SCNC

The Emergency SCNC By Vincent FEKO

One of the most popular and powerful political parties in Nigeria in the` 50s was
the NCNC, National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons, the British Cameroons to
be precise. The British Cameroons was an internationally recognized geographical
circumscription, with a surface area of 86214sq km, sandwiched, as it were,
between Nigeria and the former French Cameroun.When Nigeria attained independence
on October 1, 1960, the Cameroons component was dropped and NCNC was renamed the
National Council of Nigerian Citizens. Acknowledging, this was in keeping with the
international Law maxim of uti possedetis juris that ordains that: the
international boundaries or borders of a country become fixed, unchangeable or
frozen with effect from its declaration of independence.
The principle was reaffirmed by resolution AGH/ Res16 (1) of the OAU (AU) heads of
state Cairo Summit of July1964. The Resolution states that colonial boundaries
inherited at independence remain “tangible immutable and inviolable.” uti
possedetis juris and Res. AGH/ Res.16 (1) did not apply to La Republique du
Cameroun any less than they applied to Nigeria when the French Cameroun acceded to
independence as La Republique du Cameroun, earlier on 1st January 1960.
Both Nigeria and La Republique du Cameroun, as accredited members of the AU have
pledged to uphold the Charter of the AU in which is enshrined, like in the charter
of the United Nations, the right to self-determination of a people under foreign
occupation and domination. Besides, Nigeria could not have let go the British
Cameroons that, in the first place was never an integral part of Nigeria, only to
turn around 8 months later to acquire part of the territory. That would be like
overturning the uti possedetis juris it had law-abidingly respected at
independence. It would be comparable to the unwitting acquisition of a Trojan
horse. That historical snapshot is intended to prepare the reader’s mind for a
better understanding and appreciation of the paper’s title: The Emergent SCNC, and
the analysis that follow.
Picture: EML Endeley, First PM of Southern Cameroons

The pioneer SCNC, the Southern Cameroons National Council, stands for the self-
determination of the former Southern Cameroons, an integral part of the former
British Cameroons. Self-determination, of course, is a later development due to La
Republique du Cameroun government’s intransigence for failing to heed to the All
Anglophone Conference (AAC) call for constitutional reforms. The proponents of the
SCNC, the AAC convenors and their disciples initially stood for a return to the
Federation of two-equal- in status Federated states of West Cameroon and East
Cameroun, English and French, which president Ahidjo and his successor had
successively replaced with the United Republic in 1972 and La Republique du
Cameroun in 1984. The AAC convenors and the rest of us, who supported them at the
time, were not as sure as we are today, that the Federation for which we nursed so
much nostalgia, was a phantom Federation, a colonial construct and a euphemism for
La Republique du Cameroun.

The emergent SCNC, the Southern Cameroons and Northern Cameroons Workshop, the
brainchild of Prof. Martin Chia Ateh and other frontline proponents among whom
are the eminent senior citizen and politician and retird. Chartered Accountant
Mola Njoh Litumbe and Dr Amos Gabuir; stands for the self-determination of the
former British Cameroons which, pending its independence, according to Prof. Ateh,
has reverted to the United Nations (UN) territory of Cameroons with the Secretary
General of the UN as the head.

While slight differences may exist between the two schools, one intrinsic
difference is worthy of note. Whereas the pioneer school wants the restoration of
the independence of an integral part, the emergent school wants independence
granted to the whole UN territory as independence “by joining” was predicated on a
Federal union that neither legally nor legitimately ever was.
Moreover, to ask for independence for the part rather than the whole would seem to
be an endorsement of the illegal and criminal partitioning and subsequent disposal
of the territory by the British in the most untidy and despicable fashion in
living memory.

We have now entered the crucial stage of the struggle and there is need now more
than ever before, to find a common ground. Fighting in dispersed ranks with
incoherent objectives will render us vulnerable to detractors and enemies. Any
article of faith that we ever held that has collapsed under careful examination
through the mirror of international Law and the Convention on the Law of Treaties
should be discarded. For example, the argument that Southern Cameroons achieved
independence on the1st October 1961 by joining La Republique du Cameroun has been
demolished by International Law and the Convention on the Law of Treaties. To
continue to insist on the point regardless of the rebuttal simply because a few of
us had, without thorough research held this view, is to mislead our people, send
wrong and confusing signals to the international community, and play into the
hands of our detractors and enemies who are lying in wait to do their worst. For
reasons of vested interest, Great Britain was bent on not letting the British
Cameroons achieve independence under Art. 76(b) of the Charter of the United
Nations.
Not even the diplomatic bullet of a Metternich would have turned the tables.
That is as bad as the story is. The Hansard tells it like it is.

With the knowledge we have today about what happened to the British Cameroons, in
retrospect, was the clamour for dialogue with La Republique du Cameroun the
appropriate thing to do? Some might say, yes, the weight of foreign occupation and
domination had become intolerable and the struggle for freedom had to start from
somewhere. Nevertheless, the illegal and criminal partitioning of our territory
and sharing it as spoils (of war) between Nigeria and La Republique du Cameroun,
has legally and legitimately returned the territory to the United Nations. The
Secretary General of the UN is now the head of the territory. Can any liberation
movement in the former British Cameroons still pretend to have the locus standi to
engage in any meaningful dialogue with the occupiers, either severally or jointly?
If yes, for what product? Moreover, this raises yet another crucial question: Is
it thinkable for slaves and slave masters to negotiate for freedom and liberty of
the slaves? On the other hand, to put it much milder and palatable: is it normal
for a minor and an adult to contract?

It is now clear that the question of self-determination of the people of the UN

territory of the Cameroons is a matter for the United Nations to resolve.
Southern Cameroonians have no quarrel with La Republique du Cameroun. They have a
problem with the UN. Any such attempt would amount to “chopping Soya” like our
other well-known brothers and sisters. Even if the government of La Republique du
Cameroun heeded to the call of the pioneer SCNC for constitutional reforms, in the
light of recent research, any Constitution jointly produced by the SCNC and La
Republique would have been illegal and unacceptable on at least the following
three counts:
From the illegal and criminal partitioning of the Cameroons Britain held in trust
and ceding a part to Nigeria (1st. June 1961) and the other to La Republique du
Cameroun (1st. October 1961), the Cameroons had, in international Law, reverted to
a UN territory with the UN having exclusive jurisdiction over the territory,

The SCNC has been representing a non-independent territory that is occupied by La

Republique du Cameroun, an independent state with vested interest in the destiny
of Southern Cameroons. The status of the SCNC has been like that of a minor and
that of La Republique an adult. In Law, no valid contract can be made between a
minor and an adult and worse still, when the adult is a criminal.
 3) Trespassers and property owners do not negotiate. Trespassers are
criminals and are to be prosecuted and flushed out.

It is unfortunate that the regime continues to behave as if they are oblivious of

these issues, by hoodwinking the international community into thinking that La
Republique du Cameroun is a one and indivisible entity. Of course, the La
Republique du Cameroun that achieved independence on 1st January 1960 and became
an accredited member of the United Nations on September 20, 1960, is one and
indivisible. No one contests that. What the regime has never told the
international community and will never, is how they overturned uti possedetis
juris and the 1964 Cairo Summit’s undertaking to bring in Southern Cameroons as an
integral part of their one and indivisible Republique

All the frantic but futile manoeuvres of the regime to justify their occupation of
Southern Cameroons can only provide impeachable evidence of their unwarranted
intrusion and balkanization of Southern Cameroons. Various amendments to their
Republican Constitution, calling them the Constitution of La Republique Federale
du Cameroun (1961), la Constitution de la Republique Unie du Cameroun (1972), and
back to La Constitution de la Republique du Cameroun (1996), show that La
Republique du Cameroun is a rapacious land shark.

The fragmentation of the former British Cameroons and the subtle assimilation of
its peoples by the occupying powers to destroy their history, culture and identity
are bound to fail. This is because according to the UN Charter and International
Law, the territory has become a UN territory, and secondly because its
international borders are delimited and therefore immutable and inviolable in much
the same way as those of the occupiers.

The participation of citizens of the UN territory in the politics of the occupiers

is inconsequential because those elections can never compromise the nationality
and citizenship of the electorate and the elected. It is common knowledge that
political behaviour of people under foreign domination is dictated by force
majeure. Moreover, these elections have always been unfair, non-transparent and
heavily rigged. The various presidential elections and the most recent legislative
and municipal twin elections prove the point. The occupiers themselves regard
those elections as a propaganda gimmick. It is an unimpeachable fact that no one
in the dominated class can ever be allowed to aspire to the highest office of the
land, or to participate in any meaningful decision making process. That would be
like bringing the slave to the master’s table or asking “Zeus to share his kingdom
with men. The case of La Republique du Cameroun’s 1992 presidential election in
which the Southern Cameroonian frontline opposition leader’s landslide victory
was overturned, provides a classical example.

With the ruling party’s

latest fraudulent parliamentary majority, government is once again contemplating
on frustrating the SCNC struggle for self-determination by carrying out sweeping
constitutional and administrative reforms in disregard of the litigation
instituted against the regime at the African Commission on Human and peoples
Rights (ACHPR) and the United Nations (UN).

Already a Commission has been set up to work on new state symbols, for example,
two stars national flag et al, in preparation for the 50th anniversary of La
Republique du Cameroun’s independence on 1st January 2010.

The regime celebrated the 30th independence anniversary on 1st January 1990, and
issued commemorative postage stamps with the map of La Republique du Cameroun at
independence on 1st January 1960, in conformity with uti possedetis juris and the
1964 Cairo African Heads of State’s reaffirmation of the immutability of colonial
boundaries inherited at independence. Citizens of the UN Territory of the
Cameroons do not expect La Republique du Cameroun to behave differently or in a
manner that our threatening youth who are bearing the brunt of annexation, will
consider as “the last straw that breaks the camel’s back.”

It must be emphatically repeated in the ambiguous case of La Republique du

Cameroun that the La Republique is a French colonial outpost where, the French
have made it abundantly clear that an Anglophone (Southern Camerooninan) cannot be
president. That reaffirms Southern Cameroons’non belonging.

It should also be noted that even if Southern Cameroons and Northern Cameroons
(SCNC) had joined La Republique du Cameroun and Nigeria by Treaty in application
of Art.102 (1) & (2) of the Charter of the UN that would not have made Southern
and Northern Cameroons an part of La Republique du Cameroun and Nigeria. Southern
and Northern Cameroons would still have had the liberty to break away whenever
they chose to because this treaty would not have been an instrument of annexation.

SCNC are not promising the world a miracle in statecraft. It is a question of, as
President Kwame Nkrumah said, “We prefer self-determination with danger to
servitude in tranquility.” After all, “who well”? This is a matter for the African
Union and the United Nations on whom we call to resolve within their competence,
and in application of their complementary Charters that the belligerent nations
have pledged to uphold.

SOUTHERN CAMEROONS NATIONAL COUNCIL (SCNC) NATIONAL CHAIRMAN HRH CHIEF AYAMBA AND
21 OTHERS ARRESTED

BY PRINCE LAWRENCE AYAMBA

After almost 6 months in Europe on a diplomatic offensive where he visited

Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, The Netherlands, Switzerland and the UK, the
SCNC National Chairman HRH Chief Ayamba Ette Otun arrived the Southern Cameroons
on Sunday October 6, 2008 via Douala international airport on board a Swissair
Flight LX274. At the Douala airport, he was greeted by huge crowds of Southern
Cameroonians who had travelled all the way from Mamfe, Kumba, Mutengene, Victoria,
Buea, Tiko etc to welcome the SCNC National Chairman. This delegation was lead by
Mr Sylvester Taku, SCNC Southern Zone chairman and comprises of some leaders of
the SCNC National Executive including the Acting General Secretary, Mr Mathias
Arrey Besong, Organizing & Propaganda Secretary Mr. James Sabum, and Financial
Secretary, Mr Vincent Njokonu etc.

Chief Ayamba Ette Otun, the octogenarian and SCNC National Chairman of the
frontline SCNC was arrested at about 14.00h local time on Monday October 06, 2008
in Mutengene along with 21 others whom he was briefing after his return from a
long official tour of Europe and America when suddenly Mr Awa Augustine the newly
installed SDO for Tiko stumped the private resident with 3 trucks angry looking
and heavily armed soldiers and arrested everyone in the venue. Currently, all
those arrested are being held at the Tiko police station incommunicado. The
information gathered is to the effect that all those arrested will be rushed to
court on Tuesday October 07, 2008 morning hurriedly “tried” and sentenced to long
terms of imprisonment! This should not be taken lightly at all in view of the
dismal track record of the Biya’s regime vis-à-vis the SCNC and the other
nationalist movements of the British Southern Cameroons which la Republique du
Cameroun subversively overrun from 1961.

Other SCNC members arrested with the SCNC National chairman includes; Aloius
Mukube (56) and blind. This visually impaired SCNC member just wanted to touch and
thank the SCNC National for all his efforts irrespective of his age. The only
arrested female 40 years old Mary Bati was severely beaten and striped necked by
the Biya’s military and security agents. Pa Linus Ngu (70), a retired Senior
Divisional office who’s also diabetic and a high blood patient was also arrest.
Since his detention, his health has deteriorated very rapidly and has been refused
medical attention.

Pa Agbormbi Fortu (64) was also arrested. He was also severely tortured during his
arrest. Amongst all those arrested, Mr Sylvester Taku, SCNC Southern Zone
chairman’s situation is very precarious and needs urgent medical attention. He was
brutally tortured and sustained life threatening injuries. He has also been denied
access to a medical doctor as he lies helplessly in a very filthy and unhygienic
police detention facility. The Acting General Secretary, Mr Mathias Arrey Besong,
Organizing & Propaganda Secretary Mr. James Sabum, and Financial Secretary, Mr
Vincent Njokonu were also arrested. It should also be noted that Dr Simon Tantoh
who was arrested about 2 weeks ago, is still in detention, accused for “selling
SCNC newspapers” It is unbelievable that the free and democratic world has
watched this intolerable state of affairs for close to half a century without
compunction People who are fighting for freedom from foreign occupation and
domination are allowed, by those who should rightly show deep concern by calling
the aggressors and oppressors to order and showing them the exit for purposes of
international peace and security, to be exterminated as a price for their being
peace loving.

While the United Nations and the rest of the democratic world are, this year,
celebrating the 60th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
they are called upon to reflect on Art.15 of the UDHR that says, inter alia, that
no one shall be deprived of his nationality. La Republique du Cameroun has
ruthlessly deprived the Southern Cameroonian of his nation and nationality.
Southern Cameroonians carry LRC identity cards not as a matter of consent but as a
matter of force majeure. By remaining quiet over this state of deplorable affairs
as the United Nations is doing in the guise that la Republique du Cameroun (LRC)
is one and indivisible and there is peace, the UN is making the same grievous
mistake they made when they got the signal that trouble was in the offing in
Rwanda and did nothing, and that act of gross negligence cost the world a million
slaughtered poor souls! Kofi Annan, the UN Secretary General at the time, heavy
heartedly apologised with “deep remorse” for the UN blunder but a million souls
had been wiped out from the surface of the earth.

We do hope Banki Moon has learned that bitter lesson from his predecessor and will
be on his guard not to be led to another sad occasion to apologise when it happens
between LRC and British Southern Cameroons . The Southern Cameroons European
Missions, we would like to draw the attention of the UN and the international
community to the Preamble of the UDHR that says, inter alia,”…Whereas it is
essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to
rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by
the rule of Law.” At this stage serious campaigned is being lunched across
Europe calling on International Human rights organisation, Amnesty international
the international community to put pressure on the Yaoundé regime to immediately
and unconditionally release all detained Southern Cameroonians.

COMPLETE LIST? NAMES AND AGES OF SOUTHERN CAMEROONIAN LEADERS ARRESTED.

These are the Names and ages of the detained S C N C members at the Tiko Police
Station since Monday. It should be noted that they have been refused medical
attention after serious injuries they got during their arrests.

1) Chief Ayamba Ete Otun 84

2) James Sabum. 64
3 Ngoe Alius Mukube 62
4) Emmanuel Fongoh 62
5) Mary Bati
6) Sylvester Taku 68
7) John Babila 62
Ndikum Linus 70
9) Ndifor Joseph 68
10) Jacob Sama 70
11) Wilson Fokum 60
12) Freeboy Acho Eboa 62
13) Agbor Fothung 81
14) Arrey Mathias
15) Fokum Andrew
16) Tita Nji Christian 62
17) Tintanti Moses
18) Yume Peter Findi 64
19) Stephen Mbah C
20) Laurence Nwellem
21) Mukete Samuel
22) Ofon Jaspa
23) Tamfor Bless.
24) Tambo George Wongunwun

Something should be done soonest. For with no Medical Attention We still wonder
how Tamfor Bless is coping for three days with a broking leg,

Read SCNC petition to UN Secreatary General on the arrest of SCNC leaders.