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The Struggle of Georgian People for Independence and Its Political Grounds (10sofXXCentury)
Maia Manchkhashvili
Student at the CAUCASUS ACADEMY OF SECURITY EXPERTS

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The Struggle of Georgian People for Independence and Its Political Grounds (10s of XX Century)
The ancient Georgian nation saw the new century in without statehood; strategic location of the geographical space where the genesis of the Georgian nation had taken place for centuries, has often put the nation to such threats; for a small nation, no matter how big civilizations it can create, the issue of state independence is often a great challenge. There have been similar stages throughout the history of political life of Georgia and apparently there was nothing new at the beginning of the XX century either, but the current conqueror tsarist Russia was very different from previous conquerors; Enemy disguised as a friend aimed to degrade the nation, while other conquerors mostly aimed at gaining territories and control of the geographical passes. Georgian people are carriers of a big civilization code, which is demonstrated even by creation of own alphabet and existence of state unit back in II century B.C. This can be sourced in ancient Greek writings; Georgian nation was able not to remain only a nation but developed to creation of a state unit. Not many nations are capable of coming to the condition. But for a small state like Georgia maintaining its independence was equally difficult. Throughout its history the country has lost its independence more than once, but never its uniqueness and at the very first opportunity managed to regain its independence. Having regained independence it continued not just existence, but civilizational growth as well. Having passed such a way of development of traditions and civilization for centuries in XX century Georgia once again lost its independence and moaned under the tsarist Russia rule for decades. However, it never accepted the fact and strived for restoration of its independence. Many Georgians dedicated their entire conscious life to this strive. Under such political circumstances the tactics of strategic waiting and relevant preparations for the independence regaining stage was vital for Georgia in the beginning of XX century. Historical facts reveal that Georgian political leaders failed to calculate many things, but historical experience gave them the grounds for daring to think about independence under such political conditions. The political leaders who undertook accomplishment of this cause had no experience of ruling a state, though national interests and historical memory turned out to be the strong impulse to encourage them and make this step. In Georgian awareness there is no interruption in statehood independence throughout its histry. The idea of independence and uniqueness was eternal in the mind of the nation 2

At the beginning and in the 10s of XX century Georgian political leaders, similar to all the other periods of difficulties, were in the process of preparing the grounds for the independence of the country. But only a desire of a nation and a statement that you want/deserve to exist as an independent political unit is never sufficient. You have to prove this to the rest of the world so that they support and recognize you. A country cannot start independent existence as a fully functional nation state. Self legitimization/self declaration is an imperfect and incorrect trend in the struggle for independence. Legal grounds are essential, which serve as basis for gaining independence of a country and make its existence legitimate. Georgian political leaders searched for the legal ground in the historical past. It was a bilateral agreement between Georgia/Kartli-Kakheti Kingdom and tsarist Russia signed on July 24 in 1783 in the castle of Georgievsk: A treaty on establishing Eastern Georgia as a Russian protectorate. This treaty consists of 13 articles and it was signed by Pavel Potenmkin on behalf of Russia and noblemen Ioane Bagrationi and Garsevan Chavchavadze on behalf of Georgia. This treaty is the most important decision/statement of King Heraclius II indicating the turning of the political vector in the direction of Russia. However populist it may sound, Georgia and Georgian kingdoms whether in the times of limited foreign political choice or in the times when they were comparatively free to choose which power to cooperate with, they always opted for western powers; back in Vi century Byzantine Empire was a western power for Georgia: and notwithstanding the fact that the mighty, wise and admired king of Egrisi1 Gubaz was assassinated by Byzantines, Egrisi still prefers to ally with Byzantine Empire and requests the Byzantine Emperor to punish the assassins of the King (and does not seek political allies with Persia). Basileus complied with the request, which indicates that though being a remote region Egrisi was still a political body to consider. In middle ages, when Georgia is surrounded by Muslim environment, it has to maneuver between two major conquerors, but never regards them as strategic allies. By the end of the Middle Ages, after Russian Empire appears on the arena and at the end of XVIII century Georgia considers it as a force which can be regarded as a western power/a window to the west due to common religion. However, history has proved us that this is a mistaken point of view; that common religion does not necessarily mean strategic alliance. Therefore Georgians, though late but still managed to reassess, and from the beginning of XX century they clearly separated from the pseudo Western power; Western power can be defined as a power oriented on the growth of civilization, mutual benefit.
1NameofWestGeorgiaofthetime

Why is the Treaty of Georgievsk a starting point for the political leaders who fought for the restoration of independence of Georgia and a basic document for preparing the legal grounds for this? The answer is simple: because this was actually the last agreement made by Eastern Georgia/Georgia as an independent political body with a foreign power. It has not conducted any foreign or domestic policy since then; this is why this document has legal power enabling to refer to when declaring independence. As for the question whether the treaty made by Eastern Georgia2 can be considered as a treaty made by Georgia, in this case it can because at this specific period and not only Eastern Georgia governed the fate of the country disintegrated into small kingdoms and principalities. In addition to that the throne of Western Georgia was occupied by the grandson of Heraclius II Archil. There was constant cooperation and coordination between them; even more, Archil often applied Heraclius for advice and Heraclius not only provided him with disinterested advice, but notwithstanding the fact that he had a unique opportunity to unite the disintegrated country under one rule, he refuses to integrate the two kingdoms and leaves Eastern Georgia under the rule and kingdom of Archil. And the most important thing is that even Article 6 of the treaty reads: Proteqtion of Kartli, Kakheti and Georgia.3 At the end of XVIII century politically weakened Eastern Georgia4 cannot resist the attacks and influence of its enemies and signs a treaty on becoming a protectorate of its northern neighbor. This very treaty on protection turned to be the beginning of full occupation of Georgia by tsarist Russia followed by first steps toward it in 1801 and ending in full occupation of the country by the end of XIX century. Georgia tried to fight against this misfortune starting from the beginning of the XX century fighting for restoration of its independence. Back to the treaty of 1783; as many Georgian researchers claim this treaty was actually the only way out for Georgia to escape hostile environment which threatened to extinct the nation. However, similar to the introduction I would once again like to emphasize a particular circumstance. Difficulties caused by small territories of the country have well been recognized throughout the history of the country and the idea of desperately searching for a solution was not new. Nothing
2FullnameofthedocumentisTreatyof1783onEstablishingEasternGeorgiaasaprotectorateofRussia. 3Treatyof1783onEstablishingEasternGeorgiaasaprotectorateofRussia,documentsandmaterials,A. Surguladze,P.Surguladze,HistoryofGeorgia17831990,Tb.,1992.pg323. 4GeorgiaisdividedintokingdomprincipalitiesintoEasternandWesternGeorgia.EasternGeorgiaisgovernedby HeracliusII.AtthattimetherewasauniqueopportunityofunitingGeorgiawhichwasrejectedbyKingHeraclius, whichonceagaindemonstrateshiserroneouspolicies.

had happened that was unexpected or new and neither wan happening now. The problem of extinction was as acute as in previous centuries but in this particular case we are not dealing with a limitation of choice, but a king reveling weakness. Unfortunately we cannot change past, we can only learn from its experience. The bulk of the treaty is made of a promise of friendship between tsarist Russia and Kartli-Kakheti/Georgia. It was made for an undefined period of time, but any of the parties deemed it necessary to review the treaty (not to say more about annulling it) the decision of amendments was to be made bilaterally: This treaty is made forever: but if any amendments become necessary they shall be made with the consent of both parties.5 This treaty is signed by Georgia as a subject of international law. However, as we will witness further ,the second party constantly exceeded its powers, made unauthorized acts and issued manifestos. The treaty draws distinct lines between the rights of Russian and Georgian parties; In return forthe protection from foreign enemies and their constant attacks by the Russian king (Czar) She imposed on Georgia the liability to coordinate every step in its foreign policy with Her Majesty, not to act without Russias prior consent and let her know of the intercourse and solutions regarding outer forces in advance. Georgian King, in his turn had full autonomy in internal affairs. This is what was written on the paper. As for reality, it was exactly the internal affairs that the protecting party turned out to have the biggest desire to interfere in and an intentional policy aimed at transferring the local court to Russian laws and conducting every case in Russian language started. Seeking for international support Having used up all the possible levers6 to negotiate with the other party and request the accomplishment of the liabilities considered by the treaty Georgia tied to reach its voice to international community and in 1907 sent the well known bilingual French and Georgian letter to the members of International Treaty Committee of Hague7 in which it described the situation in Georgia and asked for their just reaction. This petition was signed by thousands of Georgians and was organized by Georgian patriots ignited with love to Georgia, who received education in the West and who dedicated their entire lives to their motherland. These were Varlam
5Treatyof1783onEstablishingEasternGeorgiaasaprotectorateofRussia,documentsandmaterials,A. Surguladze,P.Surguladze,HistoryofGeorgia17831992,Tb.,1992.pg329. 6OnthebackgroundofaggravatedsocialconditionspeoplerebelledindifferentpartsofGeorgiamostly requestingimprovementofsocialconditions,andonseparatecases,e.g.in1832demandingindependence. 7PetitionofGeorgianPeopletoInternationalTreatyConferenceinHague,1907

Cherkezishvili, Mikhail Tsereteli and Ghiorghi Gvazava. The petition was published in Belgian, US and British press. This information was also published by newspapers and magazines of Spain, Holland and other countries. Educated world has started talking about Georgia8, wrote Varlam Cherkezishvili. The problem of Georgia was widely discussed at international level, though it brought little results and we will talk about the reasons for it elsewhere. Georgia participates in congresses of enslaved nations of 1910, 1913, 1916 requesting support and asking to influence its Northern neighbor to return the relationships to legal frameworks as defined by the treaty. Also, in 1912 The Union of Georgian Peoples Rights Protection in the capital of Great Britain, London and The Georgian Rights Protection League founded in the same year in Paris put huge efforts to conduct a successful propaganda for the cause of restoring historical rights9. In 1917 Mikheil Tsereteli and Ghiorghi/Georges Matchabeli10 sent a letter to USA President Vudro Vilson after his famous speech in the Senate, where the president emphasized the importance of equality between large and small nations. This idea gave new prospects to small enslaved nations and therefore was a very sensitive topic for Georgians. The letter read: Mr. President! When the time of reorganizing the world according to your ideas comesplease do not forget Georgia, which at least has the same rights for independence and internal autonomy as any other unjustifiably oppressed nation.11 From European countries Germany was the state where the Georgians were doing the biggest part of their work. Even prior to declaration of independence and during the First World War, several public persons living and working there, were hoping for the support of German society and were trying to draw their attention to the fortune of Georgia. Furthermore, the Georgians operating in Berlin had founded a Committee of Liberation of Georgia, which aimed to make German and European societies get interested in the problems of Georgia and obtain their support. Though, it should be noted that the Georgians were doing similar works not only in Berlin, but also in Geneva, Copenhagen, Berne, Constantinople, Stockholm and etc.
8O.Janelidze,NewandModernHistoryofGeorgia,Universalipublisher,Tb,2009,pg92 9O.Janelidze,NewandModernHistoryofGeorgia,Universalipublishment,Tb,2009,pg.93 10Ghiorghi/GeorgesMatchabeliisafamousGeorgianpoliticiananddiplomat.HewenttoliveinUSAin1920s. GeorgesMatchabeliisthefounderofthefirstperfumecompanyPrince Matchabelli inUSAin1926. 11Thesame

The greatest part of the work was done abroad by the members of NationalDemocratic Party, as it was expected. One of the good examples of it is an establishment of Group of Free Georgia in Geneva in 1910; The group was iniciated by P. Surguladze and included N. Maghalashvili together with brothers Leo and Giorgi Kereselidzes, who were permanently persecuted in their home country due to their revolutionary activities and as a result of which were seeking shelter in Switzerland12.Later this group was joined by other Georgian public figures as well. In 1914 the group members created Committee of Independence of Georgia. Soon the Committee members moved to Berlin and attempted to gain support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Germany as well. These efforts resulted in some outcomes. It should be noted that in contrast to other European countries, government of Germany was demonstrating great activity in supporting Georgias independence. Despite the fact that this support was not disinterested and German side had its own plans in Caucasus, it was interested to gain control on the road connecting Europe and Asia, as well as natural recourses of Caucasus: oil of Baku, manganese of Tchiatura, cooper of Armenia this was the wealth the German imperialists could not bypass with indifference 13, still military-political support of this country was a great assistance for the group of Georgians fighting for restoration of independence, especially when not so many Euorpean countries were interested in Georgian issue. A newpaper Sakartvelo and its French addition La Gorgie, founded in Paris back in 1903, tried to make one more serious breakthrough in the international arena.These publications informed Europe for the very first time about the Georgian peoples striving for national freedom and restoration of statehood. The members of the Union of Georgian Peoples Rights Protection, operating in London since 1912 advocated historical rights of Georgia in European countries basing on Georgiyevsk Treaty of 1783 and tried to raise a question of Georgia with the big countries14 Prior to the First World War, attention of western society was broadly drawn to Tsarist government of Russian Empire which intended to arrange a firing ground on the fertile valley of river Tiriponi in the midst of Kartli. Arranging of the firing ground would result in several thousands of families, generally Georgian peasants, abandon intensively settled villages surrounding the valley.
12O.Janelidze,EssaysfromtheHistoryofNationalDemocraticPartyofGeorgia,Science,Tb.,2002,p.221 13F.Tkeshelashvili,GermanysstrugglefortheworlddistributionatthebeginningofXXcenturyandSouthEastern Europe,GeorgianDiplomacy,Yearbook5,Tb.,1998,p.170 14Ibidp.93

With the diligence of Varlam Cherkezishvili, the Congress of the Peace Society of England gathered in Liverpool and adopted a special resolution on this issue, condemning wicked idea of autocracy. Congress resolution was sent to Russian government and Caucasus administration as well as European press agencies and influential publications. Tsarist government stepped back15. Hard and selfless work of Georgian political elite within the country, in neighbouring or European countries was really followed by results. Hard and fair political fight of 10s of XX century outside the country proved to be very productive. Fight until independence The public and political figures of Georgia carried multilateral fight against the conqueror.In the first place, an active political campaign was spread out inside the country. Though, the political struggle was accompanied by a public movement throughout the whole country, particularly by a workers movement initiated by Social-Democrats. Depending on their political platforms their points of view on the issue of national independence differed much from each other. The most influential and numerous Social-Democratic Party, the Bolshevik as well as the Menshevik direction, was drawing national issue backward; They were giving priority and more importance to social issues. Self-determination of nations, within the frames of united international idea, was unacceptable for them. They saw cultural-national autonomy as the best way for resolving of the national issue (however, the Menshevik Akaki Chkhenkeli was giving to national issue peculiar importance). This point of view was not shared by Social-Federalists, one of the MPs of which, namely Varlam Gelovani, openly demanded political autonomy of Georgia at IV Duma in December of 1912. Even though this statement did not result in positive consequences, but the contrary, nevertheless, the issue on independence of Georgian State, being started long before, once again was stated loudly. The job commenced in 10s by the great Gerogian figure Ilia Chavchavadze was being diligently proceeded by his ideological successors M. Tsereteli, G. Gvazava, P. Surguladze, Mikh. Machabeli, R. Gabashvili, G. Veshapeli, S. Kedia and others. This group, similar to their ideological father, preferred to fight with the pen rather than use other ways and methods of fighting for independence. They were united around the periodicals Klde, Eri and Sakartvelo. They had magazines and newspapers founded abroad as well. The members of this group did a huge amount of work in point of ideological preparation of the society, in terms of patriotic inspiration and rallying of people against the colonial regime: These public
15Ibidp.92

persons were calling Georgian community to struggle for the restoration of state sovereignty. Legal right of independence and its benefit for revival of economic as well as spiritual life of people is well-grounded in their theoretical letter16. In addition to it famous Georgian religious figures were carrying indefatigable struggle thus significantly reinforcing ideological front of striving for independence. These persons were future patriarchs of Georgia: Kirion, Ambrosi Khelaia, Kalistrate TsintsadzeTheir struggle succeeded yet in 1906, when a question of ancient Georgian church autocephaly was on the agenda of discussions of Church Council of Russia. On March 12 of 1917, after fall of Tsarism and prior to declaration of Independent Republic of Georgia, autocephaly of Georgian Church had been declared in the Cathedral church Svetitskhoveli. It was a big victory, triumph of Georgian identity, which was a good incitement to Georgia to move forward bravely towards independence alongside the processes developing in the empire. Overthrow of the government in Tsarist Russia paved the way for the successors of Ilia to act in more organized way. The group of patriots who were united around one idea, started to form an organization and in 1917 established a National-Democratic Party. One might say that it was the only political union of that time which treated the problem of nationality different way, better understood significance of it and basing on century-old political experience was fighting for obtaining the right for building of a new state. When one is always ready to give all and bring everything to the altar of his/her motherland, the result will certainly be positive, as it happened. The revolution in February of 1917 struck a decisive blow for the collapse of the empire. The group of Georgian patriots took advantage of it and arranged a big national congress.These processes resulted in election of National Council, which already represented a strong core with political rights. Striving for independence of the country of course implied a way out from the system of the united administration of Caucasus, which for obvious reasons, was less fertile political unity before creation of national government. Although, it appeared to be an interesting experience of political activity, as a transitional stage on the way to ruling of independent state17. On May 26 of 1918 indefatigable struggle of years ended up with declaration of independence of Georgia. At the end of 10s a new political unit Republic of
16A.Surguladze,P.Surguladze,HistoryofGeorgia17831990,Tb.,1992.P.171 17AtthebeginningofXXcenturyitwasinterestingprecedentthatthreerepublicsofTranscaucasiaattemptedto createindependentstateunits,whichendedinfailure.Itwaslikelytohappen;the reasons for that should be sought not so much in the interests of Russian, Persian or Ottoman Empires, as in differences of political interests of Transcaucasian states themselves.

Georgia-began its living on the political map of the world. The Declaration of Independence stated: Georgia had existed as a free and independent state for centuries. . . Current situation of Georgian nation requires Georgia to create its own State organization18. As one of Georgian researchers, Otar Janelidze says: It is difficult to assert that the members of the Committee of Liberation of Georgia had well realized how heavy their responsibility towards present and future of their nation might be in case of failure. However, one is certainly beyond any exaggeration: Liberation Committee members were striving for survival of nation and country 19. Although violence and imperial ambitions made him die soon prematurely, but if I make use of the words of famous Georgian writer Konstantine Gamsakhurdia, which he wrote to V.I. Lenin: Georgia will never lack the Macswineys and the Casements until its political independence is absolutely ensured20. Re-establishment of independent state at the end of 10s was a fact of significant importance in the history of state thinking of Georgia. It was yearslasting indefatigable struggle of Gerogian patriots, who brought all their conscious lives to the altar of their country. This victory, even if brief21, inspired national identity with power and belief and gave it vital spirit for new struggles. Georgia, as a monarchy, being a part of Tsarist Russian Empire, ceased to exist in the form of independent political unit. Now it was starting a new life as a state of republican type. The country did not have experience of political life in this regard and was making its first steps. Despite the fact that political immaturity hindered the country in making efficient moves in domestic or foreign policies, and plus strong external force, fighting for its own interests, one can say that in 1918-1921 Georgia established itself as the republic and the state. And exactly this was the result of those struggles, which Georgian political elite had been carrying for years and did not put up with the reality conditioned by geopolitical shiftsTemporary gap (117 years) in the history of state existence was replaced by independence once again.

18A.Surugladzep.195. 19O.Janelidze,Essaysp.259 20OpenlettertoLeninbyKonstantineGamsakhurdia,Documentsandmaterials,A.Surguladze,P.Surguladze, HistoryofGeorgia17831990,Tb.,1992,p.422 21OnFebruary25of1921Georgialostitsindependenceagain

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References: - Treaty of 1783 on Establishing Eastern Georgia as a protectorate of Russia, documents and materials, A. Surguladze, P. Surguladze, History of Georgia 1783-1992, Tb., 1992 - Petition of Georgian People to International Treaty Conference in Haague, 1907, documents and materials, A. Surguladze, P. Surguladze, History of Georgia 1783-1992, Tb., 1992 - Konstantine Gamsakhurdias Open Letter to Lenin documents and materials, A. Surguladze, P. Surguladze, History of Georgia 1783-1992, Tb., 1992 - Secret report of General Hecker, documents and materials, A. Surguladze, P. Surguladze, History of Georgia 1783-1992, Tb., 1992 pg. 388 - Supreme Manifesto of 1801 September 12, documents and materials, A. Surguladze, P. Surguladze, History of Georgia 1783-1992, Tb., 1992 - A. Surguladze, P. Surguladze, History of Georgia 1783-1992, Tb., 1992 - Letter of Supreme Soviet of Georgia to World Nations, documents and materials, A. Surguladze, P. Surguladze, History of Georgia 1783-1992, Tb., 1992 - Letter of Supreme Soviet of Georgia to the Member States and Government Heads of Paris Conference of OSCE, documents and materials, A. Surguladze, P. Surguladze, History of Georgia 1783-1992, Tb., 1992 pg. 452- 453 Kote Andronikashvilis Speech documents and materials, A. Surguladze, P. Surguladze, History of Georgia 1783-1992, Tb., 1992 - O. Janelidze, Profiles from the History of National Democratic Party of Georgia. Metsniereba, Tb., 2002 - O. Janelidze, New and Modern History of Georgia, Universali publishment, Tb, 2009 - Vakhushti Batonishvili, Description of the Kingdom of Georgia, Kartlis Tskhovreba, Ch IV, text confirmed by S. Kaukhchishvili, Tb, 1973.

Maia Manchkhashvili
Student at the CAUCASUS ACADEMY OF SECURITY EXPERTS 11

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