Talking Culture: New Boundaries, New Rhetorics of Exclusion in Europe Author(s): Verena Stolcke Reviewed work(s): Source: Current

Anthropology, Vol. 36, No. 1, Special Issue: Ethnographic Authority and Cultural Explanation (Feb., 1995), pp. 1-24 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2744220 . Accessed: 20/01/2012 06:09
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ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 36, Number i, FebruaryI995 CURRENT All rights Anthropological Research. reserved OOII-3204/95/360i-0003$2.00 Foundation for I995 byThe Wenner-Gren

SIDNEY W. MINTZ LECTURE FOR I993

Talking Culture
New Rhetorics New Boundaries, of Exclusion in Europe' by Verena Stolcke

in Cuba research fieldand archival (D.Phil.,I970). She conducted betweenI973 and I979. She in I967-68 and in Sao Paulo,Brazil, Class, and Colourin NineteenthofMarriage, is theauthor University Press,I974, reCuba (Cambridge: Cambridge Century Pressin i989), Planters, ofMichigan bytheUniversity printed and Gender Relationson and Wives:Class Conflict Workers, St. Antony's/Macmil(Oxford: i850-i980 SaioPaulo Plantations, ofSocial Inlan, i988); "Women'sLabours:The Naturalisation and the in OfMarriage and Women'sSubordination," equality and R. McCullagh editedby K. Young,C. Wolkowitz, Market, and KeganPaul, i98i), "New Reproductive (London:Routledge and GeneticEngiReproductive Technologies-Old Fatherhood," in as Race Is to Ethnicity?" I (i), and "Is Sex to Gender neering editedbyTeresadel Valle (London: Gendered Anthropology, in finalform paperwas submitted Routledge, I993). The present
I5 VI 94.

Es gibt zwei Sortenvon Ratten, und die satten; die hungrigen die Satten bleiben vergniigt zuhaus, die Hungrigenwandernaus . . . Oh weh, sie sind schon in der Ndh.
HEINRICH HEINE

In the contemporary debateconcerning and European integration the "problem" ofThirdWorldimmigration no less thanin develand fromnow on as much in the sociEverywhere, in thepast decade,theboundedness in anthropology of opments as in the host society,[the immigrant] origin ety of and cultural Ancultures difference have gainednew prominence. of the legitimate calls fora completerethinking how globalization needsnot onlyto explore affects thropology thediscipline's classicalsubjects but also to paymoreattention bases of citizenshipand of the relationshipbetween to thenew waysin whichcultural differences and cleavagesare the state and the nation or nationality.An absent thepoliticalright in Euconceptualized at its source.In effect, he obliges us to question not only the reacpresence, a politicalrhetoric ropehas in thepastdecadedeveloped ofexclutions ofrejectionwhich,takingthe state as an exin part sionin whichThirdWorldimmigrants, who proceed from are construed as posinga threat its ex-colonies, to thenapressionof the nation, are vindicated by claiming to tionalunityofthe "host" countries becausetheyare culturally base citizenshipon commonalityoflanguage and This rhetoric ofexclusionhas generally been identified different. culture (ifnot "race") but also the assimilationist as a new form ofracism.I argue, rather thanasinstead, that, that the state, armed "generosity" that,confident different endowments ofhumanraces,it postulates a proserting with education, will know how to reproducethe nain humannature to rejectstrangers. This assumption unpensity derlies a radicalopposition nationalsand immigrants as between tion,would seek to conceal a universalistchauvinand distinct, informed notionofbounded foreigners by a reified ism. and heritage localizednational-cultural identity thatis employed PIERRE BOURDIEU to rationalize thecall for restrictive immigration policies.Followinga systematic comparison ofthe contrasting conceptual strucI concludethatthecontemporary turesofthe two doctrines, culThe uniqueness of European culture,which emerges turalfundamentalism ofthepoliticalright to is, withrespect ofregionaland nafromthe historyof the diversity bothold and new. It is old in thatit drawsfor traditional racism, the basic prerequisite constitutes for tional cultures, its argumentative in the force on theunresolved contradiction European union. an organicist and modern conception ofthenation-state between COMMUNITIES OF THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION a voluntarist idea ofbelonging. It is new in that, becauseracism it attributes has becomediscredited theallegedincompolitically, betweendifferent to an incapacity ofdifferent As anthropology patibility cultures selfpostmodernist outgrows gradually in humannature. cultures to communicate thatis inherent in theDeVERENA STOLCKE is professor ofsocial anthropology de Historiade SociedadesPrecapitalistas partamento y AntropoAut6noma de Barcelona. Bornin logia Social oftheUniversidad in I938, she was educatedat Oxford Germany University W. MintzLecture as the I993 Sidney i. This paperwas delivered, HopkinsUniveroftheJohns ofAnthropology to theDepartment ir conducted sityon Novemberi5, I993. It is based on research Univer fellow Monnet at theEuropean i99i-92 whileI was a Jean Mi fellows myfellow I thankespecially in Florence. sityInstitute Eric Heilman,and Sol Picciottoforthe many chael Harbsmeier, we had on thetopicsI raiseandRam6nVald6& discussions fruitful or forhis comments Aut6nomade Barcelona of the Universidad version. an earlier

and moves back and culturalself-examination scrutiny into the real world,neitherthe worldnor the discipline have leamed to is any longerthe same. Anthropologists involved difficulties be moresensitiveto the formidable in making sense of cultural diversitywithout losing At the same time,the notions sightofsharedhumanity. classianthropology's of cultureand culturaldifference, have become ubiquitous in the popucal stock-in-trade, lar and political languagein which Westerngeopolitical arebeingphrased.Anthropoland realignments conflicts ogists in recentyears have paid heightenedcriticalattentionto the many ways in which Westerneconomic has invadedthe restofthe world and culturalhegemony and to how "other" cultureshave resistedand reworked
T

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theseinsidiousinfluences. How these "others"are being politicallyand culturallyrethought by the West,where the idea of culturaldistinctnessis being endowed with new divisiveforce,has, however,attracted surprisingly little interestamong anthropologists. I want to address one major instance of contemporary culture-bounded political rhetoric. SidneyMintz has workedformany yearstowarduncoveringthe logic and power of racism in systems of dominationand exclusionin the New World.It is surely appropriate to focus my lecturein his honor on the resurgenceof essentialistideologiesin the Old World.On one of his tripsto Paris he himselfprophesiedsome of thesedevelopments morethan 2o yearsago,notingthat, whereasissues of race were absentfromFrenchanthropology,in contrastwith the North American variety, because of the different positions the discipline's subjects (internally or externally colonial) occupied in relationto the respective nationalcommunities, Francewas beginning to experience racismas ever-growing numbers ofimmigrants arrived from its ex-colonies(Mintz I 97I). The alarmingspread of hostilityand violence in Europe againstimmigrants fromthe ThirdWorldhas provoked much soul-searching in the past decade over the resurgence of the old demon of racism in a new guise. I want to propose,however,thata perceptible in the shift rhetoricof exclusion can now be detected.From what were once assertionsof the differing endowmentof human races therehas risen since the seventiesa rhetoric of inclusion and exclusion that emphasizes the distinctiveness of cultural identity,traditions,and heritage amonggroupsand assumes the closureofcultureby territory (Soysal I993). I intendfirst to examine the nature of this shift in the way in which European antiimmigrant sentimentis phrased.Then I will trace the social and political roots and the implicationsof this new rhetoric. The formation ofliberalstatesand notions of belonginghas, of course, been quite different from one WesternEuropeancountry to another.Historymay explainthe originsofthese different political traditions, but it is not the cause of theircontinuity;each period interpretshistory according to contemporary needs. I will conclude by contrasting Therefore, the ways in which the national political repertoires of Britainand France have shaped and been employed to legitimate mountinganimosityagainstimmigrants. The buildingof Europe is a twofold process.As intrabecome progressively morepermeable, Europeanborders externalboundariesare evermore tightly closed.2Stringentlegal controlsare put in place to exclude what have come to be known as extracommunitarian immigrants as partiesof the rightappeal forelectoral supportwith

the slogan "Foreigners Out!" There is a growingsense thatEuropeansneed to develop a feelingof sharedcultureand identity ofpurposein orderto providethe ideological support for European economic and political union that will enable it to succeed. But the idea of a supranational culturally integratedEurope and how much space is to be accorded to national and regional cultures and identities are mattersof intense dispute because of the challenge to national sovereignties they are variously felt to pose (Gallo I989; Cassen I993; Commissionofthe EuropeanCommunitiesI987, I992). By contrast,immigrants, in particularthose fromthe also fromthe East) who poorSouth (and,more recently, seek shelterin the wealthyNorth,have all overWestern Europecome to be regarded as undesirable,threatening aliens. The extracommunitarian strangers, immigrants already"in our midst" are the targets of mountinghostility and violence as politiciansofthe right and conservative governments fuel popular fearswith a rhetoric Dfexclusion that extols national identity predicatedon zultural exclusiveness. The social and political tensionsthat extracommunitarianimmigration has provokedin a contextof succes3ive economic crises have been accompanied by a concernovernationalculturalidentities that heightened eroded the cosmopolitan hopes professed in the afhas termath of the deadly horrors of the Nazi race policies f World War II. The demons of race and eugenics apexor?earedto have been politicallyifnot scientifically ,ised partlyby the work done by UNESCO and other )odiesin defenseofhuman equalityin culturaldiversity the Boasian tradition afterI945 (Nye I993:669; LeviLn 5traussI978, I985; Haraway I988). Yet culturalidentity md distinctiveness, ideas which until then seemed to )e a peculiar obsession only of anthropologists, have iow come to occupy a centralplace in the way in which sentimentsand policies are being rainti-immigration ;ionalized. in the popularmood in There is a growing propensity Europe to blame all the socioeconomic ills resulting :rom the recession and capitalist readjustmentsanemployment,housing shortages, mounting delinluency,deficienciesin social services-on immigrants xho lack "our" moral and cultural values, simplybe:ause they are there (see TaguieffI99I for a detailed and challengeof these imputationsin the case mnalysis Af France.)The advocates of a halt to immigration and .ike-minded politicians have added to the popular anithe nositytowardimmigrants by artificially increasing 5cale of the "problem." Allusions to an "immigration lood" and an "emigration bomb" serveto intensify difuse popularfears, social disthereby diverting spreading ,ontent fromthe truecauses ofthe economic recession. oftenadd to this the conserDpponentsof immigration is control overimmigration 2. One signof the sense of urgency iative demographicargumentwhich attributes declinof ng socioeconomic opportunities bodies,such as theTrevigroup theinformal intergovernmental and povertyand the and the Schengen the Ad Hoc Groupon Immigration, ministers, to the "population which :onsequentdesireorneed to emigrate These organizations, setup sincethemidseventies. Accord, al- )omb" ticking away in the Third World, which is have served, Parliament, to the European are not accountable countries )lamed on immigrants' own improvidence. They policyamongmember to harmonize most in secrecy, (Bunyan I99I, Ford I99I). ;herebymask the economic-politicalroots of modern

STOLCKE

Talking Culture |3

poverty and insteadjustify aggressive populationcontrol programs whose targetsare women in the poor South. Advocates of a halt to immigration talk of a "threshold of tolerance,"alluding to what ethologistshave called the territorial imperative-the alleged factthatpopulations (note, among animals) tend to defendtheirterritory against "intruders"when these exceed a certain proportion estimatedvariouslyat 12-25 % because otherwiseseveresocial tensionsare boundto arise (Zungaro lude to the threatof culturalestrangement or alienation (Winkleri992, Kallscheuer i992). In other words, the "problem" is not "us" but "them." "We" are the measure of the good life which "they" are threatening to undermine, and this is so because "they" are foreigners and culturally"different." Althoughrisingunemployand deficient ment,thehousingshortage, social services are obviously not the fault of immigrants, "they" are made into the scapegoatsfor"our" socioecoeffectively nomic problems.This line of argument is so persuasive because it appeals to the "national habitus,"an exclusivist notion of belonging and political and economic rightsconveyedby the modernidea of the nation-state (Elias I99I) centralto which is the assumptionthatforfrom eigners, strangers without,are not entitledto share in "national" resources and wealth, especially when these are apparently becomingscarce.It is conveniently forexample,thatimmigrants forgotten, often do thejobs that natives won't. Similarlyoverlookedare the otherwise much bemoaned consequences of the population implosion in the wealthy North, that is, the verylow birthratesin an agingEurope,forthe viabilityofindustrial nations and the welfarestate (Below-replacement
i992;

Erdheim i992:i9).

The mediaand politicians al-

communitiesand its call fora curbon immiimmigrant to do with racism (see Asad I990 grationhad anything out of the values constructed on the idea ofBritishness, and sensibilitiesof the Englishdominantclass; see also to live among Dodd I986). People "by nature"preferred society, thanin a multicultural their"own kind" rather this attitudebeing, "afterall," a "natural," instinctive culreactionto the presence of people with a different oftherightAs Alfred director Sherman, tureand origin. wing Institutefor Policy Studies and one of the main of this doctrine,elaboratedin I978, "Natheoreticians tionalconsciousnessis the sheetanchorfortheunconditionalloyaltiesand acceptanceofdutiesand responsibilwith the national ities,based on personalidentification which underliecivic dutyand patriotism" community,
i98i:2o; (quotedin Barker

in large numbers would destroythe "homogeneityof the nation." A multiracial(sic) societywould inevitably the "values" and "culture" ofthe whitemajorendanger These were nonrational, ityand unleash social conflict. instinctualfearsbuilt aroundfeelingsof loyaltyand beand Beezer I983: I25).3 As Enoch Powell longing(Barker had arguedin I969, "an instinctto preservean identity is one ofthe deepestand strongest a territory and defend implantedin mankind . . . and . . . its beneficialeffects

see also I979). Immigrants

is shortageof work,intoleranceand aggressionare not directedagainstone's fellow citizens is neverraised. The meaning and nature of these rationalizationsof and the need to curb exanimositytowardimmigrants tracommunitarian have been highlyconimmigration I will here analyze the rightist troversial. rhetoric of exclusion rather than examining the logic of popular resentment. anti-immigrant Popularreactionsand sentimentscannotsimplybe extrapolated from the discourse of the political class.

fertility I986, BerquoI993).

The question ifthere why,

Until the late seventiessuch nationalistclaims were ideologues vociferous) onlyby a few(though putforward who went out oftheirway to distancethemofthe right the overtracismofthe National Front, morselves from By byits associationwithNazi ideology. allydiscredited and the eighties,with mountingeconomic difficulties in an effort to growinganimosityagainst immigrants, gain electoralsupportthe Torypartyhad adopteda discourse of exclusion which was similarlyinfusedby exofthenationalcommupressionsoffearfortheintegrity from and loyaltyunderthreat way oflife,tradition, nity, example of (Barker immigrants I979). One symptomatic this ideological alignmentof the Tory partywith its rightis MargaretThatcher'smuch-quotedstatementof thatthis counafraid I978 that "people are reallyrather culture. mightbe swampedbypeople witha different try has done so much And,you know, the Britishcharacter fordemocracy,forlaw, and done so much throughout the world, that if there is a fear that it might be swamped, people are going to react and be hostile to with protect"the nation" fromthe threatimmigrants alien cultures posed for social cohesion, their entry needed to be curbed.

in Barker i98i:22). arenotexhausted" (quoted

A Threat to the Cultural Immigrants: of the Nation Integrity

in" (quotedin Fitzpatrick thosecoming I987:i2i).

To

In the early eighties Dummett identifieda change in Britainin the idiom in which rejectionof immigrants to the tenwas beingexpressedwhen she drewattention 3. Barker summedup the argument of what he called "the new social tensionsto thepresenceof im- racism"as follows: dencyto attribute "Immigrants threaten to 'swamp'us withtheir migrantswith alien cultures rather than to racism alien culture:and if theyare allowed in in largenumbers, they Dummett I973). As earlyas in the late sixtiesthe right in Britainwas exalting "Britishculture" and the "naracial categoitselffrom tional community," distancing toward withinsistencethatits hostility riesand denying

andMartin (Dummett i982:ioi,

the 'homogeneity ofthe nation.'At theheartofthis see also will destroy myemphasis;

'new racism'is thenotionofculture and tradition. A community is its culture, its way of lifeand its traditions. To breaktheseis to shatter the community. These are non-rational in (andindeed, thefully builtaround ofloyfledged version, instinctual), feelings altyand belonging."

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A similar shiftin the rhetoricof exclusion has also Cultural Fundamentalism:A New been identifiedwithin the French political right.Ta- Construction of Exclusion guieff's the most detailed,thoughcon(I98I) is probably troversial, analysis of ideological developmentsamong The emergenceof cultureas "the key semanticterrain" the varioustendenciesof the Frenchright since the sev- (Benthall andKnight I993:2) ofpolitical discourse needs, enties. It is controversialbecause the author at once however,to be more carefully explored.I want to argue harshlycriticizesantiracistorganizations forinvoking, that it is misleading to see in the contemporary antiin their defense of immigrants'"rightto difference," immigrant rhetoric of the righta new formofracismor what he regards as an equally essentialistconceptionof a racismin disguise.This is, of course,no merequibble culturaldifference I988). The overwords.Not fora momentdo I want to trivializethe (see also Duranton-Crabol Frenchrightbegan orchestrating its anti-immigrant of- sociopoliticalimportof this novel exaltationof cultural fensiveby espousingwhat Taguieff has termeda "differ- difference, but to combat the beast we need to know entialracism,"a doctrine which exalts the essentialand what sort it is. To this end we need to do more than irreduciblecultural difference of non-Europeanimmi- uncoverthe strategicmotives forthe right'sdisavowal grantcommunities whose presence is condemned for of racism and analyze the conceptual structure of this threatening the "host" country's originalnational iden- new political discourse and the repertoire of ideas on tity.A core element of this doctrineof exclusion is the which it draws. repudiationof "cultural miscegenation"forthe sake of A substantiveconceptual shiftthat can be detected the unconditional preservationof one's own original among political rightistsand conservativestoward an bioculturalidentity. purportedly By contrast withearlier anti-immigrant rhetoric predicatedon culturaldiversity "inegalitarian racism" (Taguieff's term),ratherthan in- and incommensurability is, in fact,informed by certain the "other"it exalts the absolute,irreducible assumptionsimplicitin the modernnotions of citizenferiorizing of the "self" and the incommensurability difference of ship,nationalidentity, and the nation-state. Even ifthis different culturalidentities.A key concept of this new celebrationof national-cultural instead of apintegrity rhetoric is the notion of enracinement(rootedness). To peals to racial purityis a political ploy, this does not preserveboth Frenchidentityand those of immigrants explain why the rightand conservatives, in theirefforts in their diversity, the latterought to stay at home or to protect themselves from accusations of racism, returnthere. Collective identityis increasinglycon- should have resortedto theinvocationofnational-cumceived in termsofethnicity, culture, heritage, tradition, cultural identity and incommensurability to do this. and difference, memory, with onlyoccasional references This culturalistrhetoric is distinctfromracism in that to "blood" and "race." As Taguieff has argued, "differen- it reifies cultureconceivedas a compact,bounded,localtial racism" constitutes a strategydesigned by the ized, and historically rootedset of traditions and values Frenchrightto mask what has become a "clandestine transmitted throughthe generationsby drawingon an racism" (PP. 330-37). that dates back to the contradicideological repertoire the insistentemphasis on cultural toryigth-century Notwithstanding conceptionof the nation-state.4 identity and difference, scholarshave tendedto identify Ratherthanasserting different endowments ofhuman a "new style of racism" in the anti-immigrant rhetoric races,contemporary culturalfundamentalism (as I have of the right(BarkerI98I, I979; TaguieffI987; Solomos chosen to designate the contemporary anti-immigrant I99I; Wieviorka I993). Several related reasons have rhetoric of the right)emphasizes differences of cultural been adduced forthis. Analystsin France no less than heritageand theirincommensurability. The term"funin Britainattributethis culturalistdiscourse of exclu- damentalism"has conventionally been reserved fordesion to a sort of political dialectic between antiracists' scribing antimodern,neotraditionalistreligious phecondemnationof racism forits association with Nazi nomena and movements interpreted as a reaction to race theoriesand the right'sattemptsto gain political socioeconomicand culturalmodernization. As I will arrespectability by masking the racist undertonesof its gue, however,the exaltationin the contemporary secuanti-immigrant program. Besides,ordering humanshier- lar cultural fundamentalism of the rightof primordial archicallyinto races has become indefensible scientifi- national identitiesand loyalties is not premodern, for cally (BarkerI98I, TaguieffI987), and it is a mistake the assumptionson which it is based forma contradicto suppose that racism developedhistorically only as a torypart of modernity (Dubiel i992, Klingeri992). of relations of dominationand inequality There is somethinggenuinelydistinctfromtraditional justification (BarkerI98I). Lastly, even when this new "theoryof racismin the conceptualstructure ofthis new doctrine, xenophobia" (Barker198I) does not employracial cate- whichhas to do withthe apparently anachronistic resurgories,the demand to exclude immigrants by virtueof gence,in the modern,economicallyglobalizedworld,of their being culturally different"aliens" is ratified a heightened sense ofprimordial culturaldifferidentity, throughappeals to basic human instincts,that is, in terms of a pseudobiological theory.Even though the 4. See Asad (i990) fora different thematization ofBritish identity term"race" may,therefore, be absentfrom thisrhetoric, that attempts to reconcile a defense ofBritish cultural valueswith it is racism nonetheless,a "racism withoutrace" (Rex tolerance forculturaldiversity in the aftermath of the Rushdie I973:I9I-9.2; Balibar I99I; Solomos i99i; GilroyI99I: affair received withapproval byliberal opinion outside theConservativeparty. I86-87).

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Talking Culture Is

this time into racence, and exclusiveness. What distinguishesconven- up yet anothercommitteeofinquiry, tional racismfromthis sortof culturalfundamentalism ism and xenophobia.Its task was to assess the efficacy on exis the way in which those who allegedlythreatenthe of the declarationand to update the information in the lightof the extension immigration social peace of the nation are perceived.The difference tra-European ofmovementwithinEuropeto be introduced in the way in offreedom betweenthese two doctrines resides,first, (European Parliament I990). The notion of which those who are theirrespective targets are concep- in I992-93 withoutany further tualized-whether theyare conceived as naturallyinfe- xenophobiawas thus incorporated, riormembersor as strangers, aliens, to the polity,be it attemptto dispel its ambiguities, into European Parliaa state,an empire,or a commonwealth.Culturalfunda- ment parlance. The media and politicianshave equally mentalism legitimates the exclusion of foreigners, picked up the idea, and it has capturedthe European strangers. Racism has usually provideda rationalization imaginationin general.It was this terminological innoforclass prerogatives made me wonderwhethertherewas by naturalizing the socioeconomic vation which first ofthe underprivileged inferiority (to disarmthempoliti- not something distinct to the rhetoric of exclusion cally)or claims ofnational supremacy (Blanckaert I988). sentimentin WesternEurope wherebyanti-immigrant Second, whereas both doctrinesconstituteideological is justified.5 themeswhich "naturalize" and thereby aim to neutral"Xenophobia" literally means "hostility toward ize specificsociopoliticalcleavages whose real rootsare strangers and all that is foreign"(Le Petit RobertI967). economic-political, they do this in conceptuallydiffer- Cashmore,in his I984 Dictionary of Race and Ethnic entways. "Equality" and "difference" tendto be arrayed Relations, still dismissed the term as a "somewhat a person'sdispoagainst each otherin political discourse in both cases, vague psychological conceptdescribing but the "difference" which is invoked and the meaning sitionto fear(orabhor)otherpersonsorgroupsperceived with which it is endowed differ. There may be occa- as outsiders" because of its uncertain meaning and sional references to "blood" or "race," but thereis more hence its limitedanalyticalvalue in thatit presupposes causes which it does not analyze; therefore, to this culturalist discourse than the idea of insur- underlying mountableessentialculturaldifferences or a kindofbio- he thought(as it has turnedout, wrongly), "it has fallen thecontemporary race and ethnicrelations logical culturalism(Lawrence I982:83), namely,the as- from vocabusumptionthat relations between different culturesare lary" (P. 3I4). Eitherthe root causes of this attitudeare or it is takenforgranted thatpeople have a by "nature"hostile and mutuallydestructive because it not specified is in humannatureto be ethnocentric; to fearand rejectoutsidersbecause cultures "natural"propensity different The right's to be kept apartfortheirown good. and the ought,therefore, theyare different.6 explicitsympathy

Homoxenophobicus
A further human nature can, in suppositionregarding be foundin political as well as populardiscourse effect, on extracommunitarian immigrationin the eighties. Newspaper headlines, politicians, and scholars invoke the term "xenophobia" along with racism to describe mounting anti-immigrant animosity.In I984, forexample, the European Parliamentconvened a committeeof inquiryto reporton the rise of fascism and racism in Europein a first attemptto assess the extentand meaning of anti-immigrant hostility.In I985 the committee concludedthat"a new typeofspectrenow hauntsEuropean politics: xenophobophilia." The reportdescribed or 'feeling,'an attixenophobiaas "a latentresentment tude thatgoes beforefascismor racism and can prepare the groundforthem but, in itself,does not fall within the purviewof the law and legal prevention(Evregenis i985:6o). The componentsof this more or less diffuse feelingand of increasingtensionsbetween the national and immigrant communitiesand theirassociation with a general sense of social malaise, it was argued,were to identify, but one element was admittedlydifficult "the time-honoured distrustof strangers, fearof the futurecombinedwith a self-defensive reflex"(p. 92). One outcome of the committee's work was a Declaration against Racism and Xenophobia made public in I986 (EuropeanParliamenti986). In I989 the Parliamentset

Delacampagne i983:42-43, cited by TaguieffI987:79-80, 5og). For a critiqueof Levi-Strauss's cultural relativism see Geertz(I986). More recently,Todorov (i989:8i-io9) has taken Levi-Strauss to

5. Scholars havenotedincreasingly frequent reference to xenophobia. Becausehostility toward immigrants is, in practice, selective, Taguieff (i987:337, my translation), forexample,has arguedfor the French case that"in sum, the xenophobic attitude indicates manifests in a strict onlya limit;it never itself sense(as therejectionoftheforeigner as such)butresults a moreorless explicit from hierarchy ofrejected groups. Itis nota rejection ofthe'other' which does not chooseamongits 'others'and does notpresuppose a set ofvalueswhichauthorize discrimination. Anyxenophobia in this a latentracism, a nascentracism"(Enfin sense constitutes l'attitudex6nophobe n'indiquequ'une limite,elle ne se manifeste jamais au sens strict (rejetde l'6tranger commetel),mais proc6de d'unehierarchie plusou moinsexplicite desgroupes rejet6s. Il n'est de "l'autre"qui ne s6lectionne pas de reject parmises "autres," et ne sous-entende une 6chellede valeursautorisant la discriminaun racisme tion.Toutex6nophobie esten ce sensun racisme latent, also disagrees therefore a l'6tatnaissant). Taguieff (pp.8o-8 i) with Levi-Strauss's celebrated controversial distinction between though ethnocentrism as a universal attitude ofcultural self-preservation and racismas a doctrine and creativity thatjustifies oppression and exploitation, whichgainednew prominence in theFrench debate overimmigration. Othershave also interpreted xenophobic claimsas a second-level racistdiscourse (Langmuir I978:i82 and

taskforradicalrelativism and extreme cultural determinism. See

also Levi-Strauss (I994:42o-26). forexample,has asked in a 6. B6jin (i986:306, my translation),

critiqueof antiracists, "Whyhas this naturaland even healthy in recent in Europe whichhas beengenerated ethnocentrism years It is the antiracists themof exasperation? produced expressions us withan adequate,even obviousanswerto selveswho provide this questionwhen theyinsistthat allegedly'racist'politicians

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Volume 36, Number i, FebruaryI995 This claim is as politicallydangerousas it is scientifically debatable, for history,by contrast,for example, with biology,is unable to prove human universals,at of the understanding least as far as our contemporary to human experience goes. Besides, it is not difficult the fallacyofthe come up with examplesdemonstrating idea that xenophobia is part of the human condition. conprobably themosttragic The war in Bosnia provides instance. Until Serbian radical nationalism temporary tore them apart,Muslims, Serbs,and Croats had lived togetheras neighborsin their acknowledgedreligious and otherculturaldifferences. Xenophobia,an attitude supposedlyinherentin huthe ideologicalunderpinning of man nature,constitutes and accounts forpeople's alcultural fundamentalism to value theirown culturesto the excluleged tendency be incapable of living sion of any other and therefore is culturalfundamentalism side by side. Contemporary based, then,on two conflatedassumptions:that differand that,because huent culturesare incommensurable mans are inherentlyethnocentric,relations between culturesare by "nature" hostile. Xenophobiais to cultat dieses Problem allgegenwartiger gemacht als zuvor.Werdies derAngst vordemFremden und den aggressiven leugnet, arbeitet nichtentgegen." Potentialen, die in ihrschlummern, Cohn-Bendit ofMulticultural Affairs ofthecity is thehead oftheDepartment This article was written ofFrankfurt, and Schmidis his assistant. in support of a shift in immigration policyby the Greenstoward a system ofimmigration quotas(see also Cohn-Bendit and Schmid

of its argumentwith key postulates of human affinity ethologyand sociobiologyhave been noted repeatedly I988:44, 7 I-8I). I98I: chap. 5; Duranton-Crabol (Barker The scientificweaknesses of notions of human nature imbased on biologicalprinciplessuch as the territorial perativeand the tribalinstinct,accordingto which humans no less than animals have a natural tendencyto formbounded social groups and for the sake of their themselvesfromand to be own survivalto differentiate (see, e.g., Sahhostile to outsidershave been reiterated lins I976, Rose, Lewontin, and Kamin I984, Gould The point here is, however,to show why a belief i98i). in Homo xenophobicus has so much commonsenseappeal. Strikingin that it suggests that this assumption is to the scientificor political rightis, for not restricted and Schmid's (I99I:5, my transexample, Cohn-Bendit overxenothat"the indignation lation)recentargument which suggestsas an antidotea phobia (Fremdenhass), is somehow false and dangerous. policyof open borders, has taughtus one thing,thenit is this: in Forifhistory been no societyhas a civil intercoursewith foreigners theforinbred.Much indicates thatthereservevis-a'-vis eigner constitutesan anthropologicalconstant of the with its growingmobilityhas species: and modernity made this problem more general than it was before."7

as "a dislike for foreignersor outsiders . . . an old and familiar phenomenon in human societies" (Layton-HenryI99I:I69).

experience an increasein their and in audiencesunderconditions regions wherethereis a strong, important, and, in the eventof i992 fora more careful argument).Enzensberger(I992:I3-I4, my that"every miemphasisadded)has similarly argued apathy on thepartofthe'corpssocial,'irreversible influx ofimmi- translation, itbe voluntary independent ofitscauses,itsaims,whether grants ofextra-European I presume gration, origin. Theythusacknowledge, and its magnitude, leads to conflicts.Group involuntarily, thatthisexasperation is a reaction of defense by a or involuntary, constants and xenophobiaconstitute anthropological community whichsensesthatitsidentity is threatened, a reaction selfishness Theiruniversality suggests whichpresents analogieswiththe resistance thisor thatoccupa- whichprecede any rationalization. Ancient sociofsociety. tionbyforeign armedforces has provoked in thepast.This rejec- thattheyare olderthananyknownform in order to contain taboosand ritualsofhospitality tionmight even,ifinternational tensions becomemore etiesinvented intensify, to allow fora modicum recurrent bloodbaths, in a moreirrevers- them,to prevent profound as immigrants concentrate, modifying betweendifferent clans,tribes, which of exchangeand communication iblewaya country's thanwouldoccupation identity forces, do not,however, These measures eliminate thestatus do not intendto settleand reproduce" (Pourquoicet ethnocen- ethnicities. it. The guestis theyinstitutionalize trisme naturel et meme sain s'est-iltraduit, au coursdes ann6es of alien. On the contrary, fuhrt butmaynotstay"(Jede zu Konflikten, unabMigration en Europe, r6centes Ce sont sacred pardes manifestations d'exasp6ration? ihrzudavon,wodurch sie ausgelost wird, welcheAbsicht les antiracistes la r6ponse eux-memes qui nous donnent ad6quate, hangig oder unfreiwillig und geschieht d'ailleurs6vidente, a cettequestionquand ils soulignent que les grundeliegt, ob sie freiwillig sie annimmt. Gruppenegoismus und Fremdenpoliticiens suppos6s 'racistes' voientleuraudiences'accroitre dans welchenUmfang die jederBegriindung vorKonstanten, les conjonctures et les r6gions oii s'estproduit un brutal, important hass sindanthropologische Ihreuniverselle Verbreitung spricht dafiir, dass sie alter et-en cas d'apathiedu corpssocial-irr6versible d'immi- ausgehen. afflux Um sie einzudamGesellschaftsformen. gr6sd'origine Ils reconnaissent extra-europeenne. ainsi,involon- sind als alle bekannten ein zu vermeiden, um uAberhaupt tairement je suppose,que cetteexasp6ration est une reactionde men, um dauerndeBlutbader zwischenverschiedenen defense d'une communaut6 qui percoit son identit6 commemen- Minimumvon Austauschund Verkehr Ethnienzu ermoglichen, haben altertiumliche desanalogies avecla r6sistance ac6e,r6action qui pr6sente que telle Clans, Stammen, die Tabus und RitualederGastfreundschaft erfunou telle occupation arm6es a pu susciter Gesellschaften par des forces 6trangeres hebendenStatusdes Fremden abernicht dansle pass6.Ce rejetpourrait les den.Diese Vorkehrungen s'exacerber meme,sui devaient ihn ganz im Gegenteil fest.Der Gast ist heilig, tensions s'averer dans la mesureoii auf.Sie schreiben internationales, plus profond nichtbleiben.) Another whatcan way ofnaturalizing des immigr6s qui fontsouche modifient plus irr6mediablementaberer darf determined attitudes byuniversalizing d'un paysque des occupants l'identit6 qui ne cherchent pas a s'y be shownto be historically thatracismis universal. Thus Todorov A British et s'y reproduire). writer defines enraciner xenophobia themconsistsin arguing
(i989:I14,

as opposedto racialism as a pseudoscientific is doctrine, behavior, a universal is a and probably one; racialism 7. "Die Entrustung uberdenFremdenhass, dieals Gegenmittel eine "an ancientbehavior ofopinionbornin Western extends Europewhoseheyday Politikder schrankenlos offenen Grenzenempfiehlt, hat etwas current ofthe2oth century" estun the i 8thto themiddle (Le racisme Denn wenndie Geschichte scheinheiliges undGefahrliches. irgend from le ancien,et d'extension probablement universelle; danndies: KeinerGesellschaft war je derzivile Um- comportement etwaslehrt, d'id6esn6 en Europeoccidentale, Vieles spricht dass die racialismeest un mouvement gangmit den Fremden angeboren. dafuir, va du milieu du XVIIIeau milieudu XXe p6riode ihmgegeniuber der dontla grande Reserve zu den anthropologischen Konstanten unddie Moderne hatmitihrer Mobili- siecle). Gattung gehort; steigenden

my translation) has argued that racism as a form of

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Talkink Culture | 7

tural fundamentalism what the bio-moral concept of "race" is to racism,namely,the naturalist constantthat endows with truthvalue and legitimatesthe respective ideologies.

Racism versus Cultural Fundamentalism

A systematiccomparisonof the conceptual structures of traditionalracism and this culturalfundamentalism may renderclearerthe distinctness of what are alternative doctrines of exclusion.8They have in common that theyaddressthe contradiction betweenthe modernuniversalistnotion that all humans are naturally equal and freeand multipleformsof sociopolitical discrimination and exclusion,but theydo so differently. Bothdoctrines derivetheirargumentative forcefrom the same ideological subterfuge, namely,the presentation of what is the outcome ofspecificpolitico-economic relationships and conflictsof interestas natural and hence incontestable because it, as it were, "comes naturally." Modern Western racism rationalizes claims of national superiority or sociopolitical disqualificationand economic exploitationof groupsof individualswithina to themcertainmoral,intellectual, polityby attributing or social defectssupposedlygroundedin their "racial" endowmentwhich,by virtueof being innate,are inevitable. The markersinvokedto identify a "race" may be or constructed. phenotypical Racism thus operateswith a particularistic criterion of classification, namely, "race," which challengesthe claim to equal humanness by dividinghumankindinto inherently distinctgroups ordered one groupmakinga claim to exhierarchically, clusive superiority. In this sense racistdoctrines are categorical, concealing the sociopolitical relationships whichgenerate thehierarchy. "Race" is construed as the necessaryand sufficient natural cause of the unfitness of "others" and hence of theirinferiority. Sociopolitical inequalityand dominationare thereby attributed to the ofdifferentiation criterion itself, namely,"their"lack of worth,which is in "their" race. As a doctrineof asymmetric classificationracism provokes counterconcepts that demean the "other" as the "other" could not de- (Blanckaert I988; Brubaker i992:98-io2). mean the "self." Mutual recognition is deniedprecisely assumes a set Cultural fundamentalism, by contrast, because the "racial" defect, thatofthe foreigner, the beingrelative,is not shared ofsymmetric counterconcepts, the alien as opposed to the national, the citiby the "self." And that is the point. By attributing un- stranger, to its victim's own inherent zen. Humans by theirnatureare bearersof culture.But equal status and treatment this doctrinedenies the ideological char- humanityis composed of a multiplicity shortcomings, of distinctculacterof racism itself. tures which are incommensurable,the relations beOf course, this raises the importantquestion of the tween theirrespectivemembersbeing inherently conplace of an idea of social status inscribed in nature, flictive because it is in human natureto be xenophobic. in modernsociety, An alleged human universal-people's natural propenfromcontract, ratherthan resulting otherwiseconceived of as composed of self-determining sityto rejectstrangers-accountsforculturalparticularindividualsborn equal and free.Modern racism consti- ism. The apparentcontradiction, in the modernliberal forreconcilingthe democraticethos, between the invocation of a shared tutes an ideological sleight-of-hand ethos of equal op- humanitywhich involves an idea of generality irreconcilable-a liberal meritocratic so that no human being seems to be excluded and culturalparticularismtranslatedinto national terms is overcome as foranalysis ofpolitical ideologically:a cultural "other," the immigrant 8. I drawhereon Koselleck's(i985) important
counterconcepts. eigner. alien. and as such a notentin1 "enemv" who

forall in the marketplaceand socioeconomic portunity inequality-which, ratherthan being an anachronistic survivalof past times of slaveryand/orEuropean colonial expansionand the ascriptiveordering of society,is partand parcel of liberal capitalism (Stolcke I993, FitzpatrickI987). At different momentsin history systemsofinequality and oppressionhave been rationalizedin distinctways. Racist doctrines are only one variation of the same theme, namely, the endeavour to reconcile an idea of shared humanity with existing formsof domination. with "primitives"inEarlymoderncolonial encounters tenselyexercised European minds. Initiallyit was not their "racial" difference which haunted the European imagination but their religious-cum-moral diversity which was feltto challenge Christianhegemony.How, if God had created "man" in his image, could therebe humans who were not Christians?Nineteenth-century scientificracism was a new way of justifying domination and inequality inspiredby the search fornatural in natureand socilaws thatwould accountforthe order in the igth-century debate over the place ety. Striking ofhumans in natureis the tensionbetweenman's faith in his in freewill unencumbered by naturalconstraints, endeavouras a freeagentto masternature,and the tendency to naturalize social man. Social Darwinism, eugenics, and criminology providedthe pseudoscientific legitimationfor consolidating class inequality. Their were the dangerous classes at home (see, targets laboring e.g., Chevalier I984). If the self-determining individual, seemed unable to make throughpersistentinferiority, the most ofthe opportunities to offer, societypurported it had to be because of some essential,inherentdefect. his or hernaturalendowment-be The personor,better, it called racial, sexual, innate talent,or intelligencethanthe prevailing rather socioeconomicor political orderwas to be blamed forthis. This rationalefunctioned both as a powerful incentiveforindividualeffort and to at the disarm social discontent.Physical anthropology same time lent supportboth to claims of national supremacyamong European nations and to the colonial a hierarchy ofbio-moralraces enterprise by establishing

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threatens"our" national-cum-cultural uniqueness and prevailing socioeconomicills withtheway in whichimis constructedout of a traitwhich is shared migrantsas foreigners integrity, are conceptualized.Ratherthan by the "self." In yet anotherideological twist,national being thematizeddirectly, immigrants'socioeconomic identity and belonging interpreted as culturalsingularity exclusion is a consequence of theirpolitical exclusion become an insurmountable barrier to doingwhat comes (Le temps des exclusions I993). Opponentsof immigranaturally to humans,in principle, namely,communicat- tion on the right the may object to granting immigrants ing. in citizenshipon ecosocial and politicalrights inherent Instead of orderingdifferent is concultures hierarchically, nomic grounds.The "problem" of immigration culturalfundamentalism to nationalidentity however,as a political threat segregates themspatially, each strued, culturein its place. The factthatnation-states culturaldiveron account of immigrants' are by no and integrity means culturally uniform is conceivedas foundedon is ignored.Localized political sitybecause the nation-state communitiesare regarded by definition as culturally ho- a bounded and distinctcommunitywhich mobilizes a mogeneous. Presumed inherentxenophobic propensi- shared sense of belongingand loyaltypredicatedon a ties-though they challenge the supposed territorial common language,culturaltraditions, and beliefs.In a rooting of culturalcommunities, since theyare directed context of economic recession and national retrenchagainst strangers"in our midst"-reterritorializecul- ment, appeals to primordial loyalties fall on fertile tures. Their targetsare uprootedstrangers sense taken-for-granted who fail to groundbecause of the ordinary assimilate culturally. of national belonging that is the common idiom of Being symmetrical, these categoriesare logically re- contemporary political self-understanding (WeberI976, versible-anynational is a foreigner to any othernation cited by Brubakeri992). in a world of nation-states, forto possess a nationality are seen as threatening Immigrants to bringabout a is in the natureof things.This formalconceptualpolar- "crisis of citizenship" (Leca I992:3I4)9 in both a juridiity-nationals as againstforeigners-ischarged sense. In the modernworld withpo- cal and a politico-ideological liticalmeaning.Bymanipulating the ambiguouslink be- nationalityas the precondition forcitizenshipis inhertween national belonging and cultural identity,the entlybounded as an instrument and an object of social notion of xenophobia infusesthe relationshipbetween closure (Brubaker is i992).10 In this respect,nationality thetwo categories with a specificand substantive fromthe kinship principlesthat politi- not all that different cal content.Because the propensity to dislike strangers operatedin so-called primitive societies to definegroup is sharedbyforeigners, it also becomes legitimate In the modernworld of nation-states, to fear membership. nathat the latter,by theirdisloyalty, mightthreatenthe tionality, citizenship, culturalcommunity, and stateare national community. When the "problem"posed by ex- conflated ideologically(Beaud and Noiriel I99I:276) and tracommunitarianimmigration is conceptualized in endow immigrants'cultural distinctiveness with symtermsof self-evident culturaldifference and incommen- bolic and political meaning. the root causes of immigration, surability, It will, of course,be objectedthat not all immigrants namely,the deepening effectsof North-Southinequality, are ex- or foreigners are treatedwith animosity.This is obviplained away. are not abously true.But then,equality and difference Culturalfundamentalism invokesa conceptionofcul- solute categories.The politico-ideological on repertoire turecontradictorily bothbytheuniversalist inspired En- which the modernnation-state is built providesthe raw lightenment traditionand by the Germanromanticism materialsfromwhich culturalfundamentalism is conthat marked much of the igth-century nationalistde- structed. withthecountries Specificpowerrelationships bate. Bybuildingits case fortheexclusionofimmigrants from which extracommunitarian immigrantsproceed on a trait shared by all humans alike ratherthan on and the exploitationtheyhave undergoneexplain why an unfitness allegedlyintrinsic to extracommunitarians, "they" ratherthan, forexample, North Americans are culturalfundamentalism, in Europe of this rhetoric by contrastwith racist theo- the targets of exclusion. Hosries, has a certain openness which leaves room forre- tility againstextracommunitarian immigrants mayhave iftheywish to live in our midst,to racistovertones, quiringimmigrants, and metaphorscan certainly be mixed. assimilate culturally.And because of the otherimpor- Yet, as somebodyremarked to me recently, immigrants tant idea in modernWesternpolitical culture,namely, carrytheirforeignness in theirfaces. Phenotypetends thatall humans are equal and free, anti-immigrant rhet- now to be employed as a markerof immigrant origin oric is polemical and open to challenge,which is why rather than "race's" being construedas the justification existingformsof exclusion, inequality,and oppression foranti-immigrant resentment. need to be rationalizedideologically. At the core of this ideology of collective exclusion predicatedon the idea of the "other" as a foreigner, a twowaysofdefining nationality as a prerequito the bodypolitic is the assumptionthatfor- 9. Leca distinguishes stranger, in "biological"and in "contractual" namely, mal political equalitypresupposesculturalidentity and site forcitizenship, butregrettably does notpursuethepolitico-ideological imterms, hence culturalsameness is the essentialprerequisite for plications ofthesedistinct modalities. access to citizenshiprights. One should not confusethe io. Brubaker rightly remarks on the surprising absenceofstudies useful social functionof immigrants as scapegoats for ofthemodern in the social sciences. conceptofcitizenship

STOLCKE

Talking Culture I 9

nalize a more or less exclusive idea of the nation and of A comparisonofFrenchand British postwar citizenship. of the immigration "probexperiencesand treatments Lapeyronnie point (see to make this serve lem" will For the sake of clarityI have so farneglectedmajor difinterpretation). a different ferencesin dealing with the immigration"problem" I993 for since the seventThe Frenchdebateoverimmigration amongEuropeancountrieswhich have been pointedout the Republican the ambivalence underlying ies reveals repeatedly (Wieviorka LaI993; RoulandI993:I6-I7; and citizenof nationality conception assimilationist peyronnieI993). "It is an almost universal activityof genuine Frenchnationalitycode was enthemodernstateto regulatethemovementofthepeople ship. The first predominantly across its national boundaries" (Evans I983:4), but this acted in I889, at a time when foreigners, origin,had a Portuguese Italian, and Polish, of Belgian, can be done in diverseways. The Dutch and the British with Gerin the country, by contrast large presence were the first governments to acknowledgethepresence in theircountriesof so-called ethnicminorities. By the many,and drew a sharpline betweennationals and forIt consecrated the jus sanguinis, thatis, deeightiesall Western Europeanstateswere curbing immi- eigners.12 French father (sic) and, in the case of an from a scent grationand attempting to integrate immigrants already criterion mother, as the first from the child, illegitimate in theirmidst.Dependingon theirpolitical culturesand different histories, countriesdesignedtheirimmigration of access to Frenchnationality,but simultaneouslyit the principleof jus soli, accordingto which The Frenchmodel, informed policies differently. by the reinforced bornon Frenchsoil were automatchildren of foreigners traditional Republicanformulaofassimilationand civic I38-42; see also I992:94-II3, French (Brubaker ically contrasted incorporation, sharply with the Anglo-Saxon one, which leftroom forculturaldiversity, althoughby Noiriel I988:8I-84). The relativeprominencegiven to as a "liberal," the eightiesa confluencecould be detectedbetweenthe jus soli in the code has been interpreted On Brubaker i992). solution (Noiriel I988:83; inclusive two countries' anti-immigrant rhetoricand restrictive closerinspectionthis combinationof descentand birthpolicies. however,as a clever The entryand settlementof immigrants in Europe place rules can also be interpreted, themodern compromisestruckformilitaryand ideological reasons poses again the question ofwhat constitutes overAlsace-Lorraine nation-state and what are conceivedas the prerequisites (in the contextofthe confrontation War foraccess to nationalityas the precondition forcitizen- followingthe Frenchdefeatin the Franco-German of the German Empire)between ship. Three criteria-descent (jus sanguinis),birthplace and the establishment (jus soli), and domicile combined with diverse proce- an organicist and a voluntarist conception which, were intrinsic to the Frenchconduresof "naturalization"(note the term)-have usually thoughcontradictory, been wielded to determine entitlement to nationality in ceptionof the nation-state. The nationalitycode of I889 did not apply to the the modernnation-states. [us sanguinis constitutesthe colonies until Frenchcitizenshipwas extended French most exclusive principle.The priority givenhistorically colonial territories afterWorld War II (Werner to all to one or anothercriterion has dependednot only,howhowever, on demographic-economic and/or military cir- I935). As soon as Algeriagainedits independence, while inhabitantsof cumstancesand interests but also on conceptionsofthe ever,Algeriansbecame foreigners, national communityand the substantialties of nation- the French overseas departmentsand territoriesrehood. The classical opposition between the French mained fully French,with rightof entryinto France. Staatsnation and the German Kulturnation(Meinecke Those Algerianswho were livingin France at indepenI919; Guiomar obscured thees- dence had to opt forFrenchor Algeriancitizenship.For i99o:i26-3o) has often sentialist nationalism present also in i gth-century obvious political reasons most of them rejectedFrench childrencontinFrenchthoughtand debate on nationhoodand national nationality,though their French-born as were the Frenchas Frenchat birth, identityand hence the part played by the Republican ued to be defined formulaof assimilationin the Frenchconceptionof the born children of the large numbers of immigrantsto the war ofindependence Republic." There has been almost fromthe starta ten- Francein the decade following sion between a democratic,voluntarist, and an organi- (Weil i988). By the midseventies the regulation of cist conceptionofbelonging in the continental European Frenchnationalityand citizenshipbecame inseparable policy.As opinion grewmorehostile model-by contrastwith the Britishtradition-of the fromimmigration toward especially fromNorth Africa,the immigrants, modernnation-state on historicalcirwhich,depending attackfromthe right for came soli under increasing jus has been on drawn to formulate ratioand cumstances, on paperwithouteninto Frenchmen foreigners turning
as between"ethnicmoments"(understood i i. By distinguishing forFrench in igth-century moments" and "assimilationist racist) law, Brubaker ofnationality mulations (i992:esp. chap. 5), in his in France studyofcitizenship informative comparative otherwise on which assumption thefundamentalist disregards andGermany, legal equality thatformal idea rests,namely, the assimilationist homogeneity. cultural presupposes amongcitizens thegloriduring beenintroduced etrangerhad already I 2. The term traitors totherevoluenemies, political to designate ous revolution plotting againstthepatriotes nobility cause-the French tionary to reimpose royalrulein of conspiring suspected and the British to thenation oftheetrangerwithdisloyalty Paris.This association in timesofwar (Wahnich powerful has been especially I988).

FrenchRepublican Assimilationversus BritishEthnic Integration

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Volume 36, Number i, FebruaryI995 merelyaccidental connection to France as well as the will to belongand because of its expansivenessand feu-

Regiliberal Toryhomesecretary I 7. In thelate sixtiestheformer arguedthat"while one talkedalways nald Mauldingrevealingly black between abouttheneed to avoiddiscrimination and rightly theBritish and whiteit is a simplefactofhumannaturethatfor and New betweenAustralians I4. Guillaumin (1i992:89) points to an importantpolitical distinc- people thereis a greatdifference who come ofBritish stock,andpeopleof for example, tionbetweenclaiming" a right to difference," whichimpliesan Zealanders, who are for appealbyimmigrants authorization bythestateto be different Africa,the Caribbean,and the Indian Sub-Continent before to totalequality oftheQueen and entitled from nationals, by contrast withpostulating "the right of differ- equallysubjects habits, here,but who in appearance, the law when established ence,"whichassumesa universal, inherent right. us. The problem from and cultureweretotallydifferent I5. This dossier provides extensive coverage ofthe French debate religion withthe the moralprinciple of non-discrimination froman assimilationist on immigration See also of balancing perspective. was not an easyone,and thedanfactsofhumannature "Quels discourssur l'immigration?" con- practical (i988) foran earlier, real mistakes ofpolicyin thisfieldwerevery viewwhichfocusescritically on thereform ofFrench na- gersthatarisefrom trasting indeed"(quotedbyEvans i983:2I, myemphasis). law in theeighties. tionality a Ministry ofRepatriation i6. In I99I the socialistgovemment set up a Ministry of Social i8. In I969 EnochPowellwas proposing as "aliens"in theculimmigrants to Commonwealth and a StateSecretariat Affairs and ofIntegration for to andreferring Integration and Nicol i990:i96). turalsense (Dummett promote immigrants'assimilation (Perrotiand Th6paut i99i:io2).

in Francefor the campaign its approval gration during by referendum.Pasqua explained his opposition by arguing revealingly, "In France, the right to vote is inseparable from citizenship and this from nationality. Thereare 5 millionforeigners here,I.5 million ofthemcommunitarians. Ourcommunitarian guests arewelcome, butwe arenotwilling to shareournational sovereignty withthem. France is an exceptional peopleand not an amalgam oftribes" (El Pais, September I4, I992, P. 4). The Euro-sceptics in the British aresimilarly Conservative party concerned withEuropean integration'schallenging British sovereignty.

Conservative government passed theBritish Nationality Act, which broughtnationalitylaw in line with immigration policy and limitedthe ancientunconditionaljus I 3. It shouldbe notedthat CharlesPasqua, the GaullistFrench who drafted minister oftheinterior thereform, was also a staunch soli, concluding the process of "alienation" of New theminto by transforming oftheMaastricht andEuropean inte- Commonwealthimmigrants opponent agreement political
5 '). Those who had been hostilizedearlieras "black subjects" are now excluded as "cultural aliens."''8

suringthattheywere "Frenchat heart" (Brubaker i992: I43). A controversial citizenshiplaw reform submitted in I983 and designedto abolish the automatic acquisition of French nationalityby French-born childrenof immigrants, requiringan explicit declaration instead, opwas nevertheless defeatedin I986 because of strong position to the traditionalFrench assimilationistconception by proimmigrant organizationsand the left.In the new conservative governmentfinally sucI993 ceeded,however,in passinga reform to the same effect, which restrictsthe jus soli rule, therebygiving new prominenceto jus sanguinis.13 Until the mideightiesthe antiracistmovement and proimmigrant organizationsin France had advocated a multiculturalist model of integration based on respect for immigrants'cultural diversity, respondingthus to the right'sculturalfundamentalism. The heated debate over immigrants'"right to difference" was typically Thereafter French.'4 progressive opinionbegan to swing to the old republicantheme around,callingfor"a return of integration accordingto which membershipin the nation is based not on an identitybut on citizenship, which consistsin individualadherenceto certainminimal but precise universal values" (Dossier I99I:47The "republicanmodel ofintegration" 48).15 which conditions citizenship on shared cultural values and demands cultural assimilation became the progressive to the right'sculturalfundamentalpolitical alternative ism.16 debate and experiencedeveloped Britishimmigration nationalquite differently. Accordingto the traditional itylaw of England,later extendedto Britain, everyperson born within the domain of its king was a British French advocates of jus subject. Nineteenth-century the Britsanguinishad alreadyrejectedas inappropriate ish unconditionaljus soli rule because forthemcitizenship reflectedan enduringand substantialratherthan

sequences ofjural normsdependon theirhistoricalcontext. The traditional British concept of subjecthood based on birthon British soil, which establishedan individual verticalbond of allegiance to the crown and its parliament,unaltereduntil i962, allowed immigrants as British fromthe colonies freeentryinto the country oftheirculturaland/orphenotypical subjectsregardless The Home Office(quoted by Segal i99i:9) difference.'7

dal roots(Brubaker i992:90).

Butthemeaning and con-

in the I930S as follows: argued

it is a matterof fundamental importanceboth for the United Kingdomand forthe Empireas a whole, if thereis to be such an organizationat all based in the last resorton a common sentimentof cohesion which exists,but cannot be created,that all British subjects should be treatedon the same basis in the United Kingdom.... It is to the advantageof the United Kingdomthat personsfromall partsof the to it. Empireare attracted imDespite postwarconcernsoverfreeand unrestricted migration'sloweringthe quality of the Britishpeople

Bill of I948 ruled thatBritishsubjecthoodwas acquired ofthe Commonbyvirtueofbeinga citizenofa country wealth.Yet, as largenumbersofimmigrants arrived and demandsforcontrolincreased,the CommonwealthImmigrants Act of i962 introduced the first special immigration controls. It did not explicitly discriminate but it lefta largeamount againstnonwhiteimmigrants, of discretionfor immigrationofficers to select immiat a time when it went withoutsayingthatComgrants monwealthimmigrants were not white (Dummett and

andNicol I990:I74), (Dummett

theBritish Nationality

Nicol 1990:183-87; Segal i99i:9). In I98I, finally, the

aliens(EvansI983:46; Dummett and Nicol I990:238-

STOLCKE

Talking Culture I i

Britain'scommon law traditionand the absence of a code of citizenshiprightshad providedspace forimmigrantsubjects' culturalvalues and needs. Tolerance for culturaldiversity formedpart of the historyof Britain, acknowledged as a multicultural polity, untilin the late seventiesan English-centric reinvention of that history began to prevail (Kearneyi99I; Clark I99Ia, b). This expedoes not mean thatBritain'spostwarimmigration rience was not beset with social conflict. Antiimmigrantsentimentwas alive and aggressionswere but theywere racist. Until the late seventies frequent, the controversy over immigrationwas predominantly phrasedin racist terms.As Dummett and Nicol (I990: 2I3)19 have pointedout,

EnglishedImmigrant children were to receivestandard was to be accorded ucation,and uniform legal treatment paradoxipranationalpolity,a continentalnation-state cally emergedout of the ashes of the Britishmulticulturalthoughracist empire.

them(Parekh I99i).

Thus as Europe evolved intoa su-

The Nation within the State

the debateoverimmigrants' As I indicatedearlier, "right to difference" unleashed singular passions in France. The character and reasonsforthiscontroversy transcend the polarized political climate over the immigration "problem." They express a historicaltension inherent control Justas the advocates of strictimmigration in the FrenchuniversalistRepublicanconceptionofthe were exclusivelyconcernedwith non-white immigra- modern nation-state.In a world of emergingnationspiritwas tion,so the supporters of liberalisationattackedrastates,the early cosmopolitanrevolutionary cial discrimination soon erodedby a crucial dilemma,namely,how to build first and foremost and perceived endowedwith a distinctand boundedcitia nation-state immigration policy as the driving forcebehind this It had become psychologically impos- zenry.Ethnicgroupdifferences were,in principle, alien discrimination. democraticpoint of view. But, as sible forboth sides to thinkof "immigration" in any to the revolutionary see also Cranston (I990:I9, I988:IOI) has sense, or any context,except as a verbal convention Hobsbawm the problem, forreferring identified to the race situationin Britain. The equation nation = state = people, and espelinked nation cially sovereignpeople, undoubtedly since structure and definition of states to territory, It also implied a were now essentiallyterritorial. so constituted, of nation-states and this multiplicity was indeed a necessaryconsequence of popularselfdetermination.... But it said little about what constituted"the people." In particular therewas no logical connectionbetween a body of citizens of a territorial state,on one hand, and the identification of a "nation" on ethnic,linguisticor othergrounds which allowed collective or of othercharacteristics of groupmembership. recognition The advocates of an idea of the "nation" based on a citizensusually enteredcontract freely amongsovereign invoke Renan's celebratedmetaphor"The existence of a nationis a plebisciteofeveryday." Renan's "Qu'est-ce often taken for qu'unenation?" (i992 [i882])21 is in fact the expressionofa conceptionofthe nationparticularly individualism.22 well suitedto moderndemocratic They tend to overlook,however,that Renan simultaneously uses another culturalist argumentto resolve the difficultyof how to circumscribethe "population" or
2i. It is important to notethatRenanwrote thisessayat thetime conflict overAlsace-Lorraine, of the Franco-German claimedby on thegrounds thatitspopulation was ofGerman culture Germany and spoketheGerman language. noting herethatLouisDumontis among thosewho 22. It is worth in Renanwhenhe contrasts theorganicist elements haveneglected withthoseofHerderand Fichteand goes thatscholar'swritings an unwarrantedly French on to establish between sharp opposition and the Germanethnicconception voluntarist theory (Dumont I979; also i99i).

Legal provisions to combat discriminationtypically aimed at ensuringsubjects fromthe ex-colonies equal opportunities independentof their"race."20As long as fromthe ex-colonies were Britishsubjects immigrants as ofan infetheywerefellowcitizens,albeit considered riorkind. Anti-immigrant prejudiceand discrimination were rationalizedin classical racistterms.Formallegal equality was not deemed incompatible with immiculturaltraditions as longas thesetradidifferent grants' basic human rights.The right's tions did not infringe a minority demandforculturalassimilationconstituted with due respect opinion.Liberals defendedintegration and the particularneeds of "ethforcultural diversity A key instrument nic" minorities. of liberalintegration policy was multiculturaleducation. As I have shown took up the banner above, when the Tory government it began to rationalizeit, invokof curbing immigration nationaling,by contrastwith earlierracist arguments, cum-cultural unityand callingforthe culturalassimilation of immigrant communities "in our midst" to theBritish "nation" withits sharedvalues and safeguard communitiesneeded to be broken lifestyle. Immigrant up so thattheirmembers,once isolated,would cease to nation. pose a culturaland political threatto the British
is another on "racerelations" literature British I 9. The voluminous to immigrants. ofracismin relation oftheprominence indication and in publicplaces,housing, 2o. To outlawracialdiscrimination passed a series of successiveBritishgovernments employment, andNicol Actsin I965, I968, and I976 (Dummett Race Relations Parekhi99i). The I976 Race Relations I990, Layton-Henry I99I, forRacial the Commission laws and created Act repealedearlier the for implementing bodyresponsible an administrative Equality, I980, policieslaid downin theact (Lustgarten equal opportunities and SolomosI987, Walkerand RedmanI977). Jenkins

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"people" entitled to partake in this plebiscite (i992

L-QQQ1 A.c

Conclusion

to the tasks and tribulaTo conclude,let me now return Social and culturalanthropology tions of anthropology. with cultureand culrelationship have had a privileged turnin the The critical,self-reflexive tural differences. called into queshas rightly past decade in anthropology tion the political and theoreticalimplications of the boundednessand isolation of cultures taken-for-granted realism. There is no longera in classical ethnographic generallyaccepted view of cultures as relativelyfixed systemsof sharedvalues and meanings. and integrated Enhanced"postmodern"awarenessofculturalcomplexities and cultural politics and of the situatedness of anthropologyentails, knowledge in poststructuralist criteria,one political (freeconsent) however, a paradox. Despite pronouncementsto the Two contradictory "culture critique," no less than the cultural and one cultural (a shared past), are thus constitutive contrary, mode, by necessitypresupposesthe sepconstructionist NoirielI9:27I989:I65-26i; ofthe"nation" (Todorov function- arateness of cultures and their boundedness (Kahn 28; see also Gellner i987:6-28 fora different, on French I989).24 Only because thereare "other"ways ofmaking and, fora wittytake-off alist interpretation in sense of the world can "we" pretendto relativize"our GattyI 99 3). Renan's difficulty mythology, republican Similarly,when a consensual own" cultural self-understandings. the "nation" in purelycontractual, defining of a fundamental dilemma systematicknowledgeof "others" as much as of "ourtermsis just one illustration thathas beset continentalEuropeanstate building.The selves" is deemedimpossible,thisis so because "we" no Thus, the present "principle of nationality,"which identifiedthe state, less than "others" are culture-bound. ends up bypostulating mood in anthropology the people, and the law with an ideal vision of society culturalist (see Gupta and became the a world of reifiedcultural differences as culturallyhomogeneous and integrated, novel, though unstable, formof legitimationin igth- Fergusoni992, Keesing I994, TurnerI993). Parallelsbeas I have anatween this and culturalfundamentalism, forstate formation. struggles century beware of the dangers, it make us above, should lyzed Contemporarycultural fundamentalismunequivounderstanding between peoples, of a new cally roots nationalityand citizenshipin a shared cul- forfurthering tural heritage.Though new with regardto traditional sortof culturalrelativism. ways racism,it is also old, forit draws forits argumentative Not fora moment do I mean to deny different the business of life and different systems conceptionof of organizing forceon this contradictory igth-century The assumptionthatthe terri- ofmeaning.Humans have, however,always been on the the modernnation-state. torialstate and its people are foundedon a culturalheri- move, and cultureshave provedfluidand flexible.The in which bothold and new boundaries, is a constitu- new global order, tagethatis bounded,compact,and distinct are becomingmore active and from dissolved, far being I an but is as have of there argued, also, tive part this, new questions also foranNineteenth-century exclusive, poses formidable important conceptual difference. A crucial issue that should concernus is, fromthe thropology. nationalismreceivedenormousreinforcement elaboration of one central concept of social theory, then,the circumstancesunderwhich cultureceases to we need for beinghuman to become some"race." With heightenedenmitybetweennation-states, be something nationalism was often activated and ratifiedthrough thingthat impedes us fromcommunicatingas human of the national community. beings. It is not cultural diversityper se that should claims to racial superiority have become politicallydiscred- interest anthropologistsbut the political meanings Because racistdoctrines as with which specificpolitical contextsand relationships ited in the postwarperiod,culturalfundamentalism Peoples become culturally the contemporary rhetoricof exclusion thematizes,in- endow cultural difference. cultural entrenchedand exclusive in contexts where there is stead, relations between cultures by reifying of domination and conflict. It is the configuration boundariesand difference. and relationshipsboth within sociopolitical structures and between groups that activates differencesand shapes possibilitiesand impossibilitiesof communicatspirituel. Deux choses 23. "Une nationest une ame, un principe cultural cetteame,ce principe ing. In orderto make sense of contemporary qui, a vraidiren'en font qu'un,constituent and unequal world,we L'une est politics in this interconnected L'une est dansle pass6,l'autredansle pr6sent. spirituel. en commund'un richelegs de souvenirs; l'autreest need transcendour sometimes self-serving relativisms la possession de and methodological uncertaintiesand proceed to exla volont6 le consentement actuel,le d6sirde vivreensemble, A nation is a soul, a spiritualprinciple.Two things which in realitymake up no more than one constitute that soul, that spiritualprinciple.One is in the past, the otherin the present.One is the sharedpossession of a richheritageof memories;the otheris the the presentconsent,the desireto live together, will to continueto sustain the heritageone has received undivided.... The nation,the same as the individual,is the realizationof an extendedpast of endeavors,of sacrificeand of devotion.The cult of the ancestorsis among all the most legitimate;the ancestorshave made us what we are....
d'un longpass6 d'efest l'aboutissant nation,commel'individu, est de de sacrifices et de devouements. Le cultedes ancetres forts, commits the error I discussedearlier ofinternous ont faitsce que nous som- 24. Kahn,however, ancetres tous les plus 1egitime; as a form ofracism. preting cultural essentialism mes."
continuer a faire valoir l'h6ritage qu'on a recu indivis.
. .

. La

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plore,in a creativedialogue with otherdisciplines,"the deanalysisofthe immigration Stolcke's comparative (Gupta and Fergu- bate in Britainand in Franceis useful,and she is original processesofproductionofdifference" son I992:I3-I4). and,I think,accuratein notingtherecentrevivalof "xecan flourish nophobia" as an explanatoryterm. She is also surely Genuine toleranceforculturaldiversity withoutentailingdisadvantagesonlywhere societyand correct basis. Minor in declaring thatit has no scientific polityare democraticand egalitarianenough to enable weaknessesin an otherwisecloselyarguedpaperemerge as immigrants, in the claim that the "root causes" of immigration (whether people to resistdiscrimination are with- the deepening"effects" women,blacks) and developdifferences foreigners, ofNorth-South inequality(tracamongthem. ing the chain of causation back to an abstraction themselvesand solidarity out jeopardizing which I wonderwhetherthis is possible withinthe confinesof itselfneeds explanation)and in a somewhat limp conofany state. clusion which appearsto imaginepolitywithouta state. or,forthatmatter, the modernnation-state it would To press Stolcke's argumenta littlefurther, appear likely that steps taken to tryto reduce NorthSouth inequalities-for instance,through any campaign formorefrugal livingin the North-will have the effect ofaggravating economic recessionin the Northand consequent protectionism and xenophobia. There will BENTHALL surely be a dialectical relationshipbetween political JONATHAN campaignson behalf of the South and revivals of neoInstitute,5o FitzroySt., Royal Anthropological Poujadism. London WIP 5HS, England. 2I vII 94 With regard to the nation-state,opposition to the to be "cultural fundamentalism" I am delightedthat Stolcke finds anthropology diagnosed by Stolcke leads forsurely necessarilyto a critiqueof ethno-nationalism. fromreality, But since out of its estrangement growing would have been seclusion in some twi- so fewactual nation-states are monoethnicand the conthe alternative lighthome. As Alex de Waal has recentlyput it, "An- sequences of breakingup multiethnicstates into small deals with issues of immediateimportance, entities appear to be frequentlyso disastrous,many thropology role than theymay commentators have a greater and its practitioners can do conclude that largenation-states in protecting the serealize"(deWaal I994:28). more good than harm,particularly Stolcke suggeststhatdoctrinalracism,which posits a curityof minorities.The last seven words of Stolcke's but it has prob- lecture suggest that she wants all state power to be has been neutralized, ofmerit, hierarchy The con- weakened,which sounds utopian. to appearin new forms. ablygoneunderground ceptofgeneticdistance,which appearsto put thepeople ofAfricaon a genealogicalbranchof theirown, has not yet surfacedin political discourse but could easily be PIETRO CLEMENTE too,ofsome anthro- Via Napoli 7, 53 IOO Siena,Italy.30 vII 94 tendency, thusabused. The growing pologists (following through the intellectual conseIt coversmany quences of Darwinism) to blur ratherthan sharpenthe Stolcke's essay is bold and stimulating. troublespots and examines theirrelabetween human beings and other primates of anthropology's difference thought. could lead politicallynot onlyto more seriousconsider- tionship to currenttrends in contemporary ation of the "rights" of chimpanzees and gorillas but While I do not concur with all aspects of her thesis, I and a admire its ambition. I appreciatethe essay's civil and also to an erosion of the concept of human rights return-such as the rightis always hankeringfor-to political passion and its anthropologicalapproach to and reli- macroscopic analytical objects. I stronglyapprove of loyaltiesof kin,ethnicity, the more traditional the Hami- both the use of unusual sources (such as the reportsof racist doctrine, gion. Again, an intra-African the republish- the European Communityand the political-judicialdewas disseminatedthrough tic hypothesis, textsin Britainwell into the bates on nationality and citizenship)and thereconstrucing of old anthropological and, accordingto de Waal, bears some indirect tion of Frenchand Britishtendenciesin the past decade I970S and its relationship nationalidentity to immiforthegenocidein Rwanda. Constantpro- regarding responsibility fessionalvigilance is needed. gration. and the Frenchdebate on "difthe consequences of nazi raceThe theses of Taguieff To go back in history, racism" are well known in Italy. While many science are known to all, but is it widely remembered ferential in the Mu- shareTaguieff's to viewpoint,I findit more appropriate knowledgeis enshrined thatanthropological of I938 on the Sudetenlandissue? The focus on the workingsof "excess identity,"Stolcke's nich Agreement stipulatedthat whereas the "predominantly "cultural fundamentalism."I do not, however, agree agreement ofCzechoslovakia was to be occupied about its alarming political implications.To beginwith, German"territory with the depictionof so generalimmediately by German troops,a commissionof repre- I have some difficulty forpleb- ized a left and a right.In addition,it seems unfairto sentativesofthe fourBig Powerswould arrange charac- attribute refined traditionsof thoughtsuch as those of iscites in the regions"where the ethnographical ter was in doubt"-a pledge that was never in fact Franz Boas and Hans-Georg Gadamer to a rightwing whose statementsare generallyroughand prosaic. My carriedout (ShirerIg64:s Ion).

Comments

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Volume 36, Number i, February1995 use the proverb"The whole world is a town." Foreigners' main limitationis lack of culturalidentity;simply put, they do not exist culturally,as in the model of in this world Christian sainthood: they are foreigners because theyare partof anotherone. Having a "cultural roots, homeland" as a place of memories, affection, of the notion of huallows fora less abstractrendering mankind and of the individual in society,but thereis no tradition, heritage,or memorythat does not admit By oscillatingbetween these two poles of intermixing. one sees wherethe world and learning by trialand error, is going.In a vision of Utopia the "culturalhomeland" and the universalists'"world of men" mightcoincide, as in thebeautifulanarchistsong: "Our homelandis the But these are not times entireworld,our law is liberty." fordreams.
PETER FITZPATRICK

oftheir to the rediscovery own researchhas contributed local and historical identityof people who had abanwith doned rituals and customs in the confrontation advancing modernization.I myselfhave assessed the cultural patrimony of craftsmenand country folk, defending theirtutelagein the name of the concept of debateraisestheethical "culturalheritage."The current culmy work I have fostered question whetherthrough in myselfand in others,on the tural fundamentalism and one hand resistinganomie and the loss of identity historicalmemoryto the urbanized world but on the to the creation of barriersto other hand contributing new culturalencounters.I believe I can say that everyone needs cultural "roots" of dialect, symbolic form, identity,and that these are not what produces xenophobia. Italy is a nation crisscrossedthroughoutby interIts strength is more pronal territorial differentiation. nounced on the local than on the national level. The theme of a "cultural homeland" was dear to our most notedpostwarscholar,ErnestoDe Martino,who linked ofthe anit withthe necessary"criticalethnocentrism" (De MartinoI977). The dean ofour African thropologist the notion Bernardi (I994), reproposes studies,Bernardo of "ethnocentrism," which,following both W. G. Sumner and De Martino,he considersthe basis forunderstandingof the collective workingsof encounter,exchange, and cultural mixing. Stolcke would probably object to the use of Italy as a case in point. Here the nationalisticplatformof the rightis not very sophisticated: it has relaunched liberal modernism, its finesse,and the rightist Reaganismneeds no culturalist leagues which seek to create tendenciesofthe territorial a Republic of NorthernItaly bypass cultural issues in favorof financial ones. Criticism of the new cultural could applyto regionalor ethnicmovefundamentalism ments (Occitanists, Sardists,Altoatestins,and others) and the new localisms which sometimes tend to build but these are not mythsof originand unmixed purity, on the agendain thepoliticaldebatethatStolckeis dealing with. Stolcke's critique is also veryuseful forcertainspecificfieldsof anthropological work,forexample,immiresearchin urbanareas. In this case it is helpful gration is that the immigrant to begin with the understanding an individualwho oscillates betweentwo worldsand is stimulatedto change. Contact with the values, rules, worldofours ofthis ancientand oppressive and heritage societiesa liberais formanypeople ofunderpriviledged to develop new configurations. tion and an opportunity I have always liked FrantzFanon's expression"envision the particular."This "particular," the universethrough and in my opinion,is a matterofmemoryand tradition not necessarilyone ofnation. Stolckeis essentiallyconand perhaps I approach cerned with national identity, a different thesubjectfrom position.It maynevertheless to conclude with a model of an identity be interesting and "culturalpatriot" that oscillates between foreigner may in(as De Martinowould put it). Being a foreigner volve cosmopolitanism, moving in and out of cultures and gainingenoughexperienceto be able to exchanging

Darwin College, University of Kent at Canterbury, Kent CT2 7NY, England. 3 VIII 94 Canterbury, not all of them dangerous,to StolSome supplements, account: For a start,the culcke's rich and revelatory ofexclusion ofEuropeanrhetorics turalfundamentalism is inherently untenable.It entails,as Stolcke indicates, an essential relationbetween being and cultureand an absolute incommensurability between cultures.To be thesenostrums ofculturalfunvalid in theirown terms, damentalism can onlybe ofa culture.They cannotbe, as theyassert,of all cultures.Being bounded by a distinct culture,we cannot know thatwe know or do not know othercultures-and, what is particularly delicious, we cannot know thatpeople of otherculturesdo not know us. Then there may be possibilities of virtuein incomNot all notions of incommensurability mensurability. and oppressionthat are foundedon the mutual hostility culturalfundamentalism. The EuropeanEnlighttypify enment and its Romantic aftermathwhich Stolcke evokes did have representatives, Diderot and Herder, for as a benign example,who advancedincommensurability counter to colonialism and slavery. And is there not honorhere in anthropology also? Stolcke sees culturalfundamentalism as distinctand perhaps even taking over fromracism. In this, nation becomes the locus of culture.It seems difficult to me to make this claim withoutsayingmore about the history of racism-about its persistence and protean forms. There are many indications in the paper that cultural in its exclusion and oppressionof the fundamentalism stranger may be a formof racism,and thereare intimations that racism exceeds Stolcke's subordination of it to a supportfornationalism. As Stolcke recognises,not all strangers are equally ofculturalfundamentalstrange. Indeed,the proponents ism have little or no trouble acceptingthe representatives of some cultures.Yet in Stolcke's argument, the is, unxenophobiathatfoundsculturalfundamentalism in its opposilike racism,uniformand comprehensive tion to all othercultures.In this scheme culturesrelate

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as theforces creating and promoting a multilingual environmentproduceda reactionfromthose who resented and contestedthe transformation. Stolcke compellinglyargues that the contemporary politicalmovementon the rightthatrationalizesimmigration restrictions on thebasis ofculturalfundamentalism is racism in a new and different garb. It remains racismbecause its targets are the same, thosecommonly glossed as "people of color." It is different fromracism, however,in that its justificationis not biological but cultural. She concludes by beseeching anthropologists not to committhe same logical and politicalerror as the culturalfundamentalists-notto submitto a fundamental cultural relativism that reifies cultural difference ratherthan seeking even if incompletelyto understand and overcomeit. We anthropologists shouldreclaimcultural studies fromnonanthropologists and incorporate the insightsof postmodernawareness of culturalcomplexities and politics to address issues of domination, helpto note,withBhabha(I994:99-IOO), that"etymo- conflict, and culture. logically . . . 'territory' derives fromboth terra(earth) Contests over power and meaning expose the fragile and terrree(to frighten) whence territorium, 'a place and superficialnature of cultural consensus and haroff."' Only some are mony.Cities undergoing fromwhich people are frightened ofrapid,integral reformations ostracized,degraded, murdered, or, in short,terrorized. ferinsights.Miami is one such city.In the early I98os, The claims of nation also extend beyond the non- those with powerand influence, the local elite,were all hierarchical and the simplyspatial,beyondbeingmerely white Americans.They lived in a citythathad quickly the locus of one culture among many. Nationalism in become heavilyLatinofollowing Castro's Cuban revoluthe igth century a collectivity servedto markoff of cer- tion and the subsequent U.S.-sponsoredmigrationof tain nations as exemplaryof the universal and as the nearlyio% of Cuba's population.Most immigrants setimpetusof all thatwas becominguniversal.That eleva- tled in Miami and with the help of generousU.S. benetion was and still is effected in racist terms.The ex- fits and the experience and capital they broughtwith cluded are now also invitedas nations to come within them quickly established a successful immigrantentherealmoftheuniversaland the exemplary. To accom- clave. Most whiteAmericanswelcomed theseprimarily modate the ambivalent identitythat results fromthe white,middle-class,well-educated,state-sponsored imcall to be the same and the exclusion as different, even as they bemoaned the new immigrants' na- migrants tions and culturesare stretched betweenvariouspolari- continuationof theirculturaldifferences, theirpropenties-the developedand theunderdeveloped, thenormal sity to speak Spanish in public, and their right-wing, and the backward,the usual list. The excluded serveto sometimes violent politics. Yet, they expected that would be like other,earlierwhite imtheworldalong a spectrum organiseand classify ranging these immigrants from the most "advanced" liberaldemocraciesto barely migrants in assimilating to American culture, soon coherentnations always about to slip into the abyss of speakingonly Englishin public,ignoring the politics of theirhomelandin favorofthose oftheirnew locale, and ultimatealterity. buyingwhite-American productsand services. Throughthe I98os, Cubans rapidlyascended to posiALEX STEPICK tionsofpowerand influence.They became the majority on the city council. They enteredthe state legislature. Florida and Ethnicity Immigration Institute, InternationalUniversity, They became top developers and builders. Soon the Miami, Fla. 33 I99, U.S.A. whiteAmericansadmittedthemto the most influential 28 VII 94 clubs and committees.Yet, thenew immigrants had not in anthropology are assimilated as quickly or as thoroughly While thosewho studyimmigration as the white increasinglycalling for a transnationalapproach (e.g., Americanelite had envisioned.Many stillspoke Spanish Glick-Schillerand Basch i992, Glick-Schiller,Basch, in public,and these were not the parking lot attendants and Szanton Blanc I994), the political rightinsists on but thosewhose carswerebeingparked, not thebusboys the opposite-the need for and alleged naturalnessof and waitressesbut those ordering the food,not the unThe contradic- skilled workersbut those who owned the companies. cultural, alongwithpolitical,boundaries. The Miami Herald played a key role in reflecting and tion is not merely coincidental. Miami spawned the of dominantwhite contemporarybilingual-educationmovement in the shaping a profoundtransformation mid-ig60s,and in I980 it spearheadedthe English-only American attitudes. Cultural concerns dominated its all the states discourse, but the rapid loss of subscriberswho no backlash that subsequentlyswept through newspaperalso heavily with significantSpanish-speakingminorities (Castro longerwanted an English-only the Herald's position. During the mid- and 1992). A more distinctdialectic could not be imagined influenced

to each otherin ways thatarenon-hierarchical or simply spatial.In the first slice ofculturalfundamentalism that Stolckeprovides, however, Thatcher'sevocationto such political effect of the threatof "swamping" by "people witha different culture,"what seems crucialis the exactitude,the territorial precision,with which such people are designatedin Thatcher'sspeech just beforethe part used by Stolcke: these potential swampersare "people ofthe New Commonwealth"[thatis, "black" people]or "Pakistan"-which country had to be specifically added because it had leftthe Commonwealth.Such people so carefully specifiedare thencounterposed to "the British character" which "has done so much fordemocracy, for law, and done so much throughout the world." Divisions of this kind, as Stolcke aptly notes, providethe "cultural" unityand uniformity of the nation,a nation which in realitycontains a diversity of cultures.They "reterritorialize cultures." Such divisions are racist ratherthan non-hierarchical or simply spatial. It may

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Volume 36, Number i, February1995 a phenomenonin itself.In one sense thisis what anthropologistshave always wanted-not the particular reifications,of course,which theyfeel theyhave outgrown (culturesas bounded,internally coherentwholes, etc.), but its objectification, that is, culture as an object of thought(theirunderstanding of what gives identity and distinctivenessto human lives). The openness of the concept of culture,as she points out, makes it disarmto use, appealing to human universals ingly"friendly" in apparently non-exclusionary terms;after all, we "all" have culture.This is the benignsense in which anthropologistshave promotedit. The importance of Stolcke's historicalworklies in elucidatingits role as an idiom of exclusion-the new possibilitiesit affords forwhat can in public.Culturehas become all too utterable. be uttered It is interesting that along with the emphasis on the socially constructed natureofloyaltiessubsumedunder appeals to culturegoes an emphasis on a primordial or naturalstate of affairs. Far fromappearingas contradicoropposed,both"nature"and "culture"carry tory weight in thewaythenew exclusionsareframed. It is thecongruence or conflation ofthese thatgivesculturalfundamentalism such power-a demonstration that in turngives This is a brilliant powerto Stolcke'sargument. exposition and,as one would expectfrom theauthor, an anthropological projectdirectedtowardsa pressingsocial issue. Its is not to be underestimated. significance The only commentto make is that if the strength of the paper lies in its social contextualization (Stolcke is ascribingthese ideas not to some vague "culture" but to specificpolicies and practices)one would not want to be carried(reassured?) by the idea thatculturalfundamentalism is a right-wing plot. It may be veryuseful forright-wing political language,but such politics also draws on usages more generallycurrent. Althoughone should not underplay the differences betweenEuropean that she sketches,dogmas of culturaldifgovernments ference suit a whole spec(and she makes this apparent) trumofpositions.Thus, as we mightexpectto find in the and left-wing Ig80s/I990s, theysuit both right-wing While immigration policies mayoffer platforms. particular evidence of right-wing political thinking, theyhold waterprecisely because oftheirsaliency.Indeed,cultural fundamentalism is too flexiblea conceptby farforcomfort. As she says,it is new and old at the same time,as it to itselfboth social constructionist theoriesand gathers ideas aboutnaturalbondsand universalhumantraits and facilitates ideologies of assimilation and integration alike. Different political regimesspeak in its common language.Anthropologists have had theirhand in this: Stolcke'sdemonstration is bothedifying and disturbing.
rERENCE TURNER

late i980s, the discourse of the Herald and prominent whiteAmericanleaderschanged.Ratherthansuggesting that Cubans would soon assimilate, white American leaders applauded the multicultural mix thatpermitted Miami to become the capital of the Caribbeanand even all of Latin America. Spanish-speakers, in this new vision, were central to Miami's prosperity in that they providedsmooth business links to the region'sprimary trading partners(Portesand Stepick I993). Not all culturaldiversity was so championed.Black Haitian immigrantsnever receivedthe welcome accordedwhite Cubans. Instead, the U.S. governmentrepeatedly and relentlesslysought to deter Haitians' arrival and persuade those in Miami to return home (Stepick i992). Race and power,so inextricably meldedin the United States and apparently in Europe, determinewhere the boundariesare drawn-who is welcomed as a member of the culturaland political communityand who is excluded. Culture plays an independent,critical role in both discourse and action. Cubans were conceived as different and treated differently because they spoke Spanish and much of theirpolitical attentionwas directed to their homeland. Yet, those differences were toleratedat firstbecause the U.S. federalgovernment providedresourcesto amelioratethe costs of addressing them and later because those whose economic base remained in South Florida had no choice but to accept them.Those who could not do so eitherfledor resisted by founding the English Only movement.Black immiin contrast, grants, could never obtain sufficient power to effect theirincorporation into the local community. Much like the native AfricanAmericans,they remain marginal,appealing to the American ideologyof equal treatment regardlessof race and succeeding enough to of a Haitian communitybut not permitthe formation enough to provideit with the firm, powerful base that Cubans enjoy. Thus, culture and power determinethe evolution of community-who is included or excluded.The shallow historyof South Florida and of all the United States comparedwith Europe precludes a deeply organicconception of the nation-state.Cultural markersmust be used, and theycan easily be extendedor withdrawn and are always contestedin responseto the emerging power ofnew groups.Yet, race remainsforemost. Whileracism may be discredited politicallyand no longeradmissible in public discourse,it continuesto guide the policies of people.
MARILYN STRATHERN

Departmentof Social Anthropology, University of Cambridge,Cambridge CB2 3RF, England. 3 vIII 94 historicalexeThis is an important paper.By hercareful forthe anthropologesis,Stolcke makes it verydifficult gist to dismiss what she so aptlycalls "culturalfundamentalism"as no more than a misguidedmanifestation she points out all of racist thinking.On the contrary, has become the ways in which culturaldiscrimination

DepartmentofAnthropology, University of Chicago, Chicago, Ill. 60637, U.S.A.23 vIII 94 Stolcke's article makes important points about the natureofthe culturalnationalismcurrently beingchampi:ned by the European right.I thinkshe is rightto em-

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phasize the differencesbetween the new "cultural fundamentalism"and racism while recognizingthat both reflect, in different ways, the contradiction in earlier formsof liberal nationalismbetween universalistic values and the need to limit the nation to its territorial boundaries.I also agree with her that it is essential for to take account of the ways in which the anthropology new political movementsand conditionsto which she refers are changingthe meaningof "culture" and to reflecton the implications of these changes forits own theoretical conceptof culture.In this connection, she is in myview, to stressthatrecentanthropological correct, formulationsin the postmodernist"culture-critique" vein only recastin different termsand do not transcend the reification of culturaldifference typicalof older anthropologicalapproaches to cultures as bounded isolates. While Stolcke's discussion contains importantinsightsinto the new culturalnationalism,she does not claim to presentan exhaustiveaccount ofthe phenomenon or an analysisofits political and social causes. Taking her stimulating as a point of departure, treatment I would suggestthata fuller analysiswould addressissues such as the following: First,culturalnationalism is not merelyor even priand xenophobic, marily and theforeign exclusionary imand Gastarbeitertowardswhom it is ostensimigrants bly directedare not its primarytargets.It is a claim forinclusion and integration on more favorablesocial, political, and economic terms directed at dominant political and technobureaucratic groups by relatively dominated elements of the national disenfranchised, population. This is why the new cultural nationalist movementscannot simplybe understood as expressions ofthe political right, even thoughit is the right thathas effectively co-optedthem.What must also be accounted foris theirpopulist character as the social and political protestsof subordinatesocial strata against the dominantpolitical-economic and culturalorder thatexcludes themfromfullparticipation in the national life.In this wider perspectivethe implicit ultimate end of these movementsis not the "culturalcleansing"ofthe nation the expulsion offoreigners but theirown fuller through into and more equitable participation integration in the social and economic life of the nation. Opposition to and immigrants is an apt means to this end foreigners because foreign and guest-workers arethemost migrants visible,accessible,and vulnerableextensionofthehegemonic political and technoeconomic system that the feel oppressesand excludes them. Calling for protesters the exclusionofforeign elementson nationalistgrounds is a convenientway of stressingthe common ground the protesters share with the dominantelementsof the nationalsociety-the bureaucracy and thepoliticalleadership-and thus gainingmoral leverage over them to and compel themto take more account ofthe protesters theirdemands. the new formsof cultural Any attemptto understand and ethnic nationalism must account forthe fact that while xenophobicculturalfundamentalism is becoming

a right-wing populistidiom ofprotest bylower-classand marginal elementsofEuropeannational societies,an often equally fundamentalist is becommulticulturalism ing the preferred idiom in which minorityethnic and theirrightto a full and equal racialgroupsare asserting rolein the same societies.These groupsand movements overtlyassert their cultural, ethnic, and/or national "identities"as the legitimizing basis of claims to inclusion on an equal footing in multiethnic national societies (or,in extremecases, claims to separateexistenceas independent nations) ratherthan as calls forthe exclusion of culturally different groups.Rightist exclusionist cultural nationalism and left-orientedinclusionist I suggest,should be understoodas mnulticulturalism, of the same conjunctureof complementary refractions social and political-economicforces. There are two fundamental reasonsthatculturalidentityhas emergedas the idiom of choice forexpessions ofsocial discontent by marginalized or downwardly mobile elements of national populations.The first is that it is virtuallythe only aspect of their relation to the national society that they still own and control-the onlyone, by the same token,beyondthe controlof national political and cultural elites. The second is the politicalpotencyof the conceptionof national identity intrinsic to modernEuropean nationalismfromits origins in the i8th and igth centuries.As Stolcke points and reactionary out,boththe liberalrepublican(French) culturalist(German) formsof nationalism rested on a conceptionof national identityas the expressionof a distinctive historical and cultural heritage shared zquallyby all individualmembersof the national community.The result has been to legitimize a cultural 3ense of national identitynot only as an inalienable of everyindividual,and hence beyondthe conproperty trolof elites, but also as the justification forpolitical Alaims made in the name of the nation and the uniformityof its legal normsor social mores. What is now happeningis that subordinateand mar3-inal elements of the national societies of Europe are not for the first time) picking up this ideological weaponand usingit againstthehegemonicliberalestabLishments and state governmentsthat have presided the erosion of theireconomic and social condition wver n therecentperiodofthe consolidationoftransnational to :apitalism.The responsesofnational establishments -heprotestsof the "cultural fundamentalists" have of-enironicallyreflected the assertionsof the protesters, is when multiculturalist claims are resistedby cultural iuthorities in the name of the need forculturalunifornity as the basis of national political integration. In the past, similarmovementsofnationalist"fundanentalism," such as fascism,have seized upon race or )therissues as the specificvehicles oftheircauses. Stol,ke is correctto stress the relative uniqueness of the ,urrentwave of "culturalist" movements in this re;pect. The question is why "culture" in the contempoary sense of a common "identity"or universeof dis,ourse and social standardsratherthan "race" or even in the older German sense of a historic SYemeinschaft

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folk community has now become the focus of the new movements.The answeris to be foundin the dominant socioeconomic conditions of the historical period in which the new movementshave emerged. As the governments of nation-states are increasingly redefined as local committeesof an ever more powerfullyorganizedtransnational capitalistsystemof financial institutions, labor movements,circulatingcapital, and commodityflows,theirpolitical and economic institutions become increasingly inaccessibleto influence by the mass of their populations. As the traditional meaning of political citizenship withers away under these circumstances, the abilityof national regimesto guaranteetheircitizens access to commodity consumption on a scale commensuratewith theirsocial aspirations has become theirprimary basis of political legitimation. Consumption of commodities has thus supplantedthe exerciseof the traditional political functions of citizenshipas the main mode of the construction-and thus control-of personalidentity. The individualisticformof this identity construction, however, is limited and orientedby the social values of the national society;it thus constitutes a culturalform ofparticipationin the national identity, the formthat now provides the most immediate and satisfying sense of power over the termsof personal and social existence. Cultural identityand national cultural identityas its most fundamental, socially shared aspect thus become the most politicallyfraught idiom of solidarity and protest alike in contemporary capitalistsocieties. What are the implicationsof these developmentsfor the anthropological concept of culture?Firstand most obvious,"culture" cannotbe theorizedin isolationfrom the social conditionsin which it arises and vice versa. of most Secondly,the attemptto do so, characteristic anthropological theorizingabout culture fromthe Boasians to the contemporary of anthropology proponents as ethnographic should be recognizedas a conwriting, tinuationof the fundamental ideological mystification centralto the originsof the cultureconceptin German Romanticnationalism."Culture" as nationalisticideology servedto sever consciousness of the unequal social roots of the new orderof bourgeoispolitical-economic domination it as an expression ofuniversal byprojecting ideal principlesof liberty, equality,and fraternity or,alof volkische Gemeinschaft, even as it externatively, plicitlyopposed the idealized concept of the new order to the obsolete social orderof monarchicalfeudalism. of ideal principlesas culturalrepresenThe abstraction tations of uniformly shared social qualities frommaterial social relationsand conditionsand an almost Manichaean opposition of the formerto the latter thus became a foundationalprincipleof modernsocial consciousness, including nationalism and anthropological The frightconceptsof cultureamong its variantforms. of right-wing both in Eueningresurgence movements, rope and in America,based on formsof culturalfundathe real social causes of the mentalism that mystify on which theyfeedshouldprompt discontent anthropolof the need to develop a ogiststo recognizethe urgency

State University DepartmentofAnthropology, of New York at Albany, Albany, N.Y. I2222, U.S.A. I I VII 94 In her interesting analysis of the new "rhetoricsof exclusion" in Western to the Europe,Stolckelimitsherself responseof respectableconservative political leaders to the new "extracommunitarianimmigration" rather than dealing with "popular reactionsand sentiments." She also links these ideological changes to the ways in which Britain and France in particularhave absorbed in the past four decades and to the view immigrants of the "nation" in the two countries.The authoritative rather thanto race recalls appeal to "culturaldifference" a similar response by post-World War II imperialists. The late Melville J.Herskovitsin his lecturesreferred to this as "culturalism,"but Stolcke's "culturalfundamentalism"is a more stylishrubric. of exclusion" can While the notion of "new rhetorics to some extentbe appliedto theUnited States,thismust be done carefully.Stolcke's political reference to the rightand to conservativeliberals is limited to a Euroin the United Statesis pean context.The so-calledright splitalong severallines, includingthe "Christianright" and ex-liberal "neoconservatives." The latter include "environmentaloptimists" like JulianSimon and Ben who tendto favoropen immigration. Those Wattenberg on the leftmay employa "rhetoric ofexclusion" oftheir own. Slogans of class conflictare an example of this, and Anglophobiaand anti-Americanism are xenophobic views which have been used by both the left and the right. WhileI tendto agreewith Stolckethatwe shouldtake of these "culturists"seriously, the "nonracist"rhetoric we must do so with care. Unlike anthropologists, politicians and ideologues have no all-embracing theoryof culture.How do people acquire the "national consciousness" that theyenvision?Is it by earlysocialization,as theBoasians believe,or is acquisitionpractically biological? The former limited mightbe accomplishedthrough and assimilationisteducation,but the latimmigration ter would simply be racist. We should rememberthat have not internalized FranzBoas's genermanytheorists alization that there is no one-to-onerelationshipbetweenrace, language,and culture.Racists like Sombart gaveculturalas well as biologicalexplanationsfordifferences between ethnicgroupsand nations. It is not hard to imaginethatmodernculturists do not excludebiological explanationsbut simply do not bringthem to the fore. Of greater weightare two omissions by Stolcke. Her decision not to discuss popular anti-immigration sentimentis unfortunate, since one can assume thatpolitical a veryfruitful leadersfindimmigration issue to exploit.

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The interactionbetween the political class and other forma paradoxicalpart of modernity ratherthan being classes on immigration feeds the resentment of immi- an anachronismin modernsocietyor a residue of their grants. It is also a test ofa theoretical explanationofthe slave past-a point I have stressedsince my early research on Igth-centuryCuba (II974). As Goldberg importanceof certainframesof economic problems. Stolcke tends to dismiss the social scientific studyof (I993:4) has persuasivelyput it, "This is a centralparaethnocentrism (xenophobia)by viewing it primarily as dox, the ironyperhaps,of modernity: The more explica componentof a conservativeideology. She does not itlyuniversalmodernity's commitments, the moreopen differentiate between the two. The factthathuman be- it is to and the more determinedit is by the likes of ings may love and hate "other peoples" differentially racial specificityand racial exclusivity." Less clear, and serially seems to prove that ethnocentrism is not however,is the specificcharacter ofthese new attitudes a human universal.In this regard, her dismissal of the and rhetoric of exclusion and theirroots,partly perhaps Bosnian case is particularly shallow. She refersto the because ofa certaindifficulty in overcoming established fact that up to the present wars the various ethnic notionsofmodernsociety,culture,identity, and racism groupsof thatunfortunate land had good neighborly re- itself. In view ofthe noveltyand complexity lations, without considerationof the long and compliofthe phenomcated historyof the Yugoslav lands. She also does not enon,I have advisedlychosen to focuson onlyone manirefer to sophisticatedsocial scientificstudies of xeno- festation,namely, right-wingrhetorics of exclusion phobia such as that conductedby Donald T. Campbell, whose targets are extracommunitarian The immigrants. RobertA. LeVine,and theirassociates,in whichhypoth- comments on my paper are not only most helpfulin eses derivedfromthe Spencer-Sumner but also raise a numberofperformulation of a clarifying my definitions universal syndromeof ethnocentrism were developed tinentquestions that,by goingbeyondthe limitedaims and tested cross-culturally. While the study was too of my analysis,are usefulforexpandinganthropology's broadto summarizehere and too incompleteto support researchagenda regarding the political and theoretical finalconclusions,it is worthnotingthatethnocentrism challenges posed by the new global disorderand espein thisview beginswithhighself-regard, which in fairly cially its ideological "overpinnings." I fully agree with Fitzpatrick'ssubstantiveobservaintricate ways is tied to fearand hatredof some outsiders (LeVine and Campbell I972, Brewerand Campbell tion that cultural fundamentalists' postulated incommensurability of culturesis, in the end, nonsensicalI976). I agreewith Stolcke thatwe should tryto understand thoughperhapsno less so than some ofthe postmodern thefluidity and flexibility ofhumanways oflifeand that radical-relativist endeavours.Yet, ideologethnographic the political meaningsof culturaldifferences should be ical postulatesdo not have to have cognitivecoherence a majorfocus of our work.It is easy to forget, The integrationist however, to be politically effective. strandin thatmanyofour professional forebears understood this. Cuban and Brazilianpolitical racismwhich sustaineda ofraces but advocatedmiscegenationto overForinstance,Herskovits, who was known as a principal hierarchy of culturalrelativism, also showed how peo- come potential sociopolitical conflicts between the proponent ples of different background borrow and transform "races'' could also be considereduntenable in a strict elements of each other's culture (Herskovits I964: sense. In addition,it is no noveltythat a notion,in this i59-2i2). Edward Spicer (i980:287-362), as a result case incommensurability between cultures,may be put of his lifelong work on the Yaqui and the western to different uses and have different meaningsand conseU.S.-Mexican borderlands,showed how some ethnic quences depending on socio-historicalcontexts. Culin spite ofgreatchangesin cul- tural relativism,when it was firstdefendedby Boas boundariesare preserved in fact,is often againstracistand otherethnocentric ture.The persistenceof ethnicidentity, was determinisms, in the colonial context.In the contemporary inverselycorrelatedwith changes in culture. I thank progressive Stolckeforchallenging us to reconsider these questions. crisis-ridden postcolonialworld,radical culturalrelativism spells exclusion. As Taguieff has shown,moreover, the new rightin France adoptedthe idea of incommeninstead of ordering cultureshierarchically surability to avoid the negativeinegalitarianconnotationof the latter. In practice,culturalfundamentalism of course oppressesimmigrants economicallyand socially,is applied and producesand reproduces VERENA onlyto subaltern STOLCKE strangers, inequality.Yet, as I argue,socioeconomic exclusion and Barcelona, Spain. 26 IX94 coninequalityare now a consequence of immigration The resurgence of "racism" in contemporary Europehas trols defendedand implementedby conservativesand a wealth ofresearchthathas enriched generated but also the rightratherthan being thematizedin theirrhetoric and again forthe sake of argunotions ofracism.The categories of exclusion. In theory, challengedtraditional applied to its classical period have proved insufficient mentativecoherence,the targetis any extracommunibut in practiceit is the Third World to account forthese new essentialistdoctrines of exclu- tarianimmigrant, sion. Central to this revisionof earliertheorizations of poor whose exclusion is legitimatedbecause it is they "racism" is the gradual awareness that such doctrines ratherthan,forexample, an Arab oil magnatewho are

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seen as threatening social orderin the contextof eco- duce new contradictions and tensions. Liberal capitalnomic recession. Stepick's observations on the con- ism is inherently incapable of makingeveryonehappy. in trasting experienceofCuban and Haitian immigrants Turner and Zenner regretthat I have not discussed Florida,thoughreferring to the specificcontextof the popular attitudesvis-a-visimmigrants. Turner's obserUnited States,providea suggestive example ofthe com- vations qualifying and extendingmy analysis are espeplex intersectionbetween economic power and essen- cially valuable. Of course, any theoryof exclusion has tialistdifferentiation. its obverse,althoughit is often not recognized thatidenThatcher's famous statement is admittedly less tity,be it ethnic,cultural,national,political,and/orof clearlyculturalistthan I have wanted to make out, but gender, is a relationshipand logically always implies a the fact that the "people of the New Commonwealth" contrasting other.Nationalityrules,forexample,at first and of Pakistan,who are its targets, are phenotypically sight are about the prerequisitesforacquiringcitizennonwhiteis not sufficient reason to extrapolate racism ship,thatis, inclusion,in a statebut implicitly ofcourse fromit. Instead of supposingthat classical racism is at also definewho are noncitizens.Explicit emphases on work every time those who are discriminated against exclusion or inclusion depend,however,on the "probare phenotypically we now need seriouslyto lem" posed. Recent researchon citizenshipin relation different, ask ourselveswhat is in a face nowadays.What does it to human rights,for example, in Latin America, has mean, forexample,thatforeigners ofNorthAfrican ori- tendedto be inward-looking, the conceptualneglecting gin are systematicallystopped by the French police ization ofnationality as its precondition. The alarmover forillegal immigrants in contemporary searching because theyhave "the extracommunitarian Euimmigration has enhancedthe visibilityof the forwrongface" (Dubet I989, citedby SilvermanI992: I36)? rope,by contrast, There is, indeed,a growing awarenessamongscholars eign "other" and the debate over politics of exclusion that contemporary Europeanpolitics and policies of ex- while, nonetheless, revitalizingcommonsense underclusion are informed by claims of nation. Nineteenth- standingsof national belonging,identity,and citizennationalismand late-2oth-century century culturalfun- ship rights.The postwar welfare state in Europe ceras I have analyzedit, sharethe conflation tainly reinforcedthe populations' ideas of national damentalism, of people-nation-territory. which are now being eroded by economic By contrast with igth- entitlement are oftenbut not century typically hierarchical racist nationalism, recession. The ensuing frustrations however, contemporarycultural fundamentalism, by necessarilyalways and by everyonedirectedagainstexParticularnational hisemphasizing cultural-national incommensurability, tracommunitarian immigrants. the planet into separateuniversesrather fragments than tories complicate the picture.In the case of Spain, for on account of example, the experience of emigrationto France and explicitly invoking underdevelopment backwardnessto deny that "we" have anythingto do Germanyin the sixties of almost 3 million labouring with the ever-growing inequality between "us" and men and women often serves as an antidote to antifromAndalucia "them" so as not to be takenforracists.Perhapsit needs immigrant sentiments.One immigrant stressing once more that to challenge racist reduc- recentlyinsisted to me, however,that he was not an tionisms in contemporary but a forastero (roughly, "stranger," though analyses of anti-immigrant immigrant is in no way to minimize the horrors obvirhetoric that this the termpreciselylacks the national connotation), implies for"them." The extentto which racist catego- ously seeking to distance himself from the stigma ries continueto shape people's attitudeseven iftheyare attached to extracommunitarian immigrants, although were called not publiclyadmitted(Stepick)is a matterforresearch until veryrecentlyAndalucian immigrants which above all must pay carefulattention to argumen- and called themselvessimply"immigrants." in particular Much more complicated is, however, the way in tativestructures contextsand political trawhich rhetoricsof political elites interactwith underditions. Benthallrightly points to the absence in my paper of standingsof the dominatedmajorityof the population. an explanationof the North-South inequalitythatI cite The political success of the anti-immigrant platforms as the "root cause" of cultural fundamentalism. But of the political right-to the extentthat not only congovernments have then,I suggesta more complicatedset ofdialecticinter- servativebut also social-democratic actionsbetweenideologicalconstructs and materialrea- adoptedan exclusionaryrhetoric and policies-and the and recurrent sons ratherthan a single "cause"-a dialectic between hostility aggression againstimmigrants on sociopoliticaltensionsgenerated by the economicreces- the part of "ordinarypeople" provide ample evidence sion in advancedcapitalistEuropeand ideologicalscape- that neitherare the politicians preachingin the desert merely a perversefigwhich is in- nor is cultural fundamentalism goatingof extracommunitarian immigrants formedby new and old ideas of national entitlement, mentofthe imaginationofsmall extremist groupsas, in on the resurgence ofracismin Europe inclusion,and exclusion in the guise, forreasons of po- fact,earlyreports litical expediency, of a radicallyrelativist id- maintained.It is also well known that the production culturalist iom. These timesofeconomic crisisare evidently enemyand threat averse ofan external generates internal socioto progressive of change,but it seems equally economic cohesion. The powerofpatriotism, especially programs evident that any piecemeal reformwithin prevailing duringWorld War I, in bridging class divisions is only of power and inequalitywill inevitablypro- one example. Contemporary structures culturetalk has, as Strath-

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ernrecently observed,contributed to obscuringsociety. To understandthe politics of culturalfundamentalism we requiremuch moredetailedresearchon popularselfunderstandings and cultural regarding political-national identityand identifications. Central in this respect is a properhistoricalperspectivethat pays due attention preciselyto the "dialogue" betweenideologuesand subalternsectorsand to theeconomic contextwithinwhich culturalfundamentalism flourishes. My hope is thatmy paper may stimulate investigationsof this kind. The on the socioeconomiccircumstances vast literature that gave rise to fascismmay providevaluable insightshere, but again one should beware of easy reductionisms. Turnerand Strathern drawattention to thewide political spectrumthat nowadays endorsesor is receptiveto cultural fundamentalist ideas in Europe of the kind I discuss, and Clemente rightlyinsists on the need to in more detail the tendencieswithin the right identify and the left.Multiculturalismis an importantcase in point, as are certain strands of defensive ethnonationalismon the left.Forexample,in Catalunya,antistatistnationalistsof the extremeleftmay be heardvehementlydefendingnational cultural identityas the onlyeffective sourceofsocial cohesionin the contemporaryaggressively individualistworld;hence, theyargue, extracommunitarian must assimilate.They immigrants entirely disregard, however,thefactthatneoliberalcapitalist consumer society, by reinforcing individualism, fragmentssociety and the consequences of this, as and thefactthatculturalidentity pointedout byTurner, and oppressionare producedhistorically. An argued critique of contemporary cultural fundamentalism,I believe, does not (as Clemente seems to think)precludeanthropological researchinto particular cultural processes and reinventionsas long as this is not done (again, as Turner observes)in isolation from historicalsociopolitical conditions.Of course, cultural does not producexenophobiabut rather identity the reverse. That "everyoneneeds cultural 'roots"' is, however,fartoo generala statementand prejudgesthe crucial issues regarding the prerequisites of identity and of the productionof difference which anthropologists urgentlyneed to investigate. I have limitedmyself Franceand Britain to comparing because I am aware ofhow important specifichistorical and contextualconditionsand relationsare in endowing sociopoliticalprocesseswithmeaning.In thissense Italy strikesme as especially interesting consideringits recent political history. interestStepickand Zenner offer ing comments from the vantage point of the United States.I would, however,be veryhesitantto extendthe without qualificanotion of cultural fundamentalism tionto NorthAmerica,not least because ofits historical past in slavery and postemancipationracism. Boasian was a momentous reaction to cultural anthropology this. The opposition to nazism duringWorld War II ofracismas shaped in a dramaticfashionthe refutation a legitimateintellectualand political stance. The civil of the sixties contributed further to the rightsstruggles

disreplacementof the idea of "race" in differential course by the obviously ambivalent term "ethnicity" issue is not, however,only one of words but, as I have attempted to show, one of the assumptionsand conceptual structures of new culturalistrhetorics. The idea that humans are inherently ethnocentric is, as I argue,the naturalisticand hence universalistideoEuropean logical assumption on which contemporary culturalfundamentalism is built. This does not mean that,as Zenner seems to think,I dismiss the studyby and xenophobiathe social sciences of ethnocentrism nota bene, as historical phenomena. Anthropologists peoples,or have traditionally investigated communities, be ill-equipped culturesas isolates. They may therefore between culto offerinsights into interrelationships a relational to incorporate tures,but we need urgently earliersocial science approach,not least to interrogate formulationsof a "universal syndromeof ethnocenas trism"which,forreasons I have spelled out, I regard highlysuspect. and its prospects:Benthall Finally,on thenation-state mentionsthe widespreadidea amongscholarsthatlarge but nation-states may be less oppressiveforminorities, again this depends on the context.The United States, forexample,does not appear to me to excel in its tolerance with regard to its multiple"minorities."There are those who argue that transnationalcapitalism,by deit ofits traditional functions, priving economic-political The EuropeanCommuspells doom forthe nation-state. nity is celebratedas one outstandingexample of this. Yet, while capital and commoditiesnowadaysknow no national frontiers, the movementof people is quite anothermatter.One crucial functionof the nation-state, the movementofpeople across bornamely,controlling of indusders,has been revitalizedby the restructuring trial production. Industries may organize production across borders,seeking to reduce productioncosts and increase profits.But structuralunemployment,especially in the North, and its political consequences are than dissolvingbordeepeningnational divisionsrather ders. Not even the foundationaldocument of the new democratic postwar world order,the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, consecrates people's rightto free choice of their residence. While "everyonehas the rightof freedomof movementand residencewithin the bordersof each state," movement betweenstates is limitedto the right to leave any country,includingone's own, and returnto one's country. Nowadays, European citizens as workerscannot move withinthe EuropeanCommunity. Yet completely freely even those rightsenjoyedby Europeansare denied altoto long-settled residentswho happen to be thirdgether nationals. Analyses oftentend to pay attention country to the flowof capital and goods to the neglectof thatof people. Despite radically changed economic circumofthe modstances,the problemposed by the formation in the earlyigth century, how to bound ernnation-state the citizenry, remainswith us.

andlately by"culture" (Barkan i992, Stolcke I993). The

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I99 Ib. Sovereignty: The British experience. TimesLiterarySupplement, November 29, pp. I5-I6. COHN-BENDIT, DANIEL, AND THOMAS SCHMID. i99i. Wenn derWestenunwiderstehlich wird.Die Zeit,November 22, p. 5. dermultikulturellen 1I992.HeimatBabylon:Das Wagnis Demokratie. und Campe. Hoffman COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES. i987. A fresh in theEuropean boostforculture Community. Communication,DecemberI4. forcommunity cultural action. 1I992.New prospects Communication, April29. CRANSTON, MAURICE. I988. "The sovereignty and thenaASAD, TALAL. I990. Multiculturalism and British identity in tion,"in The French Revolution and thecreation ofmodern thewake ofthe Rushdieaffair. Politicsand SocietyI8:455-80. politicalculture, vol. 2, Thepoliticalculture oftheFrench RevBALIBAR, ETIENNE. i99i (i988). in olution.Editedby Colin Lucas. Oxford: Pergamon Press. "iExiste un neoracismo?" Raza, naci6n,y clase. EditedbyEtienne Balibarand Immanuel DELACAMPAGNE, CHRISTIAN. i983. Linventiondu racisme: Wallerstein. Madrid:IEPALA. Antiquite et MoyenAge. Paris:Fayard. BARKAN, ELAZAR. I992. The retreat ofscientific racism:Chang- DE MARTINO, ERNESTO. I977. La finedel mondo: Contributo ing concepts ofrace in Britain and the UnitedStatesbetween all'analisi delle apocalissiculturali. Torino:Einaudi.[PC] the WorldWars.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. DE WAAL, ALEX. I994. Genocidein Rwanda[letter]. AnthropolBARKER, MARTIN. I984. Racism:The new inheritors. Radical ogy Today Io(4):28-29. [JB] 2 I: 2-I 7. Philosophy PHILIP. DODD, i986. "Englishness and thenationalculture," in .I98I. The new racism.London:Junction Books. Englishness: Politicsand culturei88o to 1920. EditedbyRobBARKER, MARTIN, AND ANN BEEZER. I983. The language of ertColls and PhilipDodd, pp. I-28. London:CroomHelm. racism:An examination ofLordScarman's report on theBrix- Dossier-Immigr6s: Les 5 tabous.L'Express, November 8, pp. tonriots.International Socialism2 (I8):Io8-25. 47-48. BEAUD, STEPHANE, AND GERARD NOIRIEL. "Penser1' 'inteF. i989. Immigration: Un bilan des DUBET, Qu'en savons-nousz gration' des immigres," in Face au racisme, vol. 2, Analyses, Notes et EtudesDocumentaires connaissances. 4887. Paris:La hypotheses, perspectives. Editedby Pierre-Andr6 Taguieff, pp. Documentation Francaise. 26I-82. Paris:Editions La D6couverte/Essais. HELMUT. derModerne. DUBIEL, I992. Der Fundamentalismus BtJIN, ANDRt. I986. "R6flexions surl'antiracisme," in RacisMerkur 46 (9-Io):747-62. mes, antiracismes. EditedbyAndr6 B6jinand Julien Freund, ANN. I973. A portrait racism.HarmondsDUMMETT, ofEnglish pp. 303-26. Paris:Librairie des M6ridiens. worth: Penguin. Below-replacement in industrial fertility societies:Causes and nationalDUMMETT, ANN, AND IAN MARTIN. i982. British consequences. I986. Population and Development ReviewI2, ism: TheAGIN guide to thenew law. London:ActionGroup suppl. and Nationality/National on Immigration CouncilforCivil BENTHALL, JONATHAN, AND JOHN KNIGHT. I993. Ethnic Liberties. alleysand avenues.Anthropology Today9 (5):I-2. NICOL. citiI990. Subjects, DUMMETT, ANN, AND ANDREW BERNARDI, BERNARDO, I994. Il fattore etnico:Dall'etniaall'etand immigration law. zens, aliens,and others: Nationality nocentrismo. Ossimori4. [PC] and Nicolson. London:Weidenfeld ELZA. BERQU6, I993. "La cuesti6n demografica: Confrontaci6n DUMONT, LOUIS. I979. Peupleet nationchez Herder et Fichte. " in Mujeresy polftica Sur-Norte, de poblaci6n.Oaxetepec, Libre, no. 6, pp. 233-50. Mexico: Red de Salud de las MujeresLatinamericanas y del Ca. I991I. L'ideologieallemande:France-Allemagne et retour. ribe. Paris:Gallimard. HOMI K. I994. BHABHA, Thelocationof culture. London: ANNE-MARIE. DURANTON-CRABOL, i988. Visagesde la nouRoutledge. [PF] Le GRECE et son histoire. Paris:Pressesde la Fonvelle droite: BLANCKAERT, CLAUDE. I988. "On theorigins ofFrench ethnoldationNationaledes SciencesPolitiques. ogy:WilliamEdwards and thedoctrine ofrace,"in Bones,bod- ELIAS, NORBERT. Paris:Fayard. i99i. La societedes individus. ies, behavior: Essayson biologicalanthropology. Editedby HANS MAGNUS. I992. Die GrosseWanENZENSBERGER, W. Stocking George Jr., pp. I8-55. Madison:University ofWisFrankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp. derung: 33 Markierungen. consinPress. Kulturelle RD H EI M, MARIO. I992. Fremdeln, UnvertraglichBREWER, AND DONALD MARYLINNE, T. CAMPBELL. I976. keitund Anziehung. no. I07, pp. I9-32. Kursbuch, Ethnocentrism and intergroup attributes: East African eviPARLIAMENT. i986. Declarationagainstracism EUROPEAN dence.New York:Wiley. Brussels. and xenophobia. ROGERS. BRUBAKER, I992. and nationhood Citizenship in im Namen des Untersuchungsausschusses . I990. Bericht Franceand Germany. Harvard Cambridge: Press. University Rassismusund Auslanderfeindlichkeit. DOC-DE-RR-93o62, TONY. BUNYAN, I99I. Towardsan authoritarian European Brussels, July23. state.Race and Class 32 (3). law. London:Sweetand Max"VANS, J. M. i983. Immigration E. ELLIS. CASHMORE, I984. Dictionary ofrace and ethnic relawell. tions.London:Routledge. drawnup on behalf M. DIMITRIOS. "VREGENIS, i985. Report BERNARD. CASSEN, et pouvoir. I993. Culture Le MondeDiplointo theRise ofFascismand Racofthe Committee ofInquiry matique40(474):32. PE ism in Europeon thefindings ofthe Committee ofInquiry. MAX. I992. "The politicsoflanguage CASTRO, in Miami,"in DOC A 2-I60/85, Brussels, November 25. Miami Now! Immigration, and social change.Edited ethnicity, of PETER. ITZPATRICK, I987. "Racismand theinnocence Grenier and Alex Stepick, by Guillermo pp. I09-32. Gainesand law," in Critical legal studies.EditedbyPeterFitzpatrick ville: University ofFloridaPress.[AS] Basil Blackwell. Oxford: Alan Hunt,pp. II9-2I. LOUIS. CHEVALIER, i984 (I958). Classes laborieuses et classes tideofracismsweeping i99i. Thereis a rising ORD, GLYN. dangereuses a Paris,pendantla premiere moitiedu XIX siecle. no. i29 (September-October). acrossEurope.The Courier, Paris:Hachette. sans nations, cet artifice, ce miMAX. i989. L'Europe ;ALLO, C. D. I99Ia. Britain CLARK, JONATHAN as a composite state: Le Monde Diplomatique36 (420). ragedangereux. and European Sovereignty Culture integration. and History 9Renan.Les Temps ;ATTY, JEAN. I993. Les soucis d'Ernest

My conclusion is admittedlyutopian, but then, as Goya showed so powerfully in his caprichos,"Phantasy abandoned by reason produces impossible monsters: united with reason it is the motherof the arts and the originof marvels."

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du Seuil. humaine.Paris:Editions surla diversite franQaise and multiculturalism: 1993. Anthropology TERENCE. TURNER, thatmulticulturalists shouldbe mindful Whatis anthropology 8:4 II - 29. Anthropology ofit? Cultural dans la luttedes factions: I988. "L'6tranger SOPHIE. WAHNICH, in Languages: Usage d'un motdansune crisepolitique," Languesde la Revolution Frangaise, pp. III-30. Mots I6.
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francaise d'immigration WEIL, PATRICK. I988. "La politique (enin La citoyennet6. Edited treI974 et I986) et la citoyennet6," Wihtolde Wenden, pp. i90-200. Paris:Edilig/ by Catherine
I935. Essai surla r6glementaAUGUSTE-RAYNALD. Paris: tionde la nationalite dans le droitcolonialfrangais. Librairie du RecueilSirey. Editor. I993. Racismeet modernite. WIEVIORKA, MICHEL. Paris:Editions La D6couverte. Editor. i992. Zukunftsangst Einwanderung. WINKLER, BEATE. Munich:C. H. BeckVerlag. WERNER, ZUNGARO,

Fondation Diderot.

A simpleguideto theprovisions oftheRace Relacrimination: tionsAct of I976. London:Show. ThemodernWEBER, EUGEN. I976. PeasantsintoFrenchmen: UniverStanford izationofruralFrance,I870-1914. Stanford: sityPress.

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J., AND

MICHAEL

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mitPieroBassettiiiberEinwanderung und Invasion. Gesprach Kursbuch, no. I07, pp. I20-30.

EMILIO

GALLI.

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Die Barbaren kommen: Ein

editors andHarry Harootunian, I. Davidson, Arnold Chandler, James of what concern thecentral toward has beendirected attention little Surprisingly ofEvidenceseeksto Questions and scholarship. evidencein research constitutes and thirteen majoressaysby leadingscholars together gap by bringing fillthat Each essay fieldsacrossthesciencesandhumanities. in multiple researchers by a never-beforeis accompanied Inquiry) in Critical published (originally essay. of theoriginal and a rejoinder bytheauthor critical response published
Lorraine Jean James Comaroff, Chandler, Teffy Castle, Berlant, Lauren include Contributors Elizabeth IanHacking, Harry Harootunian, CarloGinzburg, I. Davidson, Arnold Daston, Poovey, Mary Meltzer, R. C. Lewontin, Fran9oise Mark Kelman, C. Holt, Thomas Helsinger, Eve W. Scott, Joan Simon Schaffer, Lawrence Rothfield, Richards, Robert DonaldPreziosi, Pierre CassR. Sunstein, Joel Snyder, Smith, Herrnstein Barbara Sedgwick, Kosofsky Wimsatt. andWilliam Vidal-Naquet,
1994 512 p. (est.) ISBN: 0-226-10082-0 Cloth ISBN: 0-226-10083-9 Paper $42.00 $19.95

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