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New Directions


ABSTRACTS AND BIOGRAPHIES

LIAM AHERN (UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY)
Tbe Traveller's Lye: Heroootean Autopsy and the Eighteenth Century Travelogue
The eighteenth century saw the rise of travel writing as a popularly consumed literary form. From
Jonathan Swift to Johan Wolfgang von Goethe, from Mary Wollstonecraft to Thomas Jefferson, the
travelogue, either fictional or actual, dominated the world of literature. Autobiographical accounts of
travellers in new lands, such as Captain James Cook or Joseph Banks, saw unprecedented popularity,
published quickly after such adventures and often translated into many languages, the desire for first
hand accounts of travel was pervasive. Impacting new lands and new cultures, these writers found
themselves as geographers, biologists, ethnologists and biographers searching for familiar points of
comparison, which they often discovered in the classical tradition.
Tbls paper looks at Heroootus' status as traveller as reao tbrougb tbe eyes ot elgbteentb century
travel wrltlng. | eplore bow tbese wrlters engageo eltber olrectly or lnolrectly wltb Heroootus'
'blstorlograpblcal' metbooology, specltlcally bls use ot autopsy. I ask how writers of first hand
observations, such as Peter Kolb exploring the Cape of Good Hope or Johann Reinhold Forster in
the Pacific, understood their projects as shaped by this tradition and saw themselves as walking in
the footsteps of Herodotus.
Liam Ahern is an MPhil candidate at the University of Sydney under the supervision of Julia Kindt and Ben
Brown. His thesis looks at the development of autopsy as a source of authoritative speech from Archaic to
Classical Greece.

ANA BECERRA (UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY)
Tbe Llon, tbe 8ull ano tbe Grlttln ln tbe |conograpby ot Persepolls: Lplorlng tbe use ot Faunal Motlt
ln an Acbaemenlo Monumental Lanoscape
The ruins at Tahkt-e Jamshid, known as Persepolis, are notable for the wealth of animal and hybrid
imagery found ln tbe survlvlng stonework. Tbe permeatlon ot Persepolls' rellets ano arcbltectural
elements with lion, bull and griffin motif sets it apart from other Near Eastern cities of the first
millennium B.C.E. and has encouraged modern scholarship to attribute significant symbolic value to
their presence. Despite their prominence, research concerning faunal imagery at Persepolis is still
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highly fragmented and there exists no comprehensive resource that complements stylistic and
symbolic analysis with context.
Working from excavation and restoration reports, this paper aims to offer new insight into the
manner in which extant examples of lion, bull and griffin imagery interact with the form and function
of an Achaemenid monumental landscape. Representations of these creatures in relief and in-the-
round sculpture will be identified on the architectural plans of Persepolis in order to explore the
likely association of animal/hybrid imagery with building purpose, followed by an attempt to
formulate a clear chronology of tbe motlts' popularlty across oltterent perloos ot bullolng work. Tbls
paper will conclude with a study of the relationship of lion, bull and griffin iconography with the
image of the Persian king, analysing their status as symbols of royal power within the context of their
placement in the site.
Ana Becerra is a second year PhD candidate at the University of Sydney. Her current research concentrates
on images of the lion, the bull and the griffin in the iconography of Assyria, Elam and Persia as evidence for
stylistic continuity between Mesopotamia and Iran in the early first millennium B.C.E.

JOY-LYN BELL-OGILBY (UNIVERSITY OF MELBOURNE)
Wlnos ot Traoe ano Marltlme Tloes: tbe Pboenlclan Mediterranean ln tbe |ron Age
Phoenician trade in the Mediterranean region during the Iron Age was governed by maritime
expertise and the access this gave to raw materials, craftspeople and markets. This may not have
been possible had suitable landing places and negotiation with indigenous people not been carefully
observed. The Mediterranean winds and currents defined the suitability of routes, times and speed
of voyages, however tidal activity, shallow waters and low-lying shorelines germane to certain areas
have hitherto not been considered as an important contributor to the location of Iron Age
Phoenician settlements. This paper suggests that a significant knowledge concerning the activity of
tides and associated with coastal topography may have caused the Phoenicians to seek out specific
locations as early landing sites and later settlements. If so, this in conjunction with indigenous co-
operation may have been a major factor in their pre-eminent position regarding maritime trade in
the Mediterranean region.

ELIZABETH BOLDY (UNIVERSITY OF QUEENSLAND)
Tacltus, Tlberlus ano Germanlcus
Tacitus has been portrayed by modern historians, with some justification, as a writer who uses
innuendo to a high degree in his depiction of the early principate in the Annals. This paper will
examine the use to which Tacltus puts bls lnnuenoo ln oeplctlng tbe early oays ot Tlberlus'
prlnclpate, by eamlnlng Tlberlus' relatlons wltb Germanlcus. |t wlll eamlne tbe unease tbat Tacltus
oeplcts ln tbe lmperlal bouse tbrougb Tlberlus' lnteractlon wltb Germanlcus. Tbougb Tacltus
portrays Germanlcus as loyal to Tlberlus, lt ls ln Germanlcus' popularlty wltb tbe western leglons
that Tacitus depicts him as a potential rival to Tiberius. It is obvious from a reading of Tacitus that
Tiberius was at first uneasy in his role at the head of the new institution, the principate, and
Germanlcus' unlversal popularlty was a cause tor concern to tbe new princeps. In addition, the
obvlous lnterterence ot Germanlcus' wlte Agrlpplna was lnstrumental ln causlng olsqulet wltbln tbe
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family. In fact, Tacitus portrays Agrippina, in her dealings with the German armies as depicting an
alternative imperial family on the Rhine. When sending Germanicus to the east, Tiberius took steps
to ensure that Germanicus did not gain the support of the eastern legions that he had secured in the
west. Such an eventuality could have seriously threatened Tiberius position as princeps, to which he
was only just aojustlng. Llvla also took actlons to ensure tbe success ot Tlberlus' plans actlng to
prevent Agrippina from achieving the influence with the eastern legions that she had in the west.
Tbls paper alms to sbow Tacltus' oeplctlon ot tbe olsqulet tbat be sees was rlte ln tbe lmperlal bouse
ourlng Tlberlus' early years oue to bls relatlons wltb Germanlcus ano bls wlte Agrippina.
I have studied Classics and Ancient History at Queensland University. During the course of my
Undergraduate degree I won three university prizes and worked as a research assistant to an academic who
was writing a book. I achieved Class One Honours and am now in receipt of a Research Higher Degree
scholarship.

SAMANTHA BRANCATISANO (UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY)
Auctoritas, Usus, Ingenium, Studium: Reputatlon ano Legal Autborlty ln Clcero's Pro Balbo
Despite the highly developed legal culture that had evolved in Rome by the last century of the
Republic, appeals to reputation and personal influence continued to be a commonplace in Ciceronian
forensic oratory. That Rome, as a hierarchical and status-conscious society, might at times
uncrltlcally accept an lnolvloual's status or cbaracter as an approprlate consloeratlon ln juolclal
decision-making has come to be seen by modern scholars as an almost banal observation. This paper
will suggest that this idea may need to be revisited.
In 56BC Cicero defended Balbus, a native of Gades, on a charge of having usurped the Roman
citizenship. Scholars have generally thought that the political motivation behind the trial rendered
any rigorous legal defence against the charges superfluous, since his acquittal was secured by the
overwhelming support of the Triumvirs. Certainly, Cicero in his defence puts a good deal of
emphasis on the personal influence of Pompey; but did he simplistically expect the influence exerted
by such powerful individuals, in possession of massive auctoritas, to be blindly accepted by juries as
being above, or more coercive than, the letter of the law itself? How does he reconcile the tensions
that these appeals might create with his more strictly legal argumentation? Our primary focus will be
on tbe way tbat Clcero constructs Pompey's reputatlon, tlrstly arouno structureo crlterla tor legal
authority auctoritas, usus, ingenium and studium ano tben by elevatlng Pompey's status to tbe level
of mos maiorum personified. We will question his motives for doing so, and make some suggestions
as to why such an approach may have been necessary in a legal case of this nature.
Sam is soon to complete her MPhil at the University of Sydney, looking at the relationship between the law
ond oppeo|s to reputot|on |n C|cero`s forens|c speeches. ln her spore t|me she eno,s orgon|s|ng owesome
conferences.


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CHLOE BRAY (UNIVERSITY OF OTAGO)
Tbe Moon as an Apotropalc ano Llmlnal Symbol ln tbe Anclent Near Last
Thls toplc comprlses part ot tbe tlrst cbapter ot my Master's tbesls, ln wblcb | begln an eploratlon
of lunar cults and deities in ancient Greece with a discussion of their possible origins in the Bronze
Age Near East and pre-Ptolemaic Egypt. The motivation for this study is to reach a more
comprehensive understanding of lunar ideologies in the ancient world, and to discover whether a
common tbreao elsteo between cultures ano tlme perloos. Tbrougb an analysls ot tbe moon's role
in astrological texts such as the Enma Anu Enlil and the incantation series Utukk Lemnti I have
established that while lunar omens often connect the moon with disaster or evil, it can most often
be seen not as the protagonist of such events but as the victim. It is furthermore evident in the
iconography of Near Eastern lunar gods that the moon could be considered a protective force, and I
discuss this with reference to the relationship between the eclipse causing demons of Utukk Lemnti
and the lion demons which the armed lunar god stands on. I will demonstrate the apotropaic nature
ot sucb scenes ln relatlon to lconograpblc representatlons ot tbe lunar crescent ano tbe 'seven oots'
together, and will discuss the possible identification of the seven dots as the Sibitti and the
importance of their placement alongside the moon. Throughout this discussion the liminal nature of
lunar ideologies will be dealt with, specifically where they are related to liminal places such physical
boundaries or liminal situations such as political upheaval, war and death. Consequently it can be
seen that while the moon was related to marginality and danger throughout the Near East, it was
believed to simultaneously protect against such anxieties.
I am a Master`s student |n C|oss|cs ot the Un|vers|t, of 0togo, ond l om ver, |nterested |n comporot|ve
mythology. Despite the fact that my background is in Classics, my continued interest in the relationship
between ancient Greek and Near Eastern mythology, as well as the fact that I have addressed aspects of this
top|c |n 5oth m, Honours d|ssertot|on ond Moster`s thes|s, hos g|ven me o fom|||or|t, w|th Neor Lostern
culture.

ALISTAIR CLARK (UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD)
Tbe Lemplarlty ot tbe Pro Cluentio ano Clcero's Contrlbutlon to Roman Rbetorlcal Loucatlon
A surprlslngly neglecteo aspect ot Clcero's speecbes ls tbelr role ln eoucatlng asplrlng Roman
orators in their published versions. A particularly rewarding experience is the complex and
scandalous Pro Cluentio, which will be the subject of the present paper. Dellvereo ln 66 8C, Clcero's
speech offers a spirited defence of an eques trom Larlnum, A. Cluentlus Habltus. Clcero's Pro Cluentio
ltselt ls by tar tbe longest, ano wbat Pllny regaroeo as tbe orator's tlnest, oetence speech (Ep. 1.20.4).
The speech shows off the patronus at the height of his oratorical powers. In his Orator, Cicero
remarked that nulla est enim ullo in genere laus oratoris cuius in nostris orationibus non sit aliqua si non
perfectio at conatus tamen atque adumbratio (Orat. 103). Indeed, Cicero distinguishes the Pro Cluentio,
together with the Verrines and the now lost Pro Cornelio, as an example of a speech employing all
varieties of style (Orat. 103). Tbe speecb ls also unlque tor lts clear artlculatlon ot Clcero's own
views on the relationship between a patronus and his cliens, and on what it meant to be an advocate
in the late republic. Importantly, Cicero deploys his speech as a vehicle for the training of future
advocates, and specifically, as a model to be imitated. It is to this achievement that I shall devote
particular attention: namely, a consideration of the exemplarity of the Pro Cluentio, and more broadly,
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Clcero's contrlbutlon to tbe wider context of rhetorical education at Rome. Moreover, I wish to
cballenge tbe commonly belo vlew tbat tbe cllent's acqulttal ls tbe ralson o'tre of the defence
speecb. Clcero, ln my vlew, ls attemptlng to secure tar more tban Cluentlus' acqulttal.
Having read Classics as an undergraduate at the University of Melbourne, I am presently a postgraduate
student |n c|oss|co| |onguoges ond ||teroture ot Merton Co||ege, 0xford. M, reseorch cons|ders C|cero`s
oratory, its reception of the Attic tradition, and importantly, its exemplarity for future orators at Rome. I am
particularly interested in rhetorical training in first-centur, 8C ome ond the ro|e thot C|cero`s orotor, p|o,ed
|n the emergence of o d|st|nct|, 'omon` genre of speech wr|t|ng.

LISETTE COCKELL (UNIVERSITY OF QUEENSLAND)
'Followlng tbelr usual custom, tbey wlll oestroy everytblng or perlsb ln tbe attempt': War ano
Peace in Early Roman-Partblan Relatlons
Although a great deal of attention has been paid to the hostilities between Rome and Parthia that
occurred throughout the early period of their relationship in the first century BCE, the periods of
peace that also occur are largely passed over without comment by historians both ancient and
modern. This is something of an oversight, as what is particularly interesting about this absence of
constant hostility is that it appears to be the result of conscious decision-making on the part of the
Roman generals who had opportunities to invade Parthia. As the Romans, particularly during the late
Republic, were noted for their aggressively imperialistic foreign policy, this apparent contradiction is
in need of explanation. Previous studies have also tended to neglect the domestic political concerns
of Roman generals when examining their actions as provincial governors, as well as their potentially
precarious positions when on campaign in the East. This paper will investigate both peaceful and
aggressive interactions between the Parthians and the Romans during the first century BCE, and
argue that to a large degree the outcome of these interactions was dictated by the consideration of
the individuals involved for their own personal and political security, rather than by a considered
policy enacted by the Senate. Therefore, while it does appear that Roman generals would display
aggression when they judged their circumstances to be favourable, they were equally capable of
restraining themselves from making war if they believed that to do so would prove harmful to their
careers.
I completed my Honours in Ancient History at the University of Queensland in 2012, with a thesis examining
re|ot|ons 5etween ome ond Porth|o to the t|me of Augustus`s pr|nc|pote. l`m now work|ng on m, MPh||
concerning the dress and adornment of Roman empresses from Livia to Julia Domna.


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KYLE CONRAU-LEWIS (UNIVERSITY OF MELBOURNE)
Rewrltlng Lnnlus? Quotatlon ot poetry ln Clcero's Pro Caelio
Defending Caelius for moving out of his father's house, Cicero quotes three lines of Ennius' Medea
interspersed with prose (Pro Caelio 18):
Utinam ne in nemore Pelio
Ac longius quidem mihi contexere hoc carmen liceret:
Nam numquam era errans
hanc molestiam nobis exhiberet
Medea animo aegra, amore saevo saucia.

The quotations are clipped and awkward. The first line utinam ne in nemore Pelio is only a fragmentary
phrase and the actual wish in the Medea is omitted. Decontextualised, the line makes little sense.
The nam of the third line is also meaningless without Ennius' context. Medea's nurse is saying that
the Argonauts came to Medea and are responsible for all her troubles for otherwise she would
never have left Colchis. Cicero, however, omits that part. Instead, Cicero replaces Ennius' nam
numquam era errans mea domo ecferret pedem with hanc molestiam nobis exhiberet, as if composing his
own new Medea.
Not only is the grammatical cohesion difficult in this literary quotation. Crassus had earlier in this
case quoted the first lines of the Medea to lament the arrival of Ptolemy XII Auletes to Rome, but
Cicero has re-quoted these lines to lament Clodia, the Palatina Medea, and Caelius' contretemps
with her. So Cicero is quoting Crassus quoting Ennius, who in fact is translating Euripides. The
quotation is triple and the oratorical persona layered.
This paper aims to clarify the convoluted nature of Cicero's poetical quotations in the Pro Caelio.
Ultimately I will argue that Cicero reuses and redeploys well-known poetic works in new,
incongruous and possibly comedic ways. It is not mere oratorical ornamentation. Fundamentally this
paper addresses the role of poetry, drama and comedy in forensic oratory.
Kyle is an M.A student at the University of Melbourne nearing completion of his thesis on the role of
genealogy and patronymics in Statius' Thebaid. This paper looks at a different field of classical literature, the
result of heated discussions in an intermediate Latin class.

JULIEN COOPER (MACQUARIE UNIVERSITY)
Reo Sea Toponymy ln tbe longue dure: a vlew trom Pbaraonlc Lgypt to tbe Hellenlc Perloo
The Red Sea in the ancient world was both a barrier and a facilitator for exchange and travel. Most
of its shores were arid and inhospitable, but the maritime routes that hugged the coastlines of Africa
and Arabia allowed for trade both between the Mediterranean Basin and the Indian Ocean, as well as
Africa and Arabia. Deliberate state control and exploitation of Red Sea trade is documented in
various periods from Egyptian, Canaanite, Nabataean, South Arabian, Axumite, and Graeco-Roman
cultures, while the shorelines themselves were inhabited by semi-nomadic Cushitic speakers (African
shore) and Semitic-Arab pastoralists (Arabian shore). Linguistically the placenames on the Red Sea
basin bear the influence of these various cultures, and languages from the Egyptian, Semitic,
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Ethiosemitic, and Cushitic sub-phylums have all contributed to the present make-up of the
toponomy on the shores of the Red Sea.
However a cross comparison of the pertinent historical toponymy of each culture does not yield
many similarities or cognates, but rather illustrates different conceptions and interpretations of the
same geography. This may be due to the fact that the Red Sea itself was often peripheral for these
civilizations, with each culture producing its own specific geographic vocabulary upon closer
acquaintance with the area. This makes the placenames which survive to the present day, or the
placenames that are loaned into different languages and textual corpora, exceptional case studies for
reconstructing the historical geography of the Red Sea. This paper will, through a comparative
toponymic study, analyse some placenames found particularly in Pharaonic and Greek documents
and comment on how they may assist in debates on cultural contact and linguistic geography in the
ancient Red Sea.
My name is Julien Cooper, an Egyptology PhD Candidate at the Department of Ancient History, Macquarie
University, Sydney. My research interests lie in Egyptian language and geography, and my current doctoral
project is a toponymic survey of the Eastern Desert and Red Sea.

MARY JANE CUYLER (UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY)
Octavla ano tbe Republlcan Sanctuary ot tbe 8ona Dea at Ostla
Ostia, Rome's nearest barbour, was bome to at least two sanctuarles ot tbe 8ona Dea. Tbe tlrst,
built in the Julio-Claudian period, was discovered during excavations in 1939 and 1940. The
identification of the second, earlier sanctuary came about in the 1950s. The excavations that were
undertaken in the late 1950s and again in the 1970s were never formally published, with the
exception of a very brief report produced by the supervising archaeologist M.F. Squarciapino in
1959/60. The sanctuary underwent at least one major renovation. The reticulate masonry of its
earlier phase suggests a date between 100-60 BCE, but masonry typologies cannot be relied upon
for secure dating.
During the 1970 campaign, excavators discovered a dedicatory inscription that had been reused in a
floor of the sanctuary. The inscription records the dedication of several building projects by Octavia,
wife of a Gamala, to Bona Dea. M. Cbeillac published a study of this inscription in 1973. She
argues for a very early 1
st
century BCE date for the inscription based on a prosopographical study of
Octavia and her possible family connections. Since the excavations of this sanctuary remain
unpublished only a limited number of conclusions can be drawn about the building phases and date
ot tbe sanctuary. Tbus scbolars bave relleo on Cbelllac's oatlng ot tbe Octavla lnscrlptlon tor
evidence of the earliest phases of this Bona Dea sanctuary.
This paper reexamines the dedicatory inscription of Octavia and the archaeological remains visible at
tbe sanctuary tooay, ano seeks to contetuallze Octavla's euergetlsm wltbln tbe late Republlcan
landscape of Ostia.
Mary Jane Cuyler is a Ph.D. student in Classics and Ancient History at the University of Sydney. Her thesis,
0r|g|ns of 0st|o: Londscopes of ome`s l|rst Co|on, |n the Lote epu5||c, examines the changing landscape
of Ostia during the politically tumultuous 1
st
century BCE. She also directs field operations at the Ostia
Synagogue excavations.
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CHRIS DE LISLE (VICTORIA UNIVERSITY OF WELLINGTON)
Catlllnarlan Cbaracterlsatlon ln Sallust's Bellum Catilinae
The Bellum Catilinae of Sallust (c.85-35 BC) claims to be the first Roman historical work to focus on a
single individual. It is therefore of considerable interest that the work focuses on its antagonist,
Catiline, who had conspired to overthrow the Republic in 63 BC and had been thoroughly vilified by
the works of Cicero. Over the course of the Bellum Catilinae, Catiline develops from a clear villain to
a more complex and ambiguous character.
The Bellum Catilinae ls also notable tor lts openlng passages' tocus on settlng up a moral framework,
in which Sallust closely identifies the primacy of animus (mind or will) with the concept of virtus
(masculine excellence) and contrasts them with ambitio and avaritia (desire for power and wealth,
respectively).
I will argue that these two teatures ot Sallust's work are connecteo, tbat tbe concepts, vocabulary
and structure Sallust uses to outline his moral framework are a major aspect of the development of
Catlllne's cbaracter ln bls tour major appearances ln tbe work: tbe openlng (BC 4.3-5.8); the account
of his corruption of the youth (BC 14.1-16.5), his speech to the conspirators (BC 20.1-22.3), and his
heroic death in battle at the conclusion of the work (BC 57.5-61.9). While remaining the villain,
Catiline is increasingly associated not just with ambitio and avaritia, but also with virtus. I will argue
tbat tbese assoclatlons serve to problematlse botb Catlllne's cbaracter ano Sallust's moral
framework.
Chr|s de L`|s|e hos recent|, comp|eted o moster`s thes|s on the re|ot|onsh|p 5etween kings and cities in the
Hellenistic at Victoria University of Wellington. He is also founder & convenor of the VUW Latin Poetry
Composition Group. He received a Bachelor of Honours from Victoria in 2011, having written his honours
thesis on the bureaucracy of Justinian. Chief interests include the Hellenistic, Late Antiquity, and the history of
the East (Near, Middle & Far). He can be contacted at cmdelisle@gmail.com.

JESSICA DI BENEDETTO (UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY)
Tbe mutatlng Hero: trom anclent warnlng to mooern lcon
From Epic poetry, to political icons, symbols of revolution, to comic books, television and film, the
hero has permeated the social consciousness becoming something different for each audience.
Unparalleled in strength, intelligence, and might yet unstable, self-obsessed and essentially flawed,
Heroes are subversive figures that challenge the social norms. They are a part of society and yet
apart trom lt. Tbey venture tortb trom tbe worlo ot common day into a region of supernatural
wonder: fabulous forces are there encountered and a decisive victory is won: the hero comes back
trom tbls mysterlous aoventure wltb tbe power to bestow boons on bls tellow man.
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Through constant mutation and interpretation they come to represent a warning or role models for
different audiences. Either through a process of sanitisation, by which the hero is rendered more
'tamlly trlenoly', or tbrougb oeplctlng tbelr vlsceral nature to construct a villainous heroic warning,
the hero is changed and moulded by society for the audience. The hero becomes humanity writ
large, the representation of the extremes of what can be found within each of us. From Epic heroes

1
Campbell, J., The Hero with a Thousand Faces, Abacus, London (1975), p. 31
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to Superheroes, this paper will attempt to scratch the surface of new directions in constructing the
hero and how the ancient world has influenced the construction of these enigmatic characters.
Jessica Di Benedetto has recently commenced a PhD at the University of Sydney looking at the reception of
Hercu|es |n u|sne,`s Hercu|es. She comp|eted her 8A(Honsj ot Monosh Un|vers|t,, ond o Moster of Arts
(Ancient History) at Macquarie University.

ALEXANDER DONALD (LA TROBE UNIVERSITY)
Cyllnoer seals ano tbe soclo-political structure ot late 8ronze Age Cyprus
Late Bronze Age Cyprus presents a number of problems which are unique to this period and region.
The island is widely believed to be the kingdom of Alashiya cited in contemporary documents from
adjacent cultures but lacks many of the archaeological indicators associated with a unified state. No
clearly pre-eminent settlement, which might have served as the capital of Alashiya, has been
identified and the material record appears contradictory. Certain lines of evidence support an
'Arcbalc State' mooel, wblle otbers are more conslstent wltb tbe elstence ot multlple reglonal
centres and a model of peer polity interaction. These issues are compounded by a lack of
decipherable written evidence from within the island itself. The socio-political makeup of Late
Bronze Age Cyprus and its place within wider regional systems are points of contentious debate.
In this paper the problem of socio-political structure on Cyprus is examined using a hitherto under-
utilized source of evidence: that of cylinder seals. Engraved cylinder seals present the most complex
iconographic source available from Late Bronze Age Cyprus, but have traditionally been treated as
artistic curios and museum pieces rather than potentially informative archaeological data. The
association of seals with economic systems and status display makes them particularly appropriate
for interrogating elite power structures and relationships. This paper briefly considers patterns in
cylinder seal distribution, material and iconography and relates these to broader political and
economic issues in Late Bronze Age Cyprus.
I completed a combined Arts/Fine Arts Honours degree at Newcastle University in 2009, majoring in ancient
Greek history and 2D media. Interests in ancient history and visual media led to a concentration on art in
antiquity and in turn archaeology. My Honours thesis addressed the iconography of rolled cylinder impressed
pottery at Maa-Palaeokastro in Cyprus.
ln 2010 l re|ocoted to Me|5ourne to 5eg|n m, Phu on the top|c ldent|t,, ldeo|og, ond Lote C,pr|ot C|,pt|c,
supervised by Professor David Frankel and Doctor Jennifer Webb of La Trobe University. I have completed
first hand study of material at the British Museum, Cyprus Museum, Medelhavsmuseet, Metropolitan
Museum, National Archaeological Museum of Athens, Piermont Morgan Library and Thiva Archaeological
Museum and am currently continuing my studies.


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KORSHI DOSOO (MACQUARIE UNIVERSITY)
Tbe Stuoy ot Nonsense: Contetuallslng tbe Greek Maglcal Papyrl
The publication of the Papyri Graecae Magicae under the supervision of Karl Preisendanz in 1928-
1931 was a major step in making the abundant magical papyri found in Egypt available to a broader
audience, allowing scholars to use these texts to enrich our understanding of ancient Mediterranean
religious, magical and ritual practices, supplementing the already available literary and archaeological
evidence. Since then, subsequent translations of these papyri into modern languages have only
increased their accessibility; among these the most important are, perhaps, the English edition (The
Greek Magical Papyri in Translation) edited by Hans Dieter Betz, published in 1986, and supplemented
with further Greek and crucially Demotic texts, and the Spanish edition (Textos de Magia en
papiros Griegos) of Jos Luis Calvo Martnez and Dolores Snchez Romero, published in 1987.
Nonetheless, questions remain about how these papyri are best understood in view of the fact
that up to 76% derive from a single cache, how representative are they of broader practices? Given
that almost all of the papyri date from the II-IV centuries CE, how relevant is their content to earlier
or later rituals? To what extent are they to be understood as culturally Greek, or Egyptian, and how
do we understand the transposition, interaction and synthesis of the two elements? And finally,
what relationship do they have to other evidence of contemporaneous Mediterranean magico-
religious practice binding tablets on metal and crystal plates, amuletic gems, and figurines pierced
with needles? This paper will discuss previous work on these problems, before looking in more
detail at the first of these questions, the place of the Theban Magical Library, our largest single
archive, within the broader collection. By looking at evidence for its composition, history and
cultural background, and finally relationship to the texts outside it, I will suggest a way towards a
more nuanced understanding of these fascinating texts.
Korsh| |s current|, o Phu cond|dote ot Mocquor|e Un|vers|t, (w|th o thes|s ent|t|ed |tuo|s of Appor|t|on |n
the 7he5on Mog|co| L|5ror,j, ond o reseorch oss|stont for the Austro||on eseorch Counc|| proect:
'Knowledge Transfer and Administrative Professionalism in a Pre-Typographic Society: Observing the Scribe at
Work in Roman and Early Islamic Egypt'. He is particularly interested in the evolution of Egyptian religious
practices from the Hellenistic through to the Coptic periods, as well as the broader social, linguistic, and
intellectual history issues that inform and are informed by the study of religion.

AMANDA DUSTING, GUY HAZELL, SAMANTHA MOODY AND CRAIG BARKER (UNIVERSITY OF
SYDNEY)
Grouno penetratlng radar and earthquake tumble at the Hellenistic-Roman theatre of Nea Paphos,
Cyprus (Poster presentation)
In October 2010 an intensive program of Remote Sensing using Ground Penetrating Radar - MAL
X3M GPR System (GPR) was undertaken at the ancient Hellenistic-Roman Theatre of Nea Paphos,
Cyprus. The excavation of the theatre is an ongoing project of The University of Sydney under the
direction of Dr Craig Barker and Dr Smadar Gabrieli, under the auspices of the Department of
Antiquities of Cyprus. The majority of the theatre has been exposed over a period of excavation
spanning 17 years, and now the focus of current investigations is the immediate environs to the
south of the theatre cavea and stage buildings. This area includes a paved Roman road which was
found to run alongside the theatre. An area of 7500 sqm was chosen as potentially suitable for GPR
exploration with a view to ground-truthing the results through mechanical investigation. It was
11

hoped this research may give evidence of the urban layout of this section of the ancient city which
has long been hypothesised was organised on a N-S, E-W grid plan. The area under investigation
closest to the theatre proved to be problematic and was found to be predominantly comprised of
wall tumble and debris likely to be related to earthquake activity in the late fourth century AD.
However, despite this dense overburden some features were discernible below the tumble. The
results from the area further to the south were more conclusive with a sizable structure appearing
at a depth of 0.90m in alignment with the theatre. This poster will present the results of the
remote sensing undertaken and explore the potential for the application of GPR for providing
information to aid in the interpretation of land use and town planning in the Hellenistic - Roman and
subsequent periods at Nea Paphos.
Amanda Dusting: PhD candidate in Near Eastern Archaeology at the University of Sydney.
Guy Hazell: Archaeological Surveyor studying GIS and remote sensing.
Samantha Moody: Consultant Archaeologist BA (Hons) University of Sydney.
Craig Barker: Director of the Paphos Theatre Excavations and Manager of Education and Public Programs,
Sydney University Museums

BRYN FORD (UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY)
Orcbaro ano Desert: Lartbly Paraolses ln tbe Hlstorla Monacborum ln Aegypto
Egyptian desert asceticism caused a sensation in the late antique world. Fourth and fifth century
readers could not get enough stories of the strange holy men and women in the distant landscapes
of Egypt, and a literature rapidly sprang up around the phenomenon, interpreting and explaining it to
an eager public. Perhaps inevitably, this literature utilised old, familiar models to make explicable
what at first could seem a completely alien way of life. This paper analyses one text, the c. AD 400
Historia Monachorum in Aegypto (HM), as an example of this process. It follows Frank (2000) in
reading the HM as an instance of the classical genre of utopian writing, with its love of distant,
abundant paradises where the living was easy. Descriptions of bountiful gardens in the desert, and of
tbe mlraculous provlslon ot tooo, provloeo a backorop to ano lllustratlon ot tbe monks' pertectlon.
However, this is only half the story: alongside these latter-day Edens, perfection in the HM could
also be connected to the harshest landscapes imaginable, a point of view which, it will be argued,
owes mucb to tbe 'baro prlmltlvlsm' ot classlcal etbnograpby. Tbe paper wlll eamlne a number ot
key passages which demonstrate this alternative vision of paradise, before concluding with a
discussion of the way Biblical landscape imagery is integrated with classical discourse in the text.
Bryn is an MPhil student at the University of Sydney, studying the literature surrounding the Desert Fathers
and its relationship to classical ideas of landscape. He is also co-convenor of AMPHORAE VII, and will
attempt to fit writing this paper into his busy schedule of nametag printing.


12

TARYN GOOLEY (UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY)
Cypriot trade during the Classical Period: Preliminary Discussion
The geographical location of Cyprus in the eastern Mediterranean gave the island a significant role in
Classical Mediterranean trade. The island was a convenient stepping-stone for traders travelling to
various parts of the Mediterranean during ancient times. Whoever controlled Cyprus was able to
control trade between the Near East and the rest of the Mediterranean to a certain degree. Despite
considerable investigation of Cypriot trade in earlier and later periods, relatively little has been done
in the way of researching the importance Cyprus held during the Classical period in regards to trade.
Tbls Masters tbesls wlll attempt to eamlne tbe lacunae present ln our knowleoge ot 'Classlcal traoe
ano Cyprus' ano attempt to brloge lt wbere posslble. Most scbolarship on Cypriot trade (or role of
Cyprus in maritime trade) has to date, focused on the Bronze and the Early Iron Ages or the later
periods in history after Roman occupation. The Classical period (c.475- c. 325 BC) however, has
received considerably less attention.
Lcavatlons at Kltlon, Salamls ano Marlon bave revealeo Attlc, Cblot, Corlntblan 8 ano '|onlan'
(including Samian) amphorae were being imported into Cyprus during the Classical period.
Excavations at Idalion and Amathous also indicate that Phoenician goods were being imported into
various city kingdoms. The evidence obtained from these archaeological excavations can be utilised
in many ways, not in the least to investigate trade, transport and contact both internally within
Cyprus and between Cyprus and the wider Mediterranean. This study will attempt to utilise the
imported wares, particularly amphorae, discovered at Classical sites within Cyprus to conduct an
analysis of amphorae distribution in order to attempt to establish the workings of Classical trade and
the role Cyprus played. Questions such as: are chronological patterns discernible, and is there a
noticeable difference between various regions of the island in relation to the origins of amphorae,
will be explored.
I completed my Bachelor of Arts and Sciences in 2009 focusing mainly on classical archaeology. My honours
project focused on shipwrecks and what they can tell us about Mediterranean trade during the classical
period. It was my honours research, as well as my first trip to Cyprus for the Paphos theatre excavations that
influenced my decision to begin researching the role of Cyprus in classical trade.

JULIA HAMILTON (UNIVERSITY OF AUCKLAND)
Henet-sblps ano Heogebogs
Hedgehogs appear to have held a special place in Egyptian life as apotropaic creatures and symbols of
rebirth with medico-magical value. In the extensive collection of Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom
finds from within the Temple of Satet at Elephantine, an unusual type of votive offering a palm-
slzeo talence plaque wltb tbe beao ot a beogebog ano a booy remlnlscent ot a sblp's bull has been
found, dating to late Old Kingdom. These plaques, 41 of which were found at Elephantine, have
colloquially been nameo 'Heogebog-sblps.' Wbllst relatlvely abunoant at Llepbantlne, eamples ot tbls
votive offering have also been found in contemporaneous deposits at Abydos and Tell Ibraham
Awad. In this paper, a tentative interpretation of these curious votive offerings will be put forward,
focussing on their similarities with depictions of the Henet-ship an Old Kingdom funerary boat with
13

a hedgehog-head prow in night voyages of deceased from non-royal funerary scenes of the late
Old Kingdom.
Julia Hamilton is a Masters student and graduate teaching assistant in Egyptian history in the Department of
Classics and Ancient History at the University of Auckland. In addition, Julia is employed as a library assistant
at Auckland Museum. Julia completed her BA (Hons) in Ancient History at the University of Auckland in
2012 which included a dissertation discussing social memory in the creation of the funerary landscape of late
Old Kingdom Elephantine at Qubbet el Hawa. Her Masters research will explore the memorialisation of the
Old Kingdom in funerary stelae from the Herakleopolitan cemeteries of the First Intermediate Period
(c.2160-2025 BC).

KATHERINE HARPER (UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY)
'My Dearest Portla': Roman Matrons ln tbe Amerlcan Revolutlon
Durlng tbe Amerlcan Revolutlonary War, just as [osepb Warren oonneo a 'Clceronlan' toga tor bls
1775 Boston Massacre Oration and John Adams took the penname Lysander after the Spartan war
hero, women in the American colonies saw the situation through the lens of Roman history and
chose to deal with the demands of the war by adopting classical identities. The passage of eighteen
centuries meant nothing to these women who, simply by signing themselves as a classical figure,
implied that they had the same values, the same hopes and fears, and could attain the same heroic
virtues as the Roman matrons from antiquity. Most consistently, American colonial women invoked
the image of Roman matrons as a way of establishing their voice in the republican debate and
interacting with the contemporary political situation. The image of the Roman matron showed and
allowed the colonists to actively participate in republican political life, which was traditionally a
masculine arena and ideology.
Although scholars have acknowledged that the use of classical pseudonyms reflected a desire to be
associated with the image of the virtuous classical Roman woman, this fact has been generally
studied in isolation to the broader classical phenomenon of the Revolutionary era. As a result, it has
not been establlsbeo tbat tbe temale patrlots' cbolce ot Roman eemplar mlrroreo tbat ot tbe
personas that their male counterparts chose to adopt. Just as the male patriots desired to emulate
Cato, colonial women were encouraged to imitate and frequently took as pseudonyms those Roman
matrons who had sought liberty and preservation of their virtue through suicide. Republicanism
demanded denial of oneself in service to the country, and at times it demanded this sacrifice to be
through death. In the literature of the era we find that women engaged with narratives of classical
suicide and contemplated these republican demands.
Katherine Harper is a final year PhD candidate at the University of Sydney. Her thesis looks at the influence
of Roman Stoicism in the American Revolution. Katherine's research interests include: reception studies, early
Christianity, and American politics and history.


14

SAMUEL HOWELL (VICTORIA UNIVERSITY OF WELLINGTON)
8oreo to Deatb: Lnnul ln Anclent Llterature
This paper will be a discussion of one aspect of the existence and role of the concept of boredom in
the ancient world and its portrayal in ancient literature. Rather than a discussion of a simple and
mechanical boredom, which can be termed 'horror loci' or 'tedium', my analysis will focus on the
identification of a spiritual malaise best understood as ennui. Due to the lack of a single ancient term
that covers the whole range of meaning of our own term, this concept will be discussed in
conjunction with the terms alys (boredom /agitation), kopos (spiritual suffering), aporia (the state of
being at a loss), aplestia (insatiability of spirit), taedium (spiritual weariness), lassitudo (boredom) and
otium (idleness). My thesis investigates the role of this emotional and psychological state more
broadly building on scholarship about ancient emotions and the construction of the self by authors
such as David Konstan and Christopher Gill, as well as work on boredom in the ancient world by
Peter Toohey. This paper will focus on the connection between ennui and death. This connection is
two-fold, in that ennui was portrayed as both a moral failing, with death and destruction as inevitable
consequences, and also as a soul-wearying affliction that expressed itself as a yearning for death. The
tormer case wlll be olscusseo wltb reterence to Plutarcb's Vitae, and particularly Pyrrhus. The latter
case will be discussed with reference to the moralising works of Seneca, Horace and Lucretius.
Samuel Howell completed a Bachelor of Arts with Honours in Classical Studies at Victoria University of
We|||ngton |n 2011, ond |s current|, pursu|ng on Moster`s of Arts ot the some |nst|tut|on. H|s |nterests
include the literature of the ancient world and the interplay between social ideals, emotion and identity.

KATHERINE HURST (UNIVERSITY OF QUEENSLAND)
[ullus Caesar ano Women: A Re-Analysls ot Caesar's Motlves ln 698C
Acaoemlc work eamlnlng [ullus Caesar's relatlonsblp wltb women is hardly groundbreaking
territory. However, the majority of prevailing scholarship on the subject glosses over the early years
ot Caesar's llte ano career. Wbllst tbere were unooubteoly numerous motlvatlons beblno tbe
tuneral spectacles tor Caesar's aunt and wife in 69 BC; the presentation will examine the notion that
Caesar turned the death of his wife to his advantage to appeal to the women of Rome. In his early
years, Caesar's motber Aurella proveo to be tbe young noble's greatest asset. Her lntervention
secured him a pardon from Sulla and co-option into the college of pontifices. Interventions such as
these would have given Caesar a powerful insight into the authority women held in their own
spheres of influence in the late Republic. It will be argued that Caesar realised at a very early stage in
his career that support of prominent women would have helped him in the two areas he was
severely lacking; political prominence and financial means.
Katherine Hurst completed her Honours last year at the University of Queensland. She is currently
undertaking other ventures before starting her post-graduate studies in the near future.


15

DANIEL IRWIN (UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY)
Llvy ano tbe Translatlon ot Polyblus: New Perspectlves
The fact that Livy translated large portions of his text from Polybius is something of a sore point for
modern scholars, who instead wish to engage with Livy solely on his own terms. Yet, it is undeniable
tbat large portlons ot Llvy's tets are ln tact translatlons ano ratber than ignoring this fact it is worth
examining them in terms of the Roman view of what constituted a translation. In the classical world
translation did not focus on the modern ideal of word-for-word literal translation. Rather it required
a translator to compete with their source text and attempt to assert their own literary dominance
over it.
Drawlng on tbe term 'rewrltlng' wblcb ls current ln Translatlon Stuoles lt wlll be sbown tbat Llvy's
translatlons work ln conjunctlon wltb bls cbanges to Polyblus' text in order to craft a new canonical
text in Latin. A discussion of the meeting between Philip V and Titus Flamininus at Nicaea in the
Second Macedonian War will show that even while translating Polybius at the level of the individual
word, Livy is still able to assert his literary independence and tap into his own allusive networks. It
wlll be seen tbat only by appreclatlng all ot Llvy's tet, ratber tban just tbose parts wblcb are unlque
to him, can we more fully reconstruct his meanings and intentions.
I am a second year PhD student at the University of Sydney studying the intertextual relationship between
Livy and Polybius. My research interests range from Greek and Roman historiography through to Translation
Studies, which I combine throughout my work.

TIM JONES (MACQUARIE UNIVERSITY)
New Dlrectlons: Tbe Cbrlst Mytb Tbeory
To some people, the suggestion that the Jesus figure of the Gospels never existed is blasphemy, to
others it is absurd. But how do we really know this? How do we know that Jesus was a real person?
My paper proposes to look at the evidence for the existence of the Jesus figure in the New
Testament, treating it, as Luther said, like any other historical document. Time constraints restrict
what can be said in this environment, but I want to look at three main issues, using one example of
each type to illustrate the point. The first is historical problems within the Gospels. Are there any
dating issues surrounding a particular event, and are there any inconsistencies between the Gospels
on blstorlcal events? Secono, | propose to look at wbat Prlce calls 'New Testament narratlve as Olo
Testament Mlorasb', tbat ls wbere a New Testament story looks to be a rewrlte ot an Olo
Testament passage. Finally, I propose to take a brief look at redaction criticism of the New
Testament and how that leads to Christological Evolution, that is how the depiction of the Jesus
figure as well as things he reportedly said changed with time. It must be stressed that this position is
not dogmatic, it is merely an hypothesis which I, and others, think explains the data we have.
I completed Bachelor Honours at Newcastle University in 2010 (2A). I have just completed an MA in Ancient
History at Macquarie University and plan to start writing my PhD in August on The Succession in the reigns
of Augustus and Tiberius. When not studying, I listen to Pink Floyd, Elton John and other classics, and I play
guitar, bass and piano.

16

BRAD JORDAN (UNIVERSITY OF MELBOURNE)
The Consular provinciae ot 44 8CL: Caesar's acta ano Subsequent Developments
This paper will examine the state of the Roman Republic immediately after the assassination of C.
Iulius Caesar. Focusing on a single aspect of Republican government, the allocation of the Consular
provinciae for that year, along with subsequent associated political developments, it intends to place
the outbreak of the Mutinian War in context. Though it is often asserted that civil strife was the
logical and inevitable result of the Ides of March, the policies of the consuls, M. Antonius and P.
Cornelius Dolabella, particularly regarding the provinciae, reveal a remarkable stability within the res
publica in the following months. Instead the ancient evidence presents the catalyst for violence as the
passage of the controversial lex tribuncia de permutatione provinciarum on the Kalends of July, which, in
itself, represents a remarkable strategic shift. Constructing the causes and consequences of this
importance piece of legislation, this paper hopes to present a new interpretation of the crucial
perloo tollowlng Caesar's assasslnatlon.
Brad completed his BA at the University of Western Australia in 2011, going on to achieve First Class
Honours at the University of Melbourne the following year. He is currently studying for an MA by research,
examining the institutional position of the magister equitum under the Roman Republic, still at the University
of Melbourne, under Dr Frederik Vervaet. His research interests lie primarily in the political and institutional
history of the Middle to Late Republic.

DANIEL KNOX (UNIVERSITY OF AUCKLAND)
Two Letters ot Rurlclus ot Llmoges ano Tbelr '8arbarlan' Reclplents
The fifth-century Gallo-Roman bishop Ruricius of Limoges is known for his collection of letters
dating to the fifth century A.D. The majority of his letters are addressed to fellow Gallo-Roman
bishops and cover a range of topics from theology to book collecting. The exchange of letters and
literature was an important activity that helped to maintain Gallo-Roman identity. Letters from this
period place a great importance on literary culture and the maintenance of aristocratic friendships.
Traditionally this behaviour has been viewed as an example of Gallo-Romans using their shared
culture to exclude barbarian elites and thus maintain their own status in a changing world. Ruricius
was a typical Gallo-Roman aristocrat and the letters of his collection place a great importance on the
cultivation and maintenance of friendships with his fellow elites.
Three of his letters deviate from the rest in that the recipients are of a Gothic origin. These are
letters 1.11 to the Bishop Freda and letters 2.61 and 2.63 to Vittamerus. My paper will examine
these two letters and look at how Ruricius engaged with individuals outside of the traditional Gallo-
Roman arlstocracy. | wlll argue tbat Rurlclus' letters to Gotblc elltes sbow tbe lncluslon ot non-
Gallo-Romans in traditional aristocratic culture, indicating that elite society in post-Roman Gaul was
more interlinked than it was previously thought to be.
Dan Knox is a graduate student at The University of Auckland working on letter collections in post-Roman
Gaul. He is originally from Wellington and holds degrees from Victoria University of Wellington. His research
interests include: ethnography and identity in the ancient world, letters and letter collections, Roman and
post-Roman Gaul, the development of Christianity, and saint cults.

17

ALINA KOZLOVSKI (UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY)
At tbe crossroaos: Taklng olrectlons ln a new olrectlon
The way that people navigate through particular environments plays an important part in
understanding how they perceive and understand the spaces around them. Throughout the centuries
we have invented many devices to aid us in finding our way around and this remains the prime
purpose of cartography today. However, extant examples of maps from the ancient Roman world
such as the Forma Urbis Romae seem to have been created for purposes other than to aid navigation,
and any reference to a map of the world was hardly useful for that purpose either. The opinion of
modern scholars such as Paoli (1940) and Ling (1990) is that ancient travellers mostly relied on
directions that were given to them verbally by locals instead. The aim of this paper is not to argue
against these assertions, but rather to examine what such a method of navigation implied for an
anclent Roman's unoerstanolng ot space. Wltb a tocus on navlgatlon tbrougb cltles, tbls paper wlll
argue that, aside from the practical complications of pictorial or written navigation aids, Romans had
something to gain by keeping directions mostly verbal. In a society where calculated procession
through the streets was common, a way to get your monument noticed on any other day would be
to make lt usetul as a lanomark tor someone's own navlgatlonal trlp tbrougb tbe clty.
I am a student at the University of Sydney and am about to finish my MPhil on the perception of urban
spaces in republican Rome and Italy.

JOSEPH MAIN (UNIVERSITY OF AUCKLAND)
Rlse ano Fall ot tbe [ackals: New Dlrectlons ln tbe Mortuary Worsblp ot Anclent Lgypt
The Greeks had Hades. The Romans had Pluto. However, the Egyptians had prominent three
underworld deities; Wepwawet, Anubls ano tlnally, Oslrls. Wblle Wepwawet's star was brlgbtest at
the proverbial bookends of Egyptian history, Anubis and Osiris remained active and involved deities
throughout the course of the Egyptian empire and well into the Roman era before settling into the
roles in pop culture that modern society has prescribed to them today. But the question remains of
why the Egyptians had three mortuary deities when the Greeks and Romans were content with one
prominent deity.
This presentation has been adapted from a chapter in my 2012 Honours Dissertation. After a brief
introduction to the three deities, this lecture will focus on the reasons I believe why one deity was
supplanted for the next. The primary source of evidence for this research has been from literary
sources such as spells, priestly documents and temple inscriptions as archaeological evidence is scant
due to reasons which will be expanded upon. There is currently little scholarship dealing directly
with this subject and as such, much of this presentation represents my own theories and conclusions
as to how the struggle for dominance in the Egyptian underworld took place.
I came to the University of Auckland in 2008, finishing my undergraduate studies in early 2012 and my
Honours in late 2012. I will be starting a Masters in August of this year and working under Dr Jennifer
Hellum. I am primarily interested in Egyptian Religion but also the concepts of Magic in the ancient world. At
this point my thesis will focus on defining Egyptian Magic as a separate practise to Egyptian Religion, if at all
possible.

18

KATE MCLARDY (MONASH UNIVERSITY)
Lloola: Lttlgles ln tbe Rltes ot Aoonis-llke Goos
The use of effigies of the god is one of the few aspects of rites performed in honour of
Tammuz/Dumuzi and Adonis that is prominently recorded in the ancient sources. In the past,
research has not focused in this direction, accepting the existence of such effigies as a given without
further investigation as to their role and their appearance. This paper will examine the evidence for
effigies in the worship of Adonis and Tammuz/Dumuzi. These effigies were associated with the cult
and festivals of such deities over a sustained period of time, and over a wide geographical area. I
intend to discuss to what extent it is possible to define the appearance and the composition of these
effigies in their various incarnations, given the available evidence. In addition, I will consider the
purpose of these effigies, and whether these effigies had analogous or disparate purposes within the
contexts of the respective cults with which they were associated. By so doing, I hope to contribute
to the discussion about religious syncretism and cultural influences within the context of ancient
women's rltual, ano to steer tbls olscusslon ln a new olrectlon wltb a tocus on tbe oevelopment ano
adaptation of the Adonia festival to the needs of the local communities who celebrated it.
Kate McLardy is a PhD candidate at Monash University in Melbourne. Her thesis title is fickle and varies
w||d|, from do, to do,, 5ut |s current|, Women`s lest|vo|s |n the He||en|st|c Per|od: An lnterd|sc|p||nor,
Analysis. In this thesis, she will argue for a more multi-faceted interpretation of the festivals celebrated by
ancient Greek women, with a primary focus on the Thesmophoria and the Adonia.

IONA KATHERINE MCRAE (UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY)
Flne tableware trom an Acbaemenlo Royal 'pavlllon'
More tban 600 tlnely pollsbeo stone vessel tragments, 300 'rltual vessels', ano a small proportlon ot
rare glass was recovered from the ruins of the Treasury at Persepolis. These vessels, ascribed by
Scbmlot as royal tableware, were touno scattered throughout the northern halls of the Treasury
(halls 38 and 41), shattered presumably during the Macedonian destruction of the Treasury. The
sheer number of vessels implies they performed an important role in royal banqueting, although the
precise function ot tbe 'rltual vessels' remalns eluslve.
The recent excavations (2007 2009) at Qaleh Kali in the Fars province, Iran, have provided a well-
stratified sequence of Achaemenid and post Achaemenid occupation spanning a period of c. 500 to
50 BC. In addition to the large corpus of domestic pottery, a small number of fine glass and polished
stone bowl fragments (reminiscent of the large corpus from Persepolis) were recovered. Few
comparable stone vessels have been found outside of Persepolis, and their presence at Qaleh Kali is
undoubtedly significant. This paper will consider what these vessels may reveal about the function of
the site as a royal way-station, or pavilion, and whether it is appropriate to use such a modest
collection of finds to infer such an interpretation.
Iona Kat McRae attained her BA (Hons) in Near Eastern Archaeology at the University of Sydney in 2005.
She has over 9 years of experience working as an archaeological subcontractor, on international (particularly
Jordan, Syria and Iran) and Australian heritage and indigenous projects. Kat is in the final stages of her PhD,
investigating the effects of state formation and collapse on changes in ceramic styles, production and
19

distribution in the Achaemenid Empire, using an integrated analysis methodology of mineralogical
(petrographic), elemental (INAA) and stylistic, morphological analyses.

SEAN MEEHAN (UNIVERSITY OF AUCKLAND)
A look at Roman Cultural Contlnulty at tbe Haorlan's Wall Forts ourlng tbe Flttb Century C.L.
For my presentation I am going to present a part of my Honours dissertation from last year, which
argued for the presence of Roman cultural continuity in Britain during the fifth century CE. Originally
the fifth century was largely assoclateo wltb tbe 'Lnolng ot Roman 8rltaln' because ot tbe Rescrlpt ot
Honorlus, wblcb was lssueo ln 410CL. |n splte ot tbe 'Rescrlpt' presentlng an eno to olrect Roman
political control over the British provinces as a collective, there has been evidence to suggest that
Roman culture in these areas did not suddenly just disappear but instead gradually changed over
tlme. | bave opteo to tocus on tbe Haorlan's Wall torts because tbey provloe tbe clearest lnstances
of continuity in the fifth century both militarily and culturally. Militarily I will look at how continuous
settlement in the fifth and sixth centuries might have been stimulated by the implementation of a
permanent frontier force as well as local and hereditary recruitment in the fourth century. I will also
look at the evidence for continuous settlement from the fourth through to the sixth century C.E. at
Birdoswald, Housesteads and Vindolanda. I will also look at cultural continuity through the
development of Christian buildings at the fort sites of Birdoswald, South Shields, Vindolanda and
Housesteads in the fifth century. Finally I will look to briefly compare these sites to Richborough in
tbe soutb east ano Wroeter ln tbe west ln oroer to sbow tbat tbe Haorlan's Wall torts mlgbt not
be an isolated example when it comes to Roman cultural continuity in the fifth century C.E.
l`ve recent|, ottended the Un|vers|t, of Auck|ond os o 8oche|or of Arts (Hons.j student |n 2011 ond 2012. l
have finished my dissertation entitled Approaching and Exploring the presence of Roman Cultural Continuity
in Fifth Century Britain ond p|on to further m, stud|es of omon 8r|to|n |n the next coup|e of ,eors. l`ve o|so
finished a TEFL certification course early last year and also have an interest in travelling overseas to teach
English.

0$772)$55(// (AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY)
Tbls lmage worsblpper, lt ls not tlttlng be llve.
Lactantlus' pampblet De Mortibus Persecutorum presents the reader with a series of horrific deaths in
an attempt to prove Goo's justlce at work ln tbe worlo. One ot tbe most spectacular clalms ls tbe
post-mortem display of the flayed skin of the emperor Valerian by the Persian Shahanshah Shapur I.
Notblng ls known oetlnltlvely ot valerlan's tate ano scbolarly oplnlon on Lactantlus bas rangeo trom
viewing this grisly display as a figment of Christian propaganda to believing it to be largely true.
What has rarely been noted is that another, slightly later, flaying at the command of a Persian king is
noted in Persian and Arabic histories of the early Middle Ages. The heresiarch Mani is consistently
recoroeo as bavlng been tlayeo at tbe commano ot one ot Sbapur's successors ln tbe mlo 270's, less
than two decades after Valerian disappeared and only forty years before the composition of De
Mortibus. Through a comparison of sources from both the East and the West this paper will argue
that Lactantius used a garbled version of the flaying of Mani, an incident known to Christian groups
eltber tbrougb tbelr own wrltlngs or Cblnese Wblspers trom tbe east.
20

Matt completed his Honours in Ancient History at the Australian National University in mid 2013. His main
interests are Iranian history, languages and Late Antiquity in general.

6$//<2*5$'<81,9(RSITY OF QUEENSLAND)
Tbe Liberalitas ot Caracalla
Under Septimius Severus, the public image of Caracalla was heavily influenced by that of his father.
Llnks wltb tbe Antonlne Dynasty, Severus' bometown ot Leptls Magna and an emphasis on the
Severan tamlly ltselt teatureo as promlnent aspects ot Caracalla's lmage portrayeo to tbe publlc.
However, following the death of his father and the murder of his brother Geta in AD 211, the public
image of Caracalla markedly changed direction on becoming sole ruler. Despite the fact that
contemporary ancient authors such as Cassius Dio and Herodian have described Caracalla in quite a
negative light, archaeological evidence has expanded the overall picture of the emperor beyond that
of the literary sources to demonstrate the wider public image of Caracalla. This paper will examine
one aspect of Caracalla's image that is not widely discussed in the literary sources, but which
features prominently as part of his public image: that of liberalitas. This virtue appeared extensively
on coins minted under Caracalla, on inscriptions dedicated to the emperor, and was demonstrated
through several acts early in his reign: through the construction of the Baths of Caracalla, the
Constitutio Antoniniana, and the pay rise given to the soldiers in the Roman army. This is at least
partially the image of himself that Caracalla wished to portray to the world, which is in contrast to
the private life of Caracalla shown in historical works and to his public image previously seen during
the reign of his father, Septimius Severus.
So||, |s current|, undertok|ng her MPh|| ot the Un|vers|t, of Queens|ond on '7he Pu5||c lmoge of the Loter
Severons: Coroco||o to A|exonder Severus.` She ho|ds o Bachelor of Environmental Management (hons), a
Bachelor of Arts (Archaeology) and first class honours in Ancient History from the same institution.

ALEX OLDFIELD (VICTORIA UNIVERSITY OF WELLINGTON)
'8lros ot a Featber': A comparlson between tbe barpy ano tbe slren ln Greek Mytbology
This paper will be focussing on the relationship between the mythical female hybrids, the harpy and
tbe slren. Wblle botb creatures sbare tbe same comblneo teatures ot bavlng a woman's beao ano a
blro's booy tbey are ln tact very distinct beings and utilised in separate scenarios according to their
individual attributes. Notwithstanding their similarity in appearance an analysis of the differences
between them is essential to understanding how they were seen by the ancient Greeks and
consequently how they functioned in art and literature.
There appears to be a general consensus that sirens and harpies share a mutual origin, having been
imported into Greece from Egypt, possibly stemming from the Ba-bird which has similar appearance
and associations with death, and which was then adopted by the Greeks for their own mythological
purposes. Even distinguishing the two Greek hybrids from each other can prove difficult at times.
This is evident from very early portrayals around the 7
th
century BCE until certain features begin to
evolve (tbe slrens' teet become webbeo) ano botb tlgures aoopt specltlc cbaracterlstlcs empbaslslng
their differences. The harpy and the siren however both retain associations with death and the
underworld throughout their portrayals and mythologies and over time the former becomes more
21

of a malevolent figure while the latter is seen as more and more beautiful and alluring. This paper will
attempt to detail the supposed shared origins of the hybrids as well as distinguish the separate
features of the creatures. I will conclude with a detailed discussion of the so-called Harpy tomb from
Xanthus where female bird hybrids are present, although they have been identified as harpies, recent
analysis of the tomb appears to prove they are in fact sirens.
Alex Oldfield is an MA student at Victoria University of Wellington where she is currently working on a thesis
on the presence, use and function of the mythological siren found atop classical Attic grave stelai and her
reception by ancient Greeks. She completed her honours thesis last year on the relationship between
Iphigenia and the goddess Artemis at the cult of Brauron and continues to have a passion for researching
ancient Greek perceptions of myth and religion.

MHAIRI PENMAN (UNIVERSITY OF AUCKLAND)
Ammlanus Marcelllnus ano tbe |oeal Lmperor
Tbls paper wlll cover Ammlanus' vlews on tbe loeal emperor. As a llterary stuoy lt wlll tocus on bls
opinions and not the reality of emperorship or the historical events portrayed within the text. This
study will contain an in depth analysis of the necrologies of Constantius and Julian. It will then
compare this with the body of the text, focusing on the discrepancies between the two. From this I
hope to present a clearer picture ot Ammlanus' loeal emperor, ano bls epectatlons ln botb tbe
private and public spheres. Since the last historian before Ammianus, who wrote in Latin prose, was
Tacitus, I will also briefly cover some of the older views of emperorship that he shares with him. I
will be pointing out the new and different aspects of emperorship that Ammianus presents to us,
and why this is the case. The study of this topic, specific to Ammianus, is woefully understudied.
Most scholars have focused on the military depictions within his work, or argue that his portrayals of
certain emperors are not historically accurate. For that reason, this study will help us to better
understand Ammianus and pagan late antique views of the emperor.

ZACHARY PHILLIPS (UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY)
Tbe Lakonlc Utterance: Spartans ano Sophia
The Spartans have long had a reputation for being behind the intellectual advancements of Greece,
and are consistently seen as being, in general, lesser educated. This is fuelled by anecdotal evidence
from our sources of Spartans being unable to comprehend speeches beyond a certain length
and that the Spartans themselves actively avoided learning their letters. Despite these ideas, there is
good reason to believe that the cultural stereotype of the Lakonic apophthegm is in, fact, indicative
of keen Spartan intelligence. In this paper, I will explore Spartan brakhulogia (terse speech), as well
as its associated duplicitous oath, and argue that the Spartans were trained to practise and esteem
this form of speech, and explore the advantages it held over the Athenian love of rhetoric and
sophistry.


22

EVAN PITT (UNIVERSITY OF TASMANIA)
Tbe Consequences ot a Royal 8urlal at verglna
In 317 B.C., the mother of Alexander the Great, Olympias, executed Philip III Arrhidaeus and his
wife Eurydice, a king and queen of Macedon. The traditional burial ground of the Argead Royal
House is located at Aigai (Vergina). While it is not certain where their remains were housed, it can
be deduced that Olympias chose not to bury Pblllp ano Luryolce at Algal. Atter Olymplas' oeteat,
surrender and execution by the Regent of Macedon, Cassander, he ordered that the bodies of Philip
III and Eurydice were to be exhumed and transported to Aigai. Here they were buried with proper
honours and ceremonies befitting the royals (D. 19. 52. 5-6.).
Both the ancient literary sources (D. 19. 52. 1) and modern scholars (Adams, 1977) have regarded
the re-burlal ot Pblllp ||| ano Luryolce by Cassanoer as a slgn ot tbe regent's monarcblcal asplratlons.
This interpretation can be problematic given that Cassander had been careful to distance himself
from the Royal family and had made no overt claim for the throne.
Wblle tbe ceremonlal burlal ot one's preoecessors playeo an lmportant role ln Maceoonlan
succession, an alternative interpretation is available. Rather than understanding the reburial of Philip
ano Luryolce as evloence ot Cassanoer's oeslre to occupy tbe tbrone, tbe sequence ot events
suggests that he was fulfilling his duties as regent and, at the same time, attempting to placate the
elites within the Macedonian-political sphere. His actions were those of an astute politician, rather
than those of a king in waiting.
This paper explores the events surrounding the reburial of Philip III and Eurydice by Cassander and
offers an alternative interpretation of the motivation for this.
Evan Pitt is a doctoral student at the University of Tasmania. He completed his Bachelor of Arts at Monash
University before moving to Tasmania for post-graduate stud,. Lvon`s oreos of reseorch focus on the
successors of Alexander the Great and the Early Hellenistic World, with particular interest in events in Greece
during the closing stages of the 4
th
Century BC.

EMILY POELINA-HUNTER (UNIVERSITY OF MELBOURNE)
Art |mltatlng Llte: Tattooeo Flgurlnes ot tbe Aegean 8ronze Age
This presentation discusses the painted motifs on Early Bronze Age Cycladic figurines (produced
c.3000-2000 BCE) in comparison to motifs painted on Middle Kingdom Egyptian potency figurines
(produced c.2000-1700 BCE). Preserved Egyptian mummies with the same tattoo motifs as those
painted on potency figurines from the Middle Kingdom are evidence that figurines could be
decorated to imitate human subjects in the Aegean Bronze Age. The striking similarities between
the style and placement of abstract designs painted on Cycladic figurines and tattoo motifs on
Egyptian potency figurines may suggest that a similar custom existed in the Cyclades. Instead of life
imitating art, art is imitating life. Early Cycladic funerary practices did not allow for the preservation
of tattooed skin, but tattooing technology was available as artefacts such as ground mineral pigments,
sharp obsidian blades and chips, metal razors, pointed bone tubes, and metal pins were placed in
Cyclaolc graves. | recognlse tbese artetacts as tools ln a tattoolst's klt, ano wben comblneo wltb tbe
designs painted on Cycladic figurines, I argue that we have material evidence that Cycladic islanders
in the Early Bronze Age practiced female tattooing during the period of Cycladic figurine production.
23

In this presentation I will show several examples of both figurine types, catalogue the motifs, and ask
three questions: do we have a new direction of influence? Could the Cyclades figurines have been
precursors of Egyptian potency figurines? Or are the similarities a coincidence?
An alumna of Victoria University of Wellington, Emily gained a Bachelor of Arts with First Class Honours, a
Graduate Diploma in Greek, and an MA in Classical Studies, before becoming an archaeology student at the
University of Melbourne. Her PhD thesis focuses on Cycladic figurines, particularly their painted decoration.
She has a strong interest in Aegean prehistoric art, and has undertaken field work in Israel, Georgia, and
most recently in Greece with Yannis Hamilakis. In 2013 she is looking forward to excavating at Troy and
has been invited to join the Cambridge University/British School at Athens team surveying on the Cycladic
island of Keros.

ALEXANDER PRENTER (UNIVERSITY OF AUCKLAND)
|stbmla: Aomlnlstratlon, Rellglon ano Competltlon
Isthmia was one of the four Panhellenic games sites in ancient Greece. Its location on the Isthmus
near Corinth lent itself to easy access from all parts of the ancient world. It was probably the best
attended of any of the Greek athletic festivals, including Olympia, in the classical period. Isthmia
enjoyed great prestige throughout antiquity especially under the Roman Empire and saw continued
occupation well into the Christian Byzantine period after Theodosius had abolished all the
games. Oscar Broneer with the University of Chicago began excavations in the early 1950s. The
site's strategic location meant that, following the abolition of the games, the temple and its
surrounding buildings were dismantled and used in the nearby Hexamillion Wall and Fortress of
Justinian to protect from barbarian invasions. The level of destruction is marked. Only about 40% of
the Archaic/Classical Temple of Poseidon has been recovered in excavations to date. Following the
tbeme ot 'New Dlrectlons' tbls paper wlll eplore aspects ot tbe ecavatlons at |stbmla ano olscuss
some of the unpublished inscriptions. The majority of inscriptions come from the Roman period.
Those that remain unpublished are for the most part exceedingly fragmentary. Of the six hundred
and seventy fragments retrieved from the site, only thirty-seven coulo be termeo 'publlsbable' ano ot
those, nine have already been published. What these inscriptions reveal, however, and I will discuss
in detail is the close connection of the sanctuary with the imperial administration of the Province of
Achaea.
I am currently in my Honours year at the University of Auckland. I double majored in Ancient History and
Philosophy in 2012 and my dissertation topic this year is on the composition of the Athenian crews during the
fifth century. My interests lie in fifth and fourth century Greek History. The topic I will be discussing is some
of the research that I have been doing with Professor Matthew Trundle over the last six months, the findings
of wh|ch w||| 5e pu5||shed soon.hopefu||,.

DAVID RAFFERTY (UNIVERSITY OF MELBOURNE)
'8lame Cloolus': tbe praetors ot 628C ano tbelr provlnces
The dictator L. Cornelius Sulla reconstituted the Roman state, and after him the eight praetors
elected each year presided over legal matters in Rome before departing the city to govern a
province. The circumstances in which these praetors received their provinces, and the status of the
24

praetorian governors, have been a source of scholarly debate in recent decades, and this paper will
address itself principally to the relevant work of Corey Brennan and Frdric Hurlet. But the debate
has overlooked a situation which, it is hoped, can add new information. I speak of the praetors of 62
BC and three of them in particular: Q. Cicero, C. Caesar and L. Philippus. Cicero tells us that his
brother Quintus received the province of Asia in February or March 61, while Appian tells us that
Philippus was sent as a praetor to Syria and stayed there two years; Cicero adds more context here.
Lastly, Suetonius provides a relatively comprehensive narrative of Caesar's praetorship and his
subsequent governorsblp ot Spaln. |n olscusslng praetorlan governors' oate ot oeparture, Hurlet
deals with Q. Cicero but ignores the other two, while Brennan's work is on such a scale that
individual scraps of testimony have no impact on his larger conclusions. But this paper argues that
we can learn much about the circumstances of post-Sullan praetorian governors by examining the
evidence for all three men together, and clarifies what we know and what we can infer with varying
degrees of certainty.
David Rafferty is a PhD candidate at the University of Melbourne. His research centres on the effect of
Sulla's institutional reforms on the consulship and provincial government. He has twice before presented at
AMPHORA(E), and his article on the disappearance of the princeps senatus was published in the AMPHORA
Special Issue of the Melbourne Historical Journal in 2011.

EMILY SIMONS (VICTORIA UNIVERSITY OF WELLINGTON)
Potnia Theron: The Image and Influence of the Mistress of Animals on the Archaic Artemls
This paper will investigate the role that the Bronze Age Mistress of Animals schema played in
contributing to the archaic persona of the goddess Artemis. Imagery reflects important concerns to
those who created and saw the goddess. Archetypal images play an important role in determining
how modern scholars perceive ancient deities.
One of the most interesting archetypal schemes that is that of the Bronze Age Potnia Theron, or
Mistress of Animals. The schema consists of a woman frontally situated and flanked by opposing
animals, typically the mythical griffin, or rampant lion. Interestingly, the archaic Artemis is also
depicted in this waythough she tends to be grasping the flanking animals by their necks or rear paws
in a violent manner. While this is not the only archaic schema of Artemis it has striking resemblances
to the Bronze Age image, which perhaps suggests a certain amount of continuity from Bronze Age
Crete ano tbe Mycenaean malnlano, to arcbalc Greece. Furtbermore, tbe tlgure's stance retlects tbe
role and function of Artemis in cult. This paper will address the question of perception and the role
of such depictions in cult.
Emily Simons is currently a MA student at Victoria University of Wellington working on a thesis on the
relationship between the image of archaic Artemis and her role in cult. She completed her Honours thesis on
the wall paintings in Xeste 3 at Akrotiri and continues to be strongly interested in researching relationships
between art, architecture and people as evidenced by her MA topic.


25

JULIA SIMONS (VICTORIA UNIVERSITY OF WELLINGTON)
Ano Her Heart Fluttereo: Tbe Psycbopatbology ot Deslre ln tbe Argonautica
In the Archaic Age, Lyric poets such as Archilochus, Sappho, Pindar, Anacreon and Alcman began
experimenting with psychopathology as a way to explain the metaphysical sufferings brought on by
Eros. Psychopathology is the use of medical language and concepts to metaphorically describe mental
suffering as physical. They also began to reflect the contemporary explorations of physiology. These
Lyric poets describe the physical effects of Eros in relation with what they consider to be the seat of
emotions (phrenes, kardia, thumos, stethea and psyche). Their ideas on physiology reflected the ideas
of contemporary philosophers and physicians. While these Archaic Lyric poets pioneered the use of
psychopathology, their treatment of it was not extensive. Apollonius Rhodius, building on the
insights of his predecessors, is the first author to comprehensively explore psychopathological
descriptions in a major piece of writing, and in a Hellenistic Egyptian context. As a result of this
exhaustive and detailed treatment, the Argonautica served as a model for the description of
emotional and physical suffering in later history.
Tbls paper lnvestlgates Apollonlus' use ot psycbopatbology to reallstlcally oescrlbe tbe emotlons ot
erotlc oeslre ot bls Meoea cbaracter, ano some ot tbe connectlons between Apollonlus' poem and
contemporary Hellenlstlc concepts ot pbyslology. Apollonlus' employment ot psycbopatbologlcal
descriptions enabled him to create an element of scientific and poetic realism in his work, which
reflects his contemporary cosmopolitan Hellenistic Alexandrian setting.
ju||o S|mons |s current|, o Moster`s student ot \|ctor|o Un|vers|t, of We|||ngton |ook|ng ot the
psychopathology of desire in the Argonautica and the connections between Hellenistic literature, medicine
and philosophy. She has completed a BA majoring in Classics, Latin and Greek, and a First Class BAHons in
Creek, the thes|s for wh|ch |ooked ot the reho5|||tot|on of C|,temnestro |n Lur|p|des` L|ektro. Her reseorch
interests include Greek tragedy, the characterisation of women, love poetry, and Greek and Latin literature
and language.

REBECCA SMITH (UNIVERSITY OF QUEENSLAND)
Honorary Arcbes ano tbe Meolatlon ot |mperlal Power ln tbe Roman Provlnces
The so-called 'triumphal' arch (here termed 'honorary') is a widely recognizable feature in the
architecture of the Roman Empire. The arch formed an important part of the rhetoric of imperial
power that was closely associated with the triumphs and military successes of the emperor from
Augustus onwards. However, the erection of these arches did not always commemorate an actual
military victory, and can be seen as a more general expression and manifestation of imperial power.
Nonetheless, honorary arches were predominantly local phenomena, and can be seen as provincial
interpretations of imperial artwork and ideology. These monuments were a means of articulating
power and identity at a local level, and the symbolism and imagery of the 'triumphal' arch was
appropriated by various benefactors, including private individuals, imperial officials, and cities, in
order to serve this purpose. By emphasizing the local context of these monuments, this paper will
seek to explore how imperial power was mediated through honorary arches dedicated to the
emperor during the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD. The inscriptions, architectural features, and
iconography of the Arches of Hadrian at Scythopolis and Gerasa, the Arch of Marcus Aurelius and
26

Lucius Verus at Oea, the Arch of Septimius Severus at Thugga, and the Arch of Caracalla at Volubilis
will be examined.
Rebecca completed a BA (Hons) in Ancient History at the University of Queensland in 2010. She is currently
in 'limbo' having recently submitted her MPhil thesis entitled 'Amphitheatres and Cities in the Roman Empire'
to the same institution. This paper develops some ideas encountered during the course of this thesis,
concerning the meaning of public buildings and monuments in the Roman provinces. Rebecca's general
research interests include the architecture and archaeology of the Roman world.

NICO STARING (MACQUARIE UNIVERSITY)
Reconsloerlng Ptabmose, Mayor ot Mempbls: An lconograpblc stuoy ot New Klngoom tomb-
oecoratlon at Saqqara, Lgypt
The New Kingdom (c.1400-1100 BC) necropolis at Saqqara (Egypt) contains the tomb structures of
the highest officials resident in Memphis. Some of the superstructures that were accessible during
the 19
th
century CL are now lost. One sucb tomb belongs to tbe Mayor ot Mempbls, Ptabmose,
who held office during the early 19
th
Dynasty (temp. Ramesses II). A photograph taken by French
Egyptologist Thodule Devria in 1859 recently acquired by the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New
York captures a doorway with relief decoration and inscriptions. Ptahmose is already well-known
because a series of monuments from his tomb were taken to (initially) European museums in the
early 19
th
century. The relief visible on the Devria photograph however presents a new addition to
the corpus: it has not been seen ever since 1859. After a thorough analysis of the iconography of this
relief and the study of the texts, it is argued that a reconsideration of the position of Ptahmose in
the early 19
th
Dynasty is necessary. The architectural setting suggests that this tomb represents a
transitional stage in the development of monumental tombs between the 18
th
and 19
th
Dynasty at
Saqqara. Tbls lecture presents tbe results ot tbe stuoy ot tbe tomb's lconograpby ano ot tbls ottlclal's
titles. It will be demonstrated that the relief contains some rare iconographic features that
necessitate the re-dating of the tomb-owner. As a result, the sequence of Mayors of Memphis at the
beginning of the 19
th
Dynasty needs to be revised. This reconsideration is substantiated by the
analysls ot Ptabmose's tltles. Tbese also present new lnslgbts lnto tbe outles of the Mayor of the
country's capltal, Mempbls. Tbe stuoy ot tbe tomb's arcbltecture proves to bave consequences tor a
neighbouring tomb.
Nico Staring received his MA-degree in Near Eastern Archaeology from Leiden University (The Netherlands)
in 2008 and lectured Egyptian archaeology at the same university 2009-2010. He has been involved with
the Dutch archaeological mission working at the New Kingdom necropolis of Saqqara since 2007. With an
International Postgraduate Research Scholarship, he started in 2012 with his PhD in Egyptology at
Macquarie University.

FRANK K. STRK (MACQUARIE UNIVERSITY)
Sulla's Larly Career ano Datlng Rome's Flrst Contact wltb tbe Partblan Lmplre A New Dlrectlon
Sulla's early career ls an enlgmastlll. Rome's tlrst tatetul contact wltb tbe Partblan Lmplre occurreo
in the midst of this uncertain period in Roman political history. This paper explains the lost years of
27

Sulla's early career by eplorlng tbe geopolltlcal contet ot bls meetlng wltb a Parthian delegation on
the banks of the Euphrates River. By using heretofore ignored evidence that explains the
clrcumstances ot tbe Partblans' presence ln tbls reglon, tbls paper oates tbls meetlng to tbe late
summer of 95 BC.
Tbls paper accepts 8aolan's tbesls tbat Sulla's praetorsblp was oateo to 97 8C. |n tbe tollowlng year
Sulla was assigned the propraetorship of Asia to combat piracy in Cilicia, but on the way to his
provincia his mandata was altered and he was ordered to support a claimant to the Cappadocian
throne, an exiled nobleman, Ariobarzanes.
Cappadocia had become the linchpin to dominance in Anatolia. Bithynia, Pontus and Armenia all vied
for a stake in its control. If Rome was to hold sway in the region and protect its lucrative Asian
vectigalia lt neeoeo at least proy control ot tbls butter klngoom. Tbus Sulla's mlsslon to torestall
these eastern interests in Cappadocia was a crucial one and, as this paper argues, occupied a far
longer period of time that previous scholarship has acknowledged, tbus eplalnlng tbe 'lost' years ot
Sulla's early career.

WESLEY THEOBALD (UNIVERSITY OF QUEENSLAND)
Once a Sololer, Always a Mercbant: An |nterestlng Pattern ln Roman veteran Career Cbanges
This paper will examine the situation whereby Roman army veterans opted for a new career as
merchants, evidenced by a habit of funerary inscriptions. An admission to being a mercator after a
life of virtus militaris could be argued as unusual in itself, considering the negative tone given to
merchants by literary sources. To actually erect a memorial to a career in lower level trade may
seem contradictory from the perspective of higher classes in Rome that followed the negative
literary topos, but to the North-West provincial ex-soldier, it was apparently a career change which
ought to be displayed with pride. There are even examples where individuals not only took this new
job title, but also made it their cognomen, a habit which warrants a deeper cultural inquiry,
particularly because many of these inscriptions tend to reflect a non-Latin background. Their wide
geographical provenance in the North-West will be compared to the practice of using professional
titles as cognomina, which may be a provincial method of completing the Roman-esque trinomina.
Additionally, the provincial attitude toward trade as a respectable career will be assessed in light of
pre-Roman cultural trends that possibly survived the process of acculturation, leading to some non-
Latin class values in these areas.
Wesley Theobald is a candidate for Master of Philosophy in Ancient History at the University of Queensland.
His primary research interests fall under the category of Roman trade and economy, and include: the role
of trade in influencing ancient world events; the economy of Roman Britain, and Classical Reception.
Currently, his thesis is a social history on the careers of Roman trading professions.

ALEXANDRA THORN (MACQUARIE UNIVERSITY)
Syrlans ln Lgypt trom tbe 8yzantlne to tbe Ottoman Lra
I am exploring the Syrian Christian Community in Egypt between the 4th and the 17th Century. At
present we know of nine sites in Egypt and the Sinai region in which evidence of written documents
28

related to Syriac speaking Christians has been found. The dominant site, and the main focus of my
research, is Dayr al-Suryn (The Monastery of the Syrians) in Wadi al-Natrun. This site has provided
us with the largest collection of Syriac manuscripts in Egypt, as well as inscriptions and graffiti within
the monastery itself.
We know very little about the movement of the Syrian Christians throughout Egypt. The work is
scattered, and in the past the emphasis has been placed on the religious content of the manuscripts,
rather than the community itself. This study will provide new information on the evolution of Syriac-
speaking Christian communities in Egypt during the 4th to 17th Centuries, and the historical
background of this dynamic. Through this research we can expand the existing understanding of the
interrelationship between the Nestorian and Jacobite Syrians with the Coptic Church, and the
relationships between the various Syrian communities in Egypt throughout this period.
Alexandra Thorn is a PhD candidate at Macquarie University in the Department of Ancient History under the
supervision of Dr Victor Ghica. She previously completed her MA in Ancient History and her BA LLB at
Macquarie University. She works as an Archaeologist / Artefact Specialist in the field of Australian
Archaeology.

SIMON UNDERWOOD (UNIVERSITY OF AUCKLAND)
Hlppopotaml Huntlng ln Anclent Lgyptlan Art: Slgns ot Soclal, Cultural ano Polltlcal Cbange ln tbe
Olo Klngoom
The emphasis of this paper is the hippopotamus hunting artefacts found in the Old Kingdom tombs
of ancient Egypt, with a particular emphasis on those of non-royals. The appearances of these
hunting scenes in the fifth dynasty seem to be indicative of social, cultural and political change in
ancient Egypt. An analysis of the hunting references and depictions in the royal artefacts of the
earlier Old Kingdom was undertaken. This is followed by an analysis of the sudden appearance of
non-royal tomb scenes of hippopotamus hunting in the Fourth Dynasty. Motifs between the private
tomb scenes and royal artefacts were investigated to determine the similarities. Furthermore, the
date at which the non-royal tomb scenes of hippopotamus hunting appeared is closely investigated to
determine if it was synchronous with the increasing power of non-royals in ancient Egypt, and the
decrease in central power for the royal family. The evidence obtained indeed suggested that the
appearance of hippopotamus hunting scenes in non-royal tombs were indicative of the greater social,
political and change in Egypt. The appearance of the hunting scenes within the non-royal tombs
appeared before the time usually accepted with the start of royal loss of power and decentralisation
in the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties. However the frequency of such scenes increased over the remaining
period of the Old Kingdom. The motifs that can be found between the royal artefacts and non-royal
tomb depictions of hippopotami hunts were numerous and could be interpreted as what was once a
royal purview that became accessible to the non-royal officials. From such evidence it was fair to
conclude that the hippopotamus hunting scenes of the Old Kingdom provide complimentary
evidence to the social, political and cultural changes that occurred in the Fifth Dynasty.
My name is Simon Underwood and I am a student at the University of Auckland. I completed my Bachelor of
Arts, double majoring in ancient history and history at the end of last year, and decided to carry on my
studies with honours in ancient history focusing on ancient Egypt. My dissertation is directed towards
29

hippopotami hunting scenes in ancient Egyptian art and I am being supervised by Professor Anthony
Spalinger.

STEVEN JOHN VASILAKIS (UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY)
Seatarlng ln tbe Preblstorlc Aegean: |oentltylng Marltlme Cultural Practlces ano Seascapes
Seafaring in the Prehistoric Aegean and wider Mediterranean, has more often than not, been
connected to the modes and practices of exchange systems, exotic commodities, and/or provenance
studies attached to these archaeological finds. Contemporary investigations into the social context of
seafaring practices and traditions are still rarely explored, and subsequently, poorly understood. This
lack of research stems from the terrestrial-based focus which dominates much of mainstream
archaeology in the Mediterranean Basin. Thus, while archaeological questions and considerations in
the Aegean (and wider Mediterranean) continue to concentrate on settlement patterns, mortuary
structures, ceramic assemblages, and trade, they largely ignore current global discourse on the social
context of maritime cultural practices.
The aim of this paper is to move beyond material studies and refocus on the people themselves
the Prehistoric seafarers. While it is impossible to know how Prehistoric Aegean seafarers perceived
and interacted with the sea, this paper will argue that seafarers, past and present, required an
intimate knowledge of the sea, sharing similar concerns that developed into specialised seafaring
practices that can be observed throughout recorded maritime history. It further suggests that these
practices are visible in the socio-cultural, spiritual, and symbolic meanings that embody the maritime
cultural lanoscape. To tbls eno tbls paper olscusses, ln part, bow 'New Dlrectlons' ln Aegean
archaeological enquiry are necessary if we are to understand how Prehistoric seafarers experienced
and socially constructed their maritime cultural landscapes and seascapes.
Steven John Vasilakis is a PhD Candidate at the Department of Archaeology, University of Sydney. In 2010,
he received his BA (Hons) in Archaeology, University of Sydney. His thesis examined the regional background
of the sh|ps of the 'Seo Peop|es.` Current|,, he |s |nvest|got|ng ond deve|op|ng o methodo|og|co| opprooch to
identify both, the relationship between archaeological signatures and social behaviours in Prehistoric maritime
cu|turo| |ondscopes ond seoscopes, ond how o seoforer`s perspect|ve (os on o|ternot|ve to predom|nont |ond-
based interpretations) can contribute to a deeper understanding of how the sea, as an active medium,
shaped human experience and maritime identity.

IVANA VETTA (UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY)
Slags ano Ores: Arcbaeometallurgy ano tbe Geometrlc Settlement ot Zagora, Anoros
The Geometric (900-700BC) settlement at Zagora, Andros, Greece was originally excavated in the
1960s and 1970s by the University of Sydney, yielding evidence of metalworking in the form of
metallurgical slags in various locations across the site; no analysis has been carried out on this
material since its discovery. It is clear from this data, as well as the results of archaeological survey
conducted in 2012, that metal production was an extensive industry at the site and, with further
analysis, has the potential to provide crucial information regarding the metalworking industry at
Zagora and the development of ironworking technology in the Early Iron Age Aegean.
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Research in this area is relatively new and only a limited number of contemporary sites in the
Mediterranean have been excavated with the collection of archaeometallurgical data. Through
understanding the processes of iron technology, we can learn more about the archaeological data
available. Looking at the archaeological approach to metallurgy at other Early Iron Age sites and the
use of both scientific and spatial analysis, we can endeavor to learn more about the relationship
between the metalworking industry and the settlement of Zagora. This paper will look at both how
archaeometallurgical data was analysed at comparative sites and also the initial results of the study of
metal slags from both earlier excavations of the site (data provided by the Australian Archaeological
Institute at Athens, AAIA) and the 2012 survey season (Zagora Archaeological Project).
Ivana Vetta is undertaking a Master of Philosophy degree at the University of Sydney under the supervision of
Dr Lesley Beaumont using material provided by both the AAIA and the Zagora Archaeological Project. She
completed her undergraduate studies in Classical Archaeology in 2006 (University of Sydney) and has been
working as an archaeologist for AMAC Group in Sydney, excavating historical sites in NSW and Tasmania;
this work has led to an interest in the archaeology of industrial processes. Ivana has also been involved with
excavations in Italy and Cyprus and is presently part of Zagora Archaeological Project excavation team.

KIMBERLEY WEBB (UNIVERSITY OF MELBOURNE)
Tbe Augural College: A Snapsbot ot lts Polltlcal Role ln tbe Mloole to Late Roman Republlc
The primary function of the collegium augurum was to provide religious legitimisation for every
political and military action. Despite this far-reaching authority, its role in the political realm is often
overlooked or disregarded. Given its nature, both in terms of its duties and membership, and
although it had clear religious significance, it should not simply be viewed as an impartial observer of
political action. While it was necessary for the senate to validate all of its suggestions, these, in
themselves, could be the result of political motivations. This paper will survey some of the events
involving the collegium in the Middle to Late Republican period with respect to its ability to impact
politics, intending to present the priesthood in a new light. In particular, the most common example
of augural involvement the abdication of magistrates will be explored with direct reference to
the surrounding political situation.
Kimberley is currently working on a Prosopographical Study of the collegium augurum in the Roman Republic
for her Master of Arts by research thesis at the University of Melbourne, under the supervision of Dr Frederik
\ervoet. 7h|s reseorch cont|nues on from her Honours thes|s wh|ch exom|ned the Co||ege`s po||t|co| ro|e
throughout the Republic and is being prepared for publication. She also holds a Bachelor of Science in
Geology and a Bachelor of Arts in Latin and Ancient History from the University of Western Australia.

KATHRYN WHITE (UNIVERSITY OF QUEENSLAND)
Genoer, Women ano Rellglon
Why was female prominence in religion such an anomaly in classical Athens? The male dmos
believed their womenfolk to be little more than housekeepers and child bearers. They were seen as
perpetual minors who were incapable of making their own decisions. As such women could not
partlclpate ln polltlcs, tbe legal arena, or anytblng lnvolveo ln wbat was consloereo to be tbe man's
31

domain. This belief was so strong that women were not even allowed to talk about politics.
Women then spent their time managing tbelr busbano's bousebolo, wblcb lncluoeo tblngs sucb as
making clothes and book-keeplng. Malnstream male bellets belo onto tbe loeal tbat a woman's place
was in the home. The ideal of seclusion then protected women and ensured legitimate children, so
the male members of the household did what they could to ensure that their wives, daughters and
other female relatives remained in seclusion. Yet women could and did participate in activities
outside of the home, the most prominent of which was in the religious life of the city. Women
could obtain a number of roles within religious cults throughout their life. They also actively
participated in a variety of festivals throughout the year and made their own private dedications to
the deities of Olympus. However, it was their menfolk who paid for these religious activities and
made their participation in religion possible. This is a striking anomaly which has yet to be explained
satisfactorily by the few modern scholars who have attempted to address this problem. Clearly, this
is a problem which deserves more work.
I am a postgraduate student at the University of Queensland. I am currently working on my MPhil thesis to
submit in December, looking at female prominence in classical Athenian religion. My research interests
generally cover the mythologies and religions of the ancient world, in particular, the relationship between the
deities and their worshippers.

ALEX WILSON (VICTORIA UNIVERSITY OF WELLINGTON)
A Day ln Cbalns? Revlewlng 8olotlans ano Chalkidians in Kleomenes' |nvaslon ot Attlka, 506 8CL
Heroootos oescrlbes tbe nortbern tront ot Kleomenes' tblro lnvaslon ot Attlka in 506 BCE as an
unmitigated disaster: despite the Athenian decision to deal with the Spartan force at Eleusis first,
they later defeated the Boiotians and Chalkidians separately within a single day (Hdt. 5.7478).
However, Heroootos' narratlve seems to be heavily based on Athenian sources. In this paper I will
reconsider the sources, including the suggestion that the Athenian inscriptions on the Persian Wars
(GHI 54) refer to the invasion of 506 (Hansen 1999), and especially the evidence from Boiotia and
Chalkis.
Herodotos is unclear on the composition of the army which opposed the Athenians, a matter which
is complicated by recent scholarship (Larson 2007, Mackil 2013) which calls into question the
existence of the archaic Boiotian federation previously assumeo to be beblno Heroootos' ethnea
Boitn kai Chalkiden, 8olotlan ano Cbalklolan races. | wlll argue tbat tbe torce was comprlseo
mostly of Thebans and Chalkidians, and discuss the significance that this has for previous
interpretations of the evidence for the campaign (e.g. Buck 1979, Hall 2007).
Evidence from the Boiotian and Chalkidian side has been scarce. Until recently the only clear
evloence was ln Heroootos' comments on tbe attermatb ano tbe well-known but controversial silver
staters issued cooperatively by the Boiotians and Chalkis, whose relevance MacDonald (1987) had
challenged, influentially. However, a newly discovered inscription from Thebes (Aravantinos 2006,
SEG 54 518) suggests that, in contrast with the embarrassment implied by Herodotos, the Boiotians
and Chalkidians may have taken a positive view of their ability to cooperate on this occasion. This
rehabilitates the numismatic evidence to some extent.
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Alex Wilson has a BA (Honours) in Classical Studies from Victoria University of Wellington. He is interested in
ethn|c |dent|t,, federo||sm, ond the h|stor|ogroph, of centro| Creece, ond hos ust comp|eted h|s MA (7he
Dancing Floor of War: A study of Theban imperialism within Boeotia, ca. 525388CLj ot \UW.

ANDREW WONG (UNIVERSITY OF CANTERBURY)
Relnventlng Ooysseus: Frlenosblp ano Funeral Oratlon ln Lurlploes' Hecuba
The bulk of Euripides scholarship sees the characterization of Odysseus in the Hecuba as that of a
ruthless demagogue, or a at best a wily politician able to talk his way out of his debt of gratitude to
Hecuba. The hostility of the chorus and the general presumption that Odysseus will appear as a
villain in tragedy has perhaps contributed to this general impression. This paper will take the
olscusslon ot Ooysseus' cbaracter in the Hecuba in a new direction, focusing instead upon the
posltlve aspects ot Ooysseus' speecb. |n tact, tbe sentlments ot Ooysseus bave a certaln Homerlc
ethic to them; furthermore, his concept of honouring his philoi and the dead hero Achilles can be
compared to the values and purpose of the Athenian funeral oration. Odysseus may not give in to
Hecuba's wlsb tor blm to spare ber oaugbter, but be sbows a certaln regret tbat tbe sacrltlce ls
necessary. As be appears ln Sopbocles' Philoctetes, Odysseus becomes the man who is burdened with
the task of performing unsavoury deeds, but underlying this is the fact that these deeds are always
performed in the interests of the common good and public duty. In this way Odysseus treats his
personal debt to Hecuba as secondary to his public duty to the Achaeans as a whole. As well as
sympathetic to Athenian values on at least one level, the character of Odysseus as presented in the
Hecuba shows some elements of later Cynic schools of thought, for which Odysseus became a
paradigm.
I am in my third year of PhD studies at the University of Canterbury. My research interests include Greek
epic and Athenian literature, particularly from the 4
th
and 5
th
centuries. My thesis, of course still a work in
progress, investigates the Ajax and Odysseus speeches of Antisthenes, and putting the arguments of the
speeches into a wider context, investigates the reception of Odysseus in 4
th
and 5
th
century Athenian
literature.

LAWRENCE XU (UNIVERSITY OF AUCKLAND)
Uncbarteo: Rlse ot tbe Hero
During the peak of its usage (c. 4
th
century BCE 2
nd
century CE), the Demotic language was used
to document almost all categories of texts, predominately narrative and didactic literature, but also
administrative texts, poetry, satire, prophecies, and many others. One of the most distinctive and
best-known features within the category of Demotic narrative, which was unprecedented in earlier
Egyptian narratives, is the existence of cycles of stories a series of texts with the unifying feature of
telling fictional adventures of historical characters. Two major story cycles are known, that of Setne
Khaemwase and King Petubastis. Previous studies on these story cycles have been mainly focused on
their external socio-historical context with very little attempt at analysing their content and literary
values, in particular on the role of the central figures. This paper will present a series of different
literary approaches one can take at analysing the cycles in a literary manner, with references to
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three of the central figures, Pedikhons and Serpot from the tale of Egyptians and Amazons within the
King Petubastis cycle, and Setne Khaemwase from the Setne Khaemwase cycle.