Counteracting Depression and Delinquency in Late Adolescence

The Role of Regulatory Emotional and Interpersonal Self-Efficacy Beliefs

Abstract. A prospective study was conducted to examine a conceptual model in which affective and interpersonal social self-efcacy beliefs affect depression and delinquency concurrently and at 4 years of distance, controlling for earlier adolescents exposure to family violence and adolescents self-regulation problems. Three hundred and ninety adolescents aged 1113 years at Time 1 participated in the study. Data were collected 1, 3, and 7 years later. Self-reported questionnaires were used to measure emotional and interpersonal self-efcacy, depression, and delinquency. Findings of structural equation modeling corroborated the posited paths of relations, showing that in middle adolescence self-efcacy beliefs related to individuals perceived capacity to handle negative emotions and to express positive emotions inuence depression and delinquency concurrently and longitudinally through interpersonal social self-efcacy, namely individuals beliefs in their capability to handle relations with parents, to rebuff peer pressures toward transgressive behavior, and to empathize with others feelings. A signicant and direct path from self-efcacy to manage negative emotions to concurrent depression was found. The posited covariates (i.e., adolescents self-regulation problems at age 12 and exposure to family violence at age 13) predicted both lower self-efcacy beliefs and higher adjustment problems. Findings showed the importance of adolescents emotional and interpersonal self-efcacy beliefs in contrasting maladjustment, despite the impairing effect of personal and contextual risk factors. Overall, the study provides suggestions regarding the crucial factors that could decrease adolescents risk of detrimental outcomes. Keywords: depression, delinquency, self-efcacy, adolescence, longitudinal study 4 1 11-13 137 selfefficacy 12 13 Adolescents have to manage major biological, educational,and social role transitions concurrently and cope with thegrowing strains of independence (Bandura, 1997). In particular,late adolescence is an especially taxing transitional timewhen the roles of adulthood must begin to be addressed in almost every dimension of life. This transition is rich of challenges and changes, during which little about the future has been decided for certain, but where most adolescents are exposed to experiences and make decisions destined to affect their personal and future life in substantial ways (Arnett, 2007). This period is marked by increased diversity in life paths and timing of developmental milestones (e.g., Cohen, Kasen, Chen, Hartmark, & Gordon, 2003; Sherrod, Haggerty, & Featherman, 1993). In particular, in economically advanced societies, the transition to adulthood involves choices among a variety of paths and its success depends largely on the capacity of young people to select goals, paths, and activities that maximize the expression of their talents in accordance with the opportunities and obligations set by the environment. More than in the past, the capacity for self-regulation is one of the core features of successful transitions (Bandura, 2006; Crockett & Sibereisen, 2000). thegrowing1997 timewhen

2007 1993Hartmark2003 Featherman 20062000Sibereisen G.V. Caprara et al.: Counteracting Depression and Delinquency G.V. Furthermore, given the impact of current societal demands for prolonged education that leads to delaying individuals entrance into work settings, in countries like Italy most adolescents transition toward adulthood takes place within the family and through continuous renegotiations of their relationships with their parents. Thus, the transition to adulthood has become a complex relational intergenerational process, namely, a joint enterprise of both children and parents (Caprara, Scabini, & Regalia, 2006). Consequently, particular attention should be given to enabling factors that equip adolescents with the personal resources to select and structure their environments in ways that set a successful course for their lives. 2006 Depressive Problems and Delinquent Behavior in Late Adolescence During their transition to adulthood, adolescents are exposed to many challenges and stressors that may jeopardize the capacity to regulate affect and to be able to successfully manage relationships with parents and peers. Depressive feelings and delinquent behavior are common experiences during adolescence, although differently for boys and girls (Arnett, 1999). While boys are more prone to delinquent behaviors than are girls (Loeber, 1997), girls are more prone to depressive feelings than boys (Cicchetti & Toth, 1998). Several studies have shown that depression and delinquent behavior are, to a certain degree, related to each other (e.g., Angold & Costello, 1993; Wiesner & Kim, 2006). Some theorists have focused on the temporal sequence of these two phenomena, suggesting that while in boys delinquent activities may lead to subsequent (changes in) depressive feelings (Capaldi & Stoolmiller, 1999), the relation is bidirectional in girls (Wiesner, 2003; Wiesner & Kim, 2006). Others have focused on the commonality of risk factors that explain their association (Beyers & Loeber, 2003; Keiley, Lofthouse, Bates, Dodge, & Pettit, 2003). Indeed, both problems share some contextual and individual risk factors, such as children or adolescents exposure to family conict (i.e., arguments and physical violence in the home) or maltreatment and difcult temperament (i.e., in terms of emotional and behavioral selfregulation; Davies & Cummings, 1994; Silk, Steinberg, & Morris, 2003). 1999 Loeber1997 Cicchetti1998 Angold 1993 ;2006 Stoolmiller1999 2003 2006 Beyers Loeber2003; Keiley2003 1994 2003 Depressive Problems In investigating depression, much attention has been paid to both contextual and individual vulnerabilities that make adolescents more prone to depression as well as to the capacities that make them less vulnerable to depressive feelings (Bandura, 2006; Hankin & Abela, 2005). Among the contextual factors, adverse family environments (i.e., environments characterized by the absence of supportive and facilitative

interactions or by elevated levels of conictual, critical, and angry interactions, or by childrens maltreatment) seem to generate constant stress that increases the risk of adolescents depression (Sheeber, Hops, & Davis, 2001; Toth, Manly, & Cicchetti, 1992). Exposure to those family environments increases the risk of depression and anxiety by compromising adolescents emotion regulation abilities and in particular, their emotional coping abilities (Schulz,Waldinger, Hauser, & Allen, 2005). Likewise, overprotective and authoritarian parenting, especially in fathers, is associated with adolescents depression (Gallimore & Kurdek, 1992). 2005 2006 Sheeber Cicchetti1992 Waldinger2005 Kurdek1992 At the same time, several studies have shown that positive interactions with parents, based on closeness and open communication, better equip adolescents with personal resources that facilitate social-emotional adjustment and effective coping with lifes problems (Sim, 2000). In addition, adolescents capacity to renegotiate relationships in the face of their increasing autonomy and role in family decision making appears to be crucial in successfully coping with this developmental hurdle (Arnett, 2007; Caprara, Pastorelli, Regalia, Scabini, & Bandura, 2005) and in preventing depressive feelings (Pastorelli, Gerbino, Vecchio, Paciello, & Picconi, 2005). 2000 2007 2005 Gerbino Paciello2005 Among individual vulnerabilities, adolescents difculties in emotional and behavioral regulation expose them to higher depressive feelings, especially with respect to the progressive accumulation of negative consequences Capaldi & Stoolmiller, 1999; Clark, Watson, & Mineka, 1994). In particular, adolescents beliefs and expectations concerning their own abilities to regulate emotions are crucial for successful adaptation, particularly in counteracting depression. Indeed, depressed youth not only have less effective strategies for regulating affect, but also fail to use them because of low expectations for success (Garber, Braaadt, & Weiss, 1995). Compared to nondepressed peers, depressed adolescents are less likely to use adaptive interpersonal and intrapersonal strategies for reducing negative affect (e.g., problem-solving and cognitive restructuring) and are less likely to believe that their strategies will be effective. They display longer maintenance (i.e., greater temporal continuity) of negative emotional responses and a poorer ability to maintain temporal continuity of positive emotions (Tomarken & Keener, 1998). In contrast, adolescents who are able to manage negative affect and to prolong the positive benets of positive affect may have more personal resources that protect them from depressive feelings across time (Bandura, Caprara, Barbaranelli, Gerbino, & Pastorelli, 2003; Fredrickson & Branigan, 2005). Stoolmiller1999 1994 Braafladt1995 Tomarken 1998 BarbaranelliGerbino2003 2005 Delinquent Behaviors During adolescence there is an increase in delinquent behavior, although for some adolescents, delinquent behaviors have their origin in childhood (Loeber, 1997). Occasional engagement in risky conduct may lead to a

wide constellation of transgressions such as heavy drinking, drug use, unsafe sex, and disengagement in school (Elliott, 1993). Although most adolescents engage in some antisocial behavior, a large part desist in adulthood and only a small percentage of individuals become deeply and chronically engaged in antisocial behavior (Moftt, 1993). However, transitory risky conduct can seriously jeopardize personal development and produce irretrievable losses of life options. Loeber1997 1993 1993 Longitudinal and follow-up studies have found some evidence that negative emotionality in association to lack of regulation predicts later antisocial and delinquent behaviors Caspi & Moftt, 1995; Eisenberg, 2000). Uncontrolled, impulsive, or hyperactive behavior in late childhood is associated with later delinquency (Farrington, Loeber, & Van Kammen, 1990; Nagin & Tremblay, 1999). Differently, adolescents empathic capacities represent a deterrent against certain types of delinquent behavior. Empathy is active self-involvement in the emotional life of others and protects against delinquent conduct by activating vicarious distress over the suffering of others (Farrington, 1998) and fostering social networks conducive to harmonious relationships (Bandura, 1999; Miller & Eisenberg, 1988). 1995 2000 Loeber Van Kammen1990 1999 1998 1999 ;1988 Extensive research has supported the crucial role of parental involvement and monitoring in preventing adolescents delinquent behaviors (Patterson, Reid, & Dishion, 1992). Adolescents who experience more open communication with their parents, higher monitoring, and better quality of family relations are less involved in transgressive behaviors and with deviant peers (Caprara, Regalia, & Bandura, 2002; Dishion & McMahon, 1998). In contrast, adolescents who are often exposed to aggressive models of interparental relations (or are maltreated) are also more prone to anger, aggressive behaviors, and externalizing problems (Kaplan et al., 1998). They also receive less parental monitoring, increasing the risk of involvement in delinquent behavior (Ary, Duncan, Duncan, & Hops, 1999). Dishion1992 2002 Dishion 1998 interparental Kaplan 1998 During this developmental period, the search for autonomy makes adolescents more positively inclined to novelty experiences and to the fascine of more visible antisocial peers (Dodge, Coie, & Lynam, 2006). Consequently, the aggregation with deviant peers increases the risk of youths involvement in delinquent behavior (Patterson et al., 1992; Vitaro, Brendgen, & Tremblay, 2000). Overall, as adolescents increasingly move outside of the home, parental control diminishes, peers inuence increases, and personal standards and self-regulatory capabilities become crucial as main guides and deterrents in the larger social world (Bandura, 2006). Coie 2006 Patterson 1992;Brendgen 2000 2006 An Agentic Perspective of Adolescent Development and Adjustment Agentic A vast body of research attests to the pervasive inuence of perceived self-efcacy on the effective functioning of adolescents and the course of their life path (Bandura, 2006). Different studies have supported the fact that children and adolescents can surmount serious social and contextual adversities if they develop a sense of personal control

(Werner & Smith, 1992). Adversities combined with enabling social supports that instill a sense of personal efcacy and self-worth can promote masterful experience (Bandura, 1997). Selfefcacious children may rely upon cognitive and emotional resources to cope with family adversities and to regulate their temperamental or behavioral problems. 2006 1992 1997 Selfefficacious Perceived self-efcacy beliefs affect behavior not only directly but also through its impact on motivational, decisional, and affective determinants (Bandura, 1997; 2001). Whatever other factors may operate as guides and motiva- tors in peoples efforts to reach desired goals, they are rooted in the core belief that one has the power to produce effects by ones own action. Unless adolescents believe they can be successful in obtaining desired outcomes, they have little incentive to undertake activities or to persevere in the face of difculties or failures. Adolescents develop their selfefcacy beliefs by reecting upon their experience as well as by taking advantage of others experience and encouragement. Their cognitive interpretation of relevant information for judging personal capabilities is affected by a host of personal, social, and situational factors in the course of their development (Bandura, 1999). In particular, supportive families provide positive experiences and constructive feedback and contribute to nurture resiliency and self-empowerment even in the face of challenges and when copying with adversities (Bandura, Barbaranelli, Caprara, & Pastorelli, 1996; Seifer, Sameroff, Baldwin, & Baldwin, 1992). 1997 2001 selfefficacy 1999 Barbaranelli1996; Previous studies have shown that self-efcacy beliefs regarding various life domains and specic tasks independently contribute to distinct outcomes during childhood and adolescence (Bandura, 1997; Pajares & Urdan, 2006). Findings from longitudinal studies have shown the positive inuence that self-efcacy beliefs academic, social, selfregulatory, and empathic-exert on academic achievement (Bandura et al., 1996; Bassi, Steca, Delle Fave, & Caprara, 2006) and prosocial behavior (Bandura et al., 2003). Furthermore, self-efcacy beliefs have been shown to play a positive role in counteracting depression (Bandura, Pastorelli, Barbaranelli, & Caprara, 1999) and antisocial careers (Bandura, Barbaranelli, Caprara, Pastorelli, & Regalia, 2001; Caprara et al., 2002). Finally, adolescents beliefs in their efcacy to manage parental relationships (lial selfefcacy) have been shown to exert a positive impact on the quality of family functioning, parental monitoring, and adolescents satisfaction with family life (Caprara, Pastorelli, et al., 2005). These ndings point to self-efcacy beliefs as highly contextualized knowledge structures, but self-efcacy beliefs do not operate in isolation from one another and may generalize across activities and situations (Bandura, 1997). As people confront complex challenges and reect on their experiences across various settings, they construct interrelated beliefs about capabilities that pertain to realms of life,which include clusters of interrelated tasks and situations. Thus, one needs to address self-efcacy beliefs that pertain to broad domains of functioning across activities and situations. 1997 Pajares 2006 - 1996 Steca 2006 2003 Barbaranelli1999 Barbaranelli2001 2002 selfefficacy 2005 1997

 Consistent with this line of reasoning, Caprara (2002) extended the analysis of self-efcacy belief systems to self-beliefs linked to the regulation of affect and social relationships and to their impact on diverse forms of psychosocial functioning. In this regard, a conceptual model has been Figure 1. Integrative conceptual model of the inuence of self-efcacy beliefs on individuals psychosocial functioning. proposed in which (a) the capacity to adequately experience and express positive and negative affect is decisive for handling rewarding and productive relationships with others and (b) the capacity to regulate affect and to manage interpersonal relationships are both needed to achieve multiple attainments and positive adaptation. 2002 1 b

In positing this model, presented in Figure 1, it has been argued that the control people exert over their emotions broadly determines the control they exert on interpersonal relations and social tasks. The more people are able to manage their negative affect and to express their positive affect, the more they are able to share, to negotiate constructively with others, and to respond empathically to others emotions, while pursuing ones own as well as collaborative goals (Bandura et al., 2003). In contrast, the more people are unable to mitigate their anger, sadness, and discomfort following frustrations and provocations and the less they are capable of expressing their joy, pride, and sympathy, the more the quality of their social interactions are undermined. 1 empathically 2003 In positing the primacy of emotional self-efcacy over interpersonal and social self-efcacy beliefs, one does not underestimate the inuence that the capacity to manage interpersonal relationships exerts on the development of the capacity to properly manage ones own affect. Indeed, while early in life children develop their own capacity to regulate emotions through their interpersonal relationships with parents, peers, and other adults, over the course of adolescence and adulthood the capacity to regulate ones emotions becomes critical to keeping positive relationships with others (Saarni, Campos, Camras, & Witherington, 2006). Thus, it is likely that reciprocity is more appropriate than unidirectionality in accounting for the complex relation between emotional and interpersonal capacities throughout ones life. Ultimately, it is an empirical task to establish the extent to which the posited model can be generalized over the course of life. SaarniCamrasWitherington2006

 In this regard, a rst wave of studies on middle adolescence has attested to the validity of the above model. Perceived emotional self-efcacy (i.e., self-efcacy in expressing positive affect and in managing negative affect) in concert with perceived empathic, social, and lial selfefcacy (i.e., self-efcacy in being empathic with others, in managing relationships with peers, and in managing relationships with parents, respectively) contributed to promote rosociality (Bandura et al., 2003; Caprara, Capanna, Steca, & Paciello, 2005), ego-resiliency (Caprara, Steca, Capanna, & Caprara, 2004), and well-being (Caprara, Steca, Gerbino, Paciello, & Vecchio, 2006). In addition, perceived emotional self-efcacy in concert with empathic and social self-efcacy and with perceived academic and resistive self-regulatory efcacy (i.e., the capacities to manage ones own learning and to resist to transgressive peer pressure, respectively) contributed to counteracting depression and delinquency (Bandura et al., 2003). selfefficacy rosociality2003; CapannaStecaPaciello2005StecaCapanna2004 StecaGerbinoPaciello2006 2003 The Present Study On the above premises, the present study aims to test the inuence that affective and interpersonal self-regulatory ef- cacy beliefs in middle adolescence exert on youths depression and delinquency 4 years later, when adolescents enter into early adulthood, after controlling for earlier adolescents exposure to family violence and adolescents earlier selfregulation problems (Figure 2). cacy 4 selfregulation2 Figure 2. Conceptual model of the paths of inuence of affective and interpersonal selfefcacy beliefs on depression and delinquent conduct. 2selfefficacy

In the posited model, adolescents perceived efcacy in handling ones own emotions (including the management of negative emotions and the expression of the positive ones) is posited to exert its inuence on concurrent and long-term depression and delinquent behavior, directly and indirectly through its impact on perceived lial selfefcacy, resistive self-regulatory, and empathic self-efcacy. In particular, in accordance with previous ndings, we expected that both the capacity to handle negative emotions and to express positive emotions should decrease the likelihood of depression and delinquency both directly and indirectly through fostering the capacity to keep positive relations with parents, to nurture sympathetic relations with others, and to resist peer pressures toward transgressive and risky behaviors. We also expected that lial self-efcacy beliefs would prevent depression while resistive self-regulatory efcacy beliefs would decrease the likelihood of delinquency. No previous longitudinal study has examined the role of adolescents lial self-efcacy in counteracting depression and delinquency during the transition to adulthood. Nonetheless, it is reasonable that adolescents capabilities to constructively negotiate and openly communicate personal problems and emotions with their parents may represent an asset that protects them from later risk of depression and delinquency. This is most probable in countries like Italy, where the transition to adulthood is lengthened and most young people continue to live in the parental home

through their twenties. Likewise, adolescents capacities to resist peer pressure and to empathize with others aid them in successfully avoiding involvement in delinquent behaviors. 20 Furthermore, the present study extends the time lag of interest and takes into account some covariates concerning earlier individual or familial characteristics that may affect self-efcacy beliefs, delinquency, and depression. This study aims to examine the extent to which the established relations among self-efcacy beliefs, delinquency, and depression are corroborated from adolescence to early adulthood even after controlling for previous adolescents posure to family violence and previous self-regulation problems. On the one hand, we expect that the above contextual and personal covariates could weaken adolescents emotional and interpersonal self-efcacy beliefs and increase the risk for depression and delinquency. On the other hand, we expect that self-efcay beliefs continue to counteract depression and delinquency over time mediating the effects of the covariates on outcomes. efficay Discussions Findings of this study corroborate the conceptual model that assigns a pivotal role to individuals perceived selfefcacy for managing affect and interpersonal relationships in contrasting adolescents depressive feelings and delinquent behavior in the transition from late adolescence to young adulthood. These results extend previous ndings (Bandura et al., 2003) and support the inuential role that regulatory emotional self-efcacy beliefs exert on resistive self-regulatory, lial and empathic self-efcacy beliefs, as well as the inuence that emotional and interpersonal social efcacy in concert exerts in preventing maladjustment over time, even after controlling for earlier personal and familial risk factors. 2003 P43 Overall, gender differences replicated previous ndings (Bandura et al., 2003; Caprara & Pastorelli, 1993; Caprara,Steca, Cervone, & Artistico, 2003; Caprara et al., 2002).Compared with boys, girls showed lower selfregulation problems and were less frequently exposed to violence within the family system. Furthermore, girls reported a stronger sense of self-efcacy to rebuff peer pressure for transgressive behavior and to empathize with others feelings and experiences. However, girls doubted their capacity to effectively manage negative affective states more than boys. Gender differences in self-efcacy were associated with different risks of maladjustment. This is in accordance with previous literature that reports girls higher vulnerability to depressive feelings and boys higher proneness to delinquent behavior (for a review, Ruble, Martin, & Berenbaum, 2006). However, only younger girls showed higher depression than boys. Indeed, gender differences disappeared in early adulthood. Although this result is unusual, other studies also have failed to nd gender differences in depression at this age in community and university samples (Gladstone & Koenig, 1994). As longitudinal ndings have reported that

depressive symptoms tend to increase in boys later than in girls (Ge, Conger, & Elder, 2001), one cannot exclude different timelines in developmental pathways of depressive feelings for boys and girls. In reality, while the mean values seem higher at age 20 than at age 16 for both boys and girls, depression seems to increase across time, especially for boys. One can speculate that Italian boys in early adulthood are exposed to higher stressing situations than in the past, as a consequence of social changes carrying extended nancial dependence on their family, higher dif-culties and competition in the job market, and loss in status and privileges traditionally ascribed to male (Battistoni, 2005). Although girls are also exposed to stress, they have made signicant gains with respect to education level, work opportunities, and family independence. 2003;1993 StecaArtistico20032002 2006 1994 2001 2016 diffi Battistoni2005 As expected, exposure to family violence and selfregulation problems were signicant predictors of poorer functioning in both boys and girls across time. In particular, exposure to family violence at age 13 was a pervasive predictor of maladjustment (delinquency and depression) in both the short- and long-term. Findings are coherent with research on the increased risk of adolescents internalizing and externalizing problems associated with parental conict and intrafamilial violence (Burke, 2003; Davies & Windle, 2001; Leve, Kim, & Pearce, 2005; Marchand, Hock, &Widaman, 2002). Early exposure to family violence was associated with later and lower selfefcacy beliefs in managing successfully relations with parents, mostly in boys. As self-efcacy beliefs are embedded in developmental adolescent experiences (Bandura, 1997), difcult family relations may undermine adolescents beliefs about their capabilities to interact positively with their parents. As boys reported more exposure to family violence than girls, the higher impact of family violence on lial self-efcacy in boys is not surprising. Adolescents with early problems in regulating emotion and behavior in accordance with social requests showed later lower self-efcacy beliefs in regulating negative emotions and in resisting transgressive peer pressure and in effectively managing relations with parents. In addition, they also reported a higher frequency of delinquent behavior. It is likely that early difculties in self-regulation expose adolescents to more problematic interactions with family and others (Thomas & Chess, 1977) that in turn, undermine their interpersonal selfefcacy beliefs and adjustment. selfregulation 13 2003;2001 LEVE2005 Widaman2002 1997 1977

Ultimately, the posited model of relations between selfefcacy and depression and delinquency was corroborated while paths of associations among variables were substantially the same for both genders in accordance with the posited hypotheses and with previous ndings (Bandura et al., 2003). Likely, a strong sense of efcacy to manage ones emotional life contributes to self-efcacy beliefs to manage relations with others, namely by sustaining positive relations with parents, by promoting empathic skills, by protecting against peer pressure toward transgressive behavior, and despite and beyond earlier adversities. selfefficacy 2003 Perceived affective self-regulatory efcacy was related concurrently and longitudinally, directly to depression and indirectly, through its impact on interpersonal perceived self-efcacy to depression and delinquency. The perceived capacity to manage negative affect was concurrently associated with lower depressive feelings, in accordance with other ndings attesting to a positive relation between negative emotional regulation and depression (Garber et al., 1995; Silk et al., 2003). Differently from our expectations, self-efcacy beliefs in expressing positive emotions showed only an indirect effect on depression and delinquency. In reality, self-efcacy beliefs in expressing positive emotions affect delinquency and depression primarily through their effect on interpersonal self-efcacy attesting to the mediational role of the latter, thus in accordance with other studies attesting to the role of positive emotions in leading to rewarding and enriching social exchanges and experiences (Fredrickson & Joiner, 2002). 19952003 2002 With respect to interpersonal self-efcacy beliefs and in accordance with our hypotheses, the perceived capacity to manage relationships with parents was accompanied by low concurrent proneness to depression in boys and girls and to delinquency only in boys. In other studies (Caprara et al., 2005), adolescents with a high sense of family efcacy experienced a better quality of family relationships, less conict, open communication, and monitoring from parents. In the present study, lial self-efcacy extended its positive role toward concurrent negative outcomes such as depression and delinquency, attesting to the proactive role adolescents may play in their selfdevelopment and life trajectory. In particular, in the long-term, one may guess that the lial self-efcacy beliefs contribution to adjustment is gendered, as they are more effective in protecting against the syndrome for which each gender is traditionally more at risk: delinquency for boys and depression for girls. Findings for girls are further corroborated by other studies showing that girls may be socialized in ways that make them more vulnerable to depression as a function of stressful family environments than are boys (e.g., Gore, Aseltine & Cohen, 1993; Kavanagh & Hops, 1994). However, given the life conditions of young adults in Italy, where more than 30% of youths live with their families even after their 30s, one may question the generalizability of results to other cultures. 2005 Aseltine1993199430 30

In addition, perceived resistive self-regulatory efcacy beliefs exerted a crucial role in preventing transgressive behaviors both concurrently and longitudinally, as found in previous studies (Bandura et al., 2003; Caprara et al., 2001,2002). It is likely that parental monitoring and supervision of childrens behavior outside of the home are mostly important for the development of male adolescents self-regulation capabilities during early and middle adolescence (Patterson et al., 1992; Vitaro et al., 2000). However, in later years, as parents are less present to monitor adolescents behaviors, adolescents personal standards and self-evaluative reactions become the main guides and deterrents of transgressive behavior. Consequently, beliefs in ones capabilities to regulate external deviant pressures extend their protective role with regard to delinquency across time, more than beliefs in ones capacity to manage relations with parents. 2003;2001,2002 Patterson1992; 2000 Perceived empathic self-efcacy beliefs were associated longitudinally with lower depression in both genders and with lower engagement in delinquent activities in boys but not in girls. A number of studies have shown that empathic self-efcacy beliefs foster positive interpersonal orientations such as prosocial behavior and make adolescents more sensitive to others needs (Miller & Eisenberg, 1988). It is likely that empathic self-efcacy beliefs may make adolescents less vulnerable to depression in the long-term by promoting interconnectedness and social support. Differently from previous studies (Caprara et al., 2003) showing that girls empathic self-efcacy beliefs might be long-term risk factors for depression, our ndings showed a negative relationship between empathic self-efcacy beliefs and depression in girls 4 years later. One can speculate that beliefs in their own empathic capacities make female adolescents more sensitive to others suffering and, thus, more exposed to contagious of distress only transitorily. Once young girls emotional selfregulatory capacities are consolidated, the distressing and contagious effects associated to empathy disappeared. Miller1988 2003 4 The long-term negative effect of empathic self-efcacy beliefs on delinquency in boys is in accordance with ndings of other researchers (Farrington, 1998; Miller & Eisenberg, 1988), as well as with our previous ndings (Caprara et al., 2003). Research emphasizes how parental socialization practices that guide attention to the suffering inicted on others foster the development of empathic perspective-taking, as well as how perspectivetaking abilities are important protective factors against conduct problems and antisocial behavior (Hoffman, 2001; Jolliffe & Farrington, 2004). The absence of a short-term effect of empathic self-efcacy may be explained by considering that adolescents are more sensitive to risky peer pressure in middle adolescence rather than in early adulthood (Gardner & Steinberg, 2005). It is thus likely that middle adolescents need to be especially able to rebuff peers requests rather than to be empathic in order to refrain from delinquency. Only later on, when delinquent behavior decreases (Loeber, 1997) and peer pressures become less salient, do the positive interpersonal effects of empathic abilities become important in preventing delinquent behavior. Furthermore, the absence of a relationship between empathic self-efcacy and delinquency in girls might be explained by the fact that empathic abilities are usually more relevant for forms of aggressive or violent delinquency that are usually not committed by girls.

199819882003 20012004 2005 Loeber1997 Overall, the impact of positive and negative affect on human functioning has been often framed in terms of direct effects. Positive affect promotes benecial outcomes; negative affect breeds dysfunctional outcomes (Gross, 1998).Our ndings corroborate how affective regulatory beliefs operate in concert with different self-efcacy beliefs in protecting against different forms of maladjustment. ; 1998 P44 Ultimately, our ndings attest to the central role of self-efcacy beliefs associated to various domains of functioning,both emotional and interpersonal, in promoting daptation in the transition to adulthood, despite the effects of personal and familial difculties in reducing self-efcacy beliefs and sustaining maladjustment in the short- and longterm. Consistently with social-cognitive theory (Bandura, 1997, 2001), self-efcacy beliefs partially mediated the negative impact of developmental difculties on adolescents personal adjustment, supplying the cognitives, emotional, and motivational resources that are needed to cope successfully with transition to adulthood. daptation 19972001 cognitives One may observe that our ndings derive entirely from self-report and we acknowledge such as a limitation. Although self-efcacy beliefs are subjective phenomena and depression involves internal states that are necessarily accessible through self-report, one cannot underestimate the importance of other sources of information (parents or teachers) to corroborate the validity of self-reported efcacy.In this regard, other studies have attested to the validity of self-efcacy beliefs showing signicant agreement between self-report and other informants (Vecchio, Panerai,Castellani, Di Giunta, & Pastorelli, 2007). Furthermore,despite the fact that many delinquent activities remain hidden from the public and self-report may be seen as a reliable source of information, delinquent behavior is a socially measurable phenomenon and objective data could be useful to corroborate the model. In addition caution must be paid to generalizing the effect of exposure to family violence. The use of only one item as indicator of family violence does not allow to address various expressions of violence (e.g., interparental or parentchild conict; physical or verbal violence).Likely, other studies should examine both the diverse effects of different forms of intrafamilial violence, as well as, the effects of violence directed to different target of the family (adults or adolescents) on adolescentsdevelopment and on their self-efcacy beliefs. Finally, including other assessment formats (e.g., diagnostic interviews for depression and deliquency) could likely represent a signicant improvement for future research in the eld. efficacy.In Giunta 2007

interparental adolescents'development deliquency Despite these limitations, the posited paths of relations among affective self-efcacy beliefs and depression and delinquency have important practical and educational implications. Findings showed how different self-efcacy beliefs affect delinquency and depression differently in girls and boys. As effective guidelines for building a resilient sense of efcacy have been provided (Bandura, 1997), the posited paths of relations provide directions to structure experiences that enable adolescents, through guided mastery, to acquire the capabilities needed to effectively meet challenging situations and developmental tasks. Findings may thus actively contribute to decrease the risk of detrimental outcomes and to promote their well-being. Future studies should explore the role of lial selfefcacy beliefs in other cultures in order to verify if their role in preventing maladjustment is similar across cultures. Since trends toward remaining at home with parents for longer time than in the past are common today in many western countries due to the increasing prolonged demands and education, and delayed economic independence of youth, adolescents capability to deal with their parents may result crucial for a successful transition to adulthood also in other countries. In addition further studies should clarify the meaning of the absence of gender differences in depression in early adulthood, in order to clarify if it is an effect limited to some cohorts of our longitudinal study or rather, if it reects specic social changes in Italian society. Finally, future research should address the factors and mechanisms that, in the presence of adversities, contribute to adolescents development of positive levels of self-efcacy beliefs and thus, contribute to promoting adjustment across development. 1997 selfefficacy Acknowledgments This paper is based on an invited keynote presentation given by the author at the 26th International Congress of Applied Psychology, Athens, July 2006. This study was partially supported by grants from the Spencer Foundation and W. T. Grant Foundation to Albert Bandura, and from the Jacobs Foundation and Ministero dellIstruzione dellUnivesita` e della Ricerca (MIUR) to Gian Vittorio Caprara (COFIN1998, 2000, 2005). 2620067 WTJacobsMinistero dell'Istruzione dell'Univesita`EMIURCOFIN199820002005 References