Hunter-Gatherers in the Gran Chaco Region: Environment and Use of Resources A brief summary and translation of an anthropological overview

of their economic activities, social organizations/practices, and the relationship of these to regional geography The relationship of the indigenous communities in Gran Chaco to the land that they inhabit has been defined and organized according to deliberate social practices, spiritual beliefs, and cultural traditions. Like other huntergatherer societies, this relationship has been influenced by and has adapted to both cyclical (seasonal) and historical changes in the physical environment(Lee 1981, Leackock 1982, Shalins 1983, Descola 1986, Ingold 1987). In this way, the term traditional use refers to the maintenance of a whole set of social practices that not only generate economic production but primarily govern the process of social reproduction itself: i.e., practices that define the communitys unique identity. Traditional use also refers to the ways in which indigenous hunter-gatherer societies, such as those found in the Gran Chaco region, have a relationship with their natural environment based on principles and practices of reciprocity, mutuality, and diversity(Sahlins op.cit, Lee op.cit, Ingold opc.cit., Descola op.cit, Leacock op.cit., Feit 1994, (Sahlins op.cit, Lee op.cit, Ingold opc.cit., Descola op.cit, Leacock op.cit., Feit 1994, Wallis m.s.,, . Various studies of natural diversity in this region have found that there are at least 28 species of mammals, 10 reptiles, 17 birds, 21 types of fish, more than 70 species of wild vegetation and 12 others of cultivated plants(Maranta m.s.,Wallis m.s). Taking into account processes of historico-political change, respect for this trilogy (diversity-mutuality-reciprocity) has been an important factor in maintaining a balance of natural resources. Until the introduction of cattle ranching at the beginning of the century (by nonindigenous settlers), the indigenous communities of Chaco managed to preserve a more or less stable share of the resources around them by alternating their use of the land and exploiting the riches of the hills and waters. This alternation includes fishing in the winter, harvesting and planting agricultural crops in the spring and summer, and hunting throughout the year. In the past, residents of the various indigenous communities moved freely from one part of the territory to others without borders, exchanging goods and creating both familial ties and political alliances amongst each other. In the Chaco region, two distinct sociocultural groups emerged that correspond to distinct geographical areas: people of the forest and people along the river side. This differentiation has been supported by many years of

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economic mutuality, including the exchange of game, fish, honey, and other products as well as the celebration of festivities that establish new political and matrimonial ties between the two groups. These marital ties not only strengthen the exchange of goods between families but also assure new couples that they have access to the resources of both geographical areas. This interchange continues despite the shifts in distribution of resources that followed settlement of the region by non-indigenous people during the 20th century. Direct, unrestricted, reciprocal access to available resources is one of the primary traits of hunting-gathering societies. This understanding of the environment corresponds with the absence of the notion of exclusive ownership of land or property. Afterwards the process of evangelization the peoples of the Chaco region settled down on villages. Inside these villages each new couple make its house near by one of their parents forming what is called in Anthropology family hunting groups. Within the family hunting group, however, individual couples maintain autonomy over economic and living situation decisions. Besides, inside the village exists a particular dynamic referred to in anthropological literature as movements of fusion and fission that facilitate the disaggregation of one or more family hunting groups when it is not possible to reach an understanding with others. Importantly, this process does not imply that disaggregated group[s] will be sanctioned or restricted in their use of the territorys available resources; On the contrary, this flexibility and continued access to resources is one important way in which the communities insure that space will be shared. On the other hand, the use of these resources is not dependent on a couple or familys property rights, but rather on the knowledge and skills that they can contribute to the process of community development. While the nuclear family is to a certain extent the basic economic unit of production [in indigenous societies of Chaco], there are no fixed rules that dictate with which relatives one is obliged to live nor are there property rights over specific resources. Technical skills, including those that relate to the location and proper preparation of food, and knowledge about the environment are likewise considered available to everyone. For example, the process of passing on the skills and culture of hunting not only sustains the supply of game, but also reproduces a certain system of social relations and delimits the social differences that distinguish and bind together the generations. In sum, studies have shown that direct and unrestricted access to knowledge about technical resources, labor techniques, and traditional crafts; diversified use of natural resources; freedom of movement; flexibility of association; economic autonomy; and the practices of mutuality and reciprocity between social units form the keys to sociocultural reproduction among the huntergatherer peoples of the Gran Chaco region. Urbanization plans and

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government development projects within the same geographical area threaten this reproduction when they are implemented without regard for the socioculturally defined space created by hunters and gatherers in these lands. Environmental damage, such as erosion or the flight of wild animals, can provoke drastic changes that effect much more the diet of indigenous people. When the material base of their subsistence is destroyed [by changes in the environment], the very identity of the indigenous people is threatened with extinction. If their social life and traditional use of the land can no longer be sustained by the ideas of mutuality, recciprocity, and flexibility, they will simply disappear. Fortunately, there are now laws that recognize and guarantee indigenous peoples rights to their cultural identity. The right to cultural identity guarantees the right to a safe environment in which indigenous communities enjoy a degree of self-determination that allows them to develop their traditional practices and manage their internal affairs autonomously. References Descola, P. 1986 Le nature domestique. Symbolisme et praxis dans l'cologie des Achuar. Traduccin : La selva culta. Quito: Ed. Abya-Yala. Coleccin 500 Aos # 17. Ingold. T. 1988 "Notes on the foraging mode of production". En Hunter Gatherers 1. History, evolution and social change. T. Ingold, D. Riches y J. Woodburn (eds.) New York: St. Martin's Press, pp:269-285. Leacock, E. 1982 "Relations of production in band society". En: Politics and History in Band Societies. E. Leacock and R. Lee (eds.) New York: Cambridge University Press. pp.: 159-170. Lee, R. 1981 " Is there a foraging mode of production"? Canadian Journal of AnthropoLogy 2:13-19. Maranta, A. (m.s.) Un intento de distribucin de los recursos naturales: El lote fiscal 55 Chaco Pilcomayo (depto. Rivadavia) Sahlins, M. 1983 La economa de la Edad de piedra. Madrid. Akal, cap. I.

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Wallis, C. (m.s.) " Uso tradicional de la tierra y sus recursos: Presiones sobre este uso en el contexto moderno"