Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Number of speakers Mandarin English Hindi Spanish Russian Arabic Bengali Portuguese Indonesian Japanese French German 907 456 383 362 293 208 189 177 148 126 123 119
(Whaley 1997:139
Language sampling
Table 1. Percentage of basic constituent orders Order SVO SOV VSO VOS OVS OSV Greenberg (1966) 43% 37% 20% 0% 0% 0% Tomlin (1986) 42% 45% 9% 3% 1% 0%
Types of universals
1. Absolute universals vs. statistical universals a. All languages have vowels and consonants. b. Most languages place the subject before the object.
2. Implicational universals (1) Peter saw himself (in the mirror). (2) Peter saw him (in the mirror).
If a language has reflexive pronouns for first and second person, it also has reflexive pronouns for third person. Table 2. The crosslinguistic distribution of reflexives all persons reflexive non-reflexive x x 3. only person x
There are languages that have reflexive pronouns for all persons. There are languages that do not have reflexive pronouns at all. There are languages that employ reflexive pronouns only for 3. person. There is no language that employs reflexive pronouns except for 3. person. me you him/her/it mich dich ihm/ihr/es m hine/hi/hit myself yourself himself/herself/itself mich dich sich m hine/hi/hit
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English
German
Old English
3. Universal hierarchies
a. b.
SUBJ > OBJ > OBL > GEN white/black > red > green/yellow > blue > brown
4. Semantic maps
any-
English
questions indirect negation no specific known specific unknown irrealis non-specific conditional comparative free choice direct negation
some
I saw somebody/*anybody. Did you see somebody/anybody. I didnt see *somebody/anybody. *Somebody/anybody can win.
-MO
Japanese
questions KA indirect negation direct negation
specific known
Specific unknown
irrealis non-specific
conditional
comparative
free choice
-DEMO
2. Discourse (1) The police officer saw the womani. He probably knew heri but (2) The police officer saw heri. He probably knew the womani but 3. Sentence processing (1) The man who Peter who was tired saw was sick.
4. Economy (1) lexical word > grammatical word > affix > zero
5. Iconicity (1) a. We went home before Mary left. b. Before Mary left we went home. (2) a. We went home after Mary left. b. After Mary left we went home.
Competing motivations Iconic MAIN-SUB SUB-MAIN x, before y after x, y Non-iconic y, after x before y, x
Grammatical categories
Parts-of-speech (lexical categories) Nouns (N) Verbs (V) Adjectives (ADJ) Adverbs (ADV) Pronouns (PRO) Determiner (DET) Preposition (P) Conjunction (COMP) Auxiliaries (AUX)
Thematic roles Agent Patent Theme Experiencer Beneficary Instrument Location Recipient
Phrasal categories Noun phrases (NP) Verb phrase (VP) Prepositional phrase (PP) Clause/sentence (S)
Number
Tmpisa Shoshone (Uto-Aztecan) (1) kapaayu- horse-SG the/a horse (2) kapaayu-angku horse-DU (two) horses (3) kapaayu-amm horse-PL (more than two) horses
my two fish
Case Luiseno (Uto-Aztecan) (1) ?wut kasila-y eagle lizard-OBJ toow-q see-SG
suffixes
The horse saw the king. Japanese (1) John John ga Mary o OBJ but-ta hit-PST words
SUBJ Mary
John hit Mary. English (1) (2) I saw the Queens crown. I saw the Queen of Englands crown. clitics
clitics
I saw the man. (2) [km man kr]-ga big-OBJ rskena I.saw
I saw the big man. (3) [ft Compound [km man kr]ve]-ga big-GEN-OBJ rskena I.saw
Direct and indirect object Latin (IE) (1) puell-ae girl-DAT pecni-am money-ACC da-t give-3S
Locative case markers allative illative ablative motion to absence of motion motion away from
Instrumental case Yareba (Papua New Guinea) (1) dana he boro pig auri-ma spear-INST yanai spear.3S
Possessive affixes Masalit (Nilotic) (1) leri-mbe donkey-1SG my donkey (2) leri-na donkey-2SG your donkey (3) leri-ta donkey-3SG his/her donkey Table 1. Alienable and inalienable possession in Cree Alienable possession +possessor ni-mhkomn 1SG-knife my knife -possessor mhkomn knife a knife Inalienable possession +possessor ni-sksik 1SG-eye my eye -possessor mi-sksik (*sksik) non.POSS-eye an eye
Gender / Noun Class (1) (2) (3) Der Mann Die Frau Das Mdchen
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Dyirbal (Pama-Nyungan) (1) a. bayi MASC yara man b. bayi MASC yamani rainbow
the/a rainbow
Mandarin (Sinitic) (1) sn-ge Three-CLASS three people (2) zhi-zhn This-CLASS this lamp (3) zhi-ge This-CLASS this chair (4) ni-tio That-CLASS that cow ni cow yzi chair dng lamp rn person
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Definiteness Swedish (1) hus-et house-DEF the house (2) hus-en house-INDEF a house
NP N PP N N NP N
DET The
ADJ young
N N P mans dream of
DET a
A N good life
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Pronouns
Personal pronouns
1. person I me we
(1)
Finnish (Uralic) (1) laul-an laula-t laula-vi laula-mme laula-tte laula-vat I sing You sing He sings We wing You sing They sing
You will like me He will like me He will like you He will like him
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I will like you I will like him You will like him
Possessive pronouns
Relative pronouns
(1) (2)
Indefinite pronouns
Universal Positive
Pronoun everyone everybody everything all both no one nobody nothing none
Determiner every/each
Negative
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Partitive Assertive
Determiner some
Nonassertive
any/either
Interrogative pronouns
(1)
Demonstrative pronouns
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Diessel, Holger. 2003. The relationship between demonstratives and interrogatives. Studies in Language.
Demonstrative Pronouns
Interrogative Pronouns
Relative PRO
Indefinite PRO
Possessive PRO
Syntactic properties
Table 1. English
DEMONSTRATIVE INTERROGATIVE
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Table 2. French DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUN NOUN MODIFIER ADVERB celui / celle ce / cette ice, l INTERROGATIVE qui / que quel / quelle o, quand, pourquoi, comment
Semantic features
Table 3. DEM and WH in English Demonstratives Person Thing Place Direction:to Direction:from Time Manner that (one) that (one) there thither thence then thus (that way) Interrogatives who what where whither whence when how
Table 4. DEM and WH in Punjabi (Bhatia 1993: 233) Demonstratives Person Thing Place Direction Time Manner Amount tthe ddar huN v nnaa
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Table 5. DEM and WH in Lezgian (Haspelmath 1993: 188) Demonstratives Person/Thing Place Place:at Place:on Place:in Direction:to Direction:from Manner Amount Quality im inag ina inal inra iniz inaj ik iqwan ixtin Interrogatives him / wuz& hinag hina hinal hinra hiniz hinaj hik(a) hiqwan hixtin
Table 6. DEM and WH in Japanese (Hinds 1986: 266, 270) Demonstratives Person Thing Place Direction Manner Amount kore koko kochira koo konna ni Interrogatives dare dore doko dochira doo donna ni
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Table 7. DEM and WH in Malayalam (Asher and Kumari 1997:268) Demonstratives Person Thing Place Direction:to Time Manner Amount ii ii iviTe inn ippoo iine itra Interrogatives evan / aar ent eviTe enn eppoo eine etra
Interrogatives tend to distinguish between human (who) and nonhuman (what) referents. Demonstratives are deictic, i.e. they distinguish between proximal and distal forms.
Phonetic features
Demonstratives and interrogatives share two phonetic features: In some languages, they all begin with the same formative They are generally stressed.
Explanation
The semantic similarities between demonstratives and interrogatives are motivated by similar pragmatic functions. Both types of expressions are directives. They function to draw the hearers attention on entities that previously were not activated or in focus.
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Verbal categories
Lindsay J. Whaley. 1997. Introduction to Linguistic Typology. The Unity and Diversity of Language, chap 4. Thousands Oaks: Sage Publications
Tense
Absolute tense Peter is working Peter was working Peter has been working Peter will be working Present Past Present Perfect Future 1
Relative tense Peter had been working (before he went to bed) Peter will have finished work (when you come)
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1. Tense affixes
Latin (IE) voc- voc-bam voc-b voc-vi voc-veram voc-ver I call / I am calling I was calling / I used to call I will call I called / I have called I had called I will have called PRESENT PAST FUTURE PERFECT PAST PERFECT FUTURE PERFECT
Aspect
Perfective
Imperfective
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[-dynamic]
[+dynamic]
[-durative] [+durative]
[+durative]
[-durative]
semelfactives
activities
achievements
accomplishments
(1) She hated ice cream. (2) The gate banged. (3) Your cat watched those birds. (4) The cease-fire began at noon yesterday. (5) Her boss learned Japanese.
Mood Subjunctive German (1) Er kommt zur Party. (2) Er sagt er komme (kme) zur Party. (3) Wenn er zur Party kme,
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English (1) I insist that we reconsider the Councils decision. (2) The employees demand that he resign. (3) I suggest that you be President. (4) If she were leaving you would have heard about it. (5) I wish I were you.
deontic epistemic
Imperative (1) Give me the key. (2) Gib mir den Schlssel. (3) Geben Sie mir den Schlssel.
desu ka is Q
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Swahili (Niger-Congo) (1) a-li-ni-piga 3SG.SUBJ-PST-1SG.OBJ-hit He/she hit me. English (IE) (1) Peter kicked the ball. (2) The ball was kicked (by Peter). Turkish (Turkic) (1) Hasan l-d. Hasan die-PST Hasan died. (2) Ali Hasan l-dr-d. Ali Hsan die-CAUSE-PST
PERSON
PASSIVE
CAUSATIVE
Ali killed Hasan. Maasai (Nilo-Saharan) (1) m-a-rany NEG-1S-sing I do not sing. German (IE) (1) hin-/her-bringen hin-/her-stellen hin-/her-laufen hin-/her-legen hin-/her-schwimmen DIRECTION NEGATION
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Morphological typology
Lindsay J. Whaley. 1997. Introduction to Linguistic Typology. The Unity and Diversity of Language, chap 8. Thousands Oaks: Sage Publications
Index of Synthesis
Isolating
Synthetic
Languages with no bound morphemes are called isolating languages. Strictly speaking, there are no languages that do not have at least some bound morphemes. However, some languages have very little bound morphology.
(1)
When I
house friend I
chng ti bt PL I begin
u lm do
bi. lessen
we began to do lessons.
Languages with a large amount of inflectional morphology are called synthetic languages.
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(2) Kirundi (Whaley 1997:20) Y-a-bi-gur-i-ye CL1-PST-CL8.them-buy-APPL-ASP He bought them for the children. abna CL2.children
(3) Mohawk (Mithun 1984: 868) a. r-ukwet-:yo he-person-nice He is a nice person. b. wa-hi-sereth-hare-se PST-he/me-car-wash-for He car-wash for me. (= He washed my car) c. kvtsyu fish v-kuwa-nyat-:ase FUT-they/her-throat-slit
Index of fusion
Agglutinative
Fusional
Languages in which semantic features are expressed by separate and clearly identifiable morphemes are called agglutinative languages.
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(1)
Turkish (Comrie 1981: 44) SG Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative Locative Ablative adam adam-K adam-Kn adam-a adam-da adam-dan PL adam-lar adam-lar- K adam-lar- Kn adam-lar-a adam-lar-da adam-lar-dan
Languages in which several semantic features are expressed by a portmanteau morpheme are called fusional languages. Portmanteau morphemes must be memorized.
(2) Russian SG Nominative Accusative Genitive Dative Instrumental Prepositional stol stol stol-a stol-u stol-om stol-e PL stol-y stol-y stol-ov stol-am stol-ami stol-ax SG lip-a lip-u lip-y lip-e lip-oj lip-e PL lip-y lip-y lip lip-am lip-ami lip-ax
pa pi po
no mo o
st
ku ko ka
SG DU PL
sa si so
2nd 3rd
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Table 1. Oneida verbal inflection Prepronominal Negation Direction Iterative Partative Pronominal I I:you.SG I:you.DU I:you.PL I:he you.SG:me you.DU:me you.PL:me Stem Verb Suffixes Aspect
a.
(1)
Melanesian Pidgin (Whaley 1997: 136) aus blo mi me > aus blo-mi
house belong
house of-me / my
(2)
> >
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however because
b.
(1)
Paamese (Whaley 1997: 137) a. *na-i-lesi- I-FUT-see-it b. *ko-i-lesi-nau you-FUT-see-me > > ni-lesi- I.FUT-see-it ki-lesi-nau you.FUT-see-me
c.
Table 1. Nominal declension in Old English SG NOM GEN DAT ACC stan stan-es stan-e stan PL stan-as stan-a stan-um stan-as
Table 2. Nominal declension in Modern English SG NOM GEN stone stones PL ston-es ston-es
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fusional
Loss
Fusion
isolating
Reduction
agglutinative
We dont have any evidence of any language that went through the entire circle, but we have abundant evidence for partial developments. Languages can be isolating in one domain and highly fusional in another domain (e.g. Oneida nouns and verbs). Thus, it is better to think about the different morphological types as characterizations of grammar sections rather than as characterizations of whole languages.
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Possessive constructions
(1)
dependent-marking
(2)
head-marking
The mans house (3) Turkish (Comrie 1989: 53) Adam-Kn Man-POSS ev-i house-his double-marking
the mans house (4) Haruai (Comrie 1989: 1989: 53) nb man ram house no marking
Table 1. Johanna Nichols (1986) Head-dependent pairs Level Phrase Head Possessed noun Noun Adposition Clause Predicate Auxiliary
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Clauses
(1)
Chechen (Dryer Workbook) da:-s father-ERG woa-na son-DAT urs- knife-NOM t:xira struck dependent
The father stabbed the son. (2) Japanese boku I ga tomudati ni to hana o t:xira dependent
SUBJ friend
The man gave the woman the book. (3) Abkhaz (Dryer workbook) a-xc?a the-man a-p@s the man a-Sq?@ the-book -l@-y-te-yt? it-her-he-gave-FIN head
The man gave the woman the book. (4) Tzutujil (Dryer workbook) x--kee-tij tzyaq chooyaa? rats head
ASP-3SG-3PL-ate clothes Rats ate the clothes. (5) Dani (Dryer workbook) ap Man palu-nen python-OBJ
-nasikh-e 3SG.OBJ-eat.PST-3SG-SUBJ
double
The python ate the man. (6) English The man gave Peter the book. zero
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Adpositional constructions
(1)
German wegen des Wetters mit dem Wind gegen den Wind
dependent
(2)
dependent
with (the) brother) (3) Abkhaz (Dryer workbook) a-j@yas the-river at the river (4) Tzutujil (Dryer workbook) ruu-majk 3SG-because.of jar the aachi man head a-qn@ its-at head
because of the man (5) Turkish (Dryer workbook) Mehmed-in Mehmed-POSS Mehmeds hand (6) Tiwi (Dryer workbook) j@r@k@pai crocodile tuwaia tail zero el-i hand-his double
crocodiles tail
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1. Head/dependent marking and level If a language has head-marking morphology anywhere, it will have it at the clause level.
2. Word order and head/dependent marking Head-marking morphology favours verb-initial order, while dependentmarking morphology disfavours it.
3. Occurrence of arguments and head/dependent marking If a language has head-marking at the clause level, arguments can usually be omitted.
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