Social Problems

Spring 2012
Table of Contents Page No
Eitzen, Stanley and Maxine Baca Zinn. Sociological Approach to Social Problems 1-18
Mills, C. Wright. The Promise 1-51 19-24
Davis, Mike. Selectons from City of Quartz 7-22 25-40
Rodriguez, Luis. The End of the Line: California Gangs and the Promise of Street Peace 23-34 -52
Scot, Janny. Life at the Top in America isnt Just Beter, Its Longer 35-42 53-60
Rogers, Joel and Erik Olin Wright. Health Care 43-71 61-90
Ferrante, Joan. Structural Functonalism 73-78 91-96
Davis, Kingsley and Wilbert Moore. Some Principles of Stratcaton 79-82 97-100
Gans, Herbert. The Uses of Poverty The Poor Pay All 83-87 101-105
Ritzer, George. Karl Marx: From Capitalism to Communism 88-96 106-114
Schactman, Max. The Fight for Socialism 97-119 115-138
Mandel, Ernest. The Causes of Alienaton 121-139 139-158
Terkel, Studs. Selectons from Working 141-153 159-171
Schor, Juliet. The New Politcs of Consumpton 154-170 172-188
Gordon, Jesse. The Sweat Behind the Shirt: The Labor History of a Gap Sweatshirt 171 189
Silverman, Ben. Playstaton 2 Component Incites African War Yahoo! Games 172-173 190-192
Francis Moore and Joseph Collins. Why Cant People Feed Themselves? 175-181 193-199
Cavanaugh and Anderson. Selectons from Field Guide to the Global Economy 183-270 201-288
The Dollars and SenseCollectve: the ABCs of the Global Economy 271-281 289-299
Bacon, David. How US Policies Fueled Mexicos Great Migraton 283-296 301-314
Wol, Richard. Capitalism Hits the Fan 297-300 315-318
Bauerlin, Monika and Clara Jerey. All Work and No Pay: The Great Speedup. 301-309 319-328
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Author,
George Ritzer
Key COIlCCI'I-COIl!illllCd
..
Thes<:cond isnonmaterialsocial facls.Th<:.5e arc.SOCial factSlhatMc a!so exler-
nat and coercive, but which do not take a material form; they are nonmaterial. The
major examples of nonmaterial social facts in sociology are norms and values. Thus,
we arealsoprev<:nt<:d from
unwritten and widely shared rules about how one is supposed to behave in class.
'vehave learned to put a high valueoneducation, with the result that
weare very reluctant to doanylhirtg lhatwouldadverselyaffect H.
But, .although we can. see how a nonmaterial social fact.is coetciveOver us, in
what senseis It also externallous? The answer is that the thinllslike the norms and
valucs0fsoclely are the sharedpossession of the collectivity.Some, perhaps most. of
them are internalized in theindividualdurlnglhe socialization process. but no sin-
gleindividualpossessesanylhing approachingall of them. The entire set of I'lOrms
and values is in the sole pOSSession of thecoltectivity.ln this sense we can. say they
are external 10 us.
Tothls day, marty sociologists concentrate their attention on. social. facts.
However, we rarely uselhis now-antiquated termtClday.R<lther. sociologists focus
on social structures (malerial soci.al facts) andsocialJnstitlltions (nonmaterial social
facts). However, it has become dear that in his effort to dlstinguJsh sociology from
psychology and phUosophy.Durkheim came Up with a much too limiteddefirtltion
of the subject matter of sociology. As we will sec. many sociologits stud)' an array of
phenomena that would not be considered Durkhelmian social facls.
in which everyone is very clear ilboutwhatthecollectiYity beUevesand what
they are supposed to do in any given situation. They haveclear'dnd secure
Jl100ringsithey do 1101 suffer from anomie.
KARL MARX:
FROMCAl?ITALISMTOCOMMUNISM
The most important. and esthetically pleasing (because analyses, conclusions,
and remedies seamlessly frol'n basic premises). theory of the
classical age is that of the Cermnnsocialthinker and political activist/Karl Marx
(1818--1883). This assertion mightcome asa surprise to the reader who may have
prevI01.ls!ycome in contilct only with critical statements about Marx and his
thinking. In the popularviewi Marx as some slnt or crazed radical who
developed a setof ideas thatIed many nations, especially the
nonmateriarsocial facts Socialfacls!hatare eXlemal and coercive, but which do not
take amaterin! form; they are nonmaterial (e.g., normS and values}.
Page No88
Author,
George Ritzer
Key COIlCCI'I-COIl!illllCd
..
Thes<:cond isnonmaterialsocial facls.Th<:.5e arc.SOCial factSlhatMc a!so exler-
nat and coercive, but which do not take a material form; they are nonmaterial. The
major examples of nonmaterial social facts in sociology are norms and values. Thus,
we arealsoprev<:nt<:d from
unwritten and widely shared rules about how one is supposed to behave in class.
'vehave learned to put a high valueoneducation, with the result that
weare very reluctant to doanylhirtg lhatwouldadverselyaffect H.
But, .although we can. see how a nonmaterial social fact.is coetciveOver us, in
what senseis It also externallous? The answer is that the thinllslike the norms and
valucs0fsoclely are the sharedpossession of the collectivity.Some, perhaps most. of
them are internalized in theindividualdurlnglhe socialization process. but no sin-
gleindividualpossessesanylhing approachingall of them. The entire set of I'lOrms
and values is in the sole pOSSession of thecoltectivity.ln this sense we can. say they
are external 10 us.
Tothls day, marty sociologists concentrate their attention on. social. facts.
However, we rarely uselhis now-antiquated termtClday.R<lther. sociologists focus
on social structures (malerial soci.al facts) andsocialJnstitlltions (nonmaterial social
facts). However, it has become dear that in his effort to dlstinguJsh sociology from
psychology and phUosophy.Durkheim came Up with a much too limiteddefirtltion
of the subject matter of sociology. As we will sec. many sociologits stud)' an array of
phenomena that would not be considered Durkhelmian social facls.
in which everyone is very clear ilboutwhatthecollectiYity beUevesand what
they are supposed to do in any given situation. They haveclear'dnd secure
Jl100ringsithey do 1101 suffer from anomie.
KARL MARX:
FROMCAl?ITALISMTOCOMMUNISM
The most important. and esthetically pleasing (because analyses, conclusions,
and remedies seamlessly frol'n basic premises). theory of the
classical age is that of the Cermnnsocialthinker and political activist/Karl Marx
(1818--1883). This assertion mightcome asa surprise to the reader who may have
prevI01.ls!ycome in contilct only with critical statements about Marx and his
thinking. In the popularviewi Marx as some slnt or crazed radical who
developed a setof ideas thatIed many nations, especially the
nonmateriarsocial facts Socialfacls!hatare eXlemal and coercive, but which do not
take amaterin! form; they are nonmaterial (e.g., normS and values}.
Page No89
Key Concept
Anomie (and Other Types of) Suicide
The concept of ,lOomic played a centra] role in Ollfkheilll':; f,l1110US work, Silicide. He
argued that people i1re marC! likely to kill themselves when they do not know what
is expected of them. In this situation, regulation of people is low and they arc largely
free to run wild. This mad pursuit of anything and everything is likely to prove un-
satisfying and, as il result, oJ higher percentage of people in such a situation are ,1pt
to commit suicide, specifically anomie suicide.
But whi'lt C<:luses the rate of .:loamic suicide to increase? Soci<ll disruption is the
main cause, but interestingly, we can see an increase in the f<lte of such suicide in
times of both positive and negative disruption. That is, both an economic boom and
economic depression can cause a rise in the rate of anomic suicide. Either positive or
negative diswptions can adversely affect the ability of the collectivity to exercise
control over the individual. 'Without such control, people are more likely to feel root-
less; to not know what they are supposed to do in the changing and increasingly
strange environment. The unense that this causes leads people to commit anomie
suicide at a higher rate than in more stable times.
Interestingly, anomie suicide is just one of four types of suicide created by
Durkheim in a broad-ranging theory of this behavior. The others are egoistic suicide,
which occurs when people are not well integrated into the collectivity. Largely on
their own, they feel a sense of futility, meaninglessness, and more of them adopt the
view that they. are free (morally and otherwise) to choose to do anything, including
kill themselves. In altruistic suicide, people are too \\'e11 integrated into the collec-
tivity and kill themselves in greater numbers because the group leads them, or even
forces them, to commit suicide more frequently than they otherwise would. Finally,
fatalistic suicide occurs in situations of excessive regulation (e.g., slavery) \vhere
p ~ o p l e are so distressed and depressed by their lack of freedom that they take their
own lives more frequently than otherwise.
Thus, Durkheim offers a broad theory of suicide based on the degree to which
people are regulated by, or integrated in, the collectivity.
anomie suicide People are more likely to kill themselves when they do not know what
is expected of them, where regulation is low, and they are largely free to nm wild.
This mad pursuit is likely to prove unsatisfying and, as a result, a higher percentage
of people in such a situotion are apt to commit this type of suicide.
cgoistic suicide \Vhcn people ilre not weil integrated into the collectivity and largely
on their own, they feel a sense of futility, meaninglessness, ,md more of them feel
that they am mornJI)' free to kiJI themselves.
altruistic suicide \Vhen people ,HC lao well integrll\ed into the collectivity, they are
likely to killthemseJves in greater numbers because the group leads them, or even
forces them, to.
fatalistic suicide In situ,1tions of excessive rl?gubtion (e.g., sbveryl people arc often so
distressed and depressed by their lack of freedom that they take their own lives
more frequently than otherwise.
Page No90
in the direction of disastrous communist regimes. Almost all such regunes have
failed or are gradually being transformed into more capitalistic societies. The
failure of those societies and the abuses associated 'with them (e.g., the system of
prison camps in the Soviet Union-the Gulag Archipelago-where millions
died) have been blamed on Marx and his crazed ideas. But while the leaders of
those societies invoked Marx's name and called themselves communists, the
kind of societies they created would have been attacked by Marx himself for
their inhumanity. The fact is that what those societies became had little in com-
mon with what Marx would have liked a communist society to be.
Human Potential
The starting point for Marx's grand theory is a set of assumptions about the
potential of people in the right historical and social circumstances. In capitalis-
tic and precapitatistic societies, people had corne nowhere close to their human
potential. In precapitalist societies (say, the Stone Age or the Middle Ages),
people 'were too busy scrambling to find adequate food, shelter, and protection
to develop their higher capacities. Although food, shelter, and protection were
easier to come by for most people in a capitalistic society, the oppressive and
exploitative nature of that system made it impossible for most people to come
anywhere dose to their potentiaL
To Marx, people, unlike lower animals, are endowed with consciousness
and the ability to link that consciousness to action. Among other things, people
can set themselves apart from what they are doing, plan what they are going to
do, choose to act or not to act, choose a specific kind of action, be flexible if im-
pediments get in their way, concentrate on what they are doing for long periods;
and often choose to do what they are doing in concert with other people. But
people do not just think; they would perish if that was all they did. They must
act and often that action involves acting on nature to appropriate from it what is
needed (raw materials, water, food, shelter) to survive. People appropriated
things in earlier societies, but they did it so primitively and inefficiently that they
were unable to develop their capacities, especially their capacities to think, to
any great degree. Under capitalism, people carne to care little about expressing
their creative capacities in the act of appropriating nature. Rather, they focused
on owning things and earning enough money to acquire those things. But c a p i ~
talism was important to Marx because it provided the technological and organi-
zational innovations needed for the creation of a communist society, where, for
the first time, people would be able to express their full capacities. Under com-
munism, people were freed from the desire merely to own things and would be
able, with the help of technologies and organizations created in capitalism, to
live up to their full human potential (what Marx culled "species being").
Alienation
The idea that people must appropriate \.... hat they need from nature is related to
the view that people, in Marx's view, need to work. Work is a positive process
Page No91
in which people use their creative capacities, and further extend then1, in pro-
ductive activities. However, the work that most people did under capitalism
did not permit them to express their human potential. In other vvords, rather
than expressing themselves in their work, people under capitalism were alien-
ated from it.
One cannot understand what Marx meant by alienation without under-
standing further what he meant by human potential. In the circumstance
(communism) \\'here people achieve their human potential there is a natural
interconnection between people and their productive activities, the products
they produce, the fellow workers with whom they produce those things, and
with what they are potentially capable of becoming. Alienation is the break-
down of these na tural interconnections. Instead of being naturally related to all
of these things, people are separated from them.
So, under capitalism, instead of choosing their productive activities, people
have their activities chosen for them by the owners, the capitalists. The capital-
ists decide what is to be done and how it is to be done. TI1ey offer the workers
(in Marx's terminology, the "proletariat") a wage and if the workers accept, they
must perform the activities the way they have been designed to be performed
by the capitalist. In return, they receive a wage that is supposed to provide them
\vith all the satisfaction and gratification they need. The productive activities
are controlled, even owned, by the capitalist. Thus, the workers are separated
from them and unable to express themselves in them.
Second, capitalists also own the products. The workers do not choose \vhat
to produce; when the products are completed they do not belong to the work
H
ers, and the products are unlikely to be used by the workers to satisfy their basic
needs. Instead, the products belong to the capitalists, who may use them, or
seek to have them used, in any way they wish. Given the profit orientation that
serves to define capitalism, this almost always means that they will endeavor to
sell the products for a profit. Once they've made the products, the \vorkers are
completely separated from them and have absolutely no say in what happens to
them. Furthermore, the workers may have very little sense of their contribution
to the final product. They work on an assembly line and perform a very specific
task (e.g., tightening some bolts) and may have little idea what is being pro-
duced and how \vhat they are doing fits into the overall process and contributes
to the end product.
Third, the workers are likely to be separ'lted from their fellow workers. In
Marx's view, people are inherently social and, left to their own devices, would
choose to work. collaboratively and cooperatively to produce what is needed to
live. However, under capitalism, workers, even when they are surrounded by
many other people, perform their tasks alone and repetitively. Those around
alienation The breakdown of, the separation from, the natural interconnection be-
nveen people and their productive activities, the products they produce, the fellow
workers with whom they produce those things, and with \vhat they are potentially
capable of becoming.
Page No92
them are likely to be strangers who are performing similarly isolated tasks.
Often it is even \"orse than this: The capitalist frequently pits workers against
each other to see who can produce the most for the least amount of pay. Those
'who succeed keep their jobs, at least for a time, while those who fail are likely
to find themselves unemployed and on the street. Thus, instead of working tow
gether harmoniously, workers are pitted against one another in a life-and-death
struggle for survival. Even if they are not engaged in a life-and-death struggle
with one another, it is clear that workers in capitalism are separated from one
another.
Finally, instead of expressing their human potential in their work, people
are driven further and further from what they have the potential to be. They
perform less and less like humans and are reduced to animals, beasts of burden,
or inhuman machines. Consciousness is numbed and ultimately destroyed
as relations with other humans and with nature are progressively severed.
The result is a mass of people who are unable to express their essential human
qualities, a mass of alienated workers.
Capitalism
Alienation occurs within the context of a capitalist society. As we have seen,
capitalism is essentially a hvo-class system composed of capitalists and the
proletariat, in which one class (capitalists) exploits the other (proletariat).
The key to understanding both classes lies in what Marx called the means of
production. As the name suggests, these are the things that are needed for pro-
duction to take place. Included in the means of production are such things as
tools, machinery, raw materials, and factories. Under capitalism the capitalists
own the means of production. If the proletariat want to work, they must come
to the capitalist, who owns the means that make most work possible. Workers
need access to the means of production in order to work. They also need money
in order to survive in capitalism, and the capitalists tend to have that too, as
well as the ability to make more of it. The capitalists have what the proletariat
needs (the means of production, money for wages), but what do the workers
have to offer in return? The workers have something absolutely essential to
the capitalist-labor and the time available to perfonn it. The capitalist cannot
produce and cannot make more money and profit without the labor of the
capitalism An economic system composed mainly of capitalists and the proletariat, in
which one class (capitalists) exploits the other (proletariat).
means of production Those things that are needed for production to take place
(including tools, machinery, raw materials, and factories).
capitalists Those who own the means of production under capitalism and are there-
fore in a position to exploit workers.
proletariat Those who, because they do not own means of production, must sell their
labor time to the capitalists in order to get access to those means.
Page No93
Karl Marx
A Biographical Vignette
After graduation from the University of Berlin, Marx be-
came a writer for a liberal-radical newspaper and within ten
months had become its editor-in-chief. However, because of
its political positions, the paper was closed shortly there-
after by the government. The early essays published in this
period began to reflect a number of the positions that would
guide Marx throughout his life. They were liberally sprin-
kled with democratic principles, humanism, and youthful
idealism. He rejected the abstractness of philosophy, the
naive dreaming of utopian communists, and those activists
who were urging what he considered to be premature polit-
ical action. In rejecting these activists, Marx laid the groundwork for his own life's
work:
Practical attempts, even by the masses, can be answered with a cannon as soon as they
become dangerous, but ideas that have overcome our intellect and conquered our
conviction, ideas to which reason has riveted our conscience, are chains from which one
cannot break loose without breaking one's heart; they are demons that one can only over-
come by submitting to them.
proletariat. Thus, a deal is struck. The capitalist allows the proletariat access to
the means of production, and the proletariat are paid a wage (albeit a small one,
as small as the capitalist can possibly get away with). Actually the worker is
paid what Marx called a subsistence wage, just enough for the worker to sur-
vive and to have a family and children so that when the worker falters, he can
be replaced by one of his children. In exchange, the proletariat give the capital-
ist their labor time and all the productive abilities and capacities associated with
that time.
On the surface, this seems like a fair deal: Both the capitalist and the prole-
tariat get what they lack and what they need. However, in Marx's view this is a
grossly unfair situation. Why is that so? It is traceable to another of Marx's
famous ideas, the labor theory of value. As the words suggest, his idea is that
all value comes from labor. The proletariat labor; the capitalist does not. The cap-
italist might invest, plan, manage, scheme, and so on, but to Marx this is not
labor. Marx's sense of labor is the production of things out of the raw materials
subsistence wage The wage paid by the capitalist to the proletariat that is just enough
for the worker to survive and to have a family and children so that when the worker
falters, he can be replaced by one of his children.
labor theory of value Marx's theory that all value comes from labor and is therefore
traceable, in capitalism, to the proletariat.
Page No94
Key Concept
Exploitation
To Marx, capitalism, by its very nature, leads to exploitation, particularly of the
proletariat, or working class. His thinking on exploitation is derived from his labor
theory of value, and more specifically the concept of surplus value, defined as the
difference between the value of a product when it is sold and the value of the
elements (including worker's labor) consumed in the production of the product.
Surplus value, like all value from the perspective of the labor theory of value, comes
from the worker. It should go to the worker, but in the capitalist system the lion's
share of it goes to the capitalist. The degree to which the capitalist retains surplus
value and uses it to his own ends (including, and especially, expansion of his capi-
talist business) is the degree to which capitalism is an exploitative system. In a
colorful metaphor, Marx describes capitalists as "vampires" who suck the labor of
the proletariat. Furthermore, the more of proletariat's ''blood'' the capitalist sucks, the
bigger, more successful, and wealthier he will become. In capitalism, the deserving
(the proletariat) growpoorer, while the undeserving (the capitalist) growimmensely
wealthy.
provided by nature. The proletariat and only the proletariat do that, although
under capitalismthe rawmaterials are provided by the capitalists and not directly
by nature. To put it baldly, since the proletariat labor and the capitalists do not,
the proletariat deserve virtually everything; the capitalists, almost nothmg.
Of course, the situation in a capitalistic society is exactly the reverse: The
capitalists get the lion's share of the rewards and the workers get barely enough
to subsist. Thus (and this was another of Marx's famous concepts), the prole-
tariat are the victims of exploitation. Ironically, neither capitalist nor worker is
conscious of this exploitation. They are both the victims of false consciousness.
The workers think they are getting a fair day's pay. The capitalists think that
they are being rewarded, not because of their exploitation of the workers, but
for their cleverness, their capital investment, their manipulation of the market,
and so on. The capitalists are too busy making more money, in money grubbing,
surplus value The difference between the value of a product when it is sold and the
value of the elements consumed in production of the product (including worker's
labor).
exploitation In capitalism, the capitalists get the lion's share of therewards and the
proletariat get enough to subsist even though, based on the labor theory of value,
the situation should be reversed.
false consciousness In capitalism, both the proletariat and the capitalists have an inac-
curate sense of themselves, their relationship to one another, and the way in which
capitalism operates.
Page No95
ever 10 gel il true of the L:'xploitil\ivC' niltlll'C' of their rebtionship
with workers. However, the prolet<1ri<lt do h<lve the cilp<lcity to achieve such an
llndcrst<lnding, portly bCC,ll1SC cvcllltl<llly they ilre so exploited lind impover-
ished {hat there is nothing to hide the re<llity of what is transpiring in capitalism.
In }.:larx's tenn5, the proletMiat is capilble of ilchieving class consciousness; the
capitalists arc not.
Class consciollsness is a prerequisite to revolution, but the coming revolu-
tion is aided by the dynamics of capitalism. For example, capitalism grows
more ilnd mo're compelitive, prices Me slashed, ilnd <In increasing number of
cilpitalists ilrC' driven (lui of business ilnd into the proletari<lt. Eventually, the
proletariM swells while the cilpitlliist cJ,lSS is reduced to <l smllll number who
TI1nintllin their position because of their skill i\l exploitation. When the massive
proletari<ll finilHy llchievc class ,llld decide to ,Kl, there will be no
contest beclluse the 50MlI number of ci1pit,llists ore likely to be ei1sily brushed
aside, perhaps with little or no vioknce.
Thus, cilpitalisll'l will not be destroyed <1nd communism will nOI be crented
without the proletMillt taking <lclion. In Marx's terms, the praletnriat must
engage in praXis, or concrete action. It is 110t enough to think about the evils of
cnpitalism ordc\'clop great theories of it and its demise; people must take to the
streets ilnd make it happen. This does not necessarily mean that they must
behll\'c in violent wnys, but it does m(',1n they c,lnnot sit bilCk and walt for
capitillism to collapse on its OWI1.
Communism
Mi1fX had no doubt tlwt the dyn,lll1ics of capitalism would lead to such a revo-
lution, but he devoted little time to describing the chnracter of the communist
society that would replace capitalism. To Marx, the priority was gaining an un-
derstanding of the wny capitalism worked and communicilting that under-
standing 10 the prolet.J.rial, thereby helping- them gain e111SS consciousness. He
WllS criticill of the many lhinkers who spent their time dllydreaming about same
future utopian society. The immediale goal \Vil5 the overthrow of the alienating
i1nd exploit,ltive system. WhM was to come next would have to be dealt with
once the revolution succeeded. Some say that this lack of a plan Illid the ground-
work for the debllcles th"t took place in the Soviet Union and its satellites.
Marx did have some speCific things to StlY about the future state of commu-
nism, but \\!e get n better sense of communism by returning to his basic liS
sumptions about hUJnlln potential. In "sense, communism is the social systc:m
c!.lSS consciousness The <lbility of a Cl.1SS, in p<lrllculilr the proletariat, 10 overcome
false consciousness <lnd alt<lill <In aCCUl""lc lInoerstanding of the capitalist system.
pr.1Xis The ide" that people, especi<llly the proletilriaL must tilkc concrete ilction in
order \0 (wcrCOl11e c,lpitillism.
communism Till.' sl'ciill S)'.o;t1.'111 thilt pl.'rn1its, for the first timl.', the expression of full
h(11),ll1 potenti,ll.
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Studs
Terkel:
Selections
from
Working
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7
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