1999)
Is he a trick or a treat? (Sugar, November 1999)
readers accordingly pretend to see the writer as the one who ‘knows all the ropes’
about picking up the right guy for the perfect romance and to suspend skepticism by
feigning to pay full heed to her guidance while reading the article. Being knowledgeable
enough about genre conventions, present-day readers, be they teenagers or responsible
career women, rather agree to temporarily establish a ‘symmetrical relationship’ (Hayashi
1997: 361) with the text producers and simulate enjoying commonality of purpose
(Ballaster et al 1991). I do not envisage such mutual pretence as either display of
hypocrisy or consent to being manipulated, but rather as a camouflaged bargain struck
between writer/text producer and readers.
Such a bargain heavily relies on the informality between writer /‘text producer’)
and reader, a discursive device meant to concomitantly minimise the social distance
between the two and empower the text producer ‘to mould a like-minded reader’
(McLoughlin 2000: 73). Such emphasis on informality and a non-serious attitude toward
subject matter is also identified by Hermes when she describes the ‘putdownability’ and
relaxation-inducing properties of women’s magazines (Hermes 1995: 31-35).
Titles such as Pecs appeal (Bliss, March 2000) or Virtual datability - ever wished
you could create the perfect boy? Well, you now can - and a hot date to boot! (Sugar,
November 1999) addressing the reader in an informal, laid-back register, announcing not
only intimacy or “the cosy invocation of a known commonality between ‘we women’
(Ballaster et al. 1991) but an invitation to engage in a parodical vein. Duffy and Gotcher
might regard this as ‘a mockery to supportive conversation’ (Duffy and Gotcher 1996:
43), but such texts obviously signal to the reader that the pieces of advice are to be taken
with a large grain of salt.
Hegemonic masculinity is not a fixed character type, always and everywhere the
same. It is, rather, the masculinity that occupies the hegemonic position in a given
pattern of gender relations, a position always contestable (Connell 1995: 76).
This ‘hierarchical contrast’ between hegemonic masculinities on the one hand, and
femininity and ‘less manly’ masculinities on the other is amply analysed by Halberstam
in her book Female Masculinity (1998). The author convincingly argues that despite the
wide consensus that femaleness does not automatically produce femininity and maleness
does not produce masculinity, very few people seemed to be considering the effects of
disassociating sex and gender, which has been particularly visible in the sphere of
masculinity:
Most texts of the kind Costa Del cockup (19, July 2000), How to get a snog with
just one lippy! (Bliss, March 1999) do exploit a recurring fantasy (getting Mr. Right),
thus confirming McLoughlin’s critique of the monogamous heterosexual assumptions
underlying all romance- and sex-related articles in young women’s magazines:
A moral theme which permeates texts is that heterosexuality is the order of the day.
It is taken as axiomatic that the reader’s partner is male and preferably in a
monogamous relationship […]. Young women are counselled that sex should
ideally take place within a loving relationship (McLoughlin 2000: 239).
Yet, most such articles are quite likely to be considered a parody of such fantasy-based
discourses on the pursuit of the ideal male. Unlike Talbot (1992, 1995), Durham (1998)
and Duffy and Gotcher (1996), I believe that a subversive reader may adopt a skeptical
stance towards such articles and will consequently regard them as simply ‘a mockery to
supportive conversation’ (Duffy and Gotcher 1996: 43): unhelpful, yet not
disempowering and last but not least utterly hilarious.
Concomitantly, such ‘resistant readers’ are unlikely to discard such articles and
may nevertheless feel tempted to read them if only for their ‘putdownability’ and
relaxation-inducing effect (Hermes 1995: 31-41). As a reader of such magazines and an
observer of other female readers - most of whom are skeptical and subversive - I find it
hard to believe that the average single heterosexual female reader finds texts about the
successful exertion of female charm upon desirable men debasing and manipulative,
especially when written in an exacerbated parodical tonality.
Although in articles about men, dividing men into the categories of eligible or
non-eligible is not unexpected, the criteria suggested by the writer are non-conventional
and expectation-shattering when it comes to representations of masculinity.
More often than not such texts introduce some expectation-challenging
‘counterstereotypes’ of masculinity, more specifically some flawed embodiments of
masculinity (such as 'Self-obsessed 'Skimpies' and 'Bashful Boxers' in Deborah Wald’s
classification of Men in Trunks or that of celebs of each decade in Hey, good-looking,
both published in Zest, August 1998) which prompt the reader into dismantling the
‘highly eroticised and utterly irresistible’ images of hegemonic masculinity permeating
traditional romance (Talbot 1997: 107). If, when reading traditional romance, women
willingly engage in an eroticised struggle for the conquest of the towering man (Talbot
1997: 118-119), when browsing most articles on men, they are likely to accommodate
caricatures of such representations.
The promotion of such counterstereotypical images of masculinity may prove as
beneficial as that of counterstereotypes of femininity advocated by Pierce with a view to
augmenting the force of feminist self-fulfilment messages (Pierce 1993: 66).
Accommodating such counterstereotypical, even caricature-like representations of
masculinity should require flexibility and open-mindedness on the part of readers. While
finding one’s man is not rejected as a primary goal in the article, I see no construction of
contradictory femininity (Ferguson 1983: 44, Durham 1993: 26). On the contrary, the
promotion of a seductive type of femininity is itself ironical, therefore
counterstereotypical, especially most writers provide a tongue-in-cheek description of the
sexual voracity of female watchers
i
Along the same line of thought, Radner (1995) argues that, paradoxically, women’s magazines catalyse resistance to
patriarchal norms more powerfully than academic feminism since they provide a pedagogical model of behaviour and
practice:
I would like to suggest that as feminists we might learn from the women’s magazine as a pedagogical model, one that
meanders yet remains contained, that offers information within a heteroglossia of narratives rather than from a
univocal position, that accumulates rather than replaces, that permits contradiction and fragmentation, that offers
choice rather than conversion as its message (Radner 1990: 135).
ii
McRobbie discusses four codes (i.e. arrangements of visual and narrative signs) which prevail in teenage magazines such
as Jackie:
1. the code of romance
2. the code of personal/domestic life
3. the code of fashion and beauty
4. the code of pop music.
With the exception of the code of pop music, meant to promote ‘resistant’ counterstream values, the codes of romance,
personal life and fashion rely upon the need to find a boy and display him as a romantic (not a sexual) object or simply an
object of contemplation (the case of pop idols). All three codes revolve around the feeling of anxiety arising from the
prospect of being virtually dispossessed of the boy of one’s dreams by a more knowledgeable girl, as well as that of failing
to counter such anxiety by measuring up to specific beauty, fashion and behaviour standards under the expert guidance of
the editors.
iii
In their complex analysis of the content of 17 women’s magazines, Schlenker and collaborators classified messages into
six categories, the first three designating ‘ traditional’ messages, and the last three ‘feminist’ messages :
1. appearance
2. male-female relations (advice columns, hunk of the month)
3. home
4. self-development
5. career development
political/world issues
iv
In Whelehan’s view, the ‘ladette’ reinforces even more strikingly the vulgarity and objectification proffered by a rigid
division of genders:
The ladette offers the shallowest model of gender equality; it suggests that women could or should adopt the most
anti-social and pointless of ‘male’ behaviour as a sign of empowerment (Whelehan 2000: 11).