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The structure of the Inflection Phrase

Bound morphemes, auxiliaries and modal verbs

Organization

Inflection: the head of S Modal verbs Auxiliary verbs Bound morphemes

Inflection: the head of Ss

< sentences are larger phrases < sentences are endocentric constructions round a head

the head =?

Inflection: the head of Ss


(1)

Dan Diaconescu likes apples.


subject predicate

S 3 Subject Predicate

the head?????

Inflection as the head of S


(2)

a. *Dan Diaconescu be crazy. b. Dan Diaconescu must be crazy. a. *Dan Diaconescu buy Oltchim. b. Dan Diaconescu will buy Oltchim.

(3)

Modal

verbs : Tense and modality Modal verbs: always in front of the lexical verb

Inflection as the head of S


(4)

a. *Dan Diaconescu buy Oltchim. b. Dan Diaconescu has bought Oltchim.

(5) a. *Dan Diaconescu always talk about E.

b. Dan Diaconescu is always talking about E.!


auxiliaries: Tense

and agreement auxiliaries: always in front of the lexical verb

Inflection as the head of S


(6) a. * Dan Diaconescu have OTTV.

b. Dan Diaconescu has OTTV.


(7) a. *Dan Diaconescu always arrive late.

b. Dan Daconescu always arrived late.

becomes grammatical if: Tense/agr morphemes

Inflection as the head of S


elements which carry T are essential for S to be wellformed assume that T/Agr is the head of S

Modals and auxiliaries occur in front of the lexical verb assume that T/Agr precedes VP

Inflection as the head of S

IP 3 Spec SUBJECT I 3

I HEAD

VP PREDICATE

Inflection as the head of S


DD buys Oltchim very soon.
IP 2 Spec I DP 2 I VP -s 2 Spec V 2 V AdvP 2 V DP

Inflection as the head of S


Sentences are INFLECTION PHRASES
The head = INFLECTION Q: Whats in an IP?

The structure of IP
/z/ = 3rd person sg + present tense
Inflection : both T and Agr = the split-IP hypothesis (Pollock 1989) Nous dessinons we draw-1st pl Nous dessinions we draw-past -1st pl

The structure of IP
French, Romanian .

AgrP 3 Spec Agr 3 Agr TP 3

T 3 T VP

The structure of IP
The order in which the morphemes occur provides information with respect to the place which the two projections occupy in the structure of IP. The closer a morpheme is to the lexical stem, the closer to the VP it is in the representation of the clause.

The structure of IP

Baker (1985) : The Mirror Principle Morphological affixes appear in the order in which they apply in the syntax// Morphological structure is a reflection of syntactic operations.

The structure of IP

Back to English: /z/ : both T and Agr We will assume: IP for English

The structure of IP
IP 3

Spec
I

I 3
VP

{T/Agr/Mood/Asp}

The structure of IP
IP 3
I

2
I /d/ /z/ VP

The structure of IP
IP 3
I

2
I have be do VP

The structure of IP
IP 3 Spec I can may could will I 3 VP 3

The structure of IP
IP 3

You
I

3
{2nd
sg. Present}

VP 5 like Kazuo Ishiguro.

So far..
in spite of the difference between bound and free morphemes, they are outside the VP they carry tense/agreement/modality information
they are hosted by Inflection

So far...

a sentence is a hierarchically structured entity the head of a sentence is Inflection ( Infl/I) a sentence is a projection of I = an Inflection Phrase (IP) the elements hosted by I carry Tense: auxiliaries, modals, bound morphemes I selects VP as a complement IP is the functional domain of the verb

The structure of IP
IP 3 Spec I 3 I /d/,/z/ modals aux VP 3

The structure of IP

We have placed modals and auxiliaries outside the VP we need evidence that they are outside the VP, i.e. that they can be separated from the VP

We have assumed that Inflection hosts both free morphemes (aux, modals) and bound morphemes BUT: He will arrive vs. He arrived we need to explain why/how they all occupy, at some point, I.

Evidence < pseudo-clefting, fronting


The teacher will explain the status of AUX. What the teacher will do is explain the status of AUX. Explain the status of AUX is what the teacher will do.

The teacher explained the status of AUX. What the teacher did was {explain the status of AUX.} {Explain the status of AUX} is what the teacher did.

Evidence <movement
And we will {provide evidence} And {provide evidence} we will

Modals, aux, tense morphemes are outside the VP, which can be moved away from a modal/an aux/the bound morpheme

Evidence <VP-ellipsis
We have provided evidence and they have {provided evidence} too. We can provide evidence and they can {provide evidence} too. He provides evidence and John does {provide evidence} too.

VP-ellipsis shows that the VP and the auxiliary/modal/bound morpheme can be separated, i.e. they represent constituents different from the VP which contains the lexical verb

Evidence < do so too substitution


The slim student at the back of the classroom will skip classes next week and her friend will do so too. But I will attend the lecture and my friend will do so too.

Summing up...

Aux, modals, tense/agr morphemes: can be split from the VP Modals and aux always occupy a position in front of the lexical verbs Aux, modals, tense/agr morphemes: head their own projection; at one point, they occupy a position in the functional domain of the verb

Modal verbs
Q: the English modals: lexical or functional?
A1: lexical verbs A2: a distinct morpho-syntactic class

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Modal verbs
Modality: (i) possibility (ii) necessity

MODALS of possibility: CAN, MAY, COULD, MIGHT MODALS of necessity: MUST, SHOULD, NEED, OUGHT + MODALS of prediction/volition: WILL, SHALL.

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Modal verbs
A1 < SUBSTANTIVE CONTENT, like lexical verbs
The train must have been delayed. = necessity (probability) They may be still waiting for us at the station. = possibility logical inference from the given circumstances

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Modals vs. lexical verbs


modal verbs ?

[+V] = the capacity to license an argument and assign a theta-role to its argument Do modal verbs meet this requirement?

Modal verbs
= the modals make a common semantic contribution:
they indicate the degree of force with which the situation denoted by the VP is asserted/ the way in which the speaker evaluates the situation

She may look nice. She can look nice when she has her hair done. She must look very nice if she is a model.

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Modal verbs

But, unlike lexical verbs, they lack an event structure their semantic function is to modify the content of another verb / of another sentence

John might have killed the cat. They neednt have sent them the letter.

Modal verbs
lack the capacity of assigning theta-roles to their argument They may have left early. MAY { they have left early} She must have missed the train. MUST {she has missed the train} they do not project an external-argument they c-select their internal argument

Modal verbs
Lexical verbs denote EVENTS have an event structure

Project an external argument


S-select and c-select their argument(s)

Modals do NOT denote EVENTS do NOT have an event structure do not project an external argument C-select their argument

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Modal verbs
A2 : < the English modals have a set of morpho-syntactic properties which distinguish them from lexical verbs
= they are NICE

Negation can attach to the modal, without DO-support Inversion (subject-modal) is possible in interrogative sentences and in tags Code: they can appear in codes Emphatic affirmation

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Modal verbs
I cannot dance. *I do not can dance. Must they leave? *Do they must leave?

I can dance and so can Bill. *I can dance and so does Bill.
You SHALL have the money by tomorrow. *You do shall have the money by tomorrow.

Modal verbs

such properties clearly distinguish the English modals from lexical verbs and show that they behave like the auxiliaries have, be and do = AUX are also NICE !

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Modal verbs vs. auxiliaries

Modals are incompatible with non-finite forms: a. *They are canning to do it now. b. *To can or not to can, that is the question. c. *They have must(ed) do it for a long time.

a modal is always the first verb in a finite verbal group:

a. They may have been punished for what they had done. b. We might have gone about half a mile
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Modal verbs
John could play the piano when he was five. They can speak Persian. * They have could speak Persian.
Modals

are always tensed Modals merge in Inflection

Modal verbs

they have no passive form they have no imperative they cannot co-occur, with the exception of certain dialects: a. You might would say that. b. I don't feel as if I should ought to leave. (Southern USA)

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So far...

The English modals : a distinct morpho-syntactic class They merge in Inflection because they are always tensed

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Modals
IP 2

Spec

I 3
VP

I [+T]

modals

Modals
IP 2

Spec

I 2
VP 5

I modals

Modals
IP 2

Spec I John 2
I can VP 5 dance

Modals
IP 2

Spec I They 2
I may VP 5 leave

Auxiliaries vs. modals


John has left. John had left. John is dancing. John was dancing. John has been dancing. John may have been dancing.

no event structure BE+ PRESENT PARTICIPLE do not assign theta-roles HAVE + PAST PARTICIPLE do not project an external argument c-select their complement

Auxiliaries
One important difference:
(i) (ii)

Modals are inherently tensed; they lack non-finite forms Auxiliaries : present vs. past tense forms, they have non-finite forms

Auxiliaries

Auxiliaries are always preceded by the modal; in this case they are uninflected for tense They may have left. They may have been talking about the movie. They may have been forgiven.

Auxiliaries

IP 3 Spec I 3 VP/ AuxP?

I modals

Auxiliaries
He may have left. IP 3 Spec I He 3 I VP/ AuxP may 5 have left

Auxiliaries
Have and be are base-generated under VP; they reach Inflection as a result of movement. They move to Inflection to merge with Tense (and Agreement) markers/ to check their T (and Agr) features

Auxiliaries
IP 2 Spec I 2 I VP 5 V VP
have be

Auxiliaries
IP 2 Spec I 2 I VP 5 V VP
has left the country

Auxiliaries
IP 2 Spec I 2 I VP has 5 V VP t left the country g

Auxiliaries vs. modals


Modals are always tensed:
they have

are base-generated/merge under Inflection.


and be: reach Inflection as a result of Move

Auxiliaries vs. modals


IP 2

Spec

I 2
VP 5

I modals

Auxiliaries vs. modals


IP 2

Spec They

I 2
VP 5 have left

I may

Auxiliaries
IP 2

Spec I They 2
I may VP 5 be leaving

Auxiliaries
IP 2

Spec I They 2
I VP 5 are leaving

Auxiliaries
IP 2

Spec I They 3
I are VP 5 t leaving

Auxiliaries vs. modals


IP 2

Spec I They 3
I have VP 5 t left

Auxiliaries

How do we know they move?

Evidence < S-medial adverbs

John is already sleeping. John has already left.

They are always buying smart phones! They have never read this book.

Often, always, never: S-medial adverbs VP 3 AAdvP VP

Evidence < S-medial adverbs


IP 2 She I 2 I VP
/z/

2 AdvP VP already 2 V 2 V VP have left

Evidence < S-medial adverbs


IP 2 She I 2 I VP
/z/

2 AdvP VP already 2 V 2 V VP be dancing

Evidence < negation


a. She hasnt eaten snails. b. She isnt eating snails. c. *She eats not snails. d. She doesnt eat snails..

Evidence < negation

= NOT is always in front of the lexical verb = only auxiliaries and modals can be directly negated by not/nt.

Evidence < negation

John has not left. NegP VP

Evidence < negation


IP 3A John I 3 I NegP may 3 Neg 3 Neg VP not have arrived

Evidence < negation


IP 3A John I 3 I NegP 3 Neg 3 Neg VP not has arrived

Evidence < negation


IP 3A John I 3 I NegP has 3 Neg 3 Neg VP not t arrived

Evidence < negation

*John not has left. John has not left.

Auxiliaries: summing up

Have

and be: merge in VP They move to Inflection V-to-I movement

Auxiliaries vs. modals


MODALS AUXILIARIES occur in the functional Occut in the functional domain of the verb domain of the verb functional elements? functional elements [+V + AUX/M] [+ V + AUX ] cannot assign theta-roles cannot assign theta-roles do not s-select their do not s-select their complement complement

Auxiliaries vs. modals


AUXILIARIES not inherently tensed base-generated under VP move to Inflection to check their T features can co-occur MODALS inherently tensed base-generated in Inflection always 1st position in a string of aux cannot co-occur

So far...

auxiliaries and modals occur under Inflection BUT:

/z/ and /d/ also occur under Inflection

Bound morphemes
(1) (2) (3)

John will ask Mary to marry him after the LEC exam. John asked Mary to marry him after the LEC exam. John asks a girl to marry him after each LEC exam.

Bound morphemes
John must have left. must + VP Infl VP John leaves tomorrow. V /z/ = ????

bound morphemes
The Stranded Affix Filter an affix must be attached to a host, it cannot remain stranded. the stranded affix [/d/ or /z/] must merge with a free morpheme

Bound morphemes
IP 2 IP 2 Spec I /z/ I 2 VP 5 arrive

Spec I 2
I /z/ VP 5 arrive

bound morphemes

Verb raising or affix lowering?

bound morphemes

a. She always teaches syntax. b. She will always teach syntax. c. She has already told us about IP.

Always precedes lexical verbs and is placed after the aux/modal

Bound morphemes
IP 3 She I 3 I VP /z/ 3 AdvP VP 5 5 often teach syntax

Auxiliaries
IP 3 She I 3 I VP /z/ 2 AdvP VP 5 5 often teach syntax

Bound morphemes

* She

teaches often _ syntax.

Auxiliaries
IP 3 She I 3 I VP
/z/ 3 AdvP VP 5 5 often teach syntax

Auxiliaries

She _ often teaches syntax.

Bound morphemes and lexical verbs

In English, lexical verbs do not move to Inflection to allow the affix to attach to a verb. Instead, the affix lowers to V .