DEPARTMENTOFINTERNATIONALHISTORYANDPOLITICS GRADUATEINSTITUTEOFINTERNATIONALAND DEVELOPMENTSTUDIES

WritingGlobalHistory: ClaimingHistories beyondNations byG.Balachandran WORKINGPAPERS in INTERNATIONALHISTORY ANDPOLITICS No.7/April2011


G.Balachandran Nopartofthispapermaybereproducedwithoutthepermissionofthe author.

WorkingPapers in InternationalHistoryandPolitics
Editor:JaciEisenberg DepartmentofInternationalHistoryandPolitics GraduateInstituteofInternationalandDevelopmentStudies Casepostale1361211Genve21 http://www.graduateinstitute.ch/historypolitics
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Abstract Historyisconventionallyimaginedandnarratedinthecontextofnation,relatingits storiesandshapedbyitsimaginaries.Totheextentthelatterareinvarianttothe scaleandspaceofnarration,projectssuchasglobalhistorymaybesaidwith justificationtobeoxymorons.Insurveyingthevariouslevelsatwhichhistorieshave attemptedtobenarratedpurportedlybeyondtheboundariesofnations,thispaper arguesforamoreconsciouslylayeredawarenessofourmultiplehistoricallocations. Lifeunfoldsatdifferentlevelsandindifferentspacesbetweenwhichexistcomplex overlays,complementarities,tensions,conflicts,andconnections.Besidesthe conventionsandexpedienciesofscholarship,ofteninpracticehistorianstoo,will feelimpelledtoprivilegeoneoranotherlevelorlocusfortheirstories.Howeveritis importanttobeawareofthereasonsandlimitationsofsuchchoices,andalso recognizethatnolevelorlocusofanalysiscancrediblyclaimfinallyordefinitively tosubsumeallothers,muchlessrenderthemredundant.

WRITINGGLOBALHISTORIES:CLAIMINGHISTORIESBEYONDNATIONS Itismootwhetherglobalhistory,etc.caneveravoidbeinganoxymoron. Historyisconventionallyimaginedandnarratedinthecontextofnation,relatingits storiesandshapedbyitsimaginaries.Historiansinthepostcolonialworldhave longbeenawareofthenationsshadoweveninpurportedlytransnationalprojects emanatingfromtheNorth,yetmanyremainsimilarlyinthralltothenation.Indeed thenationissopossessiveofhistorythatnohistoriantryingtoshrugitoff,whatever behis/herperiodorregion,islikelytofindtheefforteasilyreciprocated.1 Thisisnottodenytheimportanceofaspirationtonarratehistoriesbeyond nations,northathistoriansandhistoricaltheoristshavenotmeaningfullyattempted todoso.Indeedmostmodernhistoricalnarrativesincluding,perhapsespecially, themostnationalisticorparticularistic,aresituatedwithintemporal,normative,and behavioralframesderivedfromtheEnlightenment,andthereforeunavoidablyfor mostnations,fromoutside. Muchlikethenationitselfornationalsovereignty,national/isthistoriesare notmerelyinternalclaimsandstoriesfordomesticconsumption.Theyalso representamodeofconversationwiththeoutsideworld.Theyservefurthermoreas anindispensablemodalityforexternalaffirmation.Bothconsiderationshencedictate anormativeandnarrativestrategythatreflectandaffirmsomeuniversalist
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Ontheresistantpresenceofthenationinhistoricalnarrativesrangingbeyondit,seeAntoinette Burton,Introduction:OntheInadequacyandtheIndispensabilityoftheNation,inidem,ed.,After theImperialTurn:ThinkingwithandthroughtheNation(Durham:DukeUniversityPress,2003),123. 2

conceptionofhistoryandhumanprogress.Nonationalhistoryisthereforewholly insular. Byhistoryismeantherenarrationsofthepast.Modernhistoricalnarration hasstrongrootsinrealistpolitics.Itmayoftenbeaboutcreatingornormalizing factsontheground,orchallengingwhethersomethingisindeedafact.Historians havethusneverheldamonopolyoverthepast.Aswellasbeingavailableto interpretationbyanyonewithaninterestinthem,pastsarealsointerpreteddirectly andindirectlyintopolitics,programs,andpolicies,aswellasmobilizedtolegitimize (orchallenge)them.Thisisparticularlythecaseininternationalrelationswhereas recentlyastheearly2000s,wesawthemutualdiscursivereaffirmationoflate19th centuryimperialismandlate20th/early21stcenturyhumanitarianintervention.2Yet historiansusuallyprefercomplicatingsuchnarrativestoovertlyaddressingor contestingthem.Thisessaytakesawiderviewofhistoricalnarrationtoincludenot merelywhathistoriansdo,butalsohowothersconstructandmobilizepasts.In otherwordsitsurveystheintersectinglandscapesofthepoliticsofhistorical production,thehistoriographyofmoderninternationalpolitics,andthelatters premises,practices,andinstitutionalarticulations.Ittherebycomplementsrelated criticalperspectivesininternationallaw,internationalrelations,andanthropology. Globalhistoryisnotthefirstattempttothinkhistorybeyondthenation.The ideaofauniversalhistoryhaslongcaptivatedchroniclersandwriterswemight
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Orforthatmatterglobalization:NiallFerguson,Empire:HowBritainmadetheModernWorld (London:AllenLane,2003);onimperialismandintervention,seeRobertCooper,ThePostmodernState andtheWorldOrder,2ndedition(London:DemosandtheForeignPolicyCentre,2000). 3

refertonowadaysashistorians,formanyofwhomtryingtomakesenseofthe presentinrelationtothepastwaspartofasearchforthemeaningandpurposeof humanexistence.Henceearlyconceptionsofuniversalhistorywereoftenreligious. Manyreligioushistoricalchroniclesspokeofhumanprogressintermsofthe evolutionofmansrelationshipwithGod.SinceGodskingdomwasuniversal,these chroniclesaccountsofhumanprogressalsopurportedtobeuniversal. WhetherandhowfarEnlightenmentconceptionsofhumanprogress,and consequentlyofuniversalhistory,derivedfromreligiousonesremainsamatterfor debate.However,asevenpostcolonialskepticsofconventionalEnlightenment claimswouldacknowledge,historicalaccountsofhumanprogressbyEnlightenment philosopherssuchasTurgot,Voltaire,andCondorcetwere,secular,atleastinthe senseofbeingfirmlysetintheworld.Besidestheyallhadmanatthecenter.3 Sincethemid19thcenturytheideaofuniversalhistoryhasbecome indissolublyassociatedwithHegelforwhomitrepresentedtheactualizationofthe oneuniversalSpirit(geist),orthedestinyofReason,asfreedom.RanajitGuha hasremarkedontheirongripofdeterminism,rationalizedasthedesignofDivine providence,inHegelsconceptionofhistory.4MoreoverHegelunderstoodthe actualizationoftheSpirittoproceedinstages,leadingconsequentlytovarious gradesintheconsciousnessofFreedom.Thelatterwerenotmerelystepsinthe

3 4

RanajitGuha,HistoryattheLimitofWorldHistory(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,2002),28. Ibid.,3032. 4

developmentoftheoneuniversalSpirit.Theyalsosuppliedthenaturaldivisionof UniversalHistoryanditsmodeofdiscussion.5 Bythe1820s,whenhedeliveredhislecturesonhistory,Hegelhadretreated fromtheradicalismofhisyouth.Hisuniversalistvisionalsogrewmoreparochial andlesshospitabletotheactualvarietyofhistoricalexperience.Thestateasitwas formingaroundhiminNorthWesternEuropebecameforHegelthemostadvanced formoftheuniversalSpirit,withtheotherpartsoftheworldoccupyinglower gradationsinthedevelopmentofreasonandfreedom.Hewingtocontemporary scholarlywisdom,henotablycondemnedsubSaharanAfricaandAfricanstoa stateofnatureandexclusionfromtherealmofreason,progress,andhistory.Inthis largestpartofAfricanorealhistorycantakeplace.6TheHegelianscholarSusan BuckMorssmincesnowordsinsummarizingtheparochialbearingsforHegels purportedlyuniversalistvisionofthisperiod:Whatisclearisthatinaneffortto becomemoreeruditeinAfricanstudiesduringthe1820s,Hegelwasinfact becomingdumber..Itissadlyironicthatthemorefaithfullyhislecturesreflected EuropesconventionalscholarlywisdomonAfricansociety,thelessenlightenedand morebigotedtheybecame.7

Ibid. QuotedinSusanBuckMorss,HegelandHaiti,CriticalEnquiry26,no.4(Summer2000):859,note 118(emphasisintheoriginal).AlsoseehereGuha,3233.Notmuchseemstohavechangedinthe nearlytwocenturiessinceHegelslectures.ForFrancesPresidentNicholasSarkozytoo,thetragedy ofAfricaisthattheAfricanhasnotfullyenteredintohistory!SeehisspeechattheUniversityof DakarinJuly2007: http://www.africaresource.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&catid=36:essaysa discussions&id=437:theunofficialenglishtranslationofsarkozysspeech&Itemid=346(lastaccessed 14April2011). 7BuckMorss,HegelandHaiti,86364.
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ForseveraldecadesinthetwentiethcenturyMarxisthistoriansseemedto offerthemostproductiveandinfluentialvisionsofasharedhistoryofhuman progress.MarxsdebttoHegelandhiscritiquearewellknown.Byappropriating HegelsmasterslavedialecticinThePhenomenologyofMindintotheideaofclass struggle,Marxnodoubtrecuperatedahumancentricvisionofhistoricalprogress fromtheirongripofdivineprovidenceintowhichHegelhadcastit.However, besidesinheritingsomethingofHegelsdeterminismintheformofmaterialist causation,mosthistoriansderivinginspirationfromMarxalsoadoptedateleological viewofhistoricalprogressandahierarchicalorderingofcontemporaryhuman societynotdissimilartoHegel.8 Themoralofthisstorysofarmaybesaidtobethreefold.Universalistclaims abouthistoricalprogressionarenothingnew.Inthe19thand20thcenturiesthey becameencodedintoteleologicalvisionsofuniversalprogress.Thelatterhowever werederivedfromandechoedparochialexperiencesandsubjectivitieswhose narrationasuniversalinturnlegitimizedahierarchyofmodernityandhistorical progressimaginedspatiallyasaworldradiatingoutwardsfromaEuropean/north Atlanticcore. Itispertinenttoaskinwhatwaysglobalhistoryandvariantsthereofare immunetosuchlimitations.Iftheyarenot,howdowejustifycurrent preoccupationswithandinglobalhistory?Onsurfaceglobalhistorymayappear toofferapluralplatformtorelateexperiencesandsubjectivitiesforwhichearlier
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Ibid.,850. 6

modesofhistoricalnarrationhadnospace.Butnewisnotthesameasdistinct. Henceitisalsonecessarytobealerttowhether,inencounteringglobalhistory/ies, wearehearingdistinctnewvoicesnarratingtheirownstoriesastheyexperience/d them.Orareweinthepresenceofamasterventriloquistretellingamaster narrativeinseveralseeminglydifferentvoices? Theremainderofthisessayisorganizedinthreemainsections.Theydeal successivelywithcomparativeandregionalhistory,internationalhistory,andglobal history.Aconcludingsectionsummarizesthepromiseandpitfallsofglobalhistory asseenthroughthehistoriographyoflate19thcenturycolonialism. ComparativeandRegionalHistory Untilwellintothe20thcenturythedominantmodeofsocialanalysisremained historical.ItsaspirationtouniversalismalsomeantthatEnlightenmentand19th centurythoughtwasframedinexplicitorimplicitcomparativeterms.Asthe ArgentinianphilosopherEnriqueDusselnotes,Europeanmodernitywas constitutedinadialecticalrelationwithnonEuropeanalteritythatisitsultimate content.9Thisfindsreflectioninboththesourcedisciplinesofthemodernsocial sciences,viz.moralphilosophyandlaw.ThiswastrueforAdamSmithinthe18th century,KarlMarxinthemid19thcentury,andMaxWeberinthelate19thandearly 20thcenturies.Thishistoricalcomparativetraditionalsoenduredwithalater

EurocentrismandModernityinJohnBeverley,J.Oveido,andM.Aronna,eds,ThePostmodernism DebateinLatinAmerica(Durham,N.C.:DukeUniversityPress,1995),65.
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generationofscholarswhorosetoprominenceininterwarEurope,mostnotably JosephSchumpeter,KarlPolanyi,andAlexanderGerschenkron. Hegelhasalreadybeenmentioned.ItisclearthatindiscussingsayIndia, China,andtheirpasts,Hegelwascontestingargumentsbyearlierwriterssuchas Voltaire.Hewasthuscontinuingatraditionofdebateandargumentationinwhich theworldwasviewedinaframewhich,fromahistoricalperspective,wemay broadlytermcomparative. IndiassignificanceforthemakingofliberalEuropeanthoughtisnowwell known.10Theimageofprimitivesocietywasanimportantstructuringelementin AdamSmithsWealthofNations.IndiaandtheLevantarealsoarguedtohavebeen formativeinfluencesonthemoralphilosophyandpoliticaleconomyofJamesMill, RobertMalthus,andJohnStuartMill(whoworkedfortheEastIndiaCompany),and RobertNassauSeniorwhotravelledextensivelythroughEgypt.11Thereisno disputingthatMarx,andwithnotablymoreexplicitintentWeber,alsoadopteda stronglycomparativehistoricalframeofanalysisencompassingspacesofhuman habitationbeyondnations,yetinwhichthenationmarkedapointofarrival. HistoricalandsocialsciencescholarshipgrewexponentiallyafterWorldWar II.Intheprocessitbecamemorespecializedandselfenclosed.Atfirstorthodox economics,sociology,etc.didnotabandonthehistoricalmodeasmuchas,betraying theireschatologicalinfluences,encodeitintoteleology.Thisteleologicalview
UdaySinghMehta,LiberalismandEmpire:AStudyinNineteenthCenturyBritishLiberalThought (Delhi:OxfordUniversityPress,1999). 11JuliaElyachar,MarketsofDispossession:NGOs,EconomicDevelopment,andtheStateinCairo(Durham: DukeUniversityPress,2005),21,22223(n.19).
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justifiedconstituting,mutuallydisembedding,andcarvingouteconomy,society, etc.assovereignspheresofsynchronicanalysisconformingtoendogenous motivationsandlawsofbehavior.Unearthing,normalizing,anddesigninglaws, institutions,andpoliciestoaccommodate,nurture,occasionallytomobilizeor regulatesuchmotivationsandbehavior,consequentlybecamemajorpreoccupations inthefieldsofeconomics,sociology,andpoliticalscience. Yetevensoselfconsciouslysynchronicadisciplineaseconomicscannot alwayssustainthepretenseofturningitsbackonthepast.Thepracticeof economics,thoughlessandlessitsorthodoxtheory,innationswhereeconomy resistsdisembeddingfromsocietyremainsaberrantlyyetresolutelydiachronic.It isalsomorelikelytobeguidedbythetenetsofclassicalpoliticaleconomywithits pronouncedemphasisondistributionalconflict,andhenceonhistoryandpolitics. ThisgeneralizationheldtrueforIndiauntilthewaveofliberalreformsinitiatedin 1991(andremainstruetosomedegreeeventodayinfieldssuchasmacroeconomics andpublicfinance).Despiteatheoreticalandrhetoricaltraditionresistanttoit, orthodoxeconomistsalsofindrecoursetodiachronicanalysisunavoidableinfields suchasinternationalmoney,currency,finance,andmacroeconomics,where barriersintheformofnationstatesorotherlociofincommensuratevalues, meanings,logics,andinterestsinterrupttheutopianlandscapeofeconomictheory. NorcanEconomicsavoidturningtothepastduringtimesofcrisesandtransition suchasthepresent.Howeveritseemsonlycapableofreadingpasts,practices,and

politicstranslatedintoitsownargot,andorderedaccordingtoitsownincantations andrituals. Historiansandotherscholarswritinginthehistoricalmoderediscovered comparativehistoryinthe1950sand1960s.Acontextforthiswastheriseof modernizationtheorieswhichnourishedstagebasedmodelsofsocialdevelopment laidoutaroundaNorthAtlanticcore.Incontinuationofthecomparativetradition ofHegel,Marx,andMill,andinoppositiontothemoreconditionalandcontextual comparativeframeworksofEnlightenmentwriterssuchasVoltaire,an unconditionalNorthAtlanticnormoraEurocentricnorm,inmoreconventional parlancenowsuppliedthebenchmarksforstudyingnonWesternsocieties, planningmodernizationprojects,andmeasuringprogress.TheworkofAlexander Gerschenkron,W.W.Rostow,andJohnFeiandGustavRanisexemplifythis traditionofcomparativehistoricalworkduringthesetwodecadesofhigh modernization.12Theircritics,suchasAndreGunderFrank,challengedthe possibilityofdevelopmentinthecontemporaryworldsystem,butdidnotchallenge itsuniversalityordesirability.13

AlexanderGerschenkron,EconomicBackwardnessinHistoricalPerspective,inMark GranovetterandRichardSwedberg,eds,TheSociologyofEconomicLife(Boulder:Westview Press,1992),11130(firstpublished1951);W.W.Rostow,TheStagesofEconomicGrowth,Economic HistoryReview12,no.1(January1959):116;JohnC.H.FeiandGustavRanis,Economic DevelopmentinHistoricalPerspective,AmericanEconomicReview59,no.2(May1969):386400. 13AndreGunderFrank,CapitalismandUnderdevelopmentinLatinAmerica.HistoricalstudiesofChileand Brazil(Harmondsworth:Penguin,1971).Moreorlessthesamemaybesaidofthecompletedvolumes ofImmanuelWallersteinsModernWorldSystem.SeehisWorldSystemsAnalysis:AnIntroduction (Durham:DukeUniversityPress,2004),foranaccessible,ifsomewhatrevisionist,introduction.

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InthewakeofthecollapseofSovietstylesocialismandtherevivalof modernizationframeworksinvariousguises,comparativehistoricalanalysisstaged acomebackinanexhortativemillenarianmode.Thiswasparticularlynoticeablein thewritingsofpolicyorientedpractitionersandpublicintellectualscampaigningto restructureeconomiesandsocietiesinthethirdworldandincountrieslikeFrance andItalywhererestructuringencounteredgreaterresistance.Andinfieldssuchas institutionaleconomics,andlawandeconomics,whichgainednewprominencefor theirabilitytosupplyargumentstojustifylegislatingamomentofpoliticaltriumph intoinstitutionalfactandpermanentnorm.14Inmuchofthiskindofhistorythepast wasofinterestnotforitsownsakeorinallitsdiversityandpossibilities,but principallyasasettingforamoralityplayculminatingintheuniversalizationofa particularstyleofWesternliberaldemocracyasthefinalformofhuman government,andofitscorrelativeeconomicarrangements.15 Comparativehistoryonacontinentalorglobalscalehasalsohoweverserved asanorganizationalframeandmodeofresearchandargumentationforskepticsof conventionalnarrativesofWesternprogress,notallofthemagainnecessarily historians;16foracanonicalhistoricalworkonmodernnationalism;17andforscholars

DouglassC.North,Institutions,JournalofEconomicPerspectives5,no.1(Winter1991):97112;for anexampleofthistypeofhistory,seeKennethW.Dam,Institutions,History,andEconomic Development,JohnM.OlinLawandEconomicsWorkingPaper(no.271,2ndseries,January2006). Alsomorebroadly,Dam,TheLawGrowthNexus:theRuleofLawandEconomicDevelopment (Washington:BrookingsInstitutionPress,2005);forapertinentcritiqueseeMarcusTaylor, ConscriptsofCompetitiveness:Culture,Institutions,andCapitalinContemporaryDevelopment, ThirdWorldQuarterly31,no.4(2010):56179. 15ThequoteisfromFrancisFukuyama,EndofHistory?,NationalInterest(Summer1989). 16ArnoMayer,ThePersistenceoftheAncienRegime:EuropetotheGreatWar(NewYork:Pantheon Books,1981);P.J.CainandA.G.Hopkins,BritishImperialism,2vols(London:Longman,1993);Sandra
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interestedinthehistoryofunderdevelopmentanddeterminantsandprocessesof development.18Thoughitmayhavebeenmobilizedatfirsttoaffirmamaster narrativeofmodernization,comparativehistoricalscholarshiponEuropean industrializationasevincedin1970sdebatesonprotoindustrialization,occurringin thebackgroundofearliertransitiondebates(fromfeudalismtocapitalism)and alongsidedebatesaroundRobertBrennersessayontheoriginsofcapitalist development,alsohelpeddestabilizethisnarrative.Inparticularbyacknowledging theopenendednatureofindustrializationprocessesandtheroleofhumansocial agencyandconflictinshapingoutcomes,comparativescholarshipopenedupspaces forimagininghistoricalchangeandtransformationinnewways.19 Comparativehistoricalprojectshavealsoattemptedtogobeyond(and beneath)thelocusofthemodularnationalform.Mendelsessayonproto industrializationemphasizedregionaldifferenceswithinnationsandsimilarities acrossnations,ratherthanaggregatednationalexperiences.Thisreinvigorated

Halperin,IntheMirroroftheThirdWorld:CapitalistDevelopmentinModernEurope(Cornell:Ithaca UniversityPress,1997);HaJoonChang,KickingAwaytheLadder:DevelopmentStrategyinHistorical Perspective(London:AnthemPress,2002). 17BenedictAnderson,ImaginedCommunities(London:Verso,1991);idem,SpectreofComparisons: Politics,CultureandtheNation(London:Verso,1998). 18DaronAcemoglu,SimonJohnson,andJamesA.Robinson,ReversalofFortune:Geographyand InstitutionsintheMakingoftheModernWorldIncomeDistribution,QuarterlyJournalofEconomics 117,no.4(November2002):123194;GarethAustin,TheReversalofFortuneThesisandthe CompressionofHistory:PerspectivesfromAfricanandComparativeEconomicHistory,Journalof InternationalDevelopment20(2008):9961027;AliceAmsden,TheRiseofTheRest:Challengestothe WestfromLateIndustrializingEconomies(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2004). 19Despiteitsconventionalsoundingsubtitle(andParsoniansubstance),protoindustrialization debatesweresetoffbyFranklinMendels,Protoindustrialization:TheFirstPhaseinthe IndustrializationProcess,JournalofEconomicHistory32,no.2(1972):24161;foracompactsurveyof themaintrendsinthisandoverlappingdebates,seeTessieP.Liu,TheWeaversKnot:The ContradictionsofClassStruggleandFamilySolidarityinWesternFrance,17501914(Ithaca:Cornell UniversityPress,1994),2334. 12

Europespreexistingregionalhistoriographicaltraditionswithinmoreexplicitly comparativeframeworks.20Regionalsettingsallowedmoreattentiontobepaidto socialactors,includingnotablywomen,whoseinterventionswereinvisibleorliable tobemisreadonlargernationalcanvases.21Byenablingmoretexturedreadingsof culturalandsocialinfluences,regionalhistoriesmayhavealsoseededsensibilities receptivetohistoricizingmoderndividesbetweentheeconomic,political,social, cultural,etc.,andinterrogatingtheirclaimstopossessingendogenousandself enclosedlogics. Inhistoricalwritingsregionsmayextendbeyondandotherwisetoointerrupt imaginedcartographiesofnations.Definitionsofregionsofcourseraiseimportant questions.Studentsofinternationalrelationscanparticularlyillaffordtoignorethe contextual,negotiated,andpoliticaldeterminantsofregionaldefinitionsand affiliations.22Regionalhistoriesalsoserveseveralends.Consequentlythe constitution,meaning,scale,scope,andrelativesalienceofregionsarenoless importantissuesinhistoricalwriting. Atapracticallevelregionalhistorieshavebeenaconvenientmeansto overcomedifficultiesofnarratingconventionalnationalhistories.Giventhemutual
Mendels,Protoindustrialization;PatHudson,RegionsandIndustries:APerspectiveontheIndustrial RevolutioninBritain(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1989). 21PerhapsnotsurprisinglyprominentearlyfeministhistorianssuchasJoanScottandLouiseTilly wroteregionalorlocalhistoricalaccountsofindustrializationanditsimpact.Scott,Theglassworkersof Carmaux:FrenchCraftsmenandPoliticalActioninaNineteenthcenturyCity(CambridgeMass.:Harvard Univ.Press,1974);Tilly,PoliticsandClassinMilan,18811901(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress, 1992). 22Illustratively,doesIndiabelongtoSouthAsia,SouthwestAsia,orSoutheastAsia?Orisitan indispensablepivotofallthree?Foranilluminatingessayonthenamingandshapingofregionsin postwarand1980sEurope,seeTimothyGartonAsh,DoesCentralEuropeExist?,NewYorkReview ofBooks33,no.15(9October1986).
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salienceofhistoryandnation,wemayspeculateaboutthesourcesandimplications ofsuchdifficulties.Pastsimaginedonthescaleofregionsandcontinents,orindeed onatranscontinentalscale,nourishedradicalnationalistorpostnational aspirations.23Theyhavealsobeenexpressedinhistoricalandhumanities scholarship.24 Amonghistoriansecologynowhasanunrivalledpedigreeasastablebasis forconfiguringregions.ThebestknownpioneerhereistheFrenchhistorian FernandBraudelwhoseconceptionoftheMediterraneaninspiredsimilar conceptionsofoceansandoceanicbasinsintheAtlantic,theIndianOcean,andthe Pacific.25Ecologyisalsonowapronouncedbasisfordefiningterrestrialregions.26 EcologicallycomparablecoreregionsinAsiaandEuropealsoformthebasisofthe reciprocalcomparisons.KennethPomeranzmakestoexplaintheirdivergent economicpathssincetheearly19thcentury.27 Ithashoweverbeensuggestedthatoceans,nolessthanoceanicbasins,are historicalconstructionsformedbychanginguses,regulations,and

C.L.R.James,TheBlackJacobins:ToussaintLOuvertureandtheSanDomingoRevolution(London: AlisonandBusby,1938);alsoseehisHistoryofPanAfricanRevolt,firstpublished1938(Washington, D.C:DrumandSpear,1969). 24PennyM.vonEschen,RaceagainstEmpire:BlackAmericansandAnticolonialism:193757(Ithaca: CornellUniversityPress,1997);PaulGilroy,BlackAtlantic:ModernityandDoubleConsciousness London:Verso,1993);PrasenjitDuara,TheDiscourseofCivilizationandPanAsianism,Journalof WorldHistory12,no.1(2001):99130;CemilAyadin,ThePoliticsofAntiWesternisminAsia:Visionsof WorldOrderinPanIslamicandPanAsianThought(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,2007); AlbertHourani,AHistoryoftheArabPeoples(London:FaberandFaber,1991). 25Thereisnowavastliteratureinthisarea.Forasurveyseetheintroductionandpapersinthe AmericanHistoricalReviewsymposium(111,no.3,2006)onOceansinHistory. 26RalphAusten,TransSaharanAfricainWorldHistory(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2009). 27TheGreatDivergence:China,Europe,andtheMakingoftheModernWorldEconomy(Princeton: PrincetonUniversityPress,2001).
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representations.28Similarargumentsmaybemadeaboutterrestrialandmaritime ecologies,andthedangersofworkingwithdeterministicecologicalconceptions whichignorethepeople,communitiesandsocialrelationshipsthatproduce, sustainandtransformthem.29 InternationalHistory International(andtransnational)historiesrepresentanothersetofclaimsto thinkhistorybeyondthenation.AkiraIriyedefinesinternationalhistoryasan approachgoingbeyondthenationalleveltotreattheentireworldasa frameworkofstudy.30Thepracticeofinternationalhistoryrarelymeasuresupto thisprinciplesinceinternationalhistorymainlystudiesrelationsbetweennations, andthereforeexternalrelationsandforeignpolicy.Diplomatichistoryisnot surprisinglyoneofitsstrongsuits.Besideslookingoutfromnation,oftenthrough itslenses,internationalhistoryhasastrongbiastowardsstatesandstatecraft. Sinceallstatesarenotequal,internationalhistoryalsosuffersfroma pronouncedbiastowardsthestudyofgreatpowerbehavior.Itmaythereforeserve tonarratethepastsofrelationsbetweennationstates(orempires)inarealistmode, andfromtheperspectiveoftheregnantgreatpowers.Thoughtheirriseandfallis anenduringifhighlydeceptivediscursiverubricinthefield,internationalhistory

PhilipSteinberg,TheSocialConstructionoftheOcean(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2001), 207. 29G.Balachandran,Sovereignty,Subjectivities,Narrations:NationsandOtherStoriesfromtheSea, InternationalJournalofMaritimeHistory21,no.2(December2009):120. 30AkiraIriye,TheInternationalizationofHistory,AmericanHistoricalReview94,no.1(1989):34.

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hastendedsofartobeframedconventionallywithinatelosthatnormalizesthe internationalsystemasanexpressionofliberalidealsandaffirmsBritainandthe UnitedStates(perhapstoafarlesserextent,selectively,andwithsevere qualification,France)astheirprincipalprotagonists.31 Disputesandwarsbetweennationshaveinevitablybeenanimportantfieldof investigationininternationalhistory.Withitshistoryofrecurringconflictbetween the18thand20thcenturies,domesticandexternalpoliticswereintimatelylinkedin theemergentEuropeansystemofnationstates.Indeedfromoneperspectivethe salienceassignedtotheTreatyofWestphaliaasthesourceofmodernnational sovereigntymayparadoxicallyservetoillustraterenewedanxietiesaboutthe meaningandnatureofsovereigntyin19thcenturyEurope.Atatimeofunstable empires,nationalwars,andrevolutionaryupheaval,sovereigntymayhaveservedas anidiomandinstrument,howeverconditionalorcontextual,formanagingEuropes multiplefissures,ratherthanthefoundationalorsacrosanctorganizationalprinciple itwaslatertobecome.Thus,asweknowevenfromreadingclassicalhistorianssuch asE.H.CarrandA.J.P.Taylor,historicalaccountsofintraEuropeanrelationshave muchtoteachusaboutEuropeannationalhistoriesaswell. Thesovereigntyofthe19thcenturynationstatewascomplementedin principlebytheglobalsovereigntyofliberalnorms,inparticularthesovereigntyof themarketorganizedaccordingtoliberalprinciples.Internationalpoliticsinthelast
Forclassicillustrationsofthedeceptivenessofriseandfallhistoriesinthelasttwodecades,see PaulKennedysRiseandFalloftheGreatPowers:EconomicChangeandMilitaryConflictfrom1500to2000 (NewYork:VintageBooks,1989),andFerguson,Empirewhichalsoforcefullymakesconnectedclaims fortheliberalnatureofVictorianimperialismandtheUSAsglobalrole.
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twocenturiesmayalsobethoughttohavebeendrivenbynegotiationandconflict betweenthesetwolevelsofsovereigntywhosemeaningsandprotagonistshave rarelybeenhistoricallystable.32Besidesinconstitutingtheexternalrelationsof nationsintoanindependentobjectofstudy,internationalhistoryrisksoverlooking themobilizedandcontestednatureoftheprinciples,ideologies,andmeaningsthat scholarsofinternationalrelationsmay(mistakenly)takeforgranted. Asanillustration,sovereigntywasaprinciplethatonlyappliedtoWestern powersuntilWorldWarI.Itsmeaningandnaturealsobegantochangeinresponse toWesternanxietiesaboutthemobilityofnonWesternpeoplesandlivelihoods unsettledby19thcenturycolonialism.33Whileformallyaffirmingthesimilarityand equivalenceofnationstates,statesovereigntyhasalsobeenarguedtoserveasa meanstostructureinequalitythroughtheformofequivalence.34 Suchargumentsandperspectivesillustrateagrowingpostcolonialchallenge totheconventionalboundariesnotmerelyofinternationalhistorybutalsomore widelytotheboundaryconceptsofrace,nation,andmodernprogress.Nation andcolonies,asSusanBuckMorssremindsusinthecontextoftheracializationof slavery,werespatialdistinctionsthatalsoencodedconceptualbarriers,for

Compareforinstancethepoliciestodaysadvancedeconomiesfollowedwhentheywere industrializing,withtheirprescriptionsfortherestoftheworldtoday:HaJoonChang,KickingAway theLadder(London:AnthemPress,2003). 33RadhikaViyasMongia,Race,Nationality,Mobility:AHistoryofthePassport,PublicCulture11, no.3(1999):52756. 34RadhikaV.Mongia,HistoricizingStateSovereignty:InequalityandtheFormofEquivalence, ComparativeStudiesinSocietyandHistory49,no.2(2007):384411,quoteon388.Forabroaderaccount oftheimperialoriginsofmodernsovereigntynormsandtheirdiscriminatorypremisesand application,seeAnthonyAnghie,Imperialism,SovereigntyandtheMakingofInternationalLaw (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2004).
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examplebetweenslaveryandfreedom.35Perhapsunsurprisinglytherefore,until recentlyhistoriographiesofmodernoverseasexpansionandcolonialruleexerted preciouslittleimpactonhistoriographiesofthemodernEuropeannation. Thisisslowlybeginningtochange.Asillustration,newimperialhistoriesof Britainseektosituatecoloniesandthemetropoleinthesameframeofvision.36This literature,whichhasbeensaidtomarkanimperialturninthehistoriographyofthe modernWest,reflectsgrowingrecognitionthatratherthanobeyingpurely endogenouslogics,conceptionsofrace,class,sexuality,gender,citizenship,nation, freedom,andempireinmetropolitanBritain(andotherEuropeancolonialpowers, notablytheNetherlandsbutalsoinFrance)werepolarized,destabilized,and reconfiguredbyanxietiesprovokedbyrebelliouscolonialpopulationsor domesticallyassertiveclasses.37InPaulGilroyswords,theempireswerenot simplyouttheredistantterminalpointsfortradingactivitywhererace consciousnesscouldgrowinthetorridzonesoftheworldattheotherendofthe colonialchain.Imperialmentalitieswerebroughtbackhome...andaltered economic,social,andculturalrelations....38Nevertheless,asAntoinetteBurtonhas

SusanBuckMorss,Hegel,Haiti,andUniversalHistory(Pittsburgh:UniversityofPittsburghPress, 2009),8790.BuckMorsssessayHegelandHaiti(footnote6)isalsoreprintedhere. 36Foranaccessiblesetofessaysinnewimperialhistory,seeKathleenWilson,ANewImperial History:Culture,IdentityandModernityinBritainandtheEmpire,16601840(Cambridge:Cambridge UniversityPress,2004). 37CatherineHall,CivilizingSubjects:ColonyandMetropoleintheEnglishImagination,18301867 (Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,2002);ThomasC.Holt,TheProblemofFreedom:Race,Labor,and PoliticsinJamaicaandBritain,18321938(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPres,1992);onraceand sexuality,seeAnnLauraStoler,RaceandtheEducationofDesire:FoucaultsHistoryofSexualityandthe ColonialOrderofThings(Durham:DukeUniversityPress,1995). 38Migrancy,Culture,andaNewMapofEurope,inHeikeRaphaelHernandez,ed.,Blackening Europe:TheAfricanAmericanPresence(NewYork:Routledge,2004),xii.
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noted,rarelydoesnewimperialhistorytaketheprecariousvulnerabilityof imperialsystemsastheirstartingpoint.Partlyinconsequence,theveryconceptof Britainhascometopossessaresilientfantasystructurethatisaffirmedas homeevenwhenmarkedoutasanimperialspace.39 Thus,forthemostpartinBritish(andonemayaddFrench,andsettler colonial)historiography,colonialviolence,genocide,andcrimesagainsthumanity (touseapresentdayexpression)remaininsulatedfromthehistoriesofBritainor Franceproper.ThusdestructivecampaignsofunbridledviolenceinIndiain1857 and1919,theCaribbeaninthe1860s,KenyaandMalayainthe1950s;warsand sanguinarycampaignsinAfricaandAsia;thedespoliationofthelandsand habitatsnotablyofAustralianaborigines,andthedisappearanceoftheir populations;theforcibleabductionofaboriginalchildrenforinternmentinspecial schools;indeedeventherelated,postWorldWarIIcampaigntoforciblytransport abandonedBritishchildrenasorphanstoAustralianfosterhomesasameansto populatetheemptycontinentwithwhiteEuropeanstocknoneofthesehaveyet destabilizedconventionalconceptionsofBritainasaworldwidebastionandbeacon ofliberaldemocracy.40 BycontrasthistoriansofGermany(whichbecauseofitshistoryofNaziruleis conventionallycastasanaberrantfigureinWesternEuropeanhistorywithaunique propensityforilliberalbehavior)havemorereadilymadeconnectionsbetween
39 40

Burton,ed.,AftertheImperialTurn,56. IfanythinginrecentyearspoliticalleaderssuchasGordonBrowninBritain(Itstimetocelebrate theEmpire,saysBrown,DailyMail,15January2005)haveattemptedtopushbackagainstarising tideofcriticismbydefendingthecivilizingimpulsesoftheempire. 19

colonialviolenceandNaziatrocitiesinEurope.Suchconnectionsinturnhavebegun tobreachprotocolsofhistoricalscholarshipinsulatingmetropolitanEuropefrom colonialcontamination.ForinstanceMarkMazowersuggeststhattherealhorrorof NaziGermanyfromEuropesperspectivewastobreachitsbarrierswiththecolonies byturningimperialismonitsheadandtreatingEuropeansasAfricans,and deployinginEurope,thecoercionandviolenceEuropepowerspracticedinthe colonies.41 FortheUSthedomesticmainspringsofexternalpolicyhavebeenexploredin therevisionisthistoriographyofUSforeignrelationspioneeredbyWilliam ApplemanWilliams,withhispreferenceforreadingAmericafromtheoutside in.42Therehavealsobeenmanylivelyaccountsofcounterhegemonicinfluencesin theotherdirection,particularlyinregardtopopularculture.43Giventheroleof immigrationinUShistoryitcouldhardlyhavebeenotherwise.Inparticular historiansdrawincreasingattentiontotheporous,unstable,andconstitutednature ofboundariesbetweeninsideandoutside.44Theirimplicationsforthepluralityof

MarkMazower,TheDarkContinent:EuropesTwentiethCentury(London:Penguin,1998),xiixiii. NazismironicallythereforedestabilizedovertsentimentsofEuropeanracialsuperiority:Mazower, HitlersEmpire:NaziRuleinOccupiedEurope(London:AllenLane,2008),59294.In2004,Germanywas persuadedtoapologizefortheHereromassacre(190406)inSouthWestAfrica(presentday Namibia).IncontrastBritainandFrancehaveyettoapologizefortheircolonialeraatrocitiesand continuetodefendtheircolonialempiresasaltruisticprojects. 42BruceCummings,RevisingPostrevisionism,orThePovertyofTheoryinDiplomaticHistory, DiplomaticHistory17,no.3(1993):53969. 43VijayPrashad,EverybodywasKungFuFighting:AfroAsianConnectionsandtheMythof CulturalPurity(Boston:BeaconPress,2001);HeikeRaphaelHernandezandShannonSteen,AfroAsian Encounters:Culture,History,Politics(NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress,2006). 44Forexample,MaeM.Ngai,ImpossibleSubjects:IllegalAliensandtheMakingofModernAmerica (Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,2004);MaryTingYiLui,TheChinatownTrunkMystery:Murder,
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ourhistoricalandanalyticalvisionarenotstraightforward.Forexamplehowdothe difficultiesofmeaningfullydistinguishingorgenealogizingdomesticandexternal influencescomplicatenarrativesofUSexceptionalism?45 Agrowingstrandininternationalhistorydealswithmultilateralinstitutions andinternationalorganizations.Someofthesehistoriesareofficial,i.e.theyare sponsoredbytheinstitutionandbenefitfromprivilegedaccesstoitsmaterials.The WorldBankandtheIMFsettheballrollinginthe1990swiththeirrespectiveofficial histories.Thoughwrittenbyacademicfigures,notallhoweverhistorians,they largelyreflectedtheviewsoftheirsponsoringinstitutions.46TheUNfollowedsuit withitsintellectualhistoryproject.TheapproachhereistoprivilegetheUN bureaucracyasaprogenitorofideasandpolicies,andexceptinthemostgeneral wayabstractthemfromtheirpoliticalandothercontexts.47Scholarshavealso tacklednegotiationsoverthepostwarsecurityandmonetary/financialarchitecture, notablyatSanFranciscoandBrettonWoods.Conventionallysuchaccountsprivilege thegreatpowers.48

Miscegenation,andotherDangerousEncountersinTurnoftheCenturyNewYorkCity(Princeton: PrincetonUniversityPress,2005). 45ConsiderhereBarackObamasrhetoricalattemptstoreconfigureUSexceptionalismasanethicof openness,tolerance,andinclusion;forarecenthistoricalperspectiveonUSexceptionalism,see ThomasBender,ANationamongNations:AmericasPlaceinWorldHistory(NewYork:HillandWang, 2006). 46DeveshKapur,JohnP.Lewis,andRichardWebb,TheWorldBank:itsFirstHalfCentury(Washington D.C.:BrookingsInstitution,1987);HaroldJames,InternationalMonetaryCooperationsinceBrettonWoods (WashingtonD.C.:InternationalMonetaryFundandNewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1996). 47ForexampleseeLouisEmmerij,RichardJolly,andThomasG.Weiss,AheadoftheCurve?UNIdeas andGlobalChallenges(BloomingtonandIndianapolis:IndianaUniversityPress,2001). 48Forarecentexample,seeStewartPatrick,BestLaidPlans:theOriginsofAmericanMultilateralismand theDawnoftheColdWar(Lanham,Md.:Rowman&Littlefield,2009). 21

Whetherornotinternationalorganizationsindividuallyrepresentsubjectsfor meaningfulhistoricalanalysisthusremainsanopenquestion.Scholarsinterestedin thetransformationofmodernempiresintoasystemofnationstateshaveresearched LeagueofNationsandUnitedNationsarchivestoadvanceourunderstandingof hegemonyandsovereigntyintheinternationalsystem.49Giventhecentralityoflaw asamodalityofinternationalgovernance,itisperhapsnotsurprisingtofindlegal scholarshiptakingaleadhere.ReferencehasalreadybeenmadetoAnthony Anghiesworkonthecolonialoriginsofsovereignty.Anghiealsodeploysthe mandatessystemoftheLeagueofNationstoillustratetheformativerelationship betweencolonialismandinternationalinstitutionsandilluminatetheoperations andcharacterofcontemporaryinternationalinstitutions.50Anotherlegalhistorian, LuisRodrguezPiero,hasdrawnattentiontothecolonialtrusteeshiporiginsofthe ILOsinterestinindigenousandnativelabor.51 HistorianshavecriticizedlegalscholarssuchasAnghieforfailingtosupport theirresearchwitharchivalevidence.52Theymakeavalidpoint.Howevermere empiricalworkisnotinitselfananswer.Researchintoarchivesofinternational organizationsisstillinitsinfancy;itsmethodsandchallengesremainunder

MarkMazower,NoEnchantedPalace:TheEndofEmpireandtheIdeologicalOriginsoftheUnitedNations (Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,2009). 50AnthonyAnghie,ColonialismAndTheBirthOfInternationalInstitutions:Sovereignty,Economy, andtheMandateSystemoftheLeagueOfNations,NewYorkUniversityJournalofInternationalLaw andPolitics34,no.3(2002):516.Forothersimilarreferencesandashortbutinstructivesurvey,see Mongia,HistoricizingStateSovereignty,39597. 51LuisRodrguezPiero,IndigenousPeoples,Postcolonialism,andInternationalLaw:TheILORegime (19191989),(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2005). 52Forexample,SusanPedersen,ReviewEssay:BacktotheLeagueofNations,AmericanHistorical Review112,no.4(October2007):1104.
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theorized.Onsurfacedocumentsinthesearchivesmayappeartorevealanew perspectiveonwellstudiedhistoricaldevelopments.Yetnoteverythingnewis necessarilysignificant,orjustifiesadiversionofcontextandconversation.For exampleofteninternationalorganizationsdocumentsassumetheautonomyand disinterestedexpertiseoftheirofficials,whomhistoriansreadingsuchdocuments andtheirideasoutofcontextareliabletoreinventastheavantgardeofa transnationalepistemiccommunity.Ontheotherhanddocumentsfromother provenances,sayarchivesofgovernmentsorNGOs,maycomplicatesuch assumptionsandhelpbroadenourpolitical,institutional,andintellectual frameworkofinterpretation.Besides,afterseveralgenerationsofbeinginthrallto publicrecords,thehistoricalprofessionhasincreasinglyturneditsattentionand energiestootherrepositoriesofhistoricalmemory.Uncriticalrelianceonthe archivesofinternationalinstitutionsrisksputtinginternationalhistoriansoutofstep withthewiderprofession. Somerecentcriticalhistoricalaccountsofinternationalinstitutionsand organizationshoweverbringgreaternuancetoourunderstandingoftheir constitutionandmobilization,andtheirpoliticalandpublicroles.Asaresult assumptionsabouttheseinstitutionsbeinginthevanguardofpostwarinternational idealismhavegrownmorequalified.Initsearlyyearsnewlyindependentnations usedUNplatformstodenounceracismandcolonialism.TheyalsoexploitedtheUN frameworktomobilizeagainstcolonialpowersandtheiralliesattemptingto subordinatethesequestionstothelogicofthecoldwar.Conventionalaccountsof
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theUniversalDeclarationofHumanRights(UDHR)asatriumphofliberalWestern valueshavealsocomeunderchallenge.Insteadweareremindedthat,waryofwhat theUDHRmightmeanfortheirracialandcolonialpolicies,theUSA,Britain,and othercolonialpowersfoughttorestrictitsvision,scope,andlegalapplication. Insteadalooseallianceofnewlyindependentstatesandanticolonialandantiracial movementsinthemetropolisbecamepivotalinadvancingahumanrightsagenda andtheUNsdemocraticpotentialinthe1940sand1950s.53 Anothergrowingareaofinterestistransnationalhistory,aboutmovements, institutions,etc.thatcrossnationalboundaries,yetarenotpalpablystructured by/throughstatesandgovernments,andthatmayevenexistinsomeambivalent relationshipwiththem.Transnationalmaythusdescribeawidespectrumof movementsandentities,fromhumanitarianNGOssuchastheRedCrossand AmnestyInternationaltotransnationalcorporations,offshorebanking,and financialnetworks. Rejectingstateandnation,thehistoryof19thcenturyanarchismmaybeanapt illustrationoftransnationalhistoryasameanstorecoverstoriesexiledfrom narrativesofnation.BenedictAndersonhasrecentlyremindedusofthecloselinks

AconventionalviewisthattheUDHRcrystallized150yearsofstruggleforrights:LynnHunt, InventingHumanRights:AHistory(NewYork:W.W.Norton,2007),205;seealso20203.Formore complexinterpretationsseeMazower,NoEnchantedPalace,especiallyCh.4;ManuBhagvan,ANew Hope:India,theUnitedNationsandtheMakingoftheUniversalDeclarationofHumanRights, ModernAsianStudies(2008):137;onlinksbetweenantiracialandanticolonialmovementsseevon Eschen,RaceagainstEmpire,esp.Ch.2;alsoCarolAnderson,EyesoffthePrize:TheUnitedNationsand theAfricanAmericanStruggleforHumanRights,19441955(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress, 2003),Chs.2and5;foranimportantearlyessay,seeMarikaSherwood,IndiaattheFoundingofthe UnitedNations,InternationalStudies33,no.4(1996):40728.

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betweenmilitantanarchismandanticolonialisminAsiaandtheCaribbean.In doingsohealsoremindsusofthetransnationalpastsofanticolonialnationalism.54 Suchperspectivesenrichourunderstandingofpoliticsandpoliticalmobilizationin the19thand20thcenturybysituatingthem,andthroughthemthenation,inawider ideational,historical,andgeographicalcontext.Yetitisworthamomentsreflection thatwhileanarchistideasandrevolutionariescirculatedfreelyinmetropolitan Europe,theirmaintargetsandsitesofactionweremainlyonitsperiphery.55The spectaculargeographyoftransnationalanarchismwasnotmerelytheconverseof thepoliticalgeographyof19thcenturyliberalism.Italsoreflectedthespatial hierarchiesofthepreWorldWarIworld:forinstanceGermanywasnotasitefor spectacularanarchistactionsbetween1890and1914,norwereitsnationalsamong theirmainplotters.Doesthissuggestanothermarker(canwecallitmilitarypower andcapability?)forthegeographyoftransnationalanarchismbesidestheliberal/ absolutistdivide?Doestheunevenfootprintoftransnationalistprojectsandclaims warrantcloserfocusontheirrelationshiptostatesandnations?Inshortthe transnationalworldwasnotflat,andimbalancesbetweentransnationalclaimsand transnationalprojectsraisequestionsabouttheroleofstates,nations,and hierarchiesintransnationalhistories.

UnderThreeFlags:AnarchismandtheAntiColonialImagination(London:Verso,2005);apartfromthe referencescitedinnoteno.24,alsoseeVijayPrashad,DarkerNations:APeoplesHistoryoftheThird World(Boston:BeaconPress,2007). 55SeeAndersonslistandmapofanarchistassassinations:UnderThreeFlags,pp.75and76 respectively.

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Thelastpointmaybeillustratedbyanimplicittendencyevenininternational /transnationalhistoriessympathetictolocalcolonizedorthirdworldsubjects,to regardthelattersagencyasrecalcitrantorderivative,anddenythemcreative modernpoliticalcapacity.ForexampleinFatalMisconception,MatthewConnollys accountoftheworldwidepopulationcontrolmovement,thethirdworldismerelya siteforactionbygreatpowersandinternationalagenciesinalliancewithlocalelites. Indialoomslargeinthisworkwhichnotespopularresistancetocoercivebirth controlprojectsandtheirdecisiverepudiationinthe1977elections.Yetthe transnationallensadoptedherelargelyrenderinvisiblegrassrootsinitiatives, negotiations,andpracticesinvolvingwomensresistancemovementsand organizations,familywelfareprofessionals,andlocalgovernmentsinstatessuchas Kerala,whichinspiredandshapednewperspectivesandpoliciesonpopulation growthlayingstressonwomensagency,education,health,nutrition,andfamily welfare.InsteadforConnollyonlytherolesplayedbyinternationalagencies, conferences,andtransnationalprofessionalnetworksseemtomatter.56 LikewiseErezManelastransnationalapproachtoAsiannationalismmay helpresistnaturalizingthenationastheskinthatcontainstheexperienceofthe past.YetofferedasajustificationforarguingthesignificanceoftheWilsonian

MatthewConnolly,FatalMisconception:TheStruggletoControlWorldPopulation(Cambridge,Mass: Bellknap,2008).Foramorenuancedargumentaboutthirdworldsocialmovementsandinternational norms,seeB.Rajagopal,InternationalLawfromBelow::Development,SocialMovements,andThirdWorld Resistance(NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2003).

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momentinAsia,itrisksdoingsobyclothinganticolonialnationalismintheskin ofWilsoniannationalism.57 WorldHistoryandGlobalHistory Worldhistoryandglobalhistoryarerelativelynewdisciplinaryfieldsthat emergedinthe1980sand1990s.Theiremergencewasnotaccidental.Asalready noteduntilthe1960stheideaofmodernizationseemedtolendhistoryan ecumenicalmeaningandpurpose.Whilepluralizingtheideaofcivilization employedbyhistorianssuchasArnoldToynbee,thethirdandratherdeterministic partofWilliamH.McNeillsRiseoftheWestmaybeseenasaconventionalhistorical viewofthecontemporaryworldfromamodernizationperspective,itsinvocationof USanticolonialhistoryandtraditionservingtosequesterandprotecttheideaofthe Westfromitsrecentcolonialpast.58WithinyearsofMcNeilsbook,however,an emergingscholarlyconsensusbegantochallengemodernizationandothersuch grandnarratives,leavinghistoriansinparticularinsearchoflargermeaningsfor historicalphenomenaandprocesses.

ErezManela,ImaginingWoodrowWilsoninAsia:DreamsofEastWestHarmonyandtheRevolt againstEmpirein1919,AmericanHistoricalReview111,no.5(2006):132751;ManelaevokesPrasenjit Duara,TransnationalismandtheChallengeofNationalHistories,inThomasBender,ed., RethinkingAmericanHistoryinaGlobalAge(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2002),25. HoweverasDuaranoteselsewhere,neitherisnationtheonlyskinforgrandidentityimaginingsin the20thcentury:Duara,TheDiscourseofCivilization. 58ArnoldToynbee,AStudyofHistory,12volumes(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,19341961); McNeillsRiseoftheWestwassubtitledAHistoryoftheHumanCommunity(Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress,1963).

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Worldandglobalhistoryfittedthisbreachbyofferingtheluxurytoimagine globalconnectionsatleastatfirstwithoutanoverpoweringteleologicalvision. ThoughnotimmunetocriticismsforbeingEurocentricanddeterministic,world systemsanalysisseemedtosometoofferalogicforsomeoftheseconnections.By drawingattentiontotheroleofdiseaseinhumanhistoryandtheimpactonhuman societiesoftherapidspreadofvirulentlypathogenicdiseasesthroughtradeand conquest,McNeillsPlaguesandPeoplesofferedanotherwaytoimagineglobal connections,particularlyfromtheearlymodernperiodonwards.59AlfredCrosbys hugelypopularaccountoftheworldwidespreadofgerms,weeds,andseedsaspart oftheColumbianexchangeprecipitatedbyEuropeanexpansionintoAmericaand Oceania,reinforcedsuchconnections.60 HistoricalappreciationoftheinequalityoftransAtlanticexchangesfollowing Europeanconquest,whereinindigenouspeoplessurrenderedtheirlives,lands, crops,andsilvertoEuropeanconquerorsinexchangefordiseaseorenslavement, resonatedwidely.Politicallyitseemedtoofferastrikingillustrationofglobal inequalities.Withinthehistoricalprofessionithelpedturnsomelongheldintuitions intohistoricalinsightandexertedaprofoundinfluenceonresearchperspectivesand agendas.ForinstanceconfirmationthatIndianswerefelledbydiseaseratherthan technologychallengedtechnologicaldeterministicexplanationsofhistoricalchange, Westernclaimstotechnologicalsuperiority,andingeneraltheroleoftechnologyin
WilliamMcNeill,PlaguesandPeoples(NewJersey:Doubleday,1976). AlfredCrosby,EcologicalImperialism:TheBiologicalExpansionofEurope,9001900(Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress,1986).
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theriseoftheWest.ItalsocontextualizedandhistoricizedEuropeanascendancy manyAmericanIndiancitieswerelargerthanallbutthelargestEuropeancitiesat thetimeofconquest,theirsocietiesandeconomiesascomplexasanyprevailingin EuropeorAsiaatthetimeanddrewattentiontothecontingentandembattled natureofthisascendancy. Thiswasnotmerelyanemperorhasnoclothesmomentinthe historiographyofthecolonialencounter.Italsoprofoundlyalteredthesignificance ofthecolonialencounterforthehistoryofthemodernworldandgaveitglobal scopeandmeaning.Itfurtherencouragedwaysofimagininghistoricalconnections throughtimeandspaceinwhichtherelationshipbetweenhumansocietiesandthe environmentbecamevastlymoreimportant. Theenvironmentwasnolongernowsomethingpassiveandoutthere,that Manactedupon.Projectstoremaketheenvironmentwereincreasinglyseento reflectappallingignorance,theirresultsmoreoftenthannotchallengingratherthan affirmingtheclaimsofscienceandmoderntechnology.Newwaysofthinkingabout relationshipsbetweenhumansocietiesandtheirenvironmentspromotedgreater respectforindigenousknowledgeandgreaterawarenessofthedenselayeringof pastsoverthepresent.Thelatter,inparticular,notmerelydisruptedmillenarian, transformativemodelsofmodernity.Italsodrewattentiontohowpeoplelivedtheir livesandnegotiatedchange,andhowhumanagencyinteractedwithandshaped structures.

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Inshortgreatersensitivitytothediversityoftheecologicalconditionsof humanexistencenourishednewhermeneuticalperspectivesmotivatinghistorians (andotherscholars)toattend,looselyspeaking,todifferentiatedsocialandcultural ecologies,theirendogenouslogics,practices,andinstitutions,porousboundaries andnegotiationswithinsideoutsideactors,networks,andinfluences,and consequentlytoimaginingtransculturalgeographiesinnewways.61Italsoenabled ideas,habits,andactionsthatmightatanothertimehavebeenlabeledresistantor aberrant,toberecoveredandvaluedwithintheframeofthefragment.62Staging thepastonsmaller,lessverticallystackedstagesorrecoveringnewgeographiesalso enabledhistorianstorecoveractors,voices,andsensibilitieswomen,dalits,people belongingtoforestorforagingcommunities,theurbanpoor,transsexuals,etc.that wereliabletobesuppressedonthegrandstagesandglobalgeographiesofepochal historicaltransformation.63 Suchinsightsparalleledandreinforcedsensibilities,perspectives,and researchandwritingpracticesthat,aswesawabovewithrespecttocomparative andregionalhistories,werealsoemergingfromotherdirectionsandareasof historicalenterprise.Secondlyamajordrivingforceinhistoricalscholarshiphas

Indifferentrespects,seeEngsengHo,TheGravesofTarim:GenealogyandMobilityacrosstheIndian Ocean(Berkeley:CaliforniaUniversityPress,2006);JeremyPrestholdt,DomesticatingtheWorld:African ConsumerismandtheGenealogiesofGlobalization(Berkeley:CaliforniaUniversityPress,2008);JamesC. Scott,TheArtofNotBeingGoverned:AnAnarchistHistoryofUplandSoutheastAsia(NewHaven:Yale UniversityPress,2009). 62ForaperspectiveonthisseeDipeshChakravarty,TwoHistoriesofCapitalinidem,Provincializing Europe:PostcolonialThoughtandHistoricalDifference(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,2000). 63Foraselfreflectivehistoricalworkofferingcomplementaryperspectivesonagencyandmodernity, seeStephenJ.Rockel,CarriersofCulture:LaborontheRoadinNineteenthCenturyEastAfrica (Portsmouth,NH:Heinneman,2006).
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alwaysbeenatensionbetweentimeanddiversity.Ashistoriansincludingthose imaginingthepastonaworldscalebegantoexploretheinternalcomplexitiesof diversity,timetoobegantoappearlesslinearandmorediscontinuousand negotiated.Allhumanbeingsinhabitedthesameplanetandshareditsdestiny.But theworldwasnotasingleplace,norwouldthewholeworldeveroccupyasingle time.64Ideassuchasmultiplemodernitiesgainedcurrency.65Incontrasttothe metaphorpopularizedbyWallerstein,ofmodernityasavirusspreadingoutwards fromEurope,scholarsbegantoviewitmorehistoricallyasaglobaland conjuncturalphenomenonlocatedinaseriesofhistoricalprocessesthatbrought hithertorelativelyisolatedsocietiesintocontact,andwithrootsinasetofdiverse phenomena.66Thethemesofinterconnectionsanddivergencesacrosstheworld begantobeexploredeveninundergraduatetextbooks.67 Thesesensibilitiesandconceptionsofworldandpossiblyglobalwere thrownintodisarray,paradoxicallyenough,bythegripthatglobalizationbeganto exerciseonthehistoricalimagination.Thisisnottheplacetodiscusstheterms meanings,significance,deployments,andlimitations.68Buttwopointsareworth making.Firstformanynonhistorianslookingatthepresentinrelationtothepast,
MichaelGeyerandCharlesBright,WorldHistoryinaGlobalAge,AmericanHistoricalReview100, no.4(1995):1042. 65ShmuelN.Eisenstadt,MultipleModernities(Brunswick,N.J.:TransactionPublishers,2005), originallypublishedinDaedalus129,no.1(2000):129. 66SanjaySubrahmanyam,HearingVoices:VignettesofEarlyModernityinSouthAsia,14001750, Daedalus127,no.3(1998):75104. 67RobertTignor,etal,WorldsTogether,WorldsApart:AHistoryoftheModernWorldfromtheMongol EmpiretothePresent(NewYork:Norton,2002). 68ThesearebrieflyaddressedinG.BalachandranandSanjaySubrahmanyam,OntheHistoryof GlobalisationandIndia:Concepts,MeasuresandDebates,inJackieAssayagandChrisFuller,eds,, GlobalizingIndia:PerspectivesfromBelow(London:AnthemPress,2006).
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globalizationseemedanaptmetaphorlendingmeaningtohistoricalprogressand destiny,inotherwordsthebasisforanewteleology.Anxiousnottobeleftbehind manyhistoriansjoinedtheunceremoniousmele.In1998BruceMazlishcriticized historiansforbeingslowtoappreciatetheimportanceofglobalizationwhichhe blamedontheprofessionspreferenceforthemorepluralandopenended possibilitiesofferedbyworldhistory.Ourimaginingsmustleapfromworld historytoglobalhistory,heurged.69FouryearslaterA.G.Hopkinsdescribedthe analysisoftheorigins,nature,andconsequencesofglobalization[as](...)currently themostimportantsingledebateinthesocialsciencesandcastigatedhistoriansfor evenfailingtorecognizethesubject.70 Such,quiteundeserved,selfreproachillustratedjusthowmuchhistorians werestillpossessedbyasenseoftelos,ifnotofthemodernatleastofthepresent, andofthepresentassomekindofmodern.Henceforsomehistoriansitproveda shortplungefromheretoimaginingglobalhistoryasthehistoryofglobalization. Thoughitsfuturecoursecouldnotbepredicted,oneofthekeystoglobalhistory forMazlishwastotakeexistingprocesses,encapsulatedinthefactorsof globalizationandtracethemasfarbackinthepastasseemsnecessaryand useful.71 Mazlishandotherglobalhistoriansdidnotevenpretendtodefine globalizationwithanyattemptatrigor,norindeedtoseparatesubjectivefaithsand
BruceMazlish,ComparingGlobalHistorytoWorldHistory,JournalofInterdisciplinaryHistory28, no.3(1998):385,389. 70A.G.Hopkins,ed.,GlobalizationinWorldHistory(London:Pimlico,2002),1. 71Mazlish,ComparingGlobalHistory,389.
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fetishesfromwhatpurportedtobeanobjectiveviewoftheworldanditspast.For Mazlish,forexample,globalizationin1998meantsynergyandsynchronicity, thesumofthecombinedpresencesofbasicfactsofourtimecataloguedasour thrustintospace,nuclearthreatsandenvironmentalthreats,multinational corporations,globalconsumerism,humanrights,globalizationofmusicandso forth.By2005terrorismhadbeenaddedtothislist.72Withthehistorical professionconfusedorcomplaisant,theinitiativefornarratingmodernhistoryas thehistoryofglobalizationpassedtoeconomistsworkingwithanarrow,yet coherentandseeminglyquantifiabledefinitionofglobalizationindexingthe integrationofcommodity,labor,andfinancialmarkets.Economistswrotethe canonicalhistoricalnarrativesofglobalizationmanyearlyversionsofwhich appearedasUSNationalBureauofEconomicResearch(NBER)workingpapersor conferenceproceedings,andoccasionallyaspapersineconomichistoryjournals.73 FocusingalmostwhollyonthenorthAtlanticworld,thesehistoriesequated globalizationwiththespreadofanarrowlydefinedsetofliberaltradingand financialarrangementsmeasuredbydispersionsofcommodityprices,wages,and interestratesbetweendistantmarkets.Technologicaldeterminism,conceptssuchas theindustrialrevolutionunderchallengeearlierorelsewhere,andinstitutionalism

Ibid.,390;Mazlish,ed.,TheGlobalHistoryReader(NewYork:Routledge,2005). ForexampleseeKevinH.ORourkeandJeffreyG.Williamson,GlobalizationandHistory (Cambridge,Mass.:TheMITPress,1999);RichardBaldwinandPeterMartin,TwoWavesof Globalisation:SuperficialSimilarities,FundamentalDifferences(NBERWorkingPaper,1999); MichaelBordo,A.M.TaylorandJ.G.Williamson,eds.,GlobalizationinHistoricalPerspective(Chicago: TheUniversityofChicagoPress,2003);JeffreyG.Williamson,WinnersandLosersoverTwo CenturiesofGlobalization(NBERWorkingPaper,2002).

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camebackintovogue,insomeinstancesalsoastressonculturalbeliefsandprivate orderinstitutions.74Colonialismdidnotfigureinsuchnarratives.Whereitdid, colonialrulewastransformed,withcontemptuousdisregardfortheaccumulated historicalresearchofthelastthreedecadesandtheprotocolsofhistorical scholarship,intothebearerofliberalvaluesandtheengineofglobaleconomicand financialintegration.75 Somehistoriansbravelytriedtocatchup.Butalltheynowmanagedwasto inscribetheirregionsorperiodsintothesenarratives,atbestclaiming,assome historicalwritingsfocusedonAsiadid,thattheirregionwasattheforefrontof globalization.Someelementsofidyllicliberalglobalizationnarrativeswere debatedonthemargin,forexamplethecontributionofcolonialism,accesstothe newworld,andslaverytoglobalization.Butfewofitscoreassumptions,including thatoftheremorselessincreaseofthesizeandscaleofunitsandflowsandthe natureanddeterminantsoftechnologicalchange,werecontested.76 Manyhistoriansrejectedsuchsimplisticaccountsofglobalizationorrefused totakethemseriously.Butfewhistorianschallengedthevalueofglobalizationasa

Forexample,JoelMokyr,TheInstitutionalOriginsoftheIndustrialRevolution,inElhanan Helpman,ed.,InstitutionsandEconomicPerformance(Cambridge,Mass:HarvardUniversityPress, 2008),6567;Mokyralsodescribestheindustrialrevolutionasthecentraleventofmoderneconomic historytodate.AlsoMokyr,IntellectualPropertyRights,theIndustrialRevolution,andthe BeginningsofModernEconomicGrowth,AmericanEconomicReview:Papers&Proceedings99,no.2 (2009):349355;foraparticularlystridentinstitutionalistargument,seeDam,Institutions,History, andEconomicDevelopment. 75ThisisthethrustoftheargumentinFerguson,Empire. 76AdamMcKeown,GlobalMigration,18461940,JournalofWorldHistory15,no.2(2004):155189; AndreGunderFrank,ReOrient:GlobalEconomyintheAsianAge(Berkeley:UniversityofCalifornia Press,1998);KennethPomeranz,GreatDivergence:China,EuropeandtheMakingoftheModernWorld Economy(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,2000).
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frameworkfordepictingthepresentorthinkingaboutthepast.Anotableexception istheAfricanhistorianFrederickCooperwhopointedoutthatvagueandincoherent astheywere,imaginariesofglobalizationdrownedoutorassimilatedinnumerable otherspacesandlevelsofhumanactivityandsocialexchange.77 InConclusion:Colonialism,AntiColonialism,PostColonialismandHistories beyondNation Thehistoriographyofcolonialismilluminatestheunevenanduncertain openings,closures,paths,andbarriersthataglobalperspectivecanoftenocclude. Italsoarguesthebenefitsofviewingnational,regionalandcomparative, international/transnational,andglobal,whereversodistinguishable,as complementaryandintersectingtissuesofhistoricalnarrationoftenbetterablethan anyofthemindividually,todescribeourconnectedhistories.78 Thelate1990sandearly2000sfashionforregardingBritishcolonialismasthe mainvehiclefor19thcenturyglobalizationhasalreadybeennoted.79Thedominant imaginaryhereisofaninsulatedcolonialworldyankedoutofpremodernstrifeand stupor,andintroducedtotheadvantagesoftradeandmoderneconomic

WhatistheConceptofGlobalizationGoodfor?AnAfricanHistoriansPerspective,AfricanAffairs 100(2001):189213. 78Foranexplorationofsuchconnections,alsoinevitablyacrosshistoricalspecializations,duringthe threecenturiesprecedingBritishruleinSouthAsia,seeSanjaySubrahmanyam,Explorationsin ConnectedHistory:FromtheTagustotheGanges(Delhi:OxfordUniversityPress,2005). 79ThisargumentwasmostprovocativelymadeinFerguson,Empire.Fergusonisastaunchdefender ofAngloAmericanimperialismandglobalizationwhich,ironicallyenough,theiropponentsarejust aslikelytoregardasindistinguishabletwins!Foranargumentfocusedoncoloniallawand institutions,seeDam,Institutions,History,andEconomicDevelopment.

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organizationbythelaws,institutions,andinvestmentsthatBritishcolonialismmade possible. HoweverspecialisthistoriansofearlymodernChinaandIndia,forinstance, havelargelycometorejectthenotionofuniformlyinhospitableindigenouslegal andinstitutionallandscapesforpropertyandaccumulation.Nordotheyacceptthat theselandscapeswereunwaveringlyflattenedtoaccordwithliberalprinciples undercolonialrule.80 Relationshipsbetweencolonialismandprecolonialeconomicandtrading relationshipsandinstitutionswerealsomorecomplexthanargumentsexaggerating thematerialityoftheglobalallow.Forexample,whateveritseventualimpacton tradevolumesandvalues,atleastatfirstandwhereIndiawasconcerned, colonialismdidnotcreateasmuchasdisplacetrade(sayfromfinemanufacturesto coarsermanufacturesorrawmaterials)ordivertit(fromdenseandsomewhatmore balancedregionalandcontinentaltradingrelationshipstoimperialnetworks centeredonthemetropole).Theownershipoftradeandinvestmentfollowedsimilar patternswhichwerereinforcedbypoliticallymediated(ratherthanspontaneousor marketdriven)changesintheinstitutionalorganizationoftrade,banking,and otherformsofintermediation.81TheconsolidationofBritishsovereigntydid reconfigurethegeographiesoftradeandcapitalmobilityacrossAsia.Howeverlike
DavidWashbrook,Law,State,andAgrarianSocietyinColonialIndia,ModernAsianStudies15, no.3(1981):649721;morerecentlyseeRituBirla,StagesofCapital:Law,CultureandMarketGovernance inLateColonialIndia(Durham:DukeUniversityPress,2009);onChinaseePomeranz,Great Divergence. 81G.Balachandran,Introduction,inidem,ed.,IndiaandtheWorldEconomy,18501950(Delhi:Oxford UniversityPress,2003).
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Asiantradeandfinance,Asiantradersandbankerstooweresubordinatedto imperialandothermetropolitannetworksandinstitutionsorforcedintonichesthe lattercouldnotfill,sometimesevenastheirintermediaries.82Atthesametimetheir roleinlate19thandearly20thcenturytradingandfinancialnetworksemblematized indigenousbusinessscapacityforabroaderresponsetocompetitionfromEurope andthechallengesandopportunitiesofcolonialrule,anditspotentialfor autonomousexpansionanddiversificationintheregion.83Inshortaregionalor continentalperspectiveilluminatesdimensions,agencies,andrelationshipsthatare likelytobemissedbyapurelyglobalorimperialviewfocusingonthe metropolitancenteranditsrelationswiththeperiphery. Converselyafocusonindividualcolonialexperiences,aswasindeedthecase withmuchhistoricalworkinthe1970sand1980s,candetractfromthedenseinter connectionsofthemoderncolonialproject.Onesetofinterconnectionshasbeen particularlyprominentinthenewimperialhistoriography,viz.racializedand sexualizedWesternfearsandprejudicesaboutcolonialandindigenouspopulations, aswellasaboutlocalblacks,Asians,andtheworkingpoor,especiallywomen.At thesametimetheprecisecontextsforthesefearsandprejudices,thesocialand politicalresponsesfashionedfromthem,andtheirimmediateandlongerterm

ClaudeMarkovits,TheGlobalWorldofIndianMerchants,17501947:TradersofSindfromBukharato Panama(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2000);DavidRudner,CasteandCapitalismin ColonialIndia:TheNattukottaiChettiars(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1994);seealso Balachandran,Introduction,1014andthereferencestherein. 83OnthelastpointseeK.Sugihara,PatternsofAsiasIntegrationintotheWorldEconomy,1880 1913,inWolframFischer,R.M.McInnis,andJ.Schneider,eds,TheEmergenceoftheWorldEconomy, 15001914(Wiesbaden:FranzSteinerVerlag,1986),71421.

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consequences,alsoallborethemarksofthehistories,trajectories,andcomplexities ofindividualmetropolitanandcolonialexperiences.Thusasdenselyconnectedas themetropolitanexperiencesof,say,BritainandImperialGermanyorthecolonial experiencesof,say,IndiaandTrinidad(orforthatmatterEastAfrica)mayhave been,theirindividualhistoricalaccountswillinevitablyshareanddepartfromeach other,eveniftheymaynotalwaysoperateonregistersthatmakethesimilaritiesand departuresimmediateorevident. Thisgeneralizationappliesnolesstoanticolonialresistance,towhichbrief referencesweremadeabove,andforwhichthecolonieswereunsurprisinglythe mainsites.Thenatureofanticolonialmobilizationandleadership,anditsprograms andstrategieswerespecifictoindividualcolonies.ThiswasthecaseeveninAfrica despitetherecentandwhollycolonialnatureofthecontinentsmodern boundaries.Yetasmuchrecentresearchreveals,anticolonialresistancemovements alsonurturedanddevelopedinfluentialtranscontinentalconnections.Thesewere notonlymade,assometimessuggested,atmetropolitancenterssuchasLondonand Pariswherecolonialelitescametostudyorwork.84Theywerealsoforgedacross AsiaandNorthandSouthAmericathroughthespreadofthewrittenwordofanti colonialsentiment,andthespokenwordsofpoliticalleaderssuchasSunYatSen, writersandpoetssuchasJosRizalandRabindranathTagore,andanticolonial

RichardMalley,TheCallfromAlgeria:ThirdWorldism,Revolution,andtheTurntoIslam(Berkeley: UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1996),2023,who,however,alsonotesthatEuropecurtailedthe ecumenicalpromiseofthirdworldism(2930).

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activistssuchasthoseoftheGhadrmovement,traversingthesecontinents.85African American,PanAfrican,andanticolonialistmovementsalsomademanycommon causes.86Morebroadlyanticolonialism,anarchism,radicalsocialism,antiracism,as wellashybridresistantcivilizationalmovementssuchasPanAfricanism,Pan Arabism,PanAsianism,PanIslamismwhich,toadaptPrasenjitDuarasremarkon thecomplexrelationshipbetweenPanAsianismandJapanesenationalism,both fedandresistedthepullofnation,allexchangedideasandenergieswithone anothertoproducemanyheadyandpowerfulideologicalpoliticalmixturesat varioustimesandinvariouscombinations.87Theimpactoftheseideologiesand ideologicalcombinationswasmoreovernotconfinedtoanticolonialmobilization.It persistedafterindependenceinthedomesticandforeignpoliciesofmanypost colonialnations.Bandunganditsmanyafterlivesfurtherspeakeloquentlytotheir impactontheinternationalpoliticsofthepostwarera.88 Inshortthen,politicslikelifeunfoldsatdifferentlevelsandindifferent spacesbetweenwhichexistcomplexoverlays,complementarities,tensions,conflicts, andconnections.Besidestheconventionsandexpedienciesofscholarship,oftenin practicehistorianstoo,willfeelimpelledtoprivilegeoneoranotherlevelorlocus

CemilAydin,PoliticsofAntiWesternism(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,2007),8389,111 21;Anderson,UnderThreeFlags;Duara,DiscourseofCivilization. 86VonEschen,RaceagainstEmpire;Prashad,EverybodywasKungFuFighting;BillV.Mullen,Afro Orientalism(Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,2004),Chs.3and5. 87Prashad,DarkerNations;Prashad,EverybodywasKungFuFighting;Duara,Discourseof Civilization,110. 88ChristopherJ.Lee,TheBandungMomentanditsPoliticalAfterlives(AthensOH:OhioUniversity Press,2010)foressaysonconnectionswithintheglobalSouthandpostcolonialhistories:idem, IntroductionBetweenaMomentandanEra:TheOriginsandAfterlivesofBandung,2.

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fortheirstories.Howeveritisimportanttobeawareofthereasonsandlimitations ofsuchchoices,andalsorecognizethatnolevelorlocusofanalysiscancredibly claimfinallyordefinitivelytosubsumeallothers,muchlessrenderthemredundant. G.Balachandran ProfessorofInternationalHistoryandPolitics TheGraduateInstituteofInternationalandDevelopmentStudies gopalan.balachandran@graduateinstitute.ch

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