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Max Weber's Types of Rationality: Cornerstones for the Analysis of Rationalization Processes in History Author(s): Stephen Kalberg Source:

The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 85, No. 5 (Mar., 1980), pp. 1145-1179 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2778894 Accessed: 15/12/2010 10:12
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Cornerstones Max Weber'sTypes of Rationality: Processes of Rationalization forthe Analysis in History'


StephenKalberg Universitdt Tiubingen

Rationalityhas been recognizedas perhaps the major theme in who have addressedthis Max Weber's oeuvre.The commentators This character. constricted its polymorphous themehave generally and "rationalizaWeber's usage of "rationality" articleinventories tion" in Economyand Societyand the CollectedEssays in the Soare identified and comciology of Religion.Four typesof rationality and fortheoretical, substantive, pared withone another:practical, methodical introduces rationality" mal. Only "ethical substantive of in a multiplicity ways of life. All fourtypes become manifest at all levels of societal and processesorchestrated rationalization are seen to rationalization processes civilizational Long-term process. ofpracThe dominance thanin interests. be rootedin valuesrather and formalrationalization processesin modern tical, theoretical, forthe typeof perWestern societies consequences impliesimmense son likelyto live in thesesocieties. in historicalraAlthough"rationality"and its diversemanifestations acknowledged as a major, tionalization processeshave been universally and perhapsthemajor,themein Max Weber'scorpus,only a few comthis theme or to relate the mentators have endeavoredto investigate The attempts by Schluchter varioustypesof rationality to one another. 1979, pp. 14-15) and Weiss (1975, pp. 137-38) (Roth and Schluchter are plagued by a commonshortcoming: both note "usages" or "dimentracedback to the fresions" of rationality that cannotbe consistently processes in Economy of"rationality" and rationalization quentdiscussions of Religion and Society(E&S) and the CollectedEssays in the Sociology
1 An earlier version of this article was presentedin September 1977 in Gottlieben, Switzerland, at a colloquium entitled"Max Weber und die Dynamik der gesellschaftlichen Rationalisierung."A German version will appear in Seyfarth and Sprondel (1980). I would also like to express my deep gratitudeto Guy Oakes of Monmouth College; WinfriedBrugger,Winfried Gebhardt, Klaus Koziol, Gerd Schmaltz, and F. H. Tenbruck in Tiubingen; David Herr in New York; Toby Huff in Boston; Donald Levine in Chicago; Richard Munch in DUsseldorf; Karl-Heinz Nusser in Munich; GuentherRoth in Seattle; Wolfgang Schluchterin Heidelberg; and Constans Seyfarthin Frankfurt.

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of Sociology American Journal do not coincide withWeber'svarious (CESR). Moreover, their definitions historical-sociological analyses of the paths followedby rationalization Donald Levine's (1979) recentdiscusprocesses in different civilizations. by adavoids these difficulties sion of Weber's notionof "rationality" yet he does not comprehensively heringlargelyto Weber's terminology, discuss this concept,nor does he touch on the issue of the mannerin whichthe typesof rationality combine or struggle against one another like Ulrike processes. Furthermore, in history as separaterationalization Levine'sdistinction Vogel's (1973) and Ann Swidler's(1973) expositions, is betweenWeber's typesof social action and his types of rationality insufficiently differentiated. of "rationality"have Many explorations of Weber's understanding failedto emphasize embodiments. This approachis most its multivalent in Wethat rationalization processes clearlyrepresented by the assertion of the ber's corpus amount to nothingmore than a "disenchantment lack of freedom. Othercomor an increasing world,"2 bureaucratization, onlyto an increasrationalization as tantamount mentators have discussed (zweckrational) typeof social action ing pervasiveness of the means-end have limited their (Nelson 1973,p. 85; Munch 1980). Stillotherauthors in examinations of Weber'snotion of "rationality" and its manifestations spheres of life,such as the historical rationalization processesto specific religious sphere(Tenbruck1975). is largelyresponsible forthe lack of claritythat surWeber himself of multifaceted and the interplay roundshis analyses of "rationality" discusand fragmented historical rationalization processes.His scattered than to illuminate sions of this themeare more likely to mystify (e.g. [1946] 1958f,pp. 293-94 [266]; [1930] 1958a, pp. 26 [11-12], 77-78 [62]; 1968,pp. 30 [15], 85 [44], 424 [259], 809 [468], 333 [195-96]; page 1951,p. 226 [512]; 1952,pp. 425-26, n. 1 [1-2]; see n. 2 regarding he nowhere offers a sucin brackets)and, despiteits centrality, numbers also hampers cinctexplanation of thistheme. His contorted styleof writing and all attempts to take an inventory of his majorusagesof "rationality" ''rationalization carelessness:since the processes,"as does his frequent appropriate qualifying adjectiveoftenfails to precede"rational" in his
2 This misinterpretation resultsin part fromthe frequenttranslationof Entzauberung as "disenchantment." Entzauberung-literally,"de-magification"-has a very specific significance for Weber: it is one of the two major axes followed by rationalization processesin the arena of religion(1951, p. 226 [512]; all references to Weber's texts give the English translationfirst,followed in brackets by the page numbers of the originalGerman; bibliographic information about the latterappears in the list of references). It relatesparticularly to religiousrationalization processesin the West, beginning with ancient Judaism,and characterizesespecially the transformation from medieval Catholicismto Calvinism."Disenchantment," a far more generaltermthat conand an earlier, jures up images of the romanticist's yearningfor the Gemeinschaft "simpler"world, has not the slightest relationshipto Weber's usage of Entzauberung.

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Weber'sTypesof Rationality left with a choice between writings, the studentof Weber is generally the unconcluding that his usage is indeed unilinearand undertaking of passages in the hundreds examining appealingtask of systematically of Ratiowhich this termappears. Because of the varied translations as well as relatedkey terms and Rationalisierung, nalismus, Rationalitit,3 the reader who English editionsof Weber's writings, in the numerous situation. a hopeless textsconfronts does nothave accessto theGerman and surveysWeber's usage of "rationality" This articleexhaustively as theseterms appearin his majorcomparative-historical"rationalization" works written after1904: E&S and the CESR.4 The selection sociological or politicalessays,has of thesewritings, rather than the methodological at the by anotheraim of this article: to reconstruct, been determined of rationalization level,Weber'svisionof a multiplicity purelyconceptual conflict and coalesce withone anotherat all soprocessesthat variously levels.5Because the discretetypesof rationality cietal and civilizational an inventory processes, fortheserationalization constitute thecornerstones as theyappear in Weber's of their features and interrelationships defining for such prerequisite must serve as the necessary comparative sociology a however, a reconstruction." Beforescrutinizing the typesof rationality, issues shouldbe dealt within orderto avoid unnumber of preliminary necessary confusion.
I. GENERAL FEATURES OF WEBER'S AND RATIONALIZATION TYPES OF RATIONALITY

in relationto The conceptual statusof Weber'sfourtypesof rationality in this section,as well as his fourtypesof social actionwill be clarified
3 This and the preceeding termare used synonymously by Weber. They have been generally translatedas "rationality,"though occasionally as "rationalism." "Rationality" as well as "irrationality" will be repeatedlyplaced in quotation marksin this articlein order to emphasize the exclusiveconcern here with Weber's distinctiveusage of these terms. 4 This three-volumework includes The Religion of China, The Religion of India, AncientJudaism,and The ProtestantEthic and the Spirit of Capitalismas well as the "Author's Introduction."It also includes three essays printed in Gerth and Mills's From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (see Weber [1946] 1958c, 1958d, and 1958f): "The ProtestantSects and the Spirit of Capitalism," "The Religious Rejections of the World and Their Directions,"and "The Social Psychologyof the World Religions." 5 This article, therefore, does not investigateWeber's distinctionbetween "rational" and "empathic"understanding as it relatesto the process of interpretative understanding. For a discussionof this distinction, see Weber 1968, pp. 5-14 [2-7]; Levine 1979, pp. 10-11; and Weiss 1975, pp. 48-50. 6 Whereas "rationality"and all "types of rationality"always refer, for Weber and in this article, to a condition,"rationalization" or "rationalization process" refersto a development. The "types" (Arten,Formen; see, e.g., [1946] 1958f,p. 293 [266]; [1930] 1958a, pp. 26 [12], 30 [15]) of rationalization are all based on the typesof rationality.

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of Sociology American Journal of the typesof rationality and of rationalizatwo generalcharacteristics and their"sphere-of-life" specificity. tionprocesses:their universality The Types of Social Actionand theTypes of Rationality traditional, Weber'sfourfold of social action-affectual, valuetypology capacitiesof rationalaction-refersto universal rational, and means-end on societal,culfor theirexistence Homo sapiens. Instead of depending thesetypesof social action stand "outtural,or historical constellations, side of history" traitsof man. as anthropological French anthropology, Weberarguedthatman did Against19th-century and thatindividuals withthe Enlightenment not acquirehis "rationality" in all previous epochswerenot incapableof rationalaction.On the conman could be subjectively trary, even everydayactions of "primitive" ritualswere means-end rational,as, for example,when specificreligious In Weber's eyes, of receiving favors from a god. performed withthe aim in sacrifice and prayer(1968, as it existed thispureexchange relationship to the p. 424 [258-59]; [1922] 1973,pp. 432-38) was identicalin form means to acquire modern businessman's calculationof the most efficient societiesdiverged profit. Likewise,the fact that the values in premodern widelyfrom modern values did not,forWeber,call intoquestionthebasic on the basis of values. his actions rationally capacityof man to orient On the otherhand, traditional action were not uprooted and affectual and sweptaway to thedegreethatmodernization advanced. movements Howeveruniversal the fourtypesof social actionmay be, Weberconto specific and delineatedactions. finedthe application of this typology As a comparative-historical sociologist, however, he wished to examine regularities and patactionorientations; "more"thansimplyfragmented ternsof actionwereof fargreater interest to him. Patternscould occur in from at a plurality of levels of sociocultural thosemanifest processes, the dominant to othersthat charby entirecivilizations paths followed societal moveacterizedlong-term historical or short-term developments organias well withininstitutions, ments.Regularities of actionsurfaced of the zations,strata,classes, and groupsin all societies.The typology a classification that must be siftedout of Weber's typesof rationality, is one of manyconceptualschemeshe utilizesto analyze such writings, "formal," and "sub"Practical,""theoretical," regularities and patterns. stantive"rationality constitute this typology. The consciousregularities of action that all of thesetypesof rationality serve to master introduce and disconnected realities. (bekerrscken) fragmented in means-end rationaland Since thesetypesof rationality are anchored 1148

Weber'sTypes of Rationality thepatterns of civilizational value-rational and societalprocesses action,7 theyidentify involvesimplyconsciousregularities of action orientations on thepartof individuals8 and,in some cases,"waysof life" (Lebensfuehrungen).9Like sociocultural processes,ways of life-or consistent "attitudes"thatpenetrate the entireorganization of life-divergewidelyin the extent to whichtheyinvolve methodical action([1946] 1958f,p. 293 [266]). Theirbroad rangeof diversity dependsultimately, forWeber,on a multitude of interacting ideas, values,interests, and economic, political, sociological, and historicalfactors.Rationalization processesof historic in societiesand in entirecivilizations significance have oftenoriginated whena constellation raof factors crystallized that rewarded methodical tionalways of life.As will be notedbelow,Weber argues that precisely thesewaysof lifewerebased on valuesrather thanon interests. The Universality of the Types of Rationality and of Rationalization Processes The typesof rationality and thevariousrationalization processes are often discussedby Weberin reference to Western civilization's distinctive modernization path. This predominant orientation is most clearlyevidentin the "Author'sIntroduction" to the CESR. In this essay, as well as in the CESR as a whole,Weber intends, above all, to addressthe issue of whytheChinese, Indian,and ancient Near East civilizations did notadopt those typesof rationalization processesthat characterize the EuropeanAmerican civilization. Although Weberoriented theseinvestigations to the questionwhy "rationalized and societies"arose onlyin the West, the typesof rationality
7 Theoreticalrationality, which is rooted in cognitiveprocesses rather than in action, is the only typeof rationality not based on eithermeans-endrational or value-rational action. It can, however,influence action indirectly, as is explained below. The relation between the types of rationalityand the types of social action is discussed further in Section III below. 8 That individual action is, for Weber, the fundamental"atom" in all societal and civilizationalprocessesmust be kept in mind throughoutthis article. Even collective concepts are understood by Weber to be specifiablecommon action orientationsof individualsin groups (1968, pp. 4 [11, 8 [3], 19 [8-9]; [19221 1973, pp. 429, 439). Such social phenomena as a business corporation,a neighborhood, a family,or feudalism are constituted from the common subjective "meanings" given to them by groupings of individuals,as is even a bureaucraticstructureof domination and a compulsory institution(Anstalt) such as the modern state. Collective entitiesare not themselves capable of "acting"; on the contrary,they exist simply as a consequence "ultimately of a certainkind of developmentof actual or possible social actions of individual persons" (1968, p. 14 [6-7]; emphasis in original,translationslightlyaltered). 9 It is impossibleto trace Weber's usage of Lebensfuehrung in the translations. It often appears, particularly in The ProtestantEthic and the Spirit of Capitalism, as "conduct," thoughalso as "style of life," "type of attitude,"or simply "life."

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American Journal of Sociology universalrationalization processes take shape,in greater or lesserdegrees, ly. The "Author's Introduction" itselfprovides the mostunequivocalevidence of this universality. In referring thereto the particulartypesof civilizarationality and rationalization processes thatappearedin Western kind, tion,Weberimpliesthat rationalization, albeit oftenof a different takesplace in non-Western civilizations as well ([1930] 1958a, pp. 25-26 frequently notes, forexample, the"rationalism" [11], 30 [15] ). He further ofancient Judaism (1968, pp. 610 [367], 618-19 [372]) and of Confucianism (1951, pp. 226-49 [512-36], 164 [452]; 1968,pp. 538-39 [326-27]) and the rationalization of mystical contemplation ([1930] 1958a, p. 26 [11]). In an analysisof religious rationalization, F. H. Tenbruck(1975) has come to the same conclusion. After examining the original1905 edition of Weber'sThe Protestant Ethic and the Spiritof Capitalism(PE) and of the World his later "Author'sIntroduction," "The Social Psychology argues Religions," and the "ReligiousRejections of theWorld," Tenbruck a broadening thatthemostsignificant thematic development hereinvolves of Weber's understanding processes of "rationality" and rationalization in (1975, pp. 669, 677-79). In thefirst edition of thePE, Weber'sinterest, keepingwiththe prevalent intellectual currents of his time,focusedexon rationalization in the West. By the timehe wrotethe later clusively to universalessays,however, he had enlarged his notion of rationalization in the historicaldimensionsthat included civilizationaldevelopments Orientas well (Nelson 1969,p. 6; 1974, p. 272; Parsons 1937, pp. 567, 752; 1963, pp. xxxii-iii; Bendix 1965, pp. 11-12; Munch 1980; Levine 1979,pp. 8-9). of "Rationality"and The Sphere-of-Life Specificity "Rationalization" Processes of "rationality" and "rationalization" Weberdoes notemploy theconcepts in a globalmanner of civilizations. to refer merely to a generalunfolding Instead, qualitatively different rationalization processesthat potentially rates take place at varioussociocultural own indigenous advanceat their to the "external levelsand in different life-spheres, both in thoserelating of theworld,"suchas the realmsof law, politics, economics, organization in and "internal" domination and the spheres knowledge, (Herrschaft), of religion and ethics.Rationalization processes may be foundalso in the and eroticarenas.10 aesthetic thatrationalization occursin diversespheres of life Weber'sconviction
are used here synonymously and "spheres" 10"Arenas," "realms," (Lebensbereiche, oflife, to by consuchas those are often referred Lebenssphaere). Spheres justnoted, as "institutional orders." temporary sociologists 1150

Weber'sTypes of Rationality compelled him to examinethe degreeto whicha singlerealm could be designated as the"carrier," behind which all otherrationalization processes fellin line to a greater or lesserdegree.In posingthisquestion, he wished primarily to scrutinize the Marxianemphasison the economicsphereas the substructure forall others.In thisregard, Weber foundthe Marxian stresswanting:forhim,rationalization processes can take place in each arena independently from theothersand at their own rates.A "rational" form in thosecountries of lawmaking, forexample, did not originate that first introduced modern forms of capitalism. Instead,it arose and attained a highlyrationalized formin ancient Rome. It was taken over in the Catholiccountries of southern Europe long before the onsetof industrializationin thatarea rather thanby England,theearliest country to industrialize. Likewise,purely this-worldly "rational" philosophiesemerged earliestin France with the Enlightenment ratherthan in England or Holland where economic"rationalism" had reached its higheststages. Moreover, aftercomparing the intensecapitalisticactivityin 14th-and 15th-century Florencewith the economicbackwardness of 18th-century Pennsylvania, Weber concludedthat moderncapitalismalone could not have givenbirthto an "economicethic" ([1930] 1958a, pp. 74-77 [60thatunderstood 62], 25 [11]). Thus,he came to doubtall thosetheories the advanceof "rationality" as a unilinear evolutionary processoccurring withequal intensity in all societalspheres.He thenbegan to investigate themanner in whichactionwas rationalized in particular arenas. These preliminary remarks on thegeneralfeatures of Weber'stypesof rationality and rationalization processeshave aimed only to provide a looseframework within whichtheseconcepts can be defined and examined fortheirinterrelationships. in his later writWeberhimself, particularly of ings,repeatedly admonished his readersto attendto the multivocality his usage of "rationality" and "rationalization" ([1946] 1958f,p. 293 [266]; 1968,p. 998 [576]; [1930] 1958a, pp. 26 [11-12], 77-78 [62]).
II. MAX WEBER'S TYPES OF RATIONALITY: PRACTICAL, THEORETICAL, SUBSTANTIVE,AND FORMAL

In surveying the typesof rationality, thissectionaims above all to demonstrate the polymorphous character of "rationality" in Weber's oeuvre. The Weberianaxiom that verydifferent patterns of actionand ways of lifemaybe "rational"will be repeatedly underlined. PracticalRationality Weberdesignates every way of lifethatviewsand judgesworldly activity in relationto the individual's purelypragmatic and egoisticinterests as practicalrational ([1930] 1958a, p. 77 [62]). Instead of implying pat1151

American Journal of Sociology ternsof actionthat,forexample,activelymanipulate the givenroutines of dailylifein behalfof an absolutevalue system, a practicalrational way of life acceptsgivenrealities and calculatesthemostexpedient means of dealingwith the difficulties theypresent.Pragmaticaction in termsof everyday interests is ascendant, and givenpracticalends are attainedby careful weighing and increasingly precisecalculation of the mostadequate means([1946] 1958f, p. 293 [266]). Thus, thistypeof rationality exists as a manifestation of man'scapacityformeans-end rational action. Wherever thebondsof primitive magichave been severed, the "capability and disposition" of personsfor practicalrationalpatternsof action in ages deeply imprinted appears,whether by ethical salvationreligions or in fully in pracsecularepochs ([1930] 1958a,p. 26 [12]). Variations in tical rationalregularities of action arise, forWeber,fromdifferences therelative sophistication of themeansavailableto master dailyproblems ([1946] 1958f, p. 284 [256]; 1968,p. 30 [15]) and in theextent to which ethicalreligious doctrines intensify specific practical patterns of actionby placing"psychological premiums" on them(1951, p. 247 [533]; 1968,p. 551 [334]; see below,Sec. III). As a resultof theirtypicalactivities, all "civic" strata, in particular-merchants, artisans,traders-show a definite tendency to ordertheirways of life in a self-interested, practical rationalmanner([1946] 1958f,pp. 279 [251], 284 [256]). This way of life particularly characterizes the daily action of "the people of the Liberumarbitrium, suchas the Italiansand the French" ([1930] 1958a, p. 77 [62]). The pragmatic and this-worldly predisposition of practicalrationalpatternsof action impliesa subordination of individualsto givenrealities and a concomitant inclination to opposeall orientations based on transcendence of daily routine. not only all striving Such personsoftenmistrust or secular aftertheimpractical values of "the beyond,"whether religious of all intellectual utopian,but also the abstracttheoretical rationality strata. Theoretical Rationality of realitythrough This typeof rationality involvesa consciousmastery the construction of increasingly precise abstract conceptsrather than action.Sincea cognitive confrontation withone's experience through preand induction, the vails here,such thought as logical deduction processes of causality,and the formation of symbolic"meanings"are attribution in all theirexall abstractcognitive typical.More generally, processes, denotetheoretical pansiveactiveforms, rationality ([1946] 1958f,p. 293
[265-66]) 11 to thistypeof rationality as "intellectual 11Weber also refers rationality." 1152

Weber'sTypes of Rationality Weberdiscovered a greatvariety of systematic thinkers who practiced this type of rationality. In the earlieststages of history, sorcerers and ritualistic priestssoughtabstract meansof tamingnatureand the supernatural. Withthe appearanceof ethicalsalvationreligions, ethicalpriests, monks,and theologians rationalized the values implicit in doctrines into internally consistent constellations of values,or worldviews (Weltbilder), thatoffered comprehensive explanations forthe perpetuation of suffering. and have Philosophers of all shadeshave also pondered natureand society repeatedly refined conceptualschemesthat "explained" theirworkings. Theoretical rationalization processesmay also be carriedout by judges or who interpret theincipient worldview foundin politicalconstitutions by the disciplesof a revolutionary theorist, such as thosethat have conhave often tinually arisento refine Marxiandoctrine. Systematic thinkers been scientists dedicatedto thetheoretical rationalization of thescientific worldview in thedecades since Weber'sdeath that have been devoid of eitherrevolutionary hopes or religious fervor. Since it always seeks in"holistic" terrelationships and theconstruction of comprehensive explanato the of antagonism tions,theoretical thought stands in a relationship fragmented character of magicin particular. for Unlike the means-end rationalactionthat providesthe foundation purelyadaptivepracticalrationality, theoretical rationalization processes are undergirded and giventheir momentum, Weberargues, by the natural "metaphysical need" and "irrepressible quest" of thinkers and systematizers to transcend sheergivenroutine and to supplythe randomeventsof everyday lifewitha coherent "meaning"([1946] 1958f, pp. 279-81 [251ulti54]; 1968,pp. 505-6 [307-8]). These personshave been motivated matelyby theirsearch for an answerto the questionthat has stood at thebase of all metaphysics: "If theworldas a wholeand lifein particular wereto have a meaning, whatmight it be, and howwouldtheworldhave to look in orderto correspond to it?" (1968, p. 451 [275]). This conundrum,whether dealt within its religious or its philosophical forms, has, Weberbelieves, role in the efforts of playedan immeasurably significant intellectuals to break through dailyrealities and to understand the world as a "meaningful" cosmos.In the 20th-century theoretical rationalization processes, thisquestion has been visiblein onlyits mostconstricted forms. Weber is convincedthat a theoretical confrontation with realitycan reactback on the thinker's actionand introduce new regularities of action, of thoughthis does not always occur. The modernscientist's alteration a mathematical equation, forexample, generally leaves scarcely an imprint on hisroutine action.On theotherhand,thesorcerer's rationaldeduction, from common experience, that evil, metaphysical powersresidewithinor lurk behindtrees,rocks,and othernaturalobjects requirednew modes of interacting withthe transcendent realmforhimself and-given a con1153

American Journal of Sociology figuration of purelysociological factorsthat facilitated the dispersion of the sorcerer's thought-for his entiresociety (1968, pp. 399-403 [24548]). For example,after the idea of the soul arose, burial procedures sought to provide thedead withamenities in their graves(1968, pp. 404-5 [248]). When mighty gods arose as functionally specializedentitiesable to protect men againstevils,yet failed to do so, logical thought was again engaged to confront thisquandary:abstract thinking led to theconclusion thatthesegods wereegoistic beingsand thattheirangercould be calmed only by entreaties and supplications (1968, pp. 432 [264], 424 [258]). These purely"rational"conclusions themselves influenced social actionin a number of ways. Perhaps most important, the necessity of appeasing thegods provided the impetus forthe crystallization of a new stratum of religious practitioners to conduct worship services:priests. Priests, in turn, further theoretically rationalized conceptions of the metaphysical realm. In the process,the diversemethods of supplication and entreaty became ordered intoa variety of regular worship forms, including prayer, tributes, penance,and abstinence. Priestsalso delineated "good behavior"as conduct agreeableto the gods,and worshipers learnedhow to attain favor by actingin accordwitha divinity's expectations. Given a constellation of facilitating sociologicalforces,these modes of interacting with the a society (1968, p. epiphenomenal spherebecame dominantthroughout 423 [258]). In a later stage of the religiousrationalization process,world views of the arose as a resultof the theoretical rationalization of conceptions supernatural realm.These comprehensive viewsof the universe and man's place within it purported to offer exhaustive explanations of man's plight raand his repeatedexperiencing In further of injustice. purelycognitive and to reorder tionalization thinkers processes, religious continually sought in theworldviewintoincreasingly thereligious valuesimplicit systematize in the hope of deducing of action internally consistent doctrines patterns thatwouldinsurea state of grace forbelievers. to Weber,reAccording of Kharma,the ligiousdoctrines themselves-such as the Indian doctrine and the Lutheran Calvinistbeliefin predestination, justification through influence faith-could,undercertaincircumstances, significantly practical thesedocways of life.This occurred simplybecause of the plausibility for lasting suffering trinesacquired fromtheir consistent explanations ([1946] 1958f, p. 286 [258-59]; [1946] 1958d,p. 324 [537]; 1968, p. 424 [259]; Tenbruck 1975,pp. 683-85). Thus, even though theoreticalrationalitymasters reality through of action. it contains a potential to introduce thought, indirectly patterns asserts that the abstract rationalization Indeed, Weber processescarried in the role out by systematic thinkers played a decisive de-magification 1154

Weber'sTypes of Rationality from medievalCatholicism processes thatcharacterized thetransformation to Calvinism([1946] 1958d,pp. 350-51 [567], 357 [571]; [1930] 1958a, p. 102 [92]). Substantive Rationality Like practical rationality though substantive unliketheoretical rationality, rationality directly not ordersactioninto patterns. It does so, however, on the basis of a purelymeans-end calculationof solutionsto routine problems but in relation to a past,present, or potential "value postulate" (1968, pp. 85-86 [44-45]). Not simplya singlevalue, such as positive evaluationof wealthor of the fulfillment of duty,a value postulateimplies entireclustersof values that vary in comprehensiveness, internal consistency, and content. Thus, thistypeof rationality existsas a manifestation of man'sinherent capacityforvalue-rational action. A substantive rationality may be circumscribed, organizing only a delimitedarea of life and leaving all others untouched.Friendship, for it involvesadherence comexample, whenever to such values as loyalty, passion,and mutualassistance, constitutes a substantive rationality. Communism, feudalism, hedonism, egalitarianism, BudCalvinism,socialism, dhism, Hinduism, and theRenaissance viewoflife, no less thanall aesthetic notionsof "the beautiful," are also examplesof substantive rationalities, however fartheymay diverge in their capacityto organizeactionas well as in their value content (1968, pp. 44-45 [85]). In all cases, the substantive rationality is consideredto be a "valid canon"; thatis, a unique "standard"againstwhichreality'sflowof unendingempirical eventsmay be selected,measured, and judged ([19461 p. 294 [266]). Sincethestandpoints represented by value postulates 1958f, can be, in principle, infinite, action may be orderedinto patterns and, indeed, intoentire waysoflifein an endlessnumber of ways.Smallgroups, organizations, institutions, politicalentities, cultures, and civilizations are, in everyera,ordered in terms of specifiable value postulates, even though thesemay be not readilyidentifiable by theirparticipants and can be so fundamentally foreign to the values of the social researcher that he can in whichtheyacquirevalidity. scarcely imagine situations The infinity of possiblevalue postulatespointsto a criticalfeature of Weber'snotionof substantive rationality: its radical perspectivism. For him, substantiverationality and rationalization processes based on it alwaysexistin reference to ultimate points of view,or "directions" ([1930] 1958a, p. 26 [11-12]): each point of view impliesan identifiable conof values thatdetermines figuration the direction of a potentially ensuing rationalization process. Thus, no absolutearrayof "rational"values exists as a set of perennial "standards"for"the rational"and for rationaliza1155

American Journal of Sociology prevailsin whichthe existionprocesses. Instead,a radicalperspectivism impliedor tence of a rationalization processdependson an individual's preference for certainultimatevalues stated,unconscious or conscious, to thesevalues. and the systematization of his or her action to conform merely from their statusas consistent These values acquire"rationality" value postulates. the "irrational" is not fixedand intrinsically Similarly, of one ultithe ideal-typical incompatibility "irrational" but results from mateconstellation of valueswithanother: is not of itself so whenexbut rather becomes Something "irrational," person is "rational" standpoint. Everyreligious amined from a specific views person, andevery hedonist likewise "irrational" for every irreligious of its evenif,measured in terms every ascetic wayoflifeas "irrational," ultimate a "rationalization" has taken place.This essay,if it can values, nature of a makeanycontribution themultifaceted at all,aimsto expose one. [(1930) onlyappears to be a simple concept-the "rational"-that emphasis in original]12 1958a, p. 53, n. 9 (35, n. 1); mytranslation, At least one identifiable exists pointof view rootedin a value postulate in every realm of life. The "rationality"and potentialrationalization Lifeback to thesevalue postulates. processes within a givenarena refer in a sense,defendtheirown value postulatesas "rational"and spheres, "irrational." From the point of viewof label thoseof otherlife-spheres in the economic all status realm,forexample, efficiency and productivity are "irratheexpansion of thefreemarket, monopolies, sincetheyrestrict tional,"as is capitalism fromtheperspective of the values of considered in which status monopolieswere most pronounced([1946] feudalism, 1958f,p. 301 [275]). The calculationof the capitalistand the power of from the standpoint interests of the politician are likewise"irrational" is also true( [ 1946] all salvation ofbrotherhood, and theconverse religions to the modern 1958d,pp. 348-49 [561-62], 331-40 [544-54]). Similarly, the religious intellectual knowledge, who trusts onlyscienceand empirical man's relianceon faith remainswithinthe realm of the "irrational" p. 281 [253]). ([1946] 1958d,p.353 [566]; [1946] 1958f, withina single rationalpoints of view may also differ Substantively a plenitude of ultimate forexample, Withinthe realmof religion, sphere. each proclaiming one another, and worldviewsconfront value-standpoints incomprehensiits "rationality." The Hindu organicsocial ethicsremains ble as a way of life to the mysticBuddhistwho has chosen to pursue a life of contemplation, as does the ascetic's action in Nirvana through theworld ([1946] 1958d,p. 338 [551-52]). To the ascetic,on the other remainwholly hand, the paths to salvationin these Orientalreligions senseless([1946] 1958d,pp. 352-56 [565-70]), as does the Confucian
12

of the PE. This footnotewas added in Weber's 1920 rewriting

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Weber'sTypes of Rationality gentleman's study of classical literature(1951, pp. 226-49 [512-36]). Similarly, withinthe arena of ethics, the proponent of the ethicof conviction(Gesinnungsethik) alwaysclaimsthatthe adherent of the ethicof responsibility ultimately advocatesan "irrational" position. The advocate of universal values makesthe same claim about the supporter of particularistic values.The converse also holdsin each of thesecases. Largelyas a consequence of the secondary literature's generalorientation to the PE ratherthan to the later "Religious Rejectionsof the World,"whereWeber's radical value perspectivism is most apparent,13 interpreters of the typesof rationality have nearlytotallyneglected this significant aspect. This neglecthas resulted also, on the one hand, from thecommon tendency to reducethe multidimensionality of rationalization processes to a singledimension (e.g., bureaucratization) and, on the other hand,from the failure to distinguish, as Weberdoes, between a researcher's personalvalues and his attempt to definescientifically the historical of a foundations, sociological preconditions, and significant consequences social phenomenon. For example,HerbertMarcuse (1972, pp. 133-51), in particular, arguesthatWeberidentified capitalism's formal rationality withrationality in as such and supported this economicsystem his scientific as one in conformity with the absolutevalue of Reason writings in the Hegelian sense. On the contrary, Weber's investigation of "rationality" and rationalization processes impliesnothing about a desireon his part to advocateeithertheirexpansion or constriction. Weber'sradicalperspectivism, his notionof substantive and rationality, his verstehende sociologyas a whole all pivot on the conviction that valuesare notdemonstrable by themethods of science([1946] 1958e,pp. 150-51 [607]; 1949, pp. 52-55 [149-52], 58 [154-55], 60 [157]) but remain in thecontemporary era theonlydomainin whichthe autonomous individual confronts his "own demons."That even themostprecise"technicallycorrect" rationalization within, forexample,the economic sphere, cannotbe said to be legitimate and "valid" as "progress" at the level of values remainsa constantassumptionthroughout Weber's sociological analyses.Nor can science,on the otherhand, prove the values of the Buddhistmonkor thoseof the Sermonon the Mount to be "superior" to any other value configuration (1949, p. 38 [530]; [1946] 1958e,p. 148 [604]). Formalrationalities have stoodin the mostdirectantagonism to many substantive rationalities. The recurrent conflict of thesetypes of rationality has played a particularly fateful role in the unfolding of rationalization in the West. processes
13 Thisessayconfronts thereader withan overwhelming cascadeof examples in which in theposition Weber of an ideal-typically putshimself constructed and ex"subject" amines thecosmosfrom theperspective of thatsubject.

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American Journal of Sociology FormalRationality Unliketheintercivilizational and epoch-transcending character of thepractical, theoretical, and substantive typesof rationality, formalrationality generally14relatesto spheresof life and a structure of domination that acquired specificand delineatedboundariesonly with industrialization: most significantly, the economic,legal, and scientific spheres,and the bureaucratic formof domination. Whereas practical rationality always indicatesa diffuse tendency to calculate and to solve routineproblems by means-end rationalpatterns of action in reference to pragmatic selfinterests, formalrationality ultimately legitimates a similar means-end rationalcalculation by reference back to universally applied rules,laws, or regulations. To the degreethat sheercalculationin termsof abstractrules reigns, of decisionsare arrivedat "withoutregardto persons."An orientation actionto formal rulesand laws is tantamount to a rejection of all arbitrariness: universalism and calculationin reference to enacted regulations standherestrictly opposedto decision making in reference to thepersonal charismatic qualitiesof individuals concerned. Distinctpersonalities-even in regardto status are subjectedto the ones-no less than differences of formally dictates rational procedures. The personal graceor favorgiven by the lord of a manor,forexample,is totallyalien to the "spirit" of bureaucracy (1968, pp. 979 [565], 244 [141], 225 [129]). rationalbecause to bureaucratic domination as formally Weber refers actionoriented to intellectually analyzablegeneralrulesand statutes predominates here,as well as the selection of the most adequate means for continued adherence to them.From a technical point of view, the most in because "rational"typeof domination is found thebureaucracy simply it aims to do nothing morethan calculate the mostpreciseand efficient means forthe resolution of problems by ordering themunderuniversal and abstract regulations (1968, pp. 975 [562], 226 [130]; [1946] 1958f, p. 295 [267]).15 trainedjuristscarryout Legal formal rationality existswhen formally suchthat". . . only laws thatapplyto all citizens of thestatein a manner
14 The major exceptionis noted below in the discussion of formalrationalityin the religiousrealm. Roman law is also an exception. 15 Weber naturallydoes not deny the fact that "red tape" can significantly diminish the efficiency of a bureaucracy.His discussionof this formof domination'sideal-typical featuresis nearly exclusivelyorientedtoward a comparison with patriarchal,feudal, and patrimonialformsof domination,none of which can even approach the bureauWeber cracy'sefficiency, dependability, etc. Moreover,in spite of its unevenfunctioning, or believes that industrialsocieties cannot dispense with this form of administration substitute a different form.Any high hopes that this can occur are, to him, sheer illusion (1968, pp. 223 [128], 988 [570]).

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Weber'sTypes of Rationality unambiguous generalcharacteristics of the case are takeninto accountin of purelyprocessualand legal factors"(1968, pp. 656-57 [396]; terms translation altered). This mode of juridicalprocedure opposeslegal subto stantiverationality, wheredecisionsare arrivedat in strictreference a postulateof ultimate justice.Similarly, in the economic sphere,formal rationality increases to the extent thatall technically possiblecalculations within of the "laws of the market"are universally carriedout, regardless either theireffect on individual persons or the degreeto whichtheymay violateethicalsubstantive rationalities (1968, p. 85 [44-45]). As opposed to the formulation of hypotheses, which belongs to the domainof theoretical rationality, experimental scientific procedures are also judged,by Weber,to be fullyformally rational.Calculation proceeds in this case in relationto the commonrules of experimentation. These thanrules are verylikelyto be carried out in a moresophisticated manner in the bureaucratic formof domination or in the economicand legal spheres:strict empirical observation, quantification, and systematic measurement attain here a peak of methodicalcontrol,especiallyin the laboratory. Just as in the otherlife-spheres, the executionof all technicallypossiblemeans-end rationalcalculations takes place "withoutreback gardto persons."Rule-oriented, pure calculation thatreactsdirectly on actionoccursalso in therealmof religion, though onlyin a fewspecial in religion cases. Formalrationality is described by Weberas action"orsuch dered according to plan" (Planmdssigkeit): methodical techniques, as contemplation or yoga, are executedhere in accord with fixedprocedures ([1946] 1958f, pp. 293-94 [266]).
III. COMPARING AND CONTRASTINGTHE TYPES OF RATIONALITY

A comparison and contrast of formal, substantive, theoretical, and practical typesof rationality mustbe turnedto now. This can take place most withinthe context of an examination feasibly of the aspects commonto the fourtypesof rationality, the relation between the fourtypesof social actionand thetypesof rationality, and the manner in whichthedifferent typesof rationality introduce regularities and patterns of action as well as, in some cases, ways of life. Once these themeshave been discussed, all the preliminary stepswill have been taken foran analyticdiscussion of themultiple rationalization processes charted by Weber. to the Four Types of Rationality AspectsCommon However much they may vary in content, mental processesthat consciously strive to master reality are common to all thetypesof rationality. Regardlessof whether they are characterized by sheer means-end cal1159

of Sociology American Journal of diffuse realities to values,or abstract thought culation, thesubordination to intheytake place in reference also of whether processes;regardless problems-all rulesand laws, values,or purelytheoretical terests, formal endforWeber,social reality's of theseprocesses systematically confront, unconnected events,and punctuated occurrences, less streamof concrete reality,theircommonaim is to banish parhappenings. In mastering and "meantheminto comprehensible by ordering ticularized perceptions ingful" regularities.16 in regardto the to Weber primarily Mental processesare of interest into patterns of social action.In extentto whichtheycan be translated of action followso regularities some cases, such as practicalrationality, that the mental closely on the calculationin relationto self-interests on theother hand, rationality, visible.Theoretical process itself is scarcely illustrates the oppositeextreme:here cognitiveprocessesoftendo not In general, theymaydo so indirectly. of action,though introduce patterns and actionoriented themental process a quitedirect linkage exists between to formal rationalities (see table 1). and substantive of historical forWedetermine, Constellations and sociological factors in clear expression fact found type of rationality ber,whether a particular of action that became as a mentalprocessalone or also as regularities orat the level of groups, whether processes, established as sociocultural common potential as a whole. This or civilizations ganizations, societies, existsas a cornerof thetypesof rationality to master reality consciously proof diverserationalization stonein Weber'sanalysisof the unfolding cessesin variouscivilizations. Orders and Legitimate theTypes of Rationality, The Types of Action, of action that aim to masterreality, practical As consciousregularities on man's capacityfor and formal are based typically typesof rationality from derivestypically rationality rationalaction; substantive means-end on the other action. Even thoughtheoretical rationality, value-rational processesinsteadof action,rational hand,is rootedin abstractcognitive from action-and even patterns of rationalaction-may followindirectly rationalthinking (see table 2). theoretical do not,in Weand theoretical typesof rationality formal, Substantive, of action. sociocultural regularities simply amorphous ber'sscheme, remain facof facilitating and historical sociological Instead,givenconfigurations of action withregularities as normative tors,theyare institutionalized
16 Though a conscious,systematic masteryof realityis not, of course, the only means arise (see 1968, pp. 33-38 [17-20]). by which,accordingto Weber, regularities

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Weber'sTypes of Rationality in "legitimate orders" :17 organizations,18 traditional(patriarchal, patrimonial,feudal) and rational-legal (bureaucratic)formsof domination, typesof economicstructures, ethical doctrines, classes, and strata. The diffuse, problem-solving character of practicalrationality generally confines it to thedomainof routine, everyday, pragmatic difficulties. TABLE 1
CONSCIOUS MASTERY OF FRAGMENTED REALITIES THROUGH REGULARITIES OF ACTION Relation to Action Reference for Mental Processes

Type of Rationality

Mental Processes

Theoretical ........ Practical.......... Formal.Means-end Substantive ........

Various abstract processes Means-end calculation calculation Subordination of realities to values TABLE 2

Indirect Direct Direct Direct

Values or purely theoretical problems Interests Rules, laws, regulations Values

ANTHROPOLOGICAL CONSCIOUS

CHARACTERISTICS PATTERNS

OF INDIVIDUALS ACTION

AND

OF RATIONAL

CONSCIOUS

ANTHROPOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF INDIVIDUALS Types of Social Action Mental Processes TYPES OP RATIONALITY

PATTERNS OF RATIONAL ACTION

Nonrational:

Affectual ............ Rational: Value rational.... Means-endrational...


*..................

Traditional ..........

Nonrational of Subordination realitiesto values Means-endcalculation Various abstract processes

Nonrational

... Substantive Formal, practical Theoretical

...

No No Yes Yes Yes Yes

* Rational action can be produced indirectly. 17 Weber's interest here is not, of course,to argue that certainorders possess absolute legitimacywhile others do not but, rather,to note the various possible reasons indito an orderor for guaranteeing viduals may have forascribinglegitimacy its legitimacy (1968, p. 33, n. 20). His use of "order" (Ordnung) and "legitimateorder" (legitime Ordnung) are particularlydifficult to trace in Economy and Society because these termsare variously translatedas "order" and "norm."

18 "Organization" (Verband) is Weber's generaltermfor,e.g., the enterprise (Betrieb) and the voluntaryassociation (Verein) as well as for the compulsorypolitical and religiousinstitution (Anstalt) (1968, pp. 48-56 [26-30]). It must be kept in mind that forWeber theseorganizations as well as all legitimate ordersresultfromnothingmore than the common action orientationsto them of individuals in delineated groups.

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Journal of Sociology American legitimate certain (Howe 1978) existbetween Clear "electiveaffinities" are rationalities typesof action.When substantive ordersand particular into ethical salvationdocpriests,and theologians by prophets, formed sect,or whether a church, in an organization, and institutionalized trines the devout typicallyfeel obligated to uphold this "ethical hierocracy, thisneed not reasons.^However, forvalue-rational rationality" substantive occur. Many persons,for example,do not possess,accordingto Weber, in behalf theiractionsconsistently to pattern the"religious qualifications" Thus, theybelievein thesevalues not as absolute of a value constellation. for action that can be upheld ethicalprinciples but as mereguidelines demands.In this case, the ethical to momentary or discardedaccording rational is oftenupheld simplyin a means-end substantive rationality of not representative theseare definitely Otherpersons-though manner. ethicalsubstantive viewan institutionalized sector church members-may more.This possiand nothing in terms of theirown interests rationality of the businessmen rationalmotives by the means-end bilityis illustrated forimin orderto acquire reputations who joined Calvinistsects simply secure the trade of sect and other compeccable honestyand thereby members ([1946] 1958c,pp. 305-8 [210-13]). In thiscase, submunity of action are not believedin value rationally. stantiverationalpatterns a rationalmeans towardrunning Instead theyexist as meremeans-end successful business(1968, pp. 26 [13], 85-86 [45]). ordersthat instituIn othercases, electiveaffinities between legitimate and types of social action clearly exist tionalizea type of rationality in reference to an epoch's peculiar onlywhentheseordersare examined ordercharacterized The bureaucracy as a legitimate value constellation. for a number of difmay be maintained abstractregulations by formal their of the 19thcentury Prussiancivilservants performed ferent reasons. at eightbecause of and began theirworkdays tasksefficiently punctually to the "bureaucratic ethic," according beliefin a value constellation: their discipline, efficiency, punctuality, precision, duty requireddependability, subIn thisextraordinary and reliability. case, an impersonal19 stability, forthe fulfillment itselfbecamea meansappropriate stantive rationality of action (1968, pp. 26 [13], 85-86 [45]). In of formal rational patterns of tasks in execution othersocietiesand othereras, the same systematic adheres simply rulestakesplace because the official to universal reference to custom(traditional action) or because he is aware that failureto do
19Here I am distinguishing values.Both types and "impersonal" between "personal" rationalities. This distinction, substantive thusforming may occuras constellations, is one thatI have extracted never Weber to myknowledge, discusses, explicitly which, to the"bureaucratic ethic," suchas thosespecific from hisoeuvre. values, Impersonal intoaccount as do, e.g.,thevaluesof compassion, love, brotherly failto takepersons or forgiveness. 1162

Weber'sTypes of Rationality rationalaction) (1968, p. 31 so wouldmean loss of his job (means-end [16]). economic ordercan be maintained Similarly, as a legitimate capitalism of modern capitalism fora variety of reasons. Weberarguesthattheorigin orientareference to thevalue-rational cannotbe fully understood without tions of the Puritansto an ethical substantive rationality: the believer methodical workand the accumureligiously inspired to value disciplined, to a systematic component lation and reinvestment of moneybrought orieneconomic thantheutilitarian activity thatprovedfarmoreeffective tationsof the "adventure the bonds of economic capitalist"in bursting traditionalism ([1930] 1958a, pp. 47-78 [30-62]). In this unusual and rationalmeans significant case, the Puritan'sselectionof the means-end secure his goal of resting (a constellation of impersonal values) to fulfill in the certainty of salvation(a goal that could be realizedonly by the providedone impetusfor the formal acquisitionof wealth) eventually enterprises (1968, pp. 26 [13], 85-86 rationalorganization of economic [45]). The modern capitalist, on the otherhand, may adhereto the abstract or means-end rationalreasons, or even laws of the market fortraditional in as a result of a value-rational belief themas "correct." Indeed,he may believein an impersonal subeven,as did the Calvinist, value-rationally in the performance of work,efficiency stantiverationality-methodical his goal tasks,dependability, etc.-as the mostadequate means to fulfill in business.20 of succeeding changehis motivaHe can, as well,constantly to Weberthis does not typically occur. tionforacting,though according All this does not alter the fact that formalrationalpatternsof action in orderto insure are necessary thesuccessof a business enterprise (1975, p. 193 [133]; 1930,pp. 70-73 [54-59], 55-56 [37]; 1968,pp. 585 [353], 1186 [709]). It does, however, explicitly call into questionthose views of history as theproduct of a unilinear advance thatsee modern societies of either action (1930, pp. 74-78 [60-62]). means-end or value-rational orderthat institutionalized a particular Thus, forWeber,a legitimate formal or substantive can call forth varioustypesof typeof rationality Dozens of examples social action and even further typesof rationality. such as thoseabove can be extracted from Weber'ssociological writings. Theoretical of whether it is institutionalized rationality, as well,regardless
20 Preciselysuch a beliefin the "spirit" of capitalismhas died out in our time,Weber believes. Its demise has not, however,led to a weakening of capitalism's "economic rationalism": its presentexistenceas an all-encompassing "cosmos" effectively coerces individuals to conformto its demands. In Weber's words: "The Puritan wanted to work in a calling; we are forced to do so" (1930, p. 181 [203]; emphasisin original). Or, ". . . the idea of 'duty in one's calling' prowls about in our lives like the ghost of dead religiousbeliefs" (1930, p. 182 [204]).

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American Journal of Sociology in organizations that pursue scientific, religious, or secular-ethical endeavors, can lead indirectly to a variety of actionorientations. The Capacitiesof Different Types of Rationality to Introduce Methodical Ways of Life Despite theircommon capacity to masterrealityconsciously, the types of rationality confront heterogeneous realities in distinctly different ways and introduce regularities of actionwithvarying degreesof effectiveness. raWays of life are called into beingonly by practicaland substantive in methoditionalities. These waysof lifediverge widelyfrom one another calnessand continuity: onlyvalues,forWeber,and particularly a unified configuration of values,are analytically capable of introducing methodical rational waysof life.21 The practicalrational way of life,according to Weber,lacks a methodical character. Based on subjective interests, thisway of life continually reactsto changing situations insteadof ordering them, forexample, under an ethicalpostulateor an abstractrule. Nonetheless, much the however individual merely deals withthedisparate difficulties presented by external in the mostfeasiblemeans-end factors rationalway, an element of consistency remains:self-interests regularly guide actionhere and introduce a way of lifegrounded in them. The variouscognitive processes characteristic of theoretical rationality themabstractly. activelyconfront givenrealities and seek to manipulate They do so by searching forinterrelationships amongdiscrete, seemingly a way of life or to unconnected arenas. Yet theirpower to introduce constricted. The modern suppress practicalrationality remains definitely action scientist's formulation ofhypotheses onlyrarely directs his practical orientations and the ratiocinations either insideor outsidethelaboratory, the sourcesforevil by sorcerers, priests, monks, or theologians regarding and suffering react back on theirdaily action only when the "empty" of themwith is banishedby an association qualityof theoretical processes values. is only slightlymore successfulin subduingthe Formal rationality As long as the practicalrational way of lifethanis theoretical rationality. executethe the lawyer,the businessman, and the scientist civil servant, their to givenabstractrules taskstypical of their professions, orientations and laws insulatethemfromthe randomflowof fragmented eventsas well as from withdaily problems. These practicalrationalconfrontations the rationalpatternsgenerallyfail, however,to characterize formally in theircapacities actionof thesepersonsin theirpersonalrelationships,
Following Weber, I am employingthe expressions"methodical ways of life" and "methodical rational ways of life" synonymously.
21

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Weber'sTypes of Rationality as parents, in theirleisurehours,or in theirchoiceof hobbies.Thus, the and the bureaucrat, imprint of formal rationality remains circumscribed, as forexample, may well act in a practicalrationalor any othermanner attitudethat comprehensively soon as he leaves his office. No consistent here. characterizes actionand introduces a way of lifecan be found has the rationality potentialto Only action orientedto substantive introduce methodical ways of life that subjugate the practicalrational to rules, way of life based on interests, the formalrationalorientation occurs and reality'sstreamof disjointedoccurrences. This development rationality of most effectively after the values of a given substantive through theoretical rationaldelimited magnitude have been rationalized, izationprocesses, value constellations thatcompreinto internally tunified of these hensively addressand orderall aspectsof life.The value content the direction of such value-rasubstantive rationalities, whichdetermine spectionalization processes,22varies across a wide secularand religious of methodical rational trum. Most important forWeberin theintroduction rationalities place "psychoways of lifeis the fact thatonly substantive logicalpremiums" on ethicalactionin theworld. Weberdefines an "ethical" standardas ". . . a specific typeof valueof this belief, rationalbeliefamongindividuals which,as a consequence imposesa normative element upon humanaction that claims the quality of the 'morally good' in thesame way thatactionwhichclaimsthe status of the 'beautiful'is measuredagainstaestheticstandards"(1968, p. 36 in original). [19]; translation altered, emphasis This purelyformal definition reference by an can be givena concrete infinite numberof value-rational beliefs,some of which-those which involvean orientation to value postulates-elevateethical standardsto the statusof an ethicalsubstantive rationality. When believedin value and secular value postulates, rationally, the ethicsof solely this-worldly such as Communism, no are designated by Weber as ethicallyrational23 religions, regardless of less than the ethicsof all but the mostprimitive whether a monotheistic God or pantheistic gods punishand reward(1968, pp. 429 [262], 518 [314], 325 [191]). Ethical rationality does not involvesimplythe memorization of rules forproper conductthatputatively containthe cumulative wisdom of past an imperative for cQngenerations. Instead,ethicalaction implies,first, to a moralgood thatis feltto be internally binding or obligatory formity
22 In this case, since values exist as the reference points for theoreticalrationalization with "theoretical processes,"value-rationalization process" can be used synonymously rationalizationprocess."

Since ethical rationalityis itselfa type-and only one type-of substantive ratioTo avoid this awknality,it is properlyreferred to as "ethical substantiverationality." ward phraseology, expression"ethical rationality." however,I will oftenuse the briefer
23

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American Journal of Sociology a normatively valid canon that claims and, second,a disjunction between givenflowof fragmented realities. Acethicalstatusand the empirically by ethical cordingto Weber, daily action can be decidedlyinfluenced forthemare lackingand even, rationalities even if "external" guarantees at times,in spite of opposingsocial forces.When an ethical rationality to the resulting action penetrates practicalrationalaction,Weber refers as "practical-ethical" (1968, pp. 36 [19], 528 [321]; [1946] 1958f,pp. 286 [258-59], 293-94 [266], 280 [252]; [1946] 1958d,p. 324 [537-38]). Of greatest forall practical-ethical regularities of action are significance ethical rationality. Yet these the values constituting the corresponding values varynot only in relation to content but also in theircomprehensiveness and degreeof inner unity. rationalization Value rationalization refers, forWeber,to the theoretical of substantive ethicalor not: theircomprehensiverationalities, whether ness (the extent to whichtheyclaim to orderall action) and theirinner according to the degreeto unityare enhanced. Innerunityis rationalized whichthe values within rationality, however comprea givensubstantive and systematized. As rationalizahensive or limited it maybe, are ordered tionproceeds, not of consistency thesevalues come to stand in a relation under an ultimatevalue. In only to one anotherbut also hierarchically value rationalization impliesthe breakthe religious sphere, forexample, unconnected ing downof the discrete values of isolatedritualpractices, of gods,each of whichdemands sacrimagicalceremonies, and a pantheon ficesand loyalty,and the moldingof these amorphous values into inworldviews.24 Whenever theyappear creasingly comprehensive and unified as substantively doctrines, fully unified worldviewsoffer rational religious in termsof principles coherent explanations of all injusticeand suffering of right and wrong thatare acceptedon faithas "truth." To the extent thatvalue-rationalization processesexpanda substantive into a secular or rationality's comprehensiveness and innerconsistency and to the degree religious worldview thatexistsas an ethicalstandard, thatsocial actionis value rationally oriented towardthisvalue constellation,the dispersed of the practicalrationalway of happenings daily life, life oriented of action are all to interests, and formalrationalpatterns replacedby ethicalclaims.Thus, forWeber,the chance that action will to a given salvationethic becomesubstantively rationalized to conform or otherethicalsubstantive rationality dependsnot only on the strength of antagonistic interests but also on the motivations of believers and the
This is only one axis of the extremely intriguing course of religiousrationalization (see, e.g., 1951,p. 226 [512]; 1952,pp. 425-26, n. 1 [1-2]). This rationalization process, which has been only partly dealt with by Schluchter(Roth and Schluchter1979, pp. 11-64) and Tenbruck (1975), cannot be discussed here. I have recentlycommented extensively on these articlesin a review essay (1979).
24

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Weber'sTypes of Rationality of the ethic: the morean ethic approaches relative value rationalization and innerunityand the more the point of absolutecomprehensiveness becomethepsychological themorepowerful value-rational actionprevails, directedtowardethicalgoals. premiums placed on action systematically orientshis action to an To Weber,the individualwho value rationally acts rationality ethical substantive internally unified and comprehensive and in reference (Gesinnungsethik) methodically to an ethicof conviction to its conform rationalizes action "fromwithin"in all spheresof life to [275], 578-79 internally bindingvalues (1968, pp. 424 [259], 450-51 [349-50]; 1951,p. 244 [530]; [1946] 1958b,pp. 120-27 [551-59]). As thedeterminant fora potential value-rationalization of the direction rationality's values has, according process, the content of the substantive to Weber,the effect of guiding actioninto specific channelsand directing it away fromothers.This occurswhen the value-rationalization process ethic when an of failsto reachits end pointof development, though also p. 287 [259]). conviction arises ([1946] 1958f, imIn the religious was particularly arena, forexample,this content of a belief systemon the portantin regardto the potentialinfluence action of its followers ([1946] 1958f,p. 289 [261]). When pragmatic actionto a worldview,such as that imbelievers oriented theirreligious doctrine of theeightfold path to salvation, pliedby theclassicalBuddhist "in the world" practicalrationalas well as all otheraction orientations were radically Many as "senseless"and generally suppressed. denigrated typesof "practicalethics" ([1946], 1958f,p. 294 [266]), on the other and lay ethic,ancientJudaism, Lutheranism, hand,such as Catholicism's of on practicalrationalregularities Hinduism, placed ethicalpremiums and comprehensive action,thoughthey failed to do so in a consistent and for all were consistently, manner. Practicalrationalaction patterns premiums by Calvinism and Catholicism's believers, awarded psychological on disciplined premiums virtuoso dogmaformonks.In placingenormous workand methodical subcomprehensively ways of life,these doctrines or "in the in the monastery limatedpracticalrationalaction,whether practical action.Insteadof beingsuppressed, world,"intopractical-ethical penetrated by an ethical dimension, rationality now became consistently in theprocessa heightened intensity (1968, p. 551 [334]; 1951, acquiring p. 247 [553-54]). These typesof practicalrationalways of life,which Weberemphasized as containing formodern themostfateful consequences in the value man (1930, p. 26 [11-12]), were not to be rediscovered contentof any otherethical salvationreligionof historical significance (1968,p. 556 [337]; [1946] 1958f,p.290 [263]). in theseculararenaalso varyinfinitely in value Substantive rationalities and internalunity. For Weber, content, degree of comprehensiveness, to a rationalizedto conform fragmented occurrences are theoretically 1167

American Journal of Sociology secular value postulatewhen,for example,personselevate an ideal of friendship to the level of an ethical standardand considerthemselves internally bound to upholdall the standards of brotherhood. When they are value-rationalized, secular ethical rationalities may exhibita more generalapplicability that influences social action morecomprehensively. The Renaissance rejection of traditional bondsand its faithin the power of the naturalisratio ([1946] 1958f,p. 293 [266]) permeated diverse spheresof life,as did the Enlightenment's faithin Reason and classical liberalism's credoof the Rightsof Man and freedom of conscience (1968, p. 1209 [725-26]). Similarly, the upholding of egalitarianism may affect not onlyits adherents' purelypoliticaland legal activities but also their social and even theireconomic endeavors.25 Such ethicalrationalities, whenever their valuesare further theoretically rationalized, becomecomponents within morecomprehensive and internally unified ethicalrationalities. This occursif, for example,the orientation of actiontowardsocial justice as an ethicalideal is value-rationalized to of all such an extentthat a closed worldview implying an explanation and future human miseryarises. Secular political,social, past, present, and philosophical of this total degreeof comprehensiveness movements and innerconsistency blossomedin 19th-century prototypically Europe. In Marxiansocialism, forexample, the ideals of brotherhood, egalitarianor ism, and social justice no longerremained isolated ethicalprinciples worldview that exunified vague hopes but fusedinto a systematically if the tenetslaid plainedman'spast and present plight. It also promised, hardabolition of all earthly downwerecorrectly the future implemented, beliefsystemthat claimed absolute truth,Marxism, ship. As a unified when believed in value-rationally, ethicallyorderedall spheresof life For Weber,thepowerof sucha secularethicof conviction "from within." all social actionin behalfof its values is no less to centrally rationalize ethicof conviction. Of criticalimportance that of a than strong religious in bothcases is an acceptanceof the ethicon faithand a beliefin it as an absolutebeyondall compromise.26
25 In certainperiods and in certain cultures, as a resultmainly of economic and political factors,the belief in egalitarianismmay extend into spheres of social action rightsand sexual preferbarred,such as minority fromwhichit has been traditionally ences. That the claims for equality of nearly all minoritymovementsin the United in the 1960s women's,and gay movements to the civil rights, States,fromabolitionism and classical fromthe Enlightenment and 1970s,have been rootedin ethicalrationalities such as the "natural rightsof man" and "equality of all" as embodiedin the liberalism, support for Weber's emphasis on the and Bill of Rights,constitutes U.S. Constitution of ethical rationalities. potentialinfluence 26 That Weber considered Marxism a beliefsystembased on faithratherthan a science is clear (1968, pp. 515-16 [313-14].). He is, however,reluctantto referto Marxism to stressthat this closed world view exhibitsa number He prefers directly as a religion. such as its natureas an "economiassociated with religions, generally of characteristics

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Weber'sTypes of Rationality that rationality is the only type of rationality In sum, substantive rational waysof methodical potential to introduce possessestheanalytical are also capable typesof rationality and formal theoretical life.Although conneither introduces of reality, mastery and directconscious of indirect towardlife. Even thoughendowedwith the capacityto sistentattitudes do so, practicalrationalpatternsof action remainsimplyreactionsto realities.Thus, the practical rationalway of life, charheterogeneous lacks the merationalcalculationof interests, by a means-end acterized thosebelievedin as whenvalues,particularly thodical element called forth raethical standards, regulateaction "fromwithin."Only substantive possesses the analyticalpotentialto master-or rationalizetionality orand methodically It does so by consciously realitycomprehensively. that are consistent withexplicitvalue conganizingactioninto patterns (see table 3). stellations
IV. RATIONALIZATION RATIONALIZATION PROCESSES IN GENERAL AND IN MODERN SOCIETIES

above suchas theone immediately For Weber, a purely analytic discussion to introduce typesof rationality of the different the potential regarding to the question methodical rationalways of life has little relationship whetherthis potentialwas actually realized in societies. In history's and values and against interests, have struggled interests battleground, or theirintrinsic of the clarityof theirformulation "ideas," regardless have died a sudden death unless anchoredsecurelywithin plausibility, of whether irrespective social and economic By the same token, matrices. typesof formal, or substantive theoretical, theywerebased on practical, as significant processes have been set in motion rationalization rationality, rooted social strata have sociocultural only when firmly developments appearedas their"carriers."
TABLE 3
TYPES OF RATIONALITY IN RELATION TO WAYS OF LIFE
CONSCIOUS MASTERY OF REALITY

Lack of a Way ofLife

Way ofLife

REGULARITIES

OF ACTION

Theoreticalrationality Formal rationality ...

Practical rationality ... Substantiverationality

Nonmethodical Nonmethodical Methodical

to as "quasi-relically eschatologicalfaith." The beliefs of its followersare referred gious" or "equivalent to a religiousfaith" (see further, 1968, pp. 486 [296], 873-74 [501]); GuentherRoth (1976, p. 262) makes the same point.

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of Sociology American Journal and Values Processes:Interests Rationalization and is most responsible for both the diffuseness rationality Substantive theme.This type of natureof Weber's rationalization the perspectival rationality to withthe notionof ethicalsubstantive rationality combines constitute the pivotal conceptsin his analysis.Only ethical rationalities of practicalrationalregularities suppressing are capable of permanently them them by transforming intensifying action or, just as important, posinto practicalethical action. In addition,only ethical rationalities processes fully. formal rationalization vigor to subdue sess the analytical providea value contentfor theoretiFinally,only ethical rationalities cal rationalization processes,set them in motionin specificdirections inas value-rationalization processes,and give rise to comprehensive, constellations, even These value value configurations. ternallyunified of "irralargelymanifestations thoughfor Weber they are themselves and even geographical economic, political,domination, tional" historical, consistent world forces rationally p. 281 [253]), constitute ([19461 1958f, viewsto whichindividuals may orienttheiractionin all spheresof life. Whenever theseworldviews acquire the social and economicanchorage theylay down the a civilization, throughout necessary fortheirdiffusion altercations "tracks"(Gleise)-or boundaries-within whichtheeveryday interests takeplace.27 political, and other amongeconomic, All of these achievements of ethical rationality derive froma single sociologyand methodological Weber'shistorical postulatethat underlies no less thanhis fundamental viewof man: action anthropological writings whether to "given"realities, as simply an adjustment cannot be understood in practical, theoretical, or bureaucratic as manifest statutes, dailyroutine Nor can a residualstatus be assigned to the and formalrationalities. component of humanaction that falls outsideroutineand adaptive beby values and reto Weber,actionmotivated havior.Instead,according molding by interests sistantto and counterpoised againstenvironmental consequence.28 historical has been of thegreatest commonsense of an For Weber,the worldlywisdomand utilitarian nor could the Alberticould not have givenbirthto moderncapitalism, that promovements or religious initialimpulseforsocial, philosophical, from fessedto altergivenrealities ([1930] practicalrationality crystallize 1958a,pp. 76-78 [61-62]; 56, n. 12 [38, n. 1]; 158, n. 16 [168, n. 3]). have planted the seeds for its own Even less could formalrationality of rational actionalone everbeen Nor have theseregularities germination.
27

must be underWeber's memorablestatementon the relationof ideas and interests stood in this context(see [1946] 1958f,p. 280 [252]).

28 As well as of pivotal interest to a verstehende sociology. An overridingaim of Weber's sociologyis to make individualssensitiveto values.

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Weber'sTypes of Rationality of giving birthto ethicalsubstantive capable,Weberasserts, rationalities, worldviews,or a unified value-rationalization processes, way of life: no of whether ethicalactionmonitored by an internalized standard, regardless it involvesa circumscribed ethical rationality such as friendship or an ethicof conviction, can result solelyfrom rational means-end action. for Neitherthe means-end rational actionthatprovided the foundation practicaland formal rationality nor value postulates devoidof an ethical aspect could transcend and orderdaily routineto a degreesufficient to set a comprehensive into and continuous rationalization of givenrealities motion. Such a development could emerge only aftervalue-rationalization processes rootedin an ethicalrationality had led to the formation of at least an incipient worldview in reference to which,irrespective of its particular value content, everyday routines couldbe qualitatively assessed, rafoundwanting, and rejected.Weber's notionof ethical substantive tionality and his emphasis on the divergent directions followed by rationalization processes rootedin values accountsforhis opposition to all explanations of the advance of rationalization as a manifestation of either to givenrealities or the conflict adaptation of sheerinterests.29 Precisely thisWeberian assertion to side with explainshis unwillingness Marx in endowing even economic interests witha generalized significance, he refused though to underestimate theirstrength. Only ethical rational forexample,the poaction,not simply the thrust of interests, possessed, tentialeffectively to rupture traditional ways of life and attitudes.For a greater Weber,specific typesof ways of life have oftendemonstrated withcertaintypesof economic affinity actionbecause of ethicalrational influences ratherthan because of intensive economicpressures([1930] 1958a,pp. 26-27 [12]), in spiteof thefactthattheveryorigins of ethical rationalities themselves mustbe in turnunderstood as largelythe result of economicfactors.Such distinctions at the levels of "meaning"and foraction have been of enormous motivation significance for an understandingof the meandering routes rationalization followedin different civilizations. Interests as the Basis forRationalization Processes:Affinities, Antagonisms, and Sociological Anchorings The centrality of ethicalsubstantive rationality and rationalization processesbased on thistypeof rationality in Weber'sschememustbe viewed as an analytical centrality. Its conceptual significance, whichderivesfrom
29 This interpretation and social changeis fully view of history of Weber's fundamental to his convictionthat a compresupportedby Tenbruck: "His entireoeuvre testifies hensiveand continuousrationalizationof realitycannot arise out of interests"(1975, p. 689).

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American Journal of Sociology its uniquecapacityto call forth methodical rationalways of life,tellsus nothing whatsoever about the roleit has playedin history. Far from ends in themselves, the typesof rationality were,forWeber,merely the basic heuristic toolshe employed to scrutinize thehistorical fatesof rationalizationas sociocultural processes. In doingso, he wishedto ascertain which rationalization processor processes typically penetrated into the different spheres of lifeand to assess the strength of theseprocesses by examining thestability of their sociological roots. Havingutilizedhis ideal-typical concepts-the typesof rationality-as means of orientation that guided him to criticalhistoricalwatersheds, Weberas historical sociologist, whether investigating the multidimensionalityof rationalization or any othertheme, directly confronted history's raw "irrationality." Insteadof beingsubjectto a transcendental meaning, theinexorable dialectical advanceof "Reason," evolutionary laws,or even the centrality of the economic sphereas a generalrule,history was understood by Weber as a realmcharacterized by the immutable clash of "irrational" interests regulated onlyat their extremes by established world views.Even theseworldviewswereoriginally determined by the victory of certaininterests, power,historical chance,and otherrandomfactors. For Weber,all questionsof historical development and change,of the circumscription of somemovements and the struggle to positions of hegemonyby others, inevitably run up against the purely"irrational" drift and flowof interests and interest constellations. Far fromsimplyan in" 'rationalism' ternally consistent concept, is a historical conceptthatcontainsa worldof contradictions within itself"([1930] 1958a, p. 78 [62]; [1946] 1958f, p. 281 [253]). interests At times, of factors, owingto a sheeraccidental juxtaposition to forma cohesivestratum. This stratum crystallized could, if another randomconfiguration of historicalforcescongealed,"carry" a specific rationalcarried formal rationalization process. Civilservants, forexample, in orizationprocesses as a consequence of theirtypicaldaily activities ganizations. Otherstrata,as oftenas not,carriedrationalization processes to those upheld by bureaucrats, antagonistic as, for example,when rerationalization ligiousintellectuals propounded substantive processes.As becameinstitutionfurther carriers of stillotherrationalization processes a labyrinth of such processes alized in legitimate orders a society, within while evolved. Some of them fused in elective affinity relationships, othersclashed.Still otherssplit apart and thenlater converged, merging into,struggling with,and overlapping myriadotherrationalization processesall alongtheir and contracting expanding paths. Ratherthan capable of beingarranged along a line of linear development,such as the "disenchantment of the world,"multifaceted rationalization processesrecurrently surfacedand then faded away amidst a 1172

Weber'sTypesof Rationality tapestry of shifting balances and kaleidoscopicinterweavings. Paradox and irony aboundin Weber'scharting of thispolychromatic net.The bestknowninstanceoccurred when the "irrationality"-when viewedfroma purely eudaemonistic perspective ([1930] 1958a,pp. 78 [62], 70 [54]) of the Calvinistworkethiccontributed to patterns of action and entire ways of life thought to exemplify the highestpeaks of civilization, yet ones that came to enslave individualsin the 20th centurywithinan impersonal "iron cage" saturatedby formal,theoretical, and practical rationalization processes([1946] 1958f, p. 281 [253]; [1930] 1958a, pp. 181-82 [203-4]; Loewith 1970, pp. 114-15). Time and again, Weber notesthe manner in whichgroupsof individuals createrealmsof freedom by responding, throughrational regularities of action, to fragmented the same realities.In carrying these regularities to extremes, however, groupsmay construct veritable networks of bondage. forWeberas Nearlyall rationalization processes are of shortduration a historical sociologist castinghis glance down through the ages. Only a that form rationalities veryfew-those based on the ethicalsubstantive for the tracks theunfolding Even of civilizations-reach acrossmillennia. raonce entrenched though, as acceptedworldviews,these substantive tionalities and the "ideas" that legitimate themacquire an autonomous (eigengesetzliche)30 powerto focusthe beliefand action orientations of entirepopulations(Tenbruck 1975), their perpetuation is guaranteed, accordingto Weber, only when they become institutionalized within legitimate ordersand carriedby established social strata.The vast majority of rationalization processes are rooted in interestsand fail to legitimate themselves adequatelyat the level of values. Thus, they are insuppressed whenever a more powerful constellation of antagonistic terests on the horizon. appears ModernRationalization Processesin theWest: The "Type of Person" Practical,theoretical, and formal rationalization processes strongly dominate substantive rationalization processesin modernWesternsocieties. The Judeo-Christian worldview,whichprovidedthe point of reference formajorgroupings of substantive and ethicalrationalities as well as for the theoretical rationalization of theirvalues, has been largelyreplaced by the scientific worldview.With thisaxial shiftand withthe definition of science-mainlyby Weberhimself-as a modeof knowledge analytically distinct from values,values couldbe no longer defined as thelegitimate of the 20thcentury's subjectmatter majortheoretical rationalization pro30 Unfortunately, Weber's notion of Eigengesetzlichkeit, which has been dealt with by Tenbruck (1975) in only one of its multipleincarnations, cannot be explored here.

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Journal of Sociology American worldview as a whole cesses.This holds trueeven thoughthe scientific formalrationalization is itselfa substantive rationality. Simultaneously, and the legal processes in the scientific arena as well as in the economic coalescedto givebirth spheres and in thebureaucratic form of domination to a network of patterns of action,all of whichpointedin thesame direction: suppression of value-oriented lost action.Thus, ethicalrationalities in the constellation of interests that enabled them to stand effectively of all formalrationalities directopposition to the impersonal character themunder and to circumscribe the influence of the latterby subsuming an ethicalpostulate([1946] 1958d,p. 331 [544]; 1968,pp. 1186 [709], 585 [353], 600 [361]; 1927,p. 357 [305]). Withtheeclipseof substantive rationality's powerto ordercomprehenof the practical sivelyall aspectsof lifein behalfof values,a resurgence rational way of lifecould take place ([1946] 1958f,p. 281 [253]). This subduedonly to the degree way of life,in turn, whichformal rationality that action took place withinenterprises (Betriebe) and bureaucracies, began to competefreely with formalrationalpatternsof action. Conactionswithin bureaucracies, such as comitantly, wherever value-rational wereweakened as a consequence thosetypical of thePrussian civilservant, of the generaluprooting of substantive rationalities, purelymeans-end moreeasily.Howevermuch rational actionpenetrated theseorganizations some individuals and groupsmay desirea reinstatement of the "bureaufirmly entrenched interests craticethic,"attempts to reinstate it confront orders.In such cases, Weber renow institutionalized withinlegitimate of a desire or "reasonableness" peatedlyemphasizes that the plausibility forchangecan provideonly a stimulant. This prerequisite acquiressigfactors anchored in interests nificance onlyif a constellation of facilitating crystallizes. and experiencing For Weber,the rise of scienceas a mode of knowing if only because it threatened foreboded fateful particularly consequences, to pull even values out of the arena of "belief" and place themin the realmof calculation:with the adventof the scientific worldview,even meavalues could becomesubjectto empirical mathematical observation, and testing([1946] 1958e,p. 139 [594]; 1922, pp. 473-74). surement, opposition This development, he emphasized, stoodin the mostprincipled the"meanto all religious world as ethical asserted postulates, viewswhich, ingfulness" of worldly lifeand certainactionssimplyas a resultof their values existed valuationfor particular salvationpaths. In all religions, and theworldexistedas a cosmosordered as eternally "valid" absolutes, in a final manner ([1946] 1958d,pp. 350-53 [564by gods and doctrines the theoretical rationalization that had, in ages processes 66]). Precisely thefragmentary intointernally valuesof "primitive" religions past,molded unified of values that comprehensively explainedthe perconfigurations 1174

Weber'sTypes of Rationality petuationof this-worldly suffering now became emancipated fromtheir within to values. Once clearlyfocused the domainof science subjugation in the 20th century, theseprocessescame to exist as "empty"abstract thought processesthat labeled religionas a realm characterized by a "sacrifice of theintellect" and the"irrational" ([1946] 1958d,pp. 351-52 [564-66]; [1946] 1958f, p. 281 [253]) (see fig.1). When it combinedwith formal, practical,and other theoretical rarationalization processesunbridled by values, this shiftof theoretical tionalization fromreligionto science became of paramountsignificance forthe destiny of methodical rationalways of life. In the past, both the direction of such ways of life and theirmethodical aspect had originated from a rationalization in reference to values.Wherever ethicalrationalizationprocesseshad been set in motion, theirvalues were-as a rule and oftendecisively-religious values ([1946] 1958f, p. 287 [259]). The banishment of thesevalues led Weber to ask a specific question: "What type of person [Menschentyp] will-or could-survive in the modern cosmos?" (1949, p. 27 [517]; [1930] 1958a,pp. 180-82 [203-5]). He wantedto know, wouldbe thecarrier above all, whattypeof person of Western in an age whenthe life-sphere civilization thathad previously unitedthe personality in opposition to into a forcecapable of standing the "streamof material constellations" had lost its sociological anchorage. Wouldthistypeofperson be little morethana pale reflection of theformal rationality characterizing his merely adaptiveactionin thelegal,economic, and scientific spheres as well as thebureaucratic and form of domination, of thepracticalrationalorientations requiredto handle life's daily tasks and difficulties? The typeof person capable of systematically rationalizing action"from within"-in relation to a unified of value constellation-and thereby lendinghis or her entireexistencean unambiguous "direction" and "meaning"was viewedby Weber as a historical subject bound to historically and sociologically uniquetraditions, cultural values,and social"Primitive" Societies Theoretical Rationalization Processes World View Present (Substantive Rationality) Modern Societies World View Lacking --"Primitive" (Belief) Ethical (eif (Belief) r.that Religions: Values fragmented Religions: arranged constellation

Salvation

Ethical values into a unified

comprehensively explains suffering and the "meaning" of existence

Science: (Calculation)

Values excluded from theoretical rationalization

in principle processes

FIG. 1

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American Journal of Sociology the ages from the economic structures. Castinghis glancedown through perspective of the dawning of the 20th century, he saw the fadingaway of thedistinct configuration of sociological factors thatcarriedthehistorihighest ideals: cal subjectwhich, to him,embodied Western civilization's the autonomous and freeindividual whoseactionswere givencontinuity by their reference to ultimate values. Weber saw no social stratumfirmly anchoredin Westernindustrial as an institutionalsocieties capable of replacing ethicalsalvation religions processes. The ized carrier of ethicalrationality and value-rationalization by crystallization of such a stratum was rendered all the moreunlikely the unfolding of the major life-spheres along theirparticularand "autonomous"routesof rationalization: devoid of the personaldimension, therealms of theeconomy, law, and knowledge, as well as all bureaucratic structures of domination, now developedsolely in relationto abstract These arenas thus rerules,laws, regulations, and externalnecessities. mainedoutsideof and unrestrained by all ethicalclaims (1968, p. 585 [353]; [1946] 1958d,p. 331 [544]; 1927, pp. 357-58 [305]). Without in the normalsocialization of children, all the cultivation of a conscience fall The on deaf ears. ethicaldemands of themas adultsweredestined to master his typeof personto whomethicalclaimsare alien could scarcely Instead, such persons realityconsciously and directaction consistently. "irrational"-flow remained subjectto the random-or,in Weber'sterms, in theirenviroment. strength of sociologiof interests The overwhelming unable in principle to generate value-rationalizacally entrenched spheres tionprocesses condemned the unified personality to exist"at the edges" of modern in small and intimate ([1946] 1958e,p. 155 society groupings to the extentthat the values of the politicalsphere[612]). Moreover, in the Bill of Rights-are sweptaway by the such as thoseincorporated of formal, rationalization processes, onslaught practical,and theoretical characterized by a politicallyorientedaction will become increasingly If this trendis not meremeans-end rationalcalculation of self-interests. reversed, the rule of authoritarian forcewill, accordingto Weber, inall politicalfreedoms. evitably spreadand suppress Far fromtreating Weber's overall view of historicalrationalization in any comprehensive thisarticlehas onlytakena first processes manner, as concepts the typesof rationality step towarddoing so by discussing in rationalization The comparative-hisand theirmanifestation processes. toricalsociology that is laid out in E&S-so oftenbetweenthe linesof China,India, and and "applied"in theseparatestudieson thereligions Near East tookWeberfarbeyondthelevelof analysislimited theancient to himpersonally. to analytic intoa realmvastlymorecongenial concepts In his comparative-historical he searchedfor typicalpatterns sociology, 1176

Weber'sTypes of Rationality thatmight provideclues to the generalcircumstances underwhichstrata that carriedspecific rationalization processes or allowed were constricted to spreadand establish durabletraditions. Such investigations utilizedthe conceptuallevel simplyas a means of orientation to locate significant historical junctures. Instead of being an end in itself,as many commentators on Weber's methodological writings seem to believe,the formation of clear concepts was simplythe unavoidable first step in undertaking a sociological analysis. For Weber,it was not the concept, however clearlyand even aesthetically shaped,thatwas of primary interest but, rather, the questionhow historical processesadvanced sociologically withingiven civilizations. If one wishesto follow Weber'smethodological procedures, the purelyconceptualinventory of the multiple Weberiantypesof rationality and their manifestation in a multiplicity of rationalization processes undertaken here can serveas the logicalprerequisite foran exploration of the vicissitudes of rationalization in history processes at all levelsof sociocultural process.
REFERENCES Bendix, Reinhard. 1965. "Max Weber's Sociology Today." InternationalSocial Science Journal 17 (January): 9-22. Howe, Richard Herbert. 1978. "Max Weber's Elective Affinities: Sociology within the Bounds of Pure Reason." AmericanJournal of Sociology 84 (September): 366-85. Kalberg, Stephen. 1979. "The Search for Thematic Orientations in a Fragmented Oeuvre: The Discussion of Max Weber in Recent German Sociological Literature." Sociology 13 (January): 127-39. Levine, Donald. 1979. "Rationality and Freedom: Weber and Beyond." Revised version of paper presentedat the Max Weber Symposium,Universityof WisconsinMilwaukee, May 5, 1977. Loewith, Karl. 1970. "Weber's Interpretations of the Bourgeois-Capitalistic World in Terms of the Guiding Principle of 'Rationalization.'" Pp. 101-22 in Max Weber, edited by Dennis Wrong. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Marcuse, Herbert.1972. "Industrialization and Capitalism." Pp. 133-51 in Max Weber and Sociology Today, edited by Otto Stammer.New York: Harper & Row. Munch, Richard. 1980. "Zur Anatomie des okzidentalenRationalismus." Forthcoming in Seyfarth and Sprondel. Stuttgart:Enke. Nelson, Benjamin. 1969. "Conscience and the Making of Early Modern Cultures: The ProtestantEthic beyond Max Weber." Social Research 36 (Spring): 4-21. . 1973. "Civilizational Complexes and Intercivilizational Encounters."Sociological Analysis34 (Winter): 79-105. . 1974. "Max Weber's 'Author's Introduction' (1920): A Master Clue to His Main Aims." Sociological Inquiry 44 (December): 270-77. Parsons, Talcott. 1937. The Structureof Social Action II. New York: Free Press. . 1963. "Introduction."Pp. xix-lxviiin Max Weber, The Sociology of Religion, translatedby Ephraim Fischoff. New York: Free Press. Roth, Guenther,and Wolfgang Schluchter. 1979. Max Weber's Vision of History: Ethics and Method. Berkeley: Universityof CaliforniaPress. Seyfarth, Constans,and Walter M. Sprondel,eds. 1980. Max Weber und die Dynamik der gesellschaftlichen Rationalisierung. Stuttgart: Enke. Swidler,Ann. 1973. "The Concept of Rationalityin the Work of Max Weber." Sociological Inquiry 43 (January): 35-42.

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